Niccolò Machiavelli · Complete work
Chapter VIII
Chapter VIII of 27. Read it here for reference, or continue through the entire work without leaving the reader.
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Di quelli che per scelleratezze sono pervenuti al Principato.
Ma perchè di privato si diventa ancora in duoi modi Principe, il che non si può al tutto, o alla fortuna, o alla virtù attribuire, non mi pare da lasciargli indietro, ancora che dell’uno si possa più diffusamente ragionare dove si trattasse delle Republiche. Questi sono, quando o per qualche via scellerata e nefaria si ascende al Principato, o quando uno privato cittadino con il favore degli altri suoi cittadini diventa Principe della sua patria. E, parlando del primo modo, si mostrerà con duoi esempi, l’uno antico, l’altro moderno, senza entrare altrimenti ne’ meriti di questa parte, perchè giudico che bastino a chi fusse necessitato imitargli. Agatocle Siciliano, non solo di privata, ma d’infima ed abietta fortuna, divenne Re di Siracusa. Costui nato di un orciolaio, tenne sempre per i gradi della sua fortuna vita scellerata. Nondimanco accompagnò le sue scelleratezze con tanta virtù di animo e di corpo, che voltosi alla milizia, per li gradi di quella pervenne ad essere Pretore di Siracusa. Nel quale grado essendo costituito, ed avendo deliberato volere diventar Principe, e tenere con violenza e senza obbligo d’altri quello che d’accordo gli era stato concesso, ed avuto di questo suo disegno intelligenza con Amilcare Cartaginese, il quale con gli eserciti militava in Sicilia, congregò una mattina il Popolo ed il Senato di Siracusa, come se egli avesse avuto a deliberare cose pertinenti alla Repubblica; e, ad uno cenno ordinato, fece da’ suoi soldati uccidere tutti li Senatori, e li più ricchi del popolo; li quali morti, occupò e tenne il Principato di quella città senza alcuna controversia civile. E benchè da’ Cartaginesi fusse due volte rotto, e ultimamente assediato, non solamente potè difendere la sua città, ma lasciata parte della sua gente alla difesa di quella, con l’altre assaltò l’Affrica, e in breve tempo liberò Siracusa dall’assedio, e condusse i Cartaginesi in estrema necessità: i quali furono necessitati ad accordarsi con quello, ad essere contenti della possessione dell’Affrica, e ad Agatocle lasciare la Sicilia.
Chi considerasse adunque le azioni e virtù di costui, non vedria cose o poche, le quali possa attribuire alla fortuna, conciossiachè, come di sopra è detto, non per favore di alcuno, ma per li gradi della milizia, quali con mille disagi e pericoli si aveva guadagnato, pervenisse al Principato, e quello dipoi con tanti animosi partiti e pericolosi mantenesse. Non si può chiamare ancora virtù ammazzare li suoi cittadini, tradire gli amici, essere senza fede, senza pietà, senza religione; li quali modi possono far acquistare imperio, ma non gloria. Perchè se si considerasse la virtù di Agatocle nell’entrare e nell’uscire de’ pericoli, e la grandezza dell’animo suo nel sopportare e superare le cose avverse, non si vede perchè egli abbia ad essere tenuto inferiore a qualsisia eccellentissimo capitano. Nondimeno la sua efferata crudeltà e inumanità, con infinite scelleratezze, non consentono che sia tra li eccellentissimi uomini celebrato. Non si può adunque attribuire alla fortuna o alla virtù quello che senza l’una e l’altra fu da lui conseguito. Ne’ tempi nostri, regnante Alessandro VI, Oliverotto da Fermo, essendo più anni addietro rimaso piccolo, fu da un suo zio materno, chiamato Giovanni Fogliani, allevato, e ne’ primi tempi della sua gioventù dato a militare sotto Paulo Vitelli, acciocchè ripieno di quella disciplina, pervenisse a qualche grado eccellente di milizia. Morto dipoi Paulo, militò sotto Vitellozzo suo fratello, ed in brevissimo tempo, per essere ingegnoso, e della persona e dell’animo gagliardo, diventò de’ primi uomini della sua milizia. Ma parendogli cosa servile lo stare con altri, pensò, con l’aiuto di alcuni cittadini di Fermo, a’ quali era più cara la servitù, che la libertà della loro patria, e con il favore Vitellesco, di occupare Fermo; e scrisse a Giovanni Fogliani, come essendo stato più anni fuor di casa, voleva venire a veder lui e la sua città, e in qualche parte ricognoscere il suo patrimonio. E perchè non si era affaticato per altro, che per acquistare onore, acciocchè i suoi cittadini vedessero come non aveva speso il tempo invano, voleva venire onorevolmente, ed accompagnato da cento cavalli di suoi amici e servitori, e pregavalo che fusse contento ordinare che da’ Firmani fusse ricevuto onoratamente; il che non solamente tornava onore a lui, ma a sè proprio, essendo suo allievo.
Non mancò pertanto Giovanni di alcuno officio debito verso il nipote, e fattolo ricevere onoratamente da’ Firmani, alloggiò nelle case sue, dove passato alcun giorno, ed atteso a ordinare quello che alla sua futura scelleratezza era necessario, fece un convito solennissimo, dove invitò Giovanni Fogliani, e tutti li primi uomini di Fermo. Ed avuto che ebbero fine le vivande, e tutti gli altri intrattenimenti che in simili conviti si fanno, Oliverotto ad arte mosse certi ragionamenti gravi, parlando della grandezza di Papa Alessandro e di Cesare suo figliuolo, e dell’imprese loro; alli quali ragionamenti rispondendo Giovanni e gli altri, egli ad un tratto si rizzò, dicendo quelle essere cose da parlarne in più segreto luogo, e ritirossi in una camera, dove Giovanni e tutti gli altri cittadini gli andarono dietro: Nè prima furono posti a sedere, che da luoghi secreti di quella uscirono soldati che ammazzarono Giovanni e tutti gli altri. Dopo il quale omicidio montò Oliverotto a cavallo, e corse la terra, ed assediò nel palazzo il supremo magistrato; tantochè per paura furono costretti ubbidirlo, e fermare un governo, del quale si fece Principe. E morti tutti quelli che, per essere malcontenti, lo potevano offendere, si corroborò con nuovi ordini civili e militari; in modo che in spazio di un anno che tenne il Principato, non solamente egli era sicuro nella città di Fermo, ma era diventato formidabile a tutti li suoi vicini; e sarebbe stata la sua espugnazione difficile, come quella di Agatocle, se non si fusse lasciato ingannare da Cesare Borgia, quando a Sinigaglia, come di sopra si disse, prese gli Orsini e Vitelli, dove, preso ancora lui, un anno dopo il commesso parricidio, fu insieme con Vitellozzo, il quale aveva avuto maestro delle virtù e scelleratezze sue, strangolato.
Potrebbe alcuno dubitare donde nascesse che Agatocle ed alcuno simile, dopo infiniti tradimenti e crudeltà, potette vivere lungamente sicuro nella sua patria, e difendersi dagl’inimici esterni, e da suoi cittadini non gli fu mai conspirato contra; conciossiachè molti altri, mediante la crudeltà, non abbino mai possuto ancora ne’ tempi pacifici mantenere lo Stato, non che ne’ tempi dubbiosi di guerre. Credo che questo avvenga dalle crudeltà male usate o bene usate. Bene usate si possono chiamare quelle, se del male è lecito dire bene, che si fanno una sol volta per necessità dell’assicurarsi, e dipoi non vi s’insiste dentro, ma si convertiscono in più utilità de’ sudditi che si può. Le male usate sono quelle, quali ancora che da principio siano poche, crescono piuttosto col tempo che le si spenghino. Coloro che osserveranno quel primo modo, possono con Dio e con gli uomini allo Stato loro avere qualche rimedio, come ebbe Agatocle. Quegli altri è impossibile si mantenghino. Onde è da notare, che nel pigliare uno Stato, debbe l’occupatore di esso discorrere e fare tutte le crudeltà in un tratto, e per non avere a ritornarvi ogni dì, e per potere, non l’innovando, assicurare gli uomini, e guadagnarseli con beneficargli. Chi fa altrimente per timidità o per mal consiglio, è sempre necessitato tenere il coltello in mano, nè mai si può fondare sopra i suoi sudditi, non si potendo quelli, per le continue e fresche ingiurie, assicurare di lui. Perchè le ingiurie si debbono fare tutte insieme, acciocchè assaporandosi meno, offendino meno; li beneficii si debbono fare a poco a poco, acciocchè si assaporino meglio. E deve sopra tutto un Principe vivere con li suoi sudditi in modo che nessuno accidente, o di male, o di bene, lo abbia a far variare; perchè, venendo per li tempi avversi la necessità, tu non sei a tempo al male; ed il bene che tu fai, non ti giova, perchè è giudicato forzato, e non grado alcuno ne riporti.
Musean translation
Mouseia’s complete machine-assisted Musean translation, made directly from the Italian text of all 26 chapters and the dedication for fidelity, Machiavelli’s force and cadence, and modern clarity.
Of Those Who Have Come to a Principality Through Crimes
But since a private man may also become Prince in two ways that cannot be attributed entirely either to fortune or to ability, I do not think they should be passed over, though one of them could be discussed more fully in a treatment of republics. These are when someone rises to a principality by some criminal and wicked means, or when a private citizen becomes Prince of his country with the favor of his fellow citizens. Speaking of the first way, I shall illustrate it with two examples, one ancient and one modern, without otherwise entering into the merits of this matter, since I judge these sufficient for anyone compelled to imitate them. Agathocles the Sicilian became King of Syracuse from a station not merely private but humble and lowly. Born the son of a potter, he led a criminal life at every stage of his ascent. Nevertheless, he joined his crimes to such strength of mind and body that, turning to military service, he rose through its ranks to become praetor of Syracuse. Once established in that office, he resolved to become Prince and to hold by force, owing nothing to anyone, what had been granted him by common consent. Having reached an understanding about this design with Hamilcar the Carthaginian, who was campaigning in Sicily with his armies, he assembled the people and senate of Syracuse one morning as though he had matters concerning the republic to discuss. At a prearranged signal, he had his soldiers kill all the senators and the richest men of the people. With them dead, he seized and held the principality of that city without any civil opposition. And although the Carthaginians defeated him twice and finally besieged him, he was able not only to defend his city but, leaving part of his forces to defend it, to attack Africa with the rest. In a short time he relieved the siege of Syracuse and drove the Carthaginians to such desperate straits that they were forced to make terms with him, content to keep Africa and leave Sicily to Agathocles.
Anyone considering this man's actions and powers would see little, if anything, that could be attributed to fortune. For, as I have said, he came to the principality not through anyone's favor but through the ranks of military service, earned amid a thousand hardships and dangers; afterward he held it by decisions as bold as they were perilous. Yet killing one's fellow citizens, betraying one's friends, and living without faith, mercy, or religion cannot be called virtue. Such means can win dominion, but not glory. For if we consider Agathocles' skill in entering and escaping danger, and the greatness of his spirit in enduring and overcoming adversity, there is no reason to rank him below the most excellent of commanders. Nevertheless, his savage cruelty and inhumanity, together with his countless crimes, forbid us to celebrate him among the most excellent of men. What he gained without either fortune or virtue cannot, then, be credited to either. In our own times, during the reign of Pope Alexander VI, Oliverotto da Fermo was left fatherless at an early age and brought up by his maternal uncle, Giovanni Fogliani. In his early youth he was sent to serve under Paolo Vitelli, so that, trained in military discipline, he might attain some distinguished rank in arms. After Paolo's death he served under his brother Vitellozzo, and in a very short time, being ingenious and vigorous in body and spirit, he became one of the foremost men in his army. But service under another seemed servile to him, and he planned to seize Fermo with the help of some of its citizens, who preferred their country's subjection to its liberty, and with the support of the Vitelli. He wrote to Giovanni Fogliani that, having been away from home for many years, he wished to come and see him and his city, and to take some stock of his inheritance. Since he had labored for nothing but honor, he wished to come in honorable fashion, accompanied by a hundred horsemen, friends and servants of his, so that his fellow citizens might see that he had not spent his time in vain. He asked Giovanni to arrange for the people of Fermo to receive him with honor; this would bring honor not only to Oliverotto, but to Giovanni himself, whose ward he had been.
Giovanni therefore neglected no duty toward his nephew: he arranged an honorable reception by the people of Fermo and lodged him in his own house. After some days there, spent preparing what was needed for his coming crime, Oliverotto gave a magnificent banquet to which he invited Giovanni Fogliani and all the leading men of Fermo. When the meal and all the other entertainments customary at such feasts had ended, Oliverotto deliberately raised grave subjects, speaking of the greatness of Pope Alexander and his son Cesare and of their enterprises. As Giovanni and the others replied, he suddenly rose, saying that these were matters to be discussed in greater privacy, and withdrew into a room. Giovanni and all the other citizens followed him. No sooner had they sat down than soldiers emerged from hiding places in the room and killed Giovanni and all the others. After this murder Oliverotto mounted his horse, rode through the town, and besieged its highest magistrate in the palace. Fear forced them to obey him and establish a government of which he made himself Prince. Having killed all those whose discontent might have threatened him, he strengthened his position with new civil and military institutions. Thus, in the year he held the principality, he was not only secure in Fermo but had become formidable to all his neighbors. His overthrow would have been as difficult as that of Agathocles if he had not allowed Cesare Borgia to deceive him when, as I said above, Cesare captured the Orsini and Vitelli at Senigallia. Oliverotto was captured there too, and a year after the murder of his uncle and the others he was strangled alongside Vitellozzo, the master from whom he had learned his abilities and his crimes.
Someone may wonder how Agathocles, and others like him, could live for so long in safety in their own country after countless betrayals and cruelties, defend themselves against enemies abroad, and never face a conspiracy among their own citizens, when many others have been unable, through cruelty, to hold their states even in peaceful times, much less in the uncertainties of war. I believe the difference lies in cruelty used badly or used well. Cruelties may be called well used—if it is permissible to speak well of evil—when they are carried out once, from the necessity of securing one's position, and are not then continued, but are turned to the greatest possible benefit of the subjects. Badly used cruelties are those which, however few at first, multiply with time instead of dying out. Those who follow the first course may find some means of preserving their state before God and men, as Agathocles did. Those who follow the other cannot possibly endure. Therefore it should be noted that, on taking a state, its conqueror must think through and carry out all the cruelties at once, so that he need not return to them every day, and so that, by not renewing them, he can reassure men and win them over by doing them good. Anyone who acts otherwise, from timidity or bad counsel, must always keep a knife in his hand. He can never rely on his subjects, for continual, fresh injuries prevent them from feeling safe with him. Injuries must be inflicted all at once, so that, being tasted less, they give less offense; benefits must be bestowed little by little, so that they may be tasted more fully. Above all, a Prince should live with his subjects in such a way that no event, good or bad, can make him change his course. For when adversity brings necessity, it is too late for you to do harm; and the good you do then avails you nothing, because it is judged to have been forced on you, and earns you no gratitude.
Plain English translation
Mouseia’s complete Plain English edition, made independently and directly from the Italian text of all 26 chapters and the dedication.
On Those Who Have Gained a Principality Through Crime
There are two other ways for a private person to become a Prince. Neither can be explained entirely by fortune or ability, so I should not leave them out. One could be discussed at greater length in a work about republics. The first way is to rise to a principality through wicked and criminal acts. The second is for a private citizen to become Prince of his own country with the support of his fellow citizens. I will explain the first with two examples, one ancient and one modern. I will not otherwise discuss the merits of this way of gaining power. These examples should be enough for anyone who finds himself forced to imitate them. Agathocles of Sicily became king of Syracuse, though he came not just from private life but from the lowest and humblest position. He was born the son of a potter and led a criminal life at every stage of his rise. Even so, his crimes went together with such strength of mind and body that, when he joined the army, he rose through its ranks to become praetor of Syracuse. Once he held that office, he decided to become Prince. He meant to take by force, and without owing anyone for it, the power that had been granted to him by agreement. He made his plan known to Hamilcar the Carthaginian, who was campaigning with his armies in Sicily. Then one morning he called together the people and senate of Syracuse, as though they were to discuss public business. At a prearranged signal, he had his soldiers kill all the senators and the richest citizens. With them dead, he seized and held the principality of the city without any civil opposition. The Carthaginians defeated him twice and finally besieged him. Yet he not only defended his city: he left part of his force to guard it and attacked Africa with the rest. Soon he had freed Syracuse from the siege and reduced the Carthaginians to desperate straits. They had to make peace with him, accepting possession of Africa and leaving Sicily to Agathocles.
Anyone who considers this man's actions and abilities will find little or nothing to put down to fortune. As I said, he did not reach the principality through anyone's favor. He won his way up through military ranks at the cost of a thousand hardships and dangers, then kept his power through bold and dangerous decisions. But killing one's fellow citizens, betraying friends, and having no loyalty, pity, or religion cannot be called virtue. Such methods can win power, but not glory. If we look at Agathocles' skill in facing and escaping danger, and at his courage in enduring and overcoming setbacks, there is no reason to rank him below the finest commanders. Yet his savage cruelty, his inhumanity, and his countless crimes prevent us from praising him as one of the greatest men. So what he achieved cannot be credited either to fortune or to virtue; he gained it without either. In our own times, during the reign of Pope Alexander, Oliverotto da Fermo had been orphaned as a young child some years earlier. His maternal uncle, Giovanni Fogliani, brought him up. While Oliverotto was still young, Giovanni sent him to serve as a soldier under Paolo Vitelli, so that military training might help him rise to a high rank. After Paolo died, Oliverotto served under his brother Vitellozzo. He was clever and strong in body and spirit, and soon became one of the leading men in the army. But he felt it was beneath him to serve someone else. With the help of certain citizens of Fermo, who preferred their country's subjection to its freedom, and with the support of the Vitelli family, he planned to seize Fermo. He wrote to Giovanni Fogliani that, after many years away from home, he wanted to visit his uncle and his city and look into his inheritance. He said that all his efforts had been aimed at winning honor. To show his fellow citizens that he had not wasted his time, he wanted to arrive in style, accompanied by a hundred horsemen who were his friends and servants. He asked Giovanni to arrange for the people of Fermo to give him an honorable welcome. This, he said, would honor not only Oliverotto but Giovanni himself, since Giovanni had raised him.
Giovanni did everything an uncle should for his nephew. He arranged a fine welcome from the people of Fermo and lodged Oliverotto in his own house. After a few days, Oliverotto had made all the preparations needed for the crime he planned. He held a lavish banquet and invited Giovanni Fogliani and all the leading men of Fermo. When the meal and the other entertainments customary at such feasts were over, Oliverotto deliberately brought up weighty subjects. He spoke about the power of Pope Alexander and his son Cesare, and about their campaigns. As Giovanni and the others answered him, Oliverotto suddenly rose. He said these matters should be discussed in a more private place and went into a room, followed by Giovanni and all the other citizens. They had barely sat down when soldiers came out of hiding in the room and killed Giovanni and all the others. After the murders, Oliverotto mounted his horse, rode through the town, and besieged the chief magistrate in the palace. Fear forced the officials to obey him and establish a government with Oliverotto as Prince. He killed everyone whose discontent might make them a threat. Then he strengthened his position with new civilian and military arrangements. In the year he held the principality, he became not only secure in Fermo but feared by all his neighbors. Like Agathocles, he would have been hard to overthrow if he had not let Cesare Borgia deceive him. As I said earlier, Cesare captured the Orsini and Vitelli at Senigallia. He captured Oliverotto there as well. A year after killing his uncle, Oliverotto was strangled alongside Vitellozzo, the man who had taught him both his military skills and his crimes.
Someone may wonder how Agathocles and others like him could commit countless acts of betrayal and cruelty yet live safely for many years in their own country, defend themselves against foreign enemies, and never face a conspiracy from their own citizens. Many others have been unable to keep their states through cruelty even in peacetime, let alone in the uncertain times of war. I believe the difference lies in whether cruelty is used well or badly. Cruelty can be called well used, if it is right to say anything good of evil, when it is committed once, out of the need to make one's position secure. It must not be continued afterward, and the ruler must turn to doing as much good as possible for his subjects. Cruelty is badly used when it starts small but grows over time instead of coming to an end. Those who follow the first course may find a way, before God and men, to maintain their rule, as Agathocles did. Those who follow the second cannot maintain it. A man who takes over a state should therefore think through every cruel act he needs to commit and do them all at once. Then he will not have to return to them every day. By not repeating them, he can make people feel safe and win them over with benefits. If fear or bad advice leads him to do otherwise, he must always keep a knife in his hand. He can never count on his subjects, since each fresh injury keeps them from trusting him. Injuries should be done all at once so that they are felt less sharply and cause less resentment. Benefits should be given little by little so that people appreciate them more. Above all, a Prince should live with his subjects in such a way that no event, good or bad, forces him to change his conduct. When hard times bring a need for harsh measures, it is too late to use them. Any good he does then is useless to him, because people think he was forced to do it and feel no gratitude.