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History of the Peloponnesian War
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History of the Peloponnesian War

Thucydides · Plain English translation — Mouseia

Ancient Greek source edition on the Perseus Digital Library

Book 1

Ancient Greek

Chapter 1

1 Θουκυδίδης Ἀθηναῖος ξυνέγραψε τὸν πόλεμον τῶν Πελοποννησίων καὶ Ἀθηναίων, ὡς ἐπολέμησαν πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ἀρξάμενος εὐθὺς καθισταμένου καὶ ἐλπίσας μέγαν τε ἔσεσθαι καὶ ἀξιολογώτατον τῶν προγεγενημένων, τεκμαιρόμενος ὅτι ἀκμάζοντές τε ᾖσαν ἐς αὐτὸν ἀμφότεροι παρασκευῇ τῇ πάσῃ καὶ τὸ ἄλλο Ἑλληνικὸν ὁρῶν ξυνιστάμενον πρὸς ἑκατέρους, τὸ μὲν εὐθύς, τὸ δὲ καὶ διανοούμενον.

2 κίνησις γὰρ αὕτη μεγίστη δὴ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἐγένετο καὶ μέρει τινὶ τῶν βαρβάρων, ὡς δὲ εἰπεῖν καὶ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀνθρώπων.

3 τὰ γὰρ πρὸ αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ ἔτι παλαίτερα σαφῶς μὲν εὑρεῖν διὰ χρόνου πλῆθος ἀδύνατα ἦν, ἐκ δὲ τεκμηρίων ὧν ἐπὶ μακρότατον σκοποῦντί μοι πιστεῦσαι ξυμβαίνει οὐ μεγάλα νομίζω γενέσθαι οὔτε κατὰ τοὺς πολέμους οὔτε ἐς τὰ ἄλλα.

Chapter 2

1 φαίνεται γὰρ ἡ νῦν Ἑλλὰς καλουμένη οὐ πάλαι βεβαίως οἰκουμένη, ἀλλὰ μεταναστάσεις τε οὖσαι τὰ πρότερα καὶ ῥᾳδίως ἕκαστοι τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἀπολείποντες βιαζόμενοι ὑπό τινων αἰεὶ πλειόνων.

2 τῆς γὰρ ἐμπορίας οὐκ οὔσης, οὐδ’ ἐπιμειγνύντες ἀδεῶς ἀλλήλοις οὔτε κατὰ γῆν οὔτε διὰ θαλάσσης, νεμόμενοί τε τὰ αὑτῶν ἕκαστοι ὅσον ἀποζῆν καὶ περιουσίαν χρημάτων οὐκ ἔχοντες οὐδὲ γῆν φυτεύοντες, ἄδηλον ὂν ὁπότε τις ἐπελθὼν καὶ ἀτειχίστων ἅμα ὄντων ἄλλος ἀφαιρήσεται, τῆς τε καθ’ ἡμέραν ἀναγκαίου τροφῆς πανταχοῦ ἂν ἡγούμενοι ἐπικρατεῖν, οὐ χαλεπῶς ἀπανίσταντο, καὶ δι’ αὐτὸ οὔτε μεγέθει πόλεων ἴσχυον οὔτε τῇ ἄλλῃ παρασκευῇ.

3 μάλιστα δὲ τῆς γῆς ἡ ἀρίστη αἰεὶ τὰς μεταβολὰς τῶν οἰκητόρων εἶχεν, ἥ τε νῦν Θεσσαλία καλουμένη καὶ Βοιωτία Πελοποννήσου τε τὰ πολλὰ πλὴν Ἀρκαδίας, τῆς τε ἄλλης ὅσα ἦν κράτιστα.

4 διὰ γὰρ ἀρετὴν γῆς αἵ τε δυνάμεις τισὶ μείζους ἐγγιγνόμεναι στάσεις ἐνεποίουν ἐξ ὧν ἐφθείροντο, καὶ ἅμα ὑπὸ ἀλλοφύλων μᾶλλον ἐπεβουλεύοντο.

5 τὴν γοῦν Ἀττικὴν ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον διὰ τὸ λεπτόγεων ἀστασίαστον οὖσαν ἄνθρωποι ᾤκουν οἱ αὐτοὶ αἰεί.

6 καὶ παράδειγμα τόδε τοῦ λόγου οὐκ ἐλάχιστόν ἐστι διὰ τὰς μετοικίας ἐς τὰ ἄλλα μὴ ὁμοίως αὐξηθῆναι· ἐκ γὰρ τῆς ἄλλης Ἑλλάδος οἱ πολέμῳ ἢ στάσει ἐκπίπτοντες παρ᾽ Ἀθηναίους οἱ δυνατώτατοι ὡς βέβαιον ὂν ἀνεχώρουν, καὶ πολῖται γιγνόμενοι εὐθὺς ἀπὸ παλαιοῦ μείζω ἔτι ἐποίησαν πλήθει ἀνθρώπων τὴν πόλιν, ὥστε καὶ ἐς Ἰωνίαν ὕστερον ὡς οὐχ ἱκανῆς οὔσης τῆς Ἀττικῆς ἀποικίας ἐξέπεμψαν.

Chapter 3

1 δηλοῖ δέ μοι καὶ τόδε τῶν παλαιῶν ἀσθένειαν οὐχ ἥκιστα· πρὸ γὰρ τῶν Τρωικῶν οὐδὲν φαίνεται πρότερον κοινῇ ἐργασαμένη ἡ Ἑλλάς·

2 δοκεῖ δέ μοι, οὐδὲ τοὔνομα τοῦτο ξύμπασά πω εἶχεν, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν πρὸ Ἕλληνος τοῦ Δευκαλίωνος καὶ πάνυ οὐδὲ εἶναι ἡ ἐπίκλησις αὕτη, κατὰ ἔθνη δὲ ἄλλα τε καὶ τὸ Πελασγικὸν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀφ’ ἑαυτῶν τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν παρέχεσθαι, Ἕλληνος δὲ καὶ τῶν παίδων αὐτοῦ ἐν τῇ Φθιώτιδι ἰσχυσάντων, καὶ ἐπαγομένων αὐτοὺς ἐπ’ ὠφελίᾳ ἐς τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις, καθ’ ἑκάστους μὲν ἤδη τῇ ὁμιλίᾳ μᾶλλον καλεῖσθαι Ἕλληνας, οὐ μέντοι πολλοῦ γε χρόνου [ἐδύνατο] καὶ ἅπασιν ἐκνικῆσαι.

3 τεκμηριοῖ δὲ μάλιστα Ὅμηρος· πολλῷ γὰρ ὕστερον ἔτι καὶ τῶν Τρωικῶν γενόμενος οὐδαμοῦ τοὺς ξύμπαντας ὠνόμασεν, οὐδ’ ἄλλους ἢ τοὺς μετ’ Ἀχιλλέως ἐκ τῆς Φθιώτιδος, οἵπερ καὶ πρῶτοι Ἕλληνες ἦσαν, Δαναοὺς δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἔπεσι καὶ Ἀργείους καὶ Ἀχαιοὺς ἀνακαλεῖ. οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ βαρβάρους εἴρηκε διὰ τὸ μηδὲ Ἕλληνάς πω, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, ἀντίπαλον ἐς ἓν ὄνομα ἀποκεκρίσθαι.

4 οἱ δ’ οὖν ὡς ἕκαστοι Ἕλληνες κατὰ πόλεις τε ὅσοι ἀλλήλων ξυνίεσαν καὶ ξύμπαντες ὕστερον κληθέντες οὐδὲν πρὸ τῶν Τρωικῶν δι’ ἀσθένειαν καὶ ἀμειξίαν ἀλλήλων ἁθρόοι ἔπραξαν. ἀλλὰ καὶ ταύτην τὴν στρατείαν θαλάσσῃ ἤδη πλείω χρώμενοι ξυνεξῆλθον.

Chapter 4

1 Μίνως γὰρ παλαίτατος ὧν ἀκοῇ ἴσμεν ναυτικὸν ἐκτήσατο καὶ τῆς νῦν Ἑλληνικῆς θαλάσσης ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐκράτησε καὶ τῶν Κυκλάδων νήσων ἦρξέ τε καὶ οἰκιστὴς πρῶτος τῶν πλείστων ἐγένετο, Κᾶρας ἐξελάσας καὶ τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ παῖδας ἡγεμόνας ἐγκαταστήσας· τό τε λῃστικόν, ὡς εἰκός, καθῄρει ἐκ τῆς θαλάσσης ἐφ’ ὅσον ἐδύνατο, τοῦ τὰς προσόδους μᾶλλον ἰέναι αὐτῷ.

Chapter 5

1 οἱ γὰρ Ἕλληνες τὸ πάλαι καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων οἵ τε ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ παραθαλάσσιοι καὶ ὅσοι νήσους εἶχον, ἐπειδὴ ἤρξαντο μᾶλλον περαιοῦσθαι ναυσὶν ἐπ’ ἀλλήλους, ἐτράποντο πρὸς λῃστείαν, ἡγουμένων ἀνδρῶν οὐ τῶν ἀδυνατωτάτων κέρδους τοῦ σφετέρου αὐτῶν ἕνεκα καὶ τοῖς ἀσθενέσι τροφῆς, καὶ προσπίπτοντες πόλεσιν ἀτειχίστοις καὶ κατὰ κώμας οἰκουμέναις ἥρπαζον καὶ τὸν πλεῖστον τοῦ βίου ἐντεῦθεν ἐποιοῦντο, οὐκ ἔχοντός πω αἰσχύνην τούτου τοῦ ἔργου, φέροντος δέ τι καὶ δόξης μᾶλλον·

2 δηλοῦσι δὲ τῶν τε ἠπειρωτῶν τινὲς ἔτι καὶ νῦν, οἷς κόσμος καλῶς τοῦτο δρᾶν, καὶ οἱ παλαιοὶ τῶν ποιητῶν τὰς πύστεις τῶν καταπλεόντων πανταχοῦ ὁμοίως ἐρωτῶντες εἰ λῃσταί εἰσιν, ὡς οὔτε ὧν πυνθάνονται ἀπαξιούντων τὸ ἔργον, οἷς τε ἐπιμελὲς εἴη εἰδέναι οὐκ ὀνειδιζόντων.

3 ἐλῄζοντο δὲ καὶ κατ’ ἤπειρον ἀλλήλους.καὶ μέχρι τοῦδε πολλὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος τῷ παλαιῷ τρόπῳ νέμεται περί τε Λοκροὺς τοὺς Ὀζόλας καὶ Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ Ἀκαρνᾶνας καὶ τὴν ταύτῃ ἤπειρον. τό τε σιδηροφορεῖσθαι τούτοις τοῖς ἠπειρώταις ἀπὸ τῆς παλαιᾶς λῃστείας ἐμμεμένηκεν·

Chapter 6

1 πᾶσα γὰρ ἡ Ἑλλὰς ἐσιδηροφόρει διὰ τὰς ἀφάρκτους τε οἰκήσεις καὶ οὐκ ἀσφαλεῖς παρ᾽ ἀλλήλους ἐφόδους, καὶ ξυνήθη τὴν δίαιταν μεθ’ ὅπλων ἐποιήσαντο ὥσπερ οἱ βάρβαροι.

2 σημεῖον δ’ ἐστὶ ταῦτα τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἔτι οὕτω νεμόμενα τῶν ποτὲ καὶ ἐς πάντας ὁμοίων διαιτημάτων.

3 ἐν τοῖς πρῶτοι δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι τόν τε σίδηρον κατέθεντο καὶ ἀνειμένῃ τῇ διαίτῃ ἐς τὸ τρυφερώτερον μετέστησαν. καὶ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι αὐτοῖς τῶν εὐδαιμόνων διὰ τὸ ἁβροδίαιτον οὐ πολὺς χρόνος ἐπειδὴ χιτῶνάς τε λινοῦς ἐπαύσαντο φοροῦντες καὶ χρυσῶν τεττίγων ἐνέρσει κρωβύλον ἀναδούμενοι τῶν ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ τριχῶν· ἀφ’ οὗ καὶ Ἰώνων τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους κατὰ τὸ ξυγγενὲς ἐπὶ πολὺ αὕτη ἡ σκευὴ κατέσχεν.

4 μετρίᾳ δ’ αὖ ἐσθῆτι καὶ ἐς τὸν νῦν τρόπον πρῶτοι Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐχρήσαντο καὶ ἐς τὰ ἄλλα πρὸς τοὺς πολλοὺς οἱ τὰ μείζω κεκτημένοι ἰσοδίαιτοι μάλιστα κατέστησαν.

5 ἐγυμνώθησάν τε πρῶτοι καὶ ἐς τὸ φανερὸν ἀποδύντες λίπα μετὰ τοῦ γυμνάζεσθαι ἠλείψαντο· τὸ δὲ πάλαι καὶ ἐν τῷ Ὀλυμπικῷ ἀγῶνι διαζώματα ἔχοντες περὶ τὰ αἰδοῖα οἱ ἀθληταὶ ἠγωνίζοντο, καὶ οὐ πολλὰ ἔτη ἐπειδὴ πέπαυται. ἔτι δὲ καὶ ἐν τοῖς βαρβάροις ἔστιν οἷς νῦν, καὶ μάλιστα τοῖς Ἀσιανοῖς, πυγμῆς καὶ πάλης ἆθλα τίθεται, καὶ διεζωμένοι τοῦτο δρῶσιν.

6 πολλὰ δ’ ἂν καὶ ἄλλα τις ἀποδείξειε τὸ παλαιὸν Ἑλληνικὸν ὁμοιότροπα τῷ νῦν βαρβαρικῷ διαιτώμενον.

Chapter 7

1 τῶν δὲ πόλεων ὅσαι μὲν νεώτατα ᾠκίσθησαν καὶ ἤδη πλωιμωτέρων ὄντων, περιουσίας μᾶλλον ἔχουσαι χρημάτων ἐπ’ αὐτοῖς τοῖς αἰγιαλοῖς τείχεσιν ἐκτίζοντο καὶ τοὺς ἰσθμοὺς ἀπελάμβανον ἐμπορίας τε ἕνεκα καὶ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς προσοίκους ἕκαστοι ἰσχύος· αἱ δὲ παλαιαὶ διὰ τὴν λῃστείαν ἐπὶ πολὺ ἀντίσχουσαν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης μᾶλλον ᾠκίσθησαν, αἵ τε ἐν ταῖς νήσοις καὶ ἐν ταῖς ἠπείροις (ἔφερον γὰρ ἀλλήλους τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὅσοι ὄντες οὐ θαλάσσιοι κάτω ᾤκουν), καὶ μέχρι τοῦδε ἔτι ἀνῳκισμένοι εἰσίν.

Chapter 8

1 καὶ οὐχ ἧσσον λῃσταὶ ἦσαν οἱ νησιῶται, Κᾶρές τε ὄντες καὶ Φοίνικες· οὗτοι γὰρ δὴ τὰς πλείστας τῶν νήσων ᾤκησαν. μαρτύριον δέ· Δήλου γὰρ καθαιρομένης ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων ἐν τῷδε τῷ πολέμῳ καὶ τῶν θηκῶν ἀναιρεθεισῶν ὅσαι ἦσαν τῶν τεθνεώτων ἐν τῇ νήσῳ, ὑπὲρ ἥμισυ Κᾶρες ἐφάνησαν, γνωσθέντες τῇ τε σκευῇ τῶν ὅπλων ξυντεθαμμένῃ καὶ τῷ τρόπῳ ᾧ νῦν ἔτι θάπτουσιν.

2 καταστάντος δὲ τοῦ Μίνω ναυτικοῦ πλωιμώτερα ἐγένετο παρ’ ἀλλήλους (οἱ γὰρ ἐκ τῶν νήσων κακοῦργοι ἀνέστησαν ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ, ὅτεπερ καὶ τὰς πολλὰς αὐτῶν κατῴκιζε),

3 καὶ οἱ παρὰ θάλασσαν ἄνθρωποι μᾶλλον ἤδη τὴν κτῆσιν τῶν χρημάτων ποιούμενοι βεβαιότερον ᾤκουν, καί τινες καὶ τείχη περιεβάλλοντο ὡς πλουσιώτεροι ἑαυτῶν γιγνόμενοι· ἐφιέμενοι γὰρ τῶν κερδῶν οἵ τε ἥσσους ὑπέμενον τὴν τῶν κρεισσόνων δουλείαν, οἵ τε δυνατώτεροι περιουσίας ἔχοντες προσεποιοῦντο ὑπηκόους τὰς ἐλάσσους πόλεις.

4 καὶ ἐν τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ μᾶλλον ἤδη ὄντες ὕστερον χρόνῳ ἐπὶ Τροίαν ἐστράτευσαν.

Chapter 9

1 Ἀγαμέμνων τέ μοι δοκεῖ τῶν τότε δυνάμει προύχων καὶ οὐ τοσοῦτον τοῖς Τυνδάρεω ὅρκοις κατειλημμένους τοὺς Ἑλένης μνηστῆρας ἄγων τὸν στόλον ἀγεῖραι.

2 λέγουσι δὲ καὶ οἱ τὰ σαφέστατα Πελοποννησίων μνήμῃ παρὰ τῶν πρότερον δεδεγμένοι Πέλοπά τε πρῶτον πλήθει χρημάτων, ἃ ἦλθεν ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας ἔχων ἐς ἀνθρώπους ἀπόρους, δύναμιν περιποιησάμενον τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν τῆς χώρας ἔπηλυν ὄντα ὅμως σχεῖν, καὶ ὕστερον τοῖς ἐκγόνοις ἔτι μείζω ξυνενεχθῆναι, Εὐρυσθέως μὲν ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ ὑπὸ Ἡρακλειδῶν ἀποθανόντος, Ἀτρέως δὲ μητρὸς ἀδελφοῦ ὄντος αὐτῷ, καὶ ἐπιτρέψαντος Εὐρυσθέως, ὅτ᾽ ἐστράτευε, Μυκήνας τε καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν κατὰ τὸ οἰκεῖον Ἀτρεῖ (τυγχάνειν δὲ αὐτὸν φεύγοντα τὸν πατέρα διὰ τὸν Χρυσίππου θάνατον), καὶ ὡς οὐκέτι ἀνεχώρησεν Εὐρυσθεύς, βουλομένων καὶ τῶν Μυκηναίων φόβῳ τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν καὶ ἅμα δυνατὸν δοκοῦντα εἶναι καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τεθεραπευκότα τῶν Μυκηναίων τε καὶ ὅσων Εὐρυσθεὺς ἦρχε τὴν βασιλείαν Ἀτρέα παραλαβεῖν, καὶ τῶν Περσειδῶν τοὺς Πελοπίδας μείζους καταστῆναι.

3 ἅ μοι δοκεῖ Ἀγαμέμνων παραλαβὼν καὶ ναυτικῷ [τε] ἅμα ἐπὶ πλέον τῶν ἄλλων ἰσχύσας, τὴν στρατείαν οὐ χάριτι τὸ πλέον ἢ φόβῳ ξυναγαγὼν ποιήσασθαι.

4 φαίνεται γὰρ ναυσί τε πλείσταις αὐτὸς ἀφικόμενος καὶ Ἀρκάσι προσπαρασχών, ὡς Ὅμηρος τοῦτο δεδήλωκεν, εἴ τῳ ἱκανὸς τεκμηριῶσαι. καὶ ἐν τοῦ σκήπτρου ἅμα τῇ παραδόσει εἴρηκεν αὐτὸν / πολλῇσι νήσοισι καὶ Ἄργεϊ παντὶ ἀνάσσειν· / οὐκ ἂν οὖν νήσων ἔξω τῶν περιοικίδων (αὗται δὲ οὐκ ἂν πολλαὶ εἶεν) ἠπειρώτης ὢν ἐκράτει, εἰ μή τι καὶ ναυτικὸν εἶχεν. εἰκάζειν δὲ χρὴ καὶ ταύτῃ τῇ στρατείᾳ οἷα ἦν τὰ πρὸ αὐτῆς.

Chapter 10

1 καὶ ὅτι μὲν Μυκῆναι μικρὸν ἦν, ἢ εἴ τι τῶν τότε πόλισμα νῦν μὴ ἀξιόχρεων δοκεῖ εἶναι, οὐκ ἀκριβεῖ ἄν τις σημείῳ χρώμενος ἀπιστοίη μὴ γενέσθαι τὸν στόλον τοσοῦτον ὅσον οἵ τε ποιηταὶ εἰρήκασι καὶ ὁ λόγος κατέχει.

2 Λακεδαιμονίων γὰρ εἰ ἡ πόλις ἐρημωθείη, λειφθείη δὲ τά τε ἱερὰ καὶ τῆς κατασκευῆς τὰ ἐδάφη, πολλὴν ἂν οἶμαι ἀπιστίαν τῆς δυνάμεως προελθόντος πολλοῦ χρόνου τοῖς ἔπειτα πρὸς τὸ κλέος αὐτῶν εἶναι (καίτοι Πελοποννήσου τῶν πέντε τὰς δύο μοίρας νέμονται, τῆς τε ξυμπάσης ἡγοῦνται καὶ τῶν ἔξω ξυμμάχων πολλῶν· ὅμως δὲ οὔτε ξυνοικισθείσης πόλεως οὔτε ἱεροῖς καὶ κατασκευαῖς πολυτελέσι χρησαμένης, κατὰ κώμας δὲ τῷ παλαιῷ τῆς Ἑλλάδος τρόπῳ οἰκισθείσης, φαίνοιτ’ ἂν ὑποδεεστέρα), Ἀθηναίων δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ τοῦτο παθόντων διπλασίαν ἂν τὴν δύναμιν εἰκάζεσθαι ἀπὸ τῆς φανερᾶς ὄψεως τῆς πόλεως ἢ ἔστιν.

3 οὔκουν ἀπιστεῖν εἰκός, οὐδὲ τὰς ὄψεις τῶν πόλεων μᾶλλον σκοπεῖν ἢ τὰς δυνάμεις, νομίζειν δὲ τὴν στρατείαν ἐκείνην μεγίστην μὲν γενέσθαι τῶν πρὸ αὑτῆς, λειπομένην δὲ τῶν νῦν, τῇ Ὁμήρου αὖ ποιήσει εἴ τι χρὴ κἀνταῦθα πιστεύειν, ἣν εἰκὸς ἐπὶ τὸ μεῖζον μὲν ποιητὴν ὄντα κοσμῆσαι, ὅμως δὲ φαίνεται καὶ οὕτως ἐνδεεστέρα.

4 πεποίηκε γὰρ χιλίων καὶ διακοσίων νεῶν τὰς μὲν Βοιωτῶν εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν ἀνδρῶν, τὰς δὲ Φιλοκτήτου πεντήκοντα, δηλῶν, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, τὰς μεγίστας καὶ ἐλαχίστας· ἄλλων γοῦν μεγέθους πέρι ἐν νεῶν καταλόγῳ οὐκ ἐμνήσθη. αὐτερέται δὲ ὅτι ἦσαν καὶ μάχιμοι πάντες, ἐν ταῖς Φιλοκτήτου ναυσὶ δεδήλωκεν· τοξότας γὰρ πάντας πεποίηκε τοὺς προσκώπους. περίνεως δὲ οὐκ εἰκὸς πολλοὺς ξυμπλεῖν ἔξω τῶν βασιλέων καὶ τῶν μάλιστα ἐν τέλει, ἄλλως τε καὶ μέλλοντας πέλαγος περαιώσεσθαι μετὰ σκευῶν πολεμικῶν, οὐδ’ αὖ τὰ πλοῖα κατάφαρκτα ἔχοντας, ἀλλὰ τῷ παλαιῷ τρόπῳ λῃστικώτερον παρεσκευασμένα.

5 πρὸς τὰς μεγίστας δ’ οὖν καὶ ἐλαχίστας ναῦς τὸ μέσον σκοποῦντι οὐ πολλοὶ φαίνονται ἐλθόντες, ὡς ἀπὸ πάσης τῆς Ἑλλάδος κοινῇ πεμπόμενοι.

Chapter 11

1 αἴτιον δ’ ἦν οὐχ ἡ ὀλιγανθρωπία τοσοῦτον ὅσον ἡ ἀχρηματία. τῆς γὰρ τροφῆς ἀπορίᾳ τόν τε στρατὸν ἐλάσσω ἤγαγον καὶ ὅσον ἤλπιζον αὐτόθεν πολεμοῦντα βιοτεύσειν, ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἀφικόμενοι μάχῃ ἐκράτησαν (δῆλον δέ· τὸ γὰρ ἔρυμα τῷ στρατοπέδῳ οὐκ ἂν ἐτειχίσαντο), φαίνονται δ’ οὐδ’ ἐνταῦθα πάσῃ τῇ δυνάμει χρησάμενοι, ἀλλὰ πρὸς γεωργίαν τῆς Χερσονήσου τραπόμενοι καὶ λῃστείαν τῆς τροφῆς ἀπορίᾳ. ᾗ καὶ μᾶλλον οἱ Τρῶες αὐτῶν διεσπαρμένων τὰ δέκα ἔτη ἀντεῖχον βίᾳ, τοῖς αἰεὶ ὑπολειπομένοις ἀντίπαλοι ὄντες.

2 περιουσίαν δὲ εἰ ἦλθον ἔχοντες τροφῆς καὶ ὄντες ἁθρόοι ἄνευ λῃστείας καὶ γεωργίας ξυνεχῶς τὸν πόλεμον διέφερον, ῥᾳδίως ἂν μάχῃ κρατοῦντες εἷλον, οἵ γε καὶ οὐχ ἁθρόοι, ἀλλὰ μέρει τῷ αἰεὶ παρόντι ἀντεῖχον, πολιορκίᾳ δ’ ἂν προσκαθεζόμενοι ἐν ἐλάσσονί τε χρόνῳ καὶ ἀπονώτερον τὴν Τροίαν εἷλον.

3 ἀλλὰ δι’ ἀχρηματίαν τά τε πρὸ τούτων ἀσθενῆ ἦν καὶ αὐτά γε δὴ ταῦτα, ὀνομαστότατα τῶν πρὶν γενόμενα, δηλοῦται τοῖς ἔργοις ὑποδεέστερα ὄντα τῆς φήμης καὶ τοῦ νῦν περὶ αὐτῶν διὰ τοὺς ποιητὰς λόγου κατεσχηκότος·

Chapter 12

1 ἐπεὶ καὶ μετὰ τὰ Τρωικὰ ἡ Ἑλλὰς ἔτι μετανίστατό τε καὶ κατῳκίζετο, ὥστε μὴ ἡσυχάσασαν αὐξηθῆναι.

2 ἥ τε γὰρ ἀναχώρησις τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐξ Ἰλίου χρονία γενομένη πολλὰ ἐνεόχμωσε, καὶ στάσεις ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν ὡς ἐπὶ πολὺ ἐγίγνοντο, ἀφ’ ὧν ἐκπίπτοντες τὰς πόλεις ἔκτιζον.

3 Βοιωτοί τε γὰρ οἱ νῦν ἑξηκοστῷ ἔτει μετὰ Ἰλίου ἅλωσιν ἐξ Ἄρνης ἀναστάντες ὑπὸ Θεσσαλῶν τὴν νῦν μὲν Βοιωτίαν, πρότερον δὲ Καδμηίδα γῆν καλουμένην ᾤκισαν (ἦν δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ ἀποδασμὸς πρότερον ἐν τῇ γῇ ταύτῃ, ἀφ’ ὧν καὶ ἐς Ἴλιον ἐστράτευσαν), Δωριῆς τε ὀγδοηκοστῷ ἔτει ξὺν Ἡρακλείδαις Πελοπόννησον ἔσχον.

4 μόλις τε ἐν πολλῷ χρόνῳ ἡσυχάσασα ἡ Ἑλλὰς βεβαίως καὶ οὐκέτι ἀνισταμένη ἀποικίας ἐξέπεμψε, καὶ Ἴωνας μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ νησιωτῶν τοὺς πολλοὺς ᾤκισαν, Ἰταλίας δὲ καὶ Σικελίας τὸ πλεῖστον Πελοποννήσιοι τῆς τε ἄλλης Ἑλλάδος ἔστιν ἃ χωρία. πάντα δὲ ταῦτα ὕστερον τῶν Τρωικῶν ἐκτίσθη.

Chapter 13

1 δυνατωτέρας δὲ γιγνομένης τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ τῶν χρημάτων τὴν κτῆσιν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον ποιουμένης τὰ πολλὰ τυραννίδες ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι καθίσταντο, τῶν προσόδων μειζόνων γιγνομένων (πρότερον δὲ ἦσαν ἐπὶ ῥητοῖς γέρασι πατρικαὶ βασιλεῖαι), ναυτικά τε ἐξηρτύετο ἡ Ἑλλάς, καὶ τῆς θαλάσσης μᾶλλον ἀντείχοντο.

2 πρῶτοι δὲ Κορίνθιοι λέγονται ἐγγύτατα τοῦ νῦν τρόπου μεταχειρίσαι τὰ περὶ τὰς ναῦς, καὶ τριήρεις ἐν Κορίνθῳ πρῶτον τῆς Ἑλλάδος ναυπηγηθῆναι.

3 φαίνεται δὲ καὶ Σαμίοις Ἀμεινοκλῆς Κορίνθιος ναυπηγὸς ναῦς ποιήσας τέσσαρας· ἔτη δ᾽ ἐστὶ μάλιστα τριακόσια ἐς τὴν τελευτὴν τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου ὅτε Ἀμεινοκλῆς Σαμίοις ἦλθεν.

4 ναυμαχία τε παλαιτάτη ὧν ἴσμεν γίγνεται Κορινθίων πρὸς Κερκυραίους· ἔτη δὲ μάλιστα καὶ ταύτῃ ἑξήκοντα καὶ διακόσιά ἐστι μέχρι τοῦ αὐτοῦ χρόνου.

5 οἰκοῦντες γὰρ τὴν πόλιν οἱ Κορίνθιοι ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἰσθμοῦ αἰεὶ δή ποτε ἐμπόριον εἶχον, τῶν Ἑλλήνων τὸ πάλαι κατὰ γῆν τὰ πλείω ἢ κατὰ θάλασσαν, τῶν τε ἐντὸς Πελοποννήσου καὶ τῶν ἔξω, διὰ τῆς ἐκείνων παρ’ ἀλλήλους ἐπιμισγόντων, χρήμασί τε δυνατοὶ ἦσαν, ὡς καὶ τοῖς παλαιοῖς ποιηταῖς δεδήλωται· ἀφνειὸν γὰρ ἐπωνόμασαν τὸ χωρίον. ἐπειδή τε οἱ Ἕλληνες μᾶλλον ἔπλῳζον, τὰς ναῦς κτησάμενοι τὸ λῃστικὸν καθῄρουν, καὶ ἐμπόριον παρέχοντες ἀμφότερα δυνατὴν ἔσχον χρημάτων προσόδῳ τὴν πόλιν.

6 καὶ Ἴωσιν ὕστερον πολὺ γίγνεται ναυτικὸν ἐπὶ Κύρου Περσῶν πρώτου βασιλεύοντος καὶ Καμβύσου τοῦ υἱέος αὐτοῦ, τῆς τε καθ’ ἑαυτοὺς θαλάσσης Κύρῳ πολεμοῦντες ἐκράτησάν τινα χρόνον. καὶ Πολυκράτης Σάμου τυραννῶν ἐπὶ Καμβύσου ναυτικῷ ἰσχύων ἄλλας τε τῶν νήσων ὑπηκόους ἐποιήσατο καὶ Ῥήνειαν ἑλὼν ἀνέθηκε τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι τῷ Δηλίῳ. Φωκαῆς τε Μασσαλίαν οἰκίζοντες Καρχηδονίους ἐνίκων ναυμαχοῦντες·

Chapter 14

1 δυνατώτατα γὰρ ταῦτα τῶν ναυτικῶν ἦν. φαίνεται δὲ καὶ ταῦτα πολλαῖς γενεαῖς ὕστερα γενόμενα τῶν Τρωικῶν τριήρεσι μὲν ὀλίγαις χρώμενα, πεντηκοντόροις δ’ ἔτι καὶ πλοίοις μακροῖς ἐξηρτυμένα ὥσπερ ἐκεῖνα.

2 ὀλίγον τε πρὸ τῶν Μηδικῶν καὶ τοῦ Δαρείου θανάτου, ὃς μετὰ Καμβύσην Περσῶν ἐβασίλευσε, τριήρεις περί τε Σικελίαν τοῖς τυράννοις ἐς πλῆθος ἐγένοντο καὶ Κερκυραίοις· ταῦτα γὰρ τελευταῖα πρὸ τῆς Ξέρξου στρατείας ναυτικὰ ἀξιόλογα ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι κατέστη.

3 Αἰγινῆται γὰρ καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι, καὶ εἴ τινες ἄλλοι, βραχέα ἐκέκτηντο, καὶ τούτων τὰ πολλὰ πεντηκοντόρους· ὀψέ τε ἀφ’ οὗ Ἀθηναίους Θεμιστοκλῆς ἔπεισεν Αἰγινήταις πολεμοῦντας, καὶ ἅμα τοῦ βαρβάρου προσδοκίμου ὄντος, τὰς ναῦς ποιήσασθαι αἷσπερ καὶ ἐναυμάχησαν· καὶ αὗται οὔπω εἶχον διὰ πάσης καταστρώματα.

Chapter 15

1 τὰ μὲν οὖν ναυτικὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων τοιαῦτα ἦν, τά τε παλαιὰ καὶ τὰ ὕστερον γενόμενα. ἰσχὺν δὲ περιεποιήσαντο ὅμως οὐκ ἐλαχίστην οἱ προσσχόντες αὐτοῖς χρημάτων τε προσόδῳ καὶ ἄλλων ἀρχῇ· ἐπιπλέοντες γὰρ τὰς νήσους κατεστρέφοντο, καὶ μάλιστα ὅσοι μὴ διαρκῆ εἶχον χώραν.

2 κατὰ γῆν δὲ πόλεμος, ὅθεν τις καὶ δύναμις παρεγένετο, οὐδεὶς ξυνέστη· πάντες δὲ ἦσαν, ὅσοι καὶ ἐγένοντο, πρὸς ὁμόρους τοὺς σφετέρους ἑκάστοις, καὶ ἐκδήμους στρατείας πολὺ ἀπὸ τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἐπ’ ἄλλων καταστροφῇ οὐκ ἐξῇσαν οἱ Ἕλληνες. οὐ γὰρ ξυνειστήκεσαν πρὸς τὰς μεγίστας πόλεις ὑπήκοοι, οὐδ’ αὖ αὐτοὶ ἀπὸ τῆς ἴσης κοινὰς στρατείας ἐποιοῦντο, κατ’ ἀλλήλους δὲ μᾶλλον ὡς ἕκαστοι οἱ ἀστυγείτονες ἐπολέμουν.

3 μάλιστα δὲ ἐς τὸν πάλαι ποτὲ γενόμενον πόλεμον Χαλκιδέων καὶ Ἐρετριῶν καὶ τὸ ἄλλο Ἑλληνικὸν ἐς ξυμμαχίαν ἑκατέρων διέστη.

Chapter 16

1 ἐπεγένετο δὲ ἄλλοις τε ἄλλοθι κωλύματα μὴ αὐξηθῆναι, καὶ Ἴωσι προχωρησάντων ἐπὶ μέγα τῶν πραγμάτων Κῦρος καὶ ἡ Περσικὴ βασιλεία Κροῖσον καθελοῦσα καὶ ὅσα ἐντὸς Ἅλυος ποταμοῦ πρὸς θάλασσαν ἐπεστράτευσε καὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ πόλεις ἐδούλωσε, Δαρεῖός τε ὕστερον τῷ Φοινίκων ναυτικῷ κρατῶν καὶ τὰς νήσους.

Chapter 17

1 τύραννοί τε ὅσοι ἦσαν ἐν ταῖς Ἑλληνικαῖς πόλεσι,τὸ ἐφ’ ἑαυτῶν μόνον προορώμενοι ἔς τε τὸ σῶμα καὶ ἐς τὸ τὸν ἴδιον οἶκον αὔξειν δι’ ἀσφαλείας ὅσον ἐδύναντο μάλιστα τὰς πόλεις ᾤκουν, ἐπράχθη δὲ οὐδὲν ἀπ’ αὐτῶν ἔργον ἀξιόλογον, εἰ μὴ εἴ τι πρὸς περιοίκους τοὺς αὐτῶν ἑκάστοις· οἱ γὰρ ἐν Σικελίᾳ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐχώρησαν δυνάμεως. οὕτω πανταχόθεν ἡ Ἑλλὰς ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον κατείχετο μήτε κοινῇ φανερὸν μηδὲν κατεργάζεσθαι, κατὰ πόλεις τε ἀτολμοτέρα εἶναι.

Chapter 18

1 ἐπειδὴ δὲ οἵ τε Ἀθηναίων τύραννοι καὶ οἱ ἐκ τῆς ἄλλης Ἑλλάδος ἐπὶ πολὺ καὶ πρὶν τυραννευθείσης οἱ πλεῖστοι καὶ τελευταῖοι πλὴν τῶν ἐν Σικελίᾳ ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων κατελύθησαν (ἡ γὰρ Λακεδαίμων μετὰ τὴν κτίσιν τῶν νῦν ἐνοικούντων αὐτὴν Δωριῶν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ὧν ἴσμεν χρόνον στασιάσασα ὅμως ἐκ παλαιτάτου καὶ ηὐνομήθη καὶ αἰεὶ ἀτυράννευτος ἦν· ἔτη γάρ ἐστι μάλιστα τετρακόσια καὶ ὀλίγῳ πλείω ἐς τὴν τελευτὴν τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου ἀφ’ οὗ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τῇ αὐτῇ πολιτείᾳ χρῶνται, καὶ δι’ αὐτὸ δυνάμενοι καὶ τὰ ἐν ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσι καθίστασαν), μετὰ δὲ τὴν τῶν τυράννων κατάλυσιν ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος οὐ πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν ὕστερον καὶ ἡ ἐν Μαραθῶνι μάχη Μήδων πρὸς Ἀθηναίους ἐγένετο.

2 δεκάτῳ δὲ ἔτει μετ’ αὐτὴν αὖθις ὁ βάρβαρος τῷ μεγάλῳ στόλῳ ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα δουλωσόμενος ἦλθεν. καὶ μεγάλου κινδύνου ἐπικρεμασθέντος οἵ τε Λακεδαιμόνιοι τῶν ξυμπολεμησάντων Ἑλλήνων ἡγήσαντο δυνάμει προύχοντες, καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐπιόντων τῶν Μήδων διανοηθέντες ἐκλιπεῖν τὴν πόλιν καὶ ἀνασκευασάμενοι ἐς τὰς ναῦς ἐσβάντες ναυτικοὶ ἐγένοντο. κοινῇ τε ἀπωσάμενοι τὸν βάρβαρον, ὕστερον οὐ πολλῷ διεκρίθησαν πρός τε Ἀθηναίους καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους οἵ τε ἀποστάντες βασιλέως Ἕλληνες καὶ οἱ ξυμπολεμήσαντες. δυνάμει γὰρ ταῦτα μέγιστα διεφάνη· ἴσχυον γὰρ οἱ μὲν κατὰ γῆν, οἱ δὲ ναυσίν.

3 καὶ ὀλίγον μὲν χρόνον ξυνέμεινεν ἡ ὁμαιχμία, ἔπειτα διενεχθέντες οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐπολέμησαν μετὰ τῶν ξυμμάχων πρὸς ἀλλήλους· καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων εἴ τινές που διασταῖεν, πρὸς τούτους ἤδη ἐχώρουν. ὥστε ἀπὸ τῶν Μηδικῶν ἐς τόνδε αἰεὶ τὸν πόλεμον τὰ μὲν σπενδόμενοι, τὰ δὲ πολεμοῦντες ἢ ἀλλήλοις ἢ τοῖς ἑαυτῶν ξυμμάχοις ἀφισταμένοις εὖ παρεσκευάσαντο τὰ πολέμια καὶ ἐμπειρότεροι ἐγένοντο μετὰ κινδύνων τὰς μελέτας ποιούμενοι.

Chapter 19

1 καὶ οἱ μὲν Λακεδαιμόνιοι οὐχ ὑποτελεῖς ἔχοντες φόρου τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἡγοῦντο, κατ᾽ ὀλιγαρχίαν δὲ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς μόνον ἐπιτηδείως ὅπως πολιτεύσουσι θεραπεύοντες, Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ναῦς τε τῶν πόλεων τῷ χρόνῳ παραλαβόντες πλὴν Χίων καὶ Λεσβίων, καὶ χρήματα τοῖς πᾶσι τάξαντες φέρειν. καὶ ἐγένετο αὐτοῖς ἐς τόνδε τὸν πόλεμον ἡ ἰδία παρασκευὴ μείζων ἢ ὡς τὰ κράτιστά ποτε μετὰ ἀκραιφνοῦς τῆς ξυμμαχίας ἤνθησαν.

Chapter 20

1 τὰ μὲν οὖν παλαιὰ τοιαῦτα ηὗρον, χαλεπὰ ὄντα παντὶ ἑξῆς τεκμηρίῳ πιστεῦσαι. οἱ γὰρ ἄνθρωποι τὰς ἀκοὰς τῶν προγεγενημένων, καὶ ἢν ἐπιχώρια σφίσιν ᾖ, ὁμοίως ἀβασανίστως παρ’ ἀλλήλων δέχονται.

2 Ἀθηναίων γοῦν τὸ πλῆθος Ἵππαρχον οἴονται ὑφ’ Ἁρμοδίου καὶ Ἀριστογείτονος τύραννον ὄντα ἀποθανεῖν, καὶ οὐκ ἴσασιν ὅτι Ἱππίας μὲν πρεσβύτατος ὢν ἦρχε τῶν Πεισιστράτου υἱέων, Ἵππαρχος δὲ καὶ Θεσσαλὸς ἀδελφοὶ ἦσαν αὐτοῦ, ὑποτοπήσαντες δέ τι ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ καὶ παραχρῆμα Ἁρμόδιος καὶ Ἀριστογείτων ἐκ τῶν ξυνειδότων σφίσιν Ἱππίᾳ μεμηνῦσθαι τοῦ μὲν ἀπέσχοντο ὡς προειδότος, βουλόμενοι δὲ πρὶν ξυλληφθῆναι δράσαντές τι καὶ κινδυνεῦσαι, τῷ Ἱππάρχῳ περιτυχόντες περὶ τὸ Λεωκόρειον καλούμενον τὴν Παναθηναϊκὴν πομπὴν διακοσμοῦντι ἀπέκτειναν.

3 πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἄλλα ἔτι καὶ νῦν ὄντα καὶ οὐ χρόνῳ ἀμνηστούμενα καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι Ἕλληνες οὐκ ὀρθῶς οἴονται, ὥσπερ τούς τε Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλέας μὴ μιᾷ ψήφῳ προστίθεσθαι ἑκάτερον, ἀλλὰ δυοῖν, καὶ τὸν Πιτανάτην λόχον αὐτοῖς εἶναι, ὃς οὐδ’ ἐγένετο πώποτε. οὕτως ἀταλαίπωρος τοῖς πολλοῖς ἡ ζήτησις τῆς ἀληθείας, καὶ ἐπὶ τὰ ἑτοῖμα μᾶλλον τρέπονται.

Chapter 21

1 ἐκ δὲ τῶν εἰρημένων τεκμηρίων ὅμως τοιαῦτα ἄν τις νομίζων μάλιστα ἃ διῆλθον οὐχ ἁμαρτάνοι, καὶ οὔτε ὡς ποιηταὶ ὑμνήκασι περὶ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τὸ μεῖζον κοσμοῦντες μᾶλλον πιστεύων, οὔτε ὡς λογογράφοι ξυνέθεσαν ἐπὶ τὸ προσαγωγότερον τῇ ἀκροάσει ἢ ἀληθέστερον, ὄντα ἀνεξέλεγκτα καὶ τὰ πολλὰ ὑπὸ χρόνου αὐτῶν ἀπίστως ἐπὶ τὸ μυθῶδες ἐκνενικηκότα, ηὑρῆσθαι δὲ ἡγησάμενος ἐκ τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων σημείων ὡς παλαιὰ εἶναι ἀποχρώντως.

2 καὶ ὁ πόλεμος οὗτος, καίπερ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐν ᾧ μὲν ἂν πολεμῶσι τὸν παρόντα αἰεὶ μέγιστον κρινόντων, παυσαμένων δὲ τὰ ἀρχαῖα μᾶλλον θαυμαζόντων, ἀπ’ αὐτῶν τῶν ἔργων σκοποῦσι δηλώσει ὅμως μείζων γεγενημένος αὐτῶν.

Chapter 22

1 καὶ ὅσα μὲν λόγῳ εἶπον ἕκαστοι ἢ μέλλοντες πολεμήσειν ἢ ἐν αὐτῷ ἤδη ὄντες, χαλεπὸν τὴν ἀκρίβειαν αὐτὴν τῶν λεχθέντων διαμνημονεῦσαι ἦν ἐμοί τε ὧν αὐτὸς ἤκουσα καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοθέν ποθεν ἐμοὶ ἀπαγγέλλουσιν· ὡς δ’ ἂν ἐδόκουν ἐμοὶ ἕκαστοι περὶ τῶν αἰεὶ παρόντων τὰ δέοντα μάλιστ’ εἰπεῖν, ἐχομένῳ ὅτι ἐγγύτατα τῆς ξυμπάσης γνώμης τῶν ἀληθῶς λεχθέντων, οὕτως εἴρηται.

2 τὰ δ’ ἔργα τῶν πραχθέντων ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ οὐκ ἐκ τοῦ παρατυχόντος πυνθανόμενος ἠξίωσα γράφειν, οὐδ’ ὡς ἐμοὶ ἐδόκει, ἀλλ’ οἷς τε αὐτὸς παρῆν καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων ὅσον δυνατὸν ἀκριβείᾳ περὶ ἑκάστου ἐπεξελθών.

3 ἐπιπόνως δὲ ηὑρίσκετο, διότι οἱ παρόντες τοῖς ἔργοις ἑκάστοις οὐ ταὐτὰ περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν ἔλεγον, ἀλλ’ ὡς ἑκατέρων τις εὐνοίας ἢ μνήμης ἔχοι.

4 καὶ ἐς μὲν ἀκρόασιν ἴσως τὸ μὴ μυθῶδες αὐτῶν ἀτερπέστερον φανεῖται· ὅσοι δὲ βουλήσονται τῶν τε γενομένων τὸ σαφὲς σκοπεῖν καὶ τῶν μελλόντων ποτὲ αὖθις κατὰ τὸ ἀνθρώπινον τοιούτων καὶ παραπλησίων ἔσεσθαι, ὠφέλιμα κρίνειν αὐτὰ ἀρκούντως ἕξει. κτῆμά τε ἐς αἰεὶ μᾶλλον ἢ ἀγώνισμα ἐς τὸ παραχρῆμα ἀκούειν ξύγκειται.

Chapter 23

1 τῶν δὲ πρότερον ἔργων μέγιστον ἐπράχθη τὸ Μηδικόν, καὶ τοῦτο ὅμως δυοῖν ναυμαχίαιν καὶ πεζομαχίαιν ταχεῖαν τὴν κρίσιν ἔσχεν. τούτου δὲ τοῦ πολέμου μῆκός τε μέγα προύβη, παθήματά τε ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι ἐν αὐτῷ τῇ Ἑλλάδι οἷα οὐχ ἕτερα ἐν ἴσῳ χρόνῳ.

2 οὔτε γὰρ πόλεις τοσαίδε ληφθεῖσαι ἠρημώθησαν, αἱ μὲν ὑπὸ βαρβάρων, αἱ δ’ ὑπὸ σφῶν αὐτῶν ἀντιπολεμούντων (εἰσὶ δ’ αἳ καὶ οἰκήτορας μετέβαλον ἁλισκόμεναι), οὔτε φυγαὶ τοσαίδε ἀνθρώπων καὶ φόνος, ὁ μὲν κατ’ αὐτὸν τὸν πόλεμον, ὁ δὲ διὰ τὸ στασιάζειν.

3 τά τε πρότερον ἀκοῇ μὲν λεγόμενα, ἔργῳ δὲ σπανιώτερον βεβαιούμενα οὐκ ἄπιστα κατέστη, σεισμῶν τε πέρι, οἳ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἅμα μέρος γῆς καὶ ἰσχυρότατοι οἱ αὐτοὶ ἐπέσχον, ἡλίου τε ἐκλείψεις, αἳ πυκνότεραι παρὰ τὰ ἐκ τοῦ πρὶν χρόνου μνημονευόμενα ξυνέβησαν, αὐχμοί τε ἔστι παρ’ οἷς μεγάλοι καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτῶν καὶ λιμοὶ καὶ ἡ οὐχ ἥκιστα βλάψασα καὶ μέρος τι φθείρασα ἡ λοιμώδης νόσος· ταῦτα γὰρ πάντα μετὰ τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου ἅμα ξυνεπέθετο.

4 ἤρξαντο δὲ αὐτοῦ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Πελοποννήσιοι λύσαντες τὰς τριακοντούτεις σπονδὰς αἳ αὐτοῖς ἐγένοντο μετὰ Εὐβοίας ἅλωσιν.

5 διότι δ’ ἔλυσαν, τὰς αἰτίας προύγραψα πρῶτον καὶ τὰς διαφοράς, τοῦ μή τινα ζητῆσαί ποτε ἐξ ὅτου τοσοῦτος πόλεμος τοῖς Ἕλλησι κατέστη.

6 τὴν μὲν γὰρ ἀληθεστάτην πρόφασιν, ἀφανεστάτην δὲ λόγῳ, τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἡγοῦμαι μεγάλους γιγνομένους καὶ φόβον παρέχοντας τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἀναγκάσαι ἐς τὸ πολεμεῖν· αἱ δ’ ἐς τὸ φανερὸν λεγόμεναι αἰτίαι αἵδ’ ἦσαν ἑκατέρων, ἀφ’ ὧν λύσαντες τὰς σπονδὰς ἐς τὸν πόλεμον κατέστησαν.

Chapter 24

1 Ἐπίδαμνός ἐστι πόλις ἐν δεξιᾷ ἐσπλέοντι ἐς τὸν Ἰόνιον κόλπον· προσοικοῦσι δ’ αὐτὴν Ταυλάντιοι βάρβαροι, Ἰλλυρικὸν ἔθνος.

2 ταύτην ἀπῴκισαν μὲν Κερκυραῖοι, οἰκιστὴς δ’ ἐγένετο Φαλίος Ἐρατοκλείδου Κορίνθιος γένος τῶν ἀφ’ Ἡρακλέους, κατὰ δὴ τὸν παλαιὸν νόμον ἐκ τῆς μητροπόλεως κατακληθείς. ξυνῴκισαν δὲ καὶ Κορινθίων τινὲς καὶ τοῦ ἄλλου Δωρικοῦ γένους.

3 προελθόντος δὲ τοῦ χρόνου ἐγένετο ἡ τῶν Ἐπιδαμνίων δύναμις μεγάλη καὶ πολυάνθρωπος·

4 στασιάσαντες δὲ ἐν ἀλλήλοις ἔτη πολλά, ὡς λέγεται, ἀπὸ πολέμου τινὸς τῶν προσοίκων βαρβάρων ἐφθάρησαν καὶ τῆς δυνάμεως τῆς πολλῆς ἐστερήθησαν.

5 τὰ δὲ τελευταῖα πρὸ τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου ὁ δῆμος αὐτῶν ἐξεδίωξε τοὺς δυνατούς, οἱ δὲ ἐπελθόντες μετὰ τῶν βαρβάρων ἐλῄζοντο τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει κατά τε γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν.

6 οἱ δὲ ἐν τῇ πόλει ὄντες Ἐπιδάμνιοι ἐπειδὴ ἐπιέζοντο, πέμπουσιν ἐς τὴν Κέρκυραν πρέσβεις ὡς μητρόπολιν οὖσαν, δεόμενοι μὴ σφᾶς περιορᾶν φθειρομένους, ἀλλὰ τούς τε φεύγοντας ξυναλλάξαι σφίσι καὶ τὸν τῶν βαρβάρων πόλεμον καταλῦσαι.

7 ταῦτα δὲ ἱκέται καθεζόμενοι ἐς τὸ Ἥραιον ἐδέοντο. οἱ δὲ Κερκυραῖοι τὴν ἱκετείαν οὐκ ἐδέξαντο, ἀλλ’ ἀπράκτους ἀπέπεμψαν.

Chapter 25

1 γνόντες δὲ οἱ Ἐπιδάμνιοι οὐδεμίαν σφίσιν ἀπὸ Κερκύρας τιμωρίαν οὖσαν ἐν ἀπόρῳ εἴχοντο θέσθαι τὸ παρόν, καὶ πέμψαντες ἐς Δελφοὺς τὸν θεὸν ἐπήροντο εἰ παραδοῖεν Κορινθίοις τὴν πόλιν ὡς οἰκισταῖς καὶ τιμωρίαν τινὰ πειρῷντ’ ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν ποιεῖσθαι. ὁ δ’ αὐτοῖς ἀνεῖλε παραδοῦναι καὶ ἡγεμόνας ποιεῖσθαι.

2 ἐλθόντες δὲ οἱ Ἐπιδάμνιοι ἐς τὴν Κόρινθον κατὰ τὸ μαντεῖον παρέδοσαν τὴν ἀποικίαν, τόν τε οἰκιστὴν ἀποδεικνύντες σφῶν ἐκ Κορίνθου ὄντα καὶ τὸ χρηστήριον δηλοῦντες, ἐδέοντό τε μὴ σφᾶς περιορᾶν φθειρομένους, ἀλλ’ ἐπαμῦναι.

3 Κορίνθιοι δὲ κατά τε τὸ δίκαιον ὑπεδέξαντο τὴν τιμωρίαν, νομίζοντες οὐχ ἧσσον ἑαυτῶν εἶναι τὴν ἀποικίαν ἢ Κερκυραίων, ἅμα δὲ καὶ μίσει τῶν Κερκυραίων, ὅτι αὐτῶν παρημέλουν ὄντες ἄποικοι·

4 οὔτε γὰρ ἐν πανηγύρεσι ταῖς κοιναῖς διδόντες γέρα τὰ νομιζόμενα οὔτε Κορινθίῳ ἀνδρὶ προκαταρχόμενοι τῶν ἱερῶν ὥσπερ αἱ ἄλλαι ἀποικίαι, περιφρονοῦντες δὲ αὐτοὺς καὶ χρημάτων δυνάμει ὄντες κατ’ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ὁμοῖα τοῖς Ἑλλήνων πλουσιωτάτοις καὶ τῇ ἐς πόλεμον παρασκευῇ δυνατώτεροι, ναυτικῷ δὲ καὶ πολὺ προύχειν ἔστιν ὅτε ἐπαιρόμενοι καὶ κατὰ τὴν Φαιάκων προενοίκησιν τῆς Κερκύρας κλέος ἐχόντων τὰ περὶ τὰς ναῦς (ᾗ καὶ μᾶλλον ἐξηρτύοντο τὸ ναυτικὸν καὶ ἦσαν οὐκ ἀδύνατοι· τριήρεις γὰρ εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν ὑπῆρχον αὐτοῖς ὅτε ἤρχοντο πολεμεῖν),

Chapter 26

1 πάντων οὖν τούτων ἐγκλήματα ἔχοντες οἱ Κορίνθιοι ἔπεμπον ἐς τὴν Ἐπίδαμνον ἄσμενοι τὴν ὠφελίαν, οἰκήτορά τε τὸν βουλόμενον ἰέναι κελεύοντες καὶ Ἀμπρακιωτῶν καὶ Λευκαδίων καὶ ἑαυτῶν φρουρούς.

2 ἐπορεύθησαν δὲ πεζῇ ἐς Ἀπολλωνίαν, Κορινθίων οὖσαν ἀποικίαν, δέει τῶν Κερκυραίων μὴ κωλύωνται ὑπ’ αὐτῶν κατὰ θάλασσαν περαιούμενοι.

3 Κερκυραῖοι δὲ ἐπειδὴ ᾔσθοντο τούς τε οἰκήτορας καὶ φρουροὺς ἥκοντας ἐς τὴν Ἐπίδαμνον τήν τε ἀποικίαν Κορινθίοις δεδομένην, ἐχαλέπαινον· καὶ πλεύσαντες εὐθὺς πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι ναυσὶ καὶ ὕστερον ἑτέρῳ στόλῳ τούς τε φεύγοντας ἐκέλευον κατ’ ἐπήρειαν δέχεσθαι αὐτούς (ἦλθον γὰρ ἐς τὴν Κέρκυραν οἱ τῶν Ἐπιδαμνίων φυγάδες, τάφους τε ἀποδεικνύντες καὶ ξυγγένειαν, ἣν προϊσχόμενοι ἐδέοντο σφᾶς κατάγειν) τούς τε φρουροὺς οὓς Κορίνθιοι ἔπεμψαν καὶ τοὺς οἰκήτορας ἀποπέμπειν.

4 οἱ δὲ Ἐπιδάμνιοι οὐδὲν αὐτῶν ὑπήκουσαν, ἀλλὰ στρατεύουσιν ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς οἱ Κερκυραῖοι τεσσαράκοντα ναυσὶ μετὰ τῶν φυγάδων ὡς κατάξοντες, καὶ τοὺς Ἰλλυριοὺς προσλαβόντες.

5 προσκαθεζόμενοι δὲ τὴν πόλιν προεῖπον Ἐπιδαμνίων τε τὸν βουλόμενον καὶ τοὺς ξένους ἀπαθεῖς ἀπιέναι· εἰ δὲ μή, ὡς πολεμίοις χρήσεσθαι. ὡς δ’ οὐκ ἐπείθοντο, οἱ μὲν Κερκυραῖοι (ἔστι δ’ ἰσθμὸς τὸ χωρίον) ἐπολιόρκουν τὴν πόλιν,

Chapter 27

1 Κορίνθιοι δ᾽, ὡς αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῆς Ἐπιδάμνου ἦλθον ἄγγελοι ὅτι πολιορκοῦνται, παρεσκευάζοντο στρατείαν, καὶ ἅμα ἀποικίαν ἐς τὴν Ἐπίδαμνον ἐκήρυσσον ἐπὶ τῇ ἴσῃ καὶ ὁμοίᾳ τὸν βουλόμενον ἰέναι· εἰ δέ τις τὸ παραυτίκα μὲν μὴ ἐθέλει ξυμπλεῖν, μετέχειν δὲ βούλεται τῆς ἀποικίας, πεντήκοντα δραχμὰς καταθέντα Κορινθίας μένειν. ἦσαν δὲ καὶ οἱ πλέοντες πολλοὶ καὶ οἱ τἀργύριον καταβάλλοντες.

2 ἐδεήθησαν δὲ καὶ τῶν Μεγαρέων ναυσὶ σφᾶς ξυμπροπέμψαι, εἰ ἄρα κωλύοιντο ὑπὸ Κερκυραίων πλεῖν· οἱ δὲ παρεσκευάζοντο αὐτοῖς ὀκτὼ ναυσὶ ξυμπλεῖν, καὶ Παλῆς Κεφαλλήνων τέσσαρσιν. καὶ Ἐπιδαυρίων ἐδεήθησαν, οἳ παρέσχον πέντε, Ἑρμιονῆς δὲ μίαν καὶ Τροιζήνιοι δύο, Λευκάδιοι δὲ δέκα καὶ Ἀμπρακιῶται ὀκτώ. Θηβαίους δὲ χρήματα ᾔτησαν καὶ Φλειασίους, Ἠλείους δὲ ναῦς τε κενὰς καὶ χρήματα. αὐτῶν δὲ Κορινθίων νῆες παρεσκευάζοντο τριάκοντα καὶ τρισχίλιοι ὁπλῖται.

Chapter 28

1 ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἐπύθοντο οἱ Κερκυραῖοι τὴν παρασκευήν, ἐλθόντες ἐς Κόρινθον μετὰ Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Σικυωνίων πρέσβεων, οὓς παρέλαβον, ἐκέλευον Κορινθίους τοὺς ἐν Ἐπιδάμνῳ φρουρούς τε καὶ οἰκήτορας ἀπάγειν, ὡς οὐ μετὸν αὐτοῖς Ἐπιδάμνου.

2 εἰ δέ τι ἀντιποιοῦνται, δίκας ἤθελον δοῦναι ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ παρὰ πόλεσιν αἷς ἂν ἀμφότεροι ξυμβῶσιν· ὁποτέρων δ’ ἂν δικασθῇ εἶναι τὴν ἀποικίαν, τούτους κρατεῖν. ἤθελον δὲ καὶ τῷ ἐν Δελφοῖς μαντείῳ ἐπιτρέψαι.

3 πόλεμον δὲ οὐκ εἴων ποιεῖν· εἰ δὲ μή, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀναγκασθήσεσθαι ἔφασαν, ἐκείνων βιαζομένων, φίλους ποιεῖσθαι οὓς οὐ βούλονται ἑτέρους τῶν νῦν ὄντων μᾶλλον ὠφελίας ἕνεκα.

4 οἱ δὲ Κορίνθιοι ἀπεκρίναντο αὐτοῖς, ἢν τάς τε ναῦς καὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους ἀπὸ Ἐπιδάμνου ἀπαγάγωσι, βουλεύσεσθαι· πρότερον δ’ οὐ καλῶς ἔχειν τοὺς μὲν πολιορκεῖσθαι, αὐτοὺς δὲ δικάζεσθαι.

5 Κερκυραῖοι δὲ ἀντέλεγον, ἢν καὶ ἐκεῖνοι τοὺς ἐν Ἐπιδάμνῳ ἀπαγάγωσι, ποιήσειν ταῦτα· ἑτοῖμοι δὲ εἶναι καὶ ὥστε ἀμφοτέρους μένειν κατὰ χώραν, σπονδὰς δὲ ποιήσασθαι ἕως ἂν ἡ δίκη γένηται.

Chapter 29

1 Κορίνθιοι δὲ οὐδὲν τούτων ὑπήκουον, ἀλλ’ ἐπειδὴ πλήρεις αὐτοῖς ἦσαν αἱ νῆες καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι παρῆσαν, προπέμψαντες κήρυκα πρότερον πόλεμον προεροῦντα Κερκυραίοις, ἄραντες ἑβδομήκοντα ναυσὶ καὶ πέντε δισχιλίοις τε ὁπλίταις ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τὴν Ἐπίδαμνον Κερκυραίοις ἐναντία πολεμήσοντες·

2 ἐστρατήγει δὲ τῶν μὲν νεῶν Ἀριστεὺς ὁ Πελλίχου καὶ Καλλικράτης ὁ Καλλίου καὶ Τιμάνωρ ὁ Τιμάνθους, τοῦ δὲ πεζοῦ Ἀρχέτιμός τε ὁ Εὐρυτίμου καὶ Ἰσαρχίδας ὁ Ἰσάρχου.

3 ἐπειδὴ δ’ ἐγένοντο ἐν Ἀκτίῳ τῆς Ἀνακτορίας γῆς, οὗ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνός ἐστιν, ἐπὶ τῷ στόματι τοῦ Ἀμπρακικοῦ κόλπου, οἱ Κερκυραῖοι κήρυκά τε προύπεμψαν αὐτοῖς ἐν ἀκατίῳ ἀπεροῦντα μὴ πλεῖν ἐπὶ σφᾶς καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἅμα ἐπλήρουν, ζεύξαντές τε τὰς παλαιὰς ὥστε πλωίμους εἶναι καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἐπισκευάσαντες.

4 ὡς δὲ ὁ κῆρύξ τε ἀπήγγειλεν οὐδὲν εἰρηναῖον παρὰ τῶν Κορινθίων καὶ αἱ νῆες αὐτοῖς ἐπεπλήρωντο οὖσαι ὀγδοήκοντα (τεσσαράκοντα γὰρ Ἐπίδαμνον ἐπολιόρκουν), ἀνταναγαγόμενοι καὶ παραταξάμενοι ἐναυμάχησαν·

5 καὶ ἐνίκησαν οἱ Κερκυραῖοι παρὰ πολὺ καὶ ναῦς πέντε καὶ δέκα διέφθειραν τῶν Κορινθίων. τῇ δὲ αὐτῇ ἡμέρᾳ αὐτοῖς ξυνέβη καὶ τοὺς τὴν Ἐπίδαμνον πολιορκοῦντας παραστήσασθαι ὁμολογίᾳ ὥστε τοὺς μὲν ἐπήλυδας ἀποδόσθαι, Κορινθίους δὲ δήσαντας ἔχειν ἕως ἂν ἄλλο τι δόξῃ.

Chapter 30

1 μετὰ δὲ τὴν ναυμαχίαν οἱ Κερκυραῖοι τροπαῖον στήσαντες ἐπὶ τῇ Λευκίμμῃ τῆς Κερκυραίας ἀκρωτηρίῳ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους οὓς ἔλαβον αἰχμαλώτους ἀπέκτειναν, Κορινθίους δὲ δήσαντες εἶχον.

2 ὕστερον δέ, ἐπειδὴ οἱ Κορίνθιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἡσσημένοι ταῖς ναυσὶν ἀνεχώρησαν ἐπ᾽ οἴκου, τῆς θαλάσσης ἁπάσης ἐκράτουν τῆς κατ’ ἐκεῖνα τὰ χωρία οἱ Κερκυραῖοι, καὶ πλεύσαντες ἐς Λευκάδα τὴν Κορινθίων ἀποικίαν τῆς γῆς ἔτεμον καὶ Κυλλήνην τὸ Ἠλείων ἐπίνειον ἐνέπρησαν, ὅτι ναῦς καὶ χρήματα παρέσχον Κορινθίοις.

3 τοῦ τε χρόνου τὸν πλεῖστον μετὰ τὴν ναυμαχίαν ἐπεκράτουν τῆς θαλάσσης καὶ τοὺς τῶν Κορινθίων ξυμμάχους ἐπιπλέοντες ἔφθειρον, μέχρι οὗ Κορίνθιοι περιιόντι τῷ θέρει πέμψαντες ναῦς καὶ στρατιάν, ἐπεὶ σφῶν οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἐπόνουν, ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο ἐπὶ Ἀκτίῳ καὶ περὶ τὸ Χειμέριον τῆς Θεσπρωτίδος φυλακῆς ἕνεκα τῆς τε Λευκάδος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων ὅσαι σφίσι φίλιαι ἦσαν.

4 ἀντεστρατοπεδεύοντο δὲ καὶ οἱ Κερκυραῖοι ἐπὶ τῇ Λευκίμμῃ ναυσί τε καὶ πεζῷ. ἐπέπλεον δὲ οὐδέτεροι ἀλλήλοις, ἀλλὰ τὸ θέρος τοῦτο ἀντικαθεζόμενοι χειμῶνος ἤδη ἀνεχώρησαν ἐπ᾽ οἴκου ἑκάτεροι.

Chapter 31

1 τὸν δ’ ἐνιαυτὸν πάντα τὸν μετὰ τὴν ναυμαχίαν καὶ τὸν ὕστερον οἱ Κορίνθιοι ὀργῇ φέροντες τὸν πρὸς Κερκυραίους πόλεμον ἐναυπηγοῦντο καὶ παρεσκευάζοντο τὰ κράτιστα νεῶν στόλον, ἔκ τε αὐτῆς Πελοποννήσου ἀγείροντες καὶ τῆς ἄλλης Ἑλλάδος ἐρέτας, μισθῷ πείθοντες.

2 πυνθανόμενοι δὲ οἱ Κερκυραῖοι τὴν παρασκευὴν αὐτῶν ἐφοβοῦντο, καί (ἦσαν γὰρ οὐδενὸς Ἑλλήνων ἔνσπονδοι οὐδὲ ἐσεγράψαντο ἑαυτοὺς οὔτε ἐς τὰς Ἀθηναίων σπονδὰς οὔτε ἐς τὰς Λακεδαιμονίων) ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς ἐλθοῦσιν ὡς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ξυμμάχους γενέσθαι καὶ ὠφελίαν τινὰ πειρᾶσθαι ἀπ’ αὐτῶν εὑρίσκεσθαι.

3 οἱ δὲ Κορίνθιοι πυθόμενοι ταῦτα ἦλθον καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας πρεσβευσόμενοι, ὅπως μὴ σφίσι πρὸς τῷ Κερκυραίων ναυτικῷ καὶ τὸ αὐτῶν προσγενόμενον ἐμπόδιον γένηται θέσθαι τὸν πόλεμον ᾗ βούλονται.

4 καταστάσης δὲ ἐκκλησίας ἐς ἀντιλογίαν ἦλθον, καὶ οἱ μὲν Κερκυραῖοι ἔλεξαν τοιάδε.

Chapter 32

1 ‘Δίκαιον, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, τοὺς μήτε εὐεργεσίας μεγάλης μήτε ξυμμαχίας προυφειλομένης ἥκοντας παρὰ τοὺς πέλας ἐπικουρίας, ὥσπερ καὶ ἡμεῖς νῦν, δεησομένους ἀναδιδάξαι πρῶτον, μάλιστα μὲν ὡς καὶ ξύμφορα δέονται, εἰ δὲ μή, ὅτι γε οὐκ ἐπιζήμια, ἔπειτα δὲ ὡς καὶ τὴν χάριν βέβαιον ἕξουσιν· εἰ δὲ τούτων μηδὲν σαφὲς καταστήσουσι, μὴ ὀργίζεσθαι ἢν ἀτυχῶσιν.

2 Κερκυραῖοι δὲ μετὰ τῆς ξυμμαχίας τῆς αἰτήσεως καὶ ταῦτα πιστεύοντες ἐχυρὰ ὑμῖν παρέξεσθαι ἀπέστειλαν ἡμᾶς.

3 τετύχηκε δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ ἐπιτήδευμα πρός τε ὑμᾶς ἐς τὴν χρείαν ἡμῖν ἄλογον καὶ ἐς τὰ ἡμέτερα αὐτῶν ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἀξύμφορον.

4 ξύμμαχοί τε γὰρ οὐδενός πω ἐν τῷ πρὸ τοῦ χρόνῳ ἑκούσιοι γενόμενοι νῦν ἄλλων τοῦτο δεησόμενοι ἥκομεν, καὶ ἅμα ἐς τὸν παρόντα πόλεμον Κορινθίων ἐρῆμοι δι’ αὐτὸ καθέσταμεν. καὶ περιέστηκεν ἡ δοκοῦσα ἡμῶν πρότερον σωφροσύνη, τὸ μὴ ἐν ἀλλοτρίᾳ ξυμμαχίᾳ τῇ τοῦ πέλας γνώμῃ ξυγκινδυνεύειν, νῦν ἀβουλία καὶ ἀσθένεια φαινομένη.

5 τὴν μὲν οὖν γενομένην ναυμαχίαν αὐτοὶ κατὰ μόνας ἀπεωσάμεθα Κορινθίους· ἐπειδὴ δὲ μείζονι παρασκευῇ ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου καὶ τῆς ἄλλης Ἑλλάδος ἐφ’ ἡμᾶς ὥρμηνται καὶ ἡμεῖς ἀδύνατοι ὁρῶμεν ὄντες τῇ οἰκείᾳ μόνον δυνάμει περιγενέσθαι, καὶ ἅμα μέγας ὁ κίνδυνος εἰ ἐσόμεθα ὑπ’ αὐτοῖς, ἀνάγκη καὶ ὑμῶν καὶ ἄλλου παντὸς ἐπικουρίας δεῖσθαι, καὶ ξυγγνώμη εἰ μὴ μετὰ κακίας, δόξης δὲ μᾶλλον ἁμαρτίᾳ τῇ πρότερον ἀπραγμοσύνῃ ἐναντία τολμῶμεν.

Chapter 33

1 ‘γενήσεται δὲ ὑμῖν πειθομένοις καλὴ ἡ ξυντυχία κατὰ πολλὰ τῆς ἡμετέρας χρείας, πρῶτον μὲν ὅτι ἀδικουμένοις καὶ οὐχ ἑτέρους βλάπτουσι τὴν ἐπικουρίαν ποιήσεσθε, ἔπειτα περὶ τῶν μεγίστων κινδυνεύοντας δεξάμενοι ὡς ἂν μάλιστα μετ’ αἰειμνήστου μαρτυρίου τὴν χάριν καταθήσεσθε· ναυτικόν τε κεκτήμεθα πλὴν τοῦ παρ᾽ ὑμῖν πλεῖστον.

2 καὶ σκέψασθε· τίς εὐπραξία σπανιωτέρα ἢ τίς τοῖς πολεμίοις λυπηροτέρα, εἰ ἣν ὑμεῖς ἂν πρὸ πολλῶν χρημάτων καὶ χάριτος ἐτιμήσασθε δύναμιν ὑμῖν προσγενέσθαι, αὕτη πάρεστιν αὐτεπάγγελτος ἄνευ κινδύνων καὶ δαπάνης διδοῦσα ἑαυτήν, καὶ προσέτι φέρουσα ἐς μὲν τοὺς πολλοὺς ἀρετήν, οἷς δὲ ἐπαμυνεῖτε χάριν, ὑμῖν δ’ αὐτοῖς ἰσχύν· ἃ ἐν τῷ παντὶ χρόνῳ ὀλίγοις δὴ ἅμα πάντα ξυνέβη, καὶ ὀλίγοι ξυμμαχίας δεόμενοι οἷς ἐπικαλοῦνται ἀσφάλειαν καὶ κόσμον οὐχ ἧσσον διδόντες ἢ ληψόμενοι παραγίγνονται.

3 τὸν δὲ πόλεμον, δι’ ὅνπερ χρήσιμοι ἂν εἶμεν, εἴ τις ὑμῶν μὴ οἴεται ἔσεσθαι, γνώμης ἁμαρτάνει καὶ οὐκ αἰσθάνεται τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους φόβῳ τῷ ὑμετέρῳ πολεμησείοντας καὶ τοὺς Κορινθίους δυναμένους παρ’ αὐτοῖς καὶ ὑμῖν ἐχθροὺς ὄντας καὶ προκαταλαμβάνοντας ἡμᾶς νῦν ἐς τὴν ὑμετέραν ἐπιχείρησιν, ἵνα μὴ τῷ κοινῷ ἔχθει κατ’ αὐτοὺς μετ’ ἀλλήλων στῶμεν μηδὲ δυοῖν φθάσαι ἁμάρτωσιν, ἢ κακῶσαι ἡμᾶς ἢ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς βεβαιώσασθαι.

4 ἡμέτερον δέ γ’ αὖ ἔργον προτερῆσαι, τῶν μὲν διδόντων, ὑμῶν δὲ δεξαμένων τὴν ξυμμαχίαν, καὶ προεπιβουλεύειν αὐτοῖς μᾶλλον ἢ ἀντεπιβουλεύειν.

Chapter 34

1 ‘ἢν δὲ λέγωσιν ὡς οὐ δίκαιον τοὺς σφετέρους ἀποίκους ὑμᾶς δέχεσθαι, μαθόντων ὡς πᾶσα ἀποικία εὖ μὲν πάσχουσα τιμᾷ τὴν μητρόπολιν, ἀδικουμένη δὲ ἀλλοτριοῦται· οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ τῷ δοῦλοι, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ τῷ ὁμοῖοι τοῖς λειπομένοις εἶναι ἐκπέμπονται.

2 ὡς δὲ ἠδίκουν σαφές ἐστιν· προκληθέντες γὰρ περὶ Ἐπιδάμνου ἐς κρίσιν πολέμῳ μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ ἴσῳ ἐβουλήθησαν τὰ ἐγκλήματα μετελθεῖν.

3 καὶ ὑμῖν ἔστω τι τεκμήριον ἃ πρὸς ἡμᾶς τοὺς ξυγγενεῖς δρῶσιν, ὥστε ἀπάτῃ τε μὴ παράγεσθαι ὑπ’ αὐτῶν δεομένοις τε ἐκ τοῦ εὐθέος μὴ ὑπουργεῖν· ὁ γὰρ ἐλαχίστας τὰς μεταμελείας ἐκ τοῦ χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς ἐναντίοις λαμβάνων ἀσφαλέστατος ἂν διατελοίη.

Chapter 35

1 λύσετε δὲ οὐδὲ τὰς Λακεδαιμονίων σπονδὰς δεχόμενοι ἡμᾶς μηδετέρων ὄντας ξυμμάχους·

2 εἴρηται γὰρ ἐν αὐταῖς, τῶν Ἑλληνίδων πόλεων ἥτις μηδαμοῦ ξυμμαχεῖ,ἐξεῖναι παρ᾽ ὁποτέρους ἂν ἀρέσκηται ἐλθεῖν.

3 καὶ δεινὸν εἰ τοῖσδε μὲν ἀπό τε τῶν ἐνσπόνδων ἔσται πληροῦν τὰς ναῦς καὶ προσέτι καὶ ἐκ τῆς ἄλλης Ἑλλάδος καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα ἀπὸ τῶν ὑμετέρων ὑπηκόων, ἡμᾶς δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς προκειμένης τε ξυμμαχίας εἴρξουσι καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς ἄλλοθέν ποθεν ὠφελίας, εἶτα ἐν ἀδικήματι θήσονται πεισθέντων ὑμῶν ἃ δεόμεθα.

4 πολὺ δὲ ἐν πλέονι αἰτίᾳ ἡμεῖς μὴ πείσαντες ὑμᾶς ἕξομεν· ἡμᾶς μὲν γὰρ κινδυνεύοντας καὶ οὐκ ἐχθροὺς ὄντας ἀπώσεσθε, τῶνδε δὲ οὐχ ὅπως κωλυταὶ ἐχθρῶν ὄντων καὶ ἐπιόντων γενήσεσθε, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς ὑμετέρας ἀρχῆς δύναμιν προσλαβεῖν περιόψεσθε· ἣν οὐ δίκαιον, ἀλλ’ ἢ κἀκείνων κωλύειν τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ὑμετέρας μισθοφόρους ἢ καὶ ἡμῖν πέμπειν καθ’ ὅτι ἂν πεισθῆτε ὠφελίαν, μάλιστα δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ προφανοῦς δεξαμένους βοηθεῖν.

5 πολλὰ δέ, ὥσπερ ἐν ἀρχῇ ὑπείπομεν, τὰ ξυμφέροντα ἀποδείκνυμεν, καὶ μέγιστον ὅτι οἵ τε αὐτοὶ πολέμιοι ἡμῖν ἦσαν, ὅπερ σαφεστάτη πίστις, καὶ οὗτοι οὐκ ἀσθενεῖς, ἀλλ’ ἱκανοὶ τοὺς μεταστάντας βλάψαι· καὶ ναυτικῆς καὶ οὐκ ἠπειρώτιδος τῆς ξυμμαχίας διδομένης οὐχ ὁμοία ἡ ἀλλοτρίωσις, ἀλλὰ μάλιστα μέν, εἰ δύνασθε, μηδένα ἄλλον ἐᾶν κεκτῆσθαι ναῦς, εἰ δὲ μή, ὅστις ἐχυρώτατος, τοῦτον φίλον ἔχειν.

Chapter 36

1 ‘καὶ ὅτῳ τάδε ξυμφέροντα μὲν δοκεῖ λέγεσθαι, φοβεῖται δὲ μὴ δι’ αὐτὰ πειθόμενος τὰς σπονδὰς λύσῃ, γνώτω τὸ μὲν δεδιὸς αὐτοῦ ἰσχὺν ἔχον τοὺς ἐναντίους μᾶλλον φοβῆσον, τὸ δὲ θαρσοῦν μὴ δεξαμένου ἀσθενὲς ὂν πρὸς ἰσχύοντας τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἀδεέστερον ἐσόμενον, καὶ ἅμα οὐ περὶ τῆς Κερκύρας νῦν τὸ πλέον ἢ καὶ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν βουλευόμενος, καὶ οὐ τὰ κράτιστα αὐταῖς προνοῶν, ὅταν ἐς τὸν μέλλοντα καὶ ὅσον οὐ παρόντα πόλεμον τὸ αὐτίκα περισκοπῶν ἐνδοιάζῃ χωρίον προσλαβεῖν ὃ μετὰ μεγίστων καιρῶν οἰκειοῦταί τε καὶ πολεμοῦται.

2 τῆς τε γὰρ Ἰταλίας καὶ Σικελίας καλῶς παράπλου κεῖται, ὥστε μήτε ἐκεῖθεν ναυτικὸν ἐᾶσαι Πελοποννησίοις ἐπελθεῖν τό τε ἐνθένδε πρὸς τἀκεῖ παραπέμψαι, καὶ ἐς τἆλλα ξυμφορώτατόν ἐστιν.

3 βραχυτάτῳ δ’ ἂν κεφαλαίῳ, τοῖς τε ξύμπασι καὶ καθ’ ἕκαστον, τῷδ’ ἂν μὴ προέσθαι ἡμᾶς μάθοιτε· τρία μὲν ὄντα λόγου ἄξια τοῖς Ἕλλησι ναυτικά, τὸ παρ’ ὑμῖν καὶ τὸ ἡμέτερον καὶ τὸ Κορινθίων· τούτων δὲ εἰ περιόψεσθε τὰ δύο ἐς ταὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν καὶ Κορίνθιοι ἡμᾶς προκαταλήψονται, Κερκυραίοις τε καὶ Πελοποννησίοις ἅμα ναυμαχήσετε, δεξάμενοι δὲ ἡμᾶς ἕξετε πρὸς αὐτοὺς πλείοσι ναυσὶ ταῖς ἡμετέραις ἀγωνίζεσθαι.’

4 τοιαῦτα μὲν οἱ Κερκυραῖοι εἶπον· οἱ δὲ Κορίνθιοι μετ’ αὐτοὺς τοιάδε.

Chapter 37

1 ‘ἀναγκαῖον Κερκυραίων τῶνδε οὐ μόνον περὶ τοῦ δέξασθαι σφᾶς τὸν λόγον ποιησαμένων, ἀλλ’ ὡς καὶ ἡμεῖς τε ἀδικοῦμεν καὶ αὐτοὶ οὐκ εἰκότως πολεμοῦνται, μνησθέντας πρῶτον καὶ ἡμᾶς περὶ ἀμφοτέρων οὕτω καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν ἄλλον λόγον ἰέναι, ἵνα τὴν ἀφ’ ἡμῶν τε ἀξίωσιν ἀσφαλέστερον προειδῆτε καὶ τὴν τῶνδε χρείαν μὴ ἀλογίστως ἀπώσησθε.

2 ‘φασὶ δὲ ξυμμαχίαν διὰ τὸ σῶφρον οὐδενός πω δέξασθαι· τὸ δ’ ἐπὶ κακουργίᾳ καὶ οὐκ ἀρετῇ ἐπετήδευσαν, ξύμμαχόν τε οὐδένα βουλόμενοι πρὸς τἀδικήματα οὐδὲ μάρτυρα ἔχειν οὔτε παρακαλοῦντες αἰσχύνεσθαι.

3 καὶ ἡ πόλις αὐτῶν ἅμα αὐτάρκη θέσιν κειμένη παρέχει αὐτοὺς δικαστὰς ὧν βλάπτουσί τινα μᾶλλον ἢ κατὰ ξυνθήκας γίγνεσθαι, διὰ τὸ ἥκιστα ἐπὶ τοὺς πέλας ἐκπλέοντας μάλιστα τοὺς ἄλλους ἀνάγκῃ καταίροντας δέχεσθαι.

4 καὶ τοῦτο τὸ εὐπρεπὲς ἄσπονδον οὐχ ἵνα μὴ ξυναδικῶσιν ἑτέροις προβέβληνται, ἀλλ’ ὅπως κατὰ μόνας ἀδικῶσι καὶ ὅπως ἐν ᾧ μὲν ἂν κρατῶσι βιάζωνται, οὗ δ’ ἂν λάθωσι πλέον ἔχωσιν, ἢν δέ πού τι προσλάβωσιν ἀναισχυντῶσιν·

5 καίτοι εἰ ἦσαν ἄνδρες,ὥσπερ φασίν, ἀγαθοί, ὅσῳ ἀληπτότεροι ἦσαν τοῖς πέλας, τόσῳ δὲ φανερωτέραν ἐξῆν αὐτοῖς τὴν ἀρετὴν διδοῦσι καὶ δεχομένοις τὰ δίκαια δεικνύναι.

Chapter 38

1 ἀλλ’ οὔτε πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους οὔτε ἐς ἡμᾶς τοιοίδε εἰσίν, ἄποικοι δ’ ὄντες ἀφεστᾶσί τε διὰ παντὸς καὶ νῦν πολεμοῦσι, λέγοντες ὡς οὐκ ἐπὶ τῷ κακῶς πάσχειν ἐκπεμφθεῖεν.

2 ἡμεῖς δὲ οὐδ’ αὐτοί φαμεν ἐπὶ τῷ ὑπὸ τούτων ὑβρίζεσθαι κατοικίσαι, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ τῷ ἡγεμόνες τε εἶναι καὶ τὰ εἰκότα θαυμάζεσθαι.

3 αἱ γοῦν ἄλλαι ἀποικίαι τιμῶσιν ἡμᾶς, καὶ μάλιστα ὑπὸ ἀποίκων στεργόμεθα·

4 καὶ δῆλον ὅτι, εἰ τοῖς πλέοσιν ἀρέσκοντές ἐσμεν, τοῖσδ’ ἂν μόνοις οὐκ ὀρθῶς ἀπαρέσκοιμεν, οὐδ’ ἐπιστρατεύομεν ἐκπρεπῶς μὴ καὶ διαφερόντως τι ἀδικούμενοι.

5 καλὸν δ’ ἦν, εἰ καὶ ἡμαρτάνομεν, τοῖσδε μὲν εἶξαι τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ ὀργῇ, ἡμῖν δὲ αἰσχρὸν βιάσασθαι τὴν τούτων μετριότητα·

6 ὕβρει δὲ καὶ ἐξουσίᾳ πλούτου πολλὰ ἐς ἡμᾶς ἄλλα τε ἡμαρτήκασι καὶ Ἐπίδαμνον ἡμετέραν οὖσαν κακουμένην μὲν οὐ προσεποιοῦντο, ἐλθόντων δὲ ἡμῶν ἐπὶ τιμωρίᾳ ἑλόντες βίᾳ ἔχουσιν.

Chapter 39

1 ‘καὶ φασὶ δὴ δίκῃ πρότερον ἐθελῆσαι κρίνεσθαι, ἥν γε οὐ τὸν προύχοντα καὶ ἐκ τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς προκαλούμενον λέγειν τι δοκεῖν δεῖ, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἐς ἴσον τά τε ἔργα ὁμοίως καὶ τοὺς λόγους πρὶν διαγωνίζεσθαι καθιστάντα.

2 οὗτοι δὲ οὐ πρὶν πολιορκεῖν τὸ χωρίον, ἀλλ’ ἐπειδὴ ἡγήσαντο ἡμᾶς οὐ περιόψεσθαι, τότε καὶ τὸ εὐπρεπὲς τῆς δίκης παρέσχοντο. καὶ δεῦρο ἥκουσιν οὐ τἀκεῖ μόνον αὐτοὶ ἁμαρτόντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὑμᾶς νῦν ἀξιοῦντες οὐ ξυμμαχεῖν, ἀλλὰ ξυναδικεῖν καὶ διαφόρους ὄντας ἡμῖν δέχεσθαι σφᾶς·

3 οὓς χρῆν, ὅτε ἀσφαλέστατοι ἦσαν, τότε προσιέναι, καὶ μὴ ἐν ᾧ ἡμεῖς μὲν ἠδικήμεθα, οὗτοι δὲ κινδυνεύουσι, μηδ’ ἐν ᾧ ὑμεῖς τῆς τε δυνάμεως αὐτῶν τότε οὐ μεταλαβόντες τῆς ὠφελίας νῦν μεταδώσετε καὶ τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων ἀπογενόμενοι τῆς ἀφ’ ἡμῶν αἰτίας τὸ ἴσον ἕξετε, πάλαι δὲ κοινώσαντας τὴν δύναμιν κοινὰ καὶ τὰ ἀποβαίνοντα ἔχειν.

Chapter 40

1 ‘ὡς μὲν οὖν αὐτοί τε μετὰ προσηκόντων ἐγκλημάτων ἐρχόμεθα καὶ οἵδε βίαιοι καὶ πλεονέκται εἰσὶ δεδήλωται· ὡς δὲ οὐκ ἂν δικαίως αὐτοὺς δέχοισθε μαθεῖν χρή.

2 εἰ γὰρ εἴρηται ἐν ταῖς σπονδαῖς ἐξεῖναι παρ’ ὁποτέρους τις βούλεται τῶν ἀγράφων πόλεων ἐλθεῖν, οὐ τοῖς ἐπὶ βλάβῃ ἑτέρων ἰοῦσιν ἡ ξυνθήκη ἐστίν, ἀλλ’ ὅστις μὴ ἄλλου ἑαυτὸν ἀποστερῶν ἀσφαλείας δεῖται καὶ ὅστις μὴ τοῖς δεξαμένοις, εἰ σωφρονοῦσι, πόλεμον ἀντ’ εἰρήνης ποιήσει· ὃ νῦν ὑμεῖς μὴ πειθόμενοι ἡμῖν πάθοιτε ἄν.

3 οὐ γὰρ τοῖσδε μόνον ἐπίκουροι ἂν γένοισθε, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡμῖν ἀντὶ ἐνσπόνδων πολέμιοι· ἀνάγκη γάρ, εἰ ἴτε μετ’ αὐτῶν, καὶ ἀμύνεσθαι μὴ ἄνευ ὑμῶν τούτους.

4 καίτοι δίκαιοί γ’ ἐστὲ μάλιστα μὲν ἐκποδὼν στῆναι ἀμφοτέροις, εἰ δὲ μή, τοὐναντίον ἐπὶ τούτους μεθ’ ἡμῶν ἰέναι (Κορινθίοις μέν γε ἔνσπονδοί ἐστε, Κερκυραίοις δὲ οὐδὲ δι’ ἀνοκωχῆς πώποτ’ ἐγένεσθε), καὶ τὸν νόμον μὴ καθιστάναι ὥστε τοὺς ἑτέρων ἀφισταμένους δέχεσθαι.

5 οὐδὲ γὰρ ἡμεῖς Σαμίων ἀποστάντων ψῆφον προσεθέμεθα ἐναντίαν ὑμῖν, τῶν ἄλλων Πελοποννησίων δίχα ἐψηφισμένων εἰ χρὴ αὐτοῖς ἀμύνειν, φανερῶς δὲ ἀντείπομεν τοὺς προσήκοντας ξυμμάχους αὐτόν τινα κολάζειν.

6 εἰ γὰρ τοὺς κακόν τι δρῶντας δεχόμενοι τιμωρήσετε, φανεῖται καὶ ἃ τῶν ὑμετέρων οὐκ ἐλάσσω ἡμῖν πρόσεισι, καὶ τὸν νόμον ἐφ’ ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς μᾶλλον ἢ ἐφ’ ἡμῖν θήσετε.

Chapter 41

1 ‘δικαιώματα μὲν οὖν τάδε πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἔχομεν ἱκανὰ κατὰ τοὺς Ἑλλήνων νόμους, παραίνεσιν δὲ καὶ ἀξίωσιν χάριτος τοιάνδε, ἣν οὐκ ἐχθροὶ ὄντες ὥστε βλάπτειν οὐδ’ αὖ φίλοι ὥστ’ ἐπιχρῆσθαι, ἀντιδοθῆναι ἡμῖν ἐν τῷ παρόντι φαμὲν χρῆναι.

2 νεῶν γὰρ μακρῶν σπανίσαντές ποτε πρὸς τὸν Αἰγινητῶν ὑπὲρ τὰ Μηδικὰ πόλεμον παρὰ Κορινθίων εἴκοσι ναῦς ἐλάβετε· καὶ ἡ εὐεργεσία αὕτη τε καὶ ἡ ἐς Σαμίους, τὸ δι’ ἡμᾶς Πελοποννησίους αὐτοῖς μὴ βοηθῆσαι, παρέσχεν ὑμῖν Αἰγινητῶν μὲν ἐπικράτησιν, Σαμίων δὲ κόλασιν, καὶ ἐν καιροῖς τοιούτοις ἐγένετο οἷς μάλιστα ἄνθρωποι ἐπ’ ἐχθροὺς τοὺς σφετέρους ἰόντες τῶν ἁπάντων ἀπερίοπτοί εἰσι παρὰ τὸ νικᾶν·

3 φίλον τε γὰρ ἡγοῦνται τὸν ὑπουργοῦντα, ἢν καὶ πρότερον ἐχθρὸς ᾖ, πολέμιόν τε τὸν ἀντιστάντα, ἢν καὶ τύχῃ φίλος ὤν, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα χεῖρον τίθενται φιλονικίας ἕνεκα τῆς αὐτίκα.

Chapter 42

1 ‘ὧν ἐνθυμηθέντες καὶ νεώτερός τις παρὰ πρεσβυτέρου αὐτὰ μαθὼν ἀξιούτω τοῖς ὁμοίοις ἡμᾶς ἀμύνεσθαι, καὶ μὴ νομίσῃ δίκαια μὲν τάδε λέγεσθαι, ξύμφορα δέ, εἰ πολεμήσει, ἄλλα εἶναι.

2 τό τε γὰρ ξυμφέρον ἐν ᾧ ἄν τις ἐλάχιστα ἁμαρτάνῃ μάλιστα ἕπεται, καὶ τὸ μέλλον τοῦ πολέμου ᾧ φοβοῦντες ὑμᾶς Κερκυραῖοι κελεύουσιν ἀδικεῖν ἐν ἀφανεῖ ἔτι κεῖται, καὶ οὐκ ἄξιον ἐπαρθέντας αὐτῷ φανερὰν ἔχθραν ἤδη καὶ οὐ μέλλουσαν πρὸς Κορινθίους κτήσασθαι, τῆς δὲ ὑπαρχούσης πρότερον διὰ Μεγαρέας ὑποψίας σῶφρον ὑφελεῖν μᾶλλον (ἡ γὰρ τελευταία χάρις καιρὸν ἔχουσα,

3 κἂν ἐλάσσων ᾖ, δύναται μεῖζον ἔγκλημα λῦσαι),

4 μηδ’ ὅτι ναυτικοῦ ξυμμαχίαν μεγάλην διδόασι, τούτῳ ἐφέλκεσθαι· τὸ γὰρ μὴ ἀδικεῖν τοὺς ὁμοίους ἐχυρωτέρα δύναμις ἢ τῷ αὐτίκα φανερῷ ἐπαρθέντας διὰ κινδύνων τὸ πλέον ἔχειν.

Chapter 43

1 ἡμεῖς δὲ περιπεπτωκότες οἷς ἐν τῇ Λακεδαίμονι αὐτοὶ προείπομεν, τοὺς σφετέρους ξυμμάχους αὐτόν τινα κολάζειν, νῦν παρ’ ὑμῶν τὸ αὐτὸ ἀξιοῦμεν κομίζεσθαι, καὶ μὴ τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ ψήφῳ ὠφεληθέντας τῇ ὑμετέρᾳ ἡμᾶς βλάψαι.

2 τὸ δὲ ἴσον ἀνταπόδοτε, γνόντες τοῦτον ἐκεῖνον εἶναι τὸν καιρὸν ἐν ᾧ ὅ τε ὑπουργῶν φίλος μάλιστα καὶ ὁ ἀντιστὰς ἐχθρός.

3 καὶ Κερκυραίους τούσδε μήτε ξυμμάχους δέχεσθε βίᾳ ἡμῶν μήτε ἀμύνετε αὐτοῖς ἀδικοῦσιν.

4 καὶ τάδε ποιοῦντες τὰ προσήκοντά τε δράσετε καὶ τὰ ἄριστα βουλεύσεσθε ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς.’

Chapter 44

1 τοιαῦτα δὲ καὶ οἱ Κορίνθιοι εἶπον. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ἀκούσαντες ἀμφοτέρων, γενομένης καὶ δὶς ἐκκλησίας, τῇ μὲν προτέρᾳ οὐχ ἧσσον τῶν Κορινθίων ἀπεδέξαντο τοὺς λόγους, ἐν δὲ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ μετέγνωσαν Κερκυραίοις ξυμμαχίαν μὲν μὴ ποιήσασθαι ὥστε τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἐχθροὺς καὶ φίλους νομίζειν (εἰ γὰρ ἐπὶ Κόρινθον ἐκέλευον σφίσιν οἱ Κερκυραῖοι ξυμπλεῖν, ἐλύοντ’ ἂν αὐτοῖς αἱ πρὸς Πελοποννησίους σπονδαί), ἐπιμαχίαν δ’ ἐποιήσαντο τῇ ἀλλήλων βοηθεῖν, ἐάν τις ἐπὶ Κέρκυραν ἴῃ ἢ Ἀθήνας ἢ τοὺς τούτων ξυμμάχους.

2 ἐδόκει γὰρ ὁ πρὸς Πελοποννησίους πόλεμος καὶ ὣς ἔσεσθαι αὐτοῖς, καὶ τὴν Κέρκυραν ἐβούλοντο μὴ προέσθαι τοῖς Κορινθίοις ναυτικὸν ἔχουσαν τοσοῦτον, ξυγκρούειν δὲ ὅτι μάλιστα αὐτοὺς ἀλλήλοις, ἵνα ἀσθενεστέροις οὖσιν, ἤν τι δέῃ, Κορινθίοις τε καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ναυτικὸν ἔχουσιν ἐς πόλεμον καθιστῶνται.

3 ἅμα δὲ τῆς τε Ἰταλίας καὶ Σικελίας καλῶς ἐφαίνετο αὐτοῖς ἡ νῆσος ἐν παράπλῳ κεῖσθαι.

Chapter 45

1 τοιαύτῃ μὲν γνώμῃ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τοὺς Κερκυραίους προσεδέξαντο, καὶ τῶν Κορινθίων ἀπελθόντων οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον δέκα ναῦς αὐτοῖς ἀπέστειλαν βοηθούς·

2 ἐστρατήγει δὲ αὐτῶν Λακεδαιμόνιός τε ὁ Κίμωνος καὶ Διότιμος ὁ Στρομβίχου καὶ Πρωτέας ὁ Ἐπικλέους.

3 προεῖπον δὲ αὐτοῖς μὴ ναυμαχεῖν Κορινθίοις, ἢν μὴ ἐπὶ Κέρκυραν πλέωσι καὶ μέλλωσιν ἀποβαίνειν ἢ ἐς τῶν ἐκείνων τι χωρίων· οὕτω δὲ κωλύειν κατὰ δύναμιν. προεῖπον δὲ ταῦτα τοῦ μὴ λύειν ἕνεκα τὰς σπονδάς.

Chapter 46

1 αἱ μὲν δὴ νῆες ἀφικνοῦνται ἐς τὴν Κέρκυραν, οἱ δὲ Κορίνθιοι, ἐπειδὴ αὐτοῖς παρεσκεύαστο, ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τὴν Κέρκυραν ναυσὶ πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατόν. ἦσαν δὲ Ἠλείων μὲν δέκα, Μεγαρέων δὲ δώδεκα καὶ Λευκαδίων δέκα, Ἀμπρακιωτῶν δὲ ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι καὶ Ἀνακτορίων μία, αὐτῶν δὲ Κορινθίων ἐνενήκοντα·

2 στρατηγοὶ δὲ τούτων ἦσαν μὲν καὶ κατὰ πόλεις ἑκάστων, Κορινθίων δὲ Ξενοκλείδης ὁ Εὐθυκλέους πέμπτος αὐτός.

3 ἐπειδὴ δὲ προσέμειξαν τῇ κατὰ Κέρκυραν ἠπείρῳ ἀπὸ Λευκάδος πλέοντες, ὁρμίζονται ἐς Χειμέριον τῆς Θεσπρωτίδος γῆς.

4 ἔστι δὲ λιμήν, καὶ πόλις ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ κεῖται ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἐν τῇ Ἐλαιάτιδι τῆς Θεσπρωτίδος Ἐφύρη. ἐξίησι δὲ παρ’ αὐτὴν Ἀχερουσία λίμνη ἐς θάλασσαν· διὰ δὲ τῆς Θεσπρωτίδος Ἀχέρων ποταμὸς ῥέων ἐσβάλλει ἐς αὐτήν, ἀφ’ οὗ καὶ τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ἔχει. ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ Θύαμις ποταμός, ὁρίζων τὴν Θεσπρωτίδα καὶ Κεστρίνην, ὧν ἐντὸς ἡ ἄκρα ἀνέχει τὸ Χειμέριον.

5 οἱ μὲν οὖν Κορίνθιοι τῆς ἠπείρου ἐνταῦθα ὁρμίζονταί τε καὶ στρατόπεδον ἐποιήσαντο.

Chapter 47

1 οἱ δὲ Κερκυραῖοι ὡς ᾔσθοντο αὐτοὺς προσπλέοντας, πληρώσαντες δέκα καὶ ἑκατὸν ναῦς, ὧν ἦρχε Μικιάδης καὶ Αἰσιμίδης καὶ Εὐρύβατος, ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο ἐν μιᾷ τῶν νήσων αἳ καλοῦνται Σύβοτα· καὶ αἱ Ἀττικαὶ δέκα παρῆσαν.

2 ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ Λευκίμμῃ αὐτοῖς τῷ ἀκρωτηρίῳ ὁ πεζὸς ἦν καὶ Ζακυνθίων χίλιοι ὁπλῖται βεβοηθηκότες.

3 ἦσαν δὲ καὶ τοῖς Κορινθίοις ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ πολλοὶ τῶν βαρβάρων παραβεβοηθηκότες· οἱ γὰρ ταύτῃ ἠπειρῶται αἰεί ποτε αὐτοῖς φίλοι εἰσίν.

Chapter 48

1 ἐπειδὴ δὲ παρεσκεύαστο τοῖς Κορινθίοις, λαβόντες τριῶν ἡμερῶν σιτία ἀνήγοντο ὡς ἐπὶ ναυμαχίαν ἀπὸ τοῦ Χειμερίου νυκτός,

2 καὶ ἅμα ἕῳ πλέοντες καθορῶσι τὰς τῶν Κερκυραίων ναῦς μετεώρους τε καὶ ἐπὶ σφᾶς πλεούσας.

3 ὡς δὲ κατεῖδον ἀλλήλους, ἀντιπαρετάσσοντο, ἐπὶ μὲν τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας Κερκυραίων αἱ Ἀττικαὶ νῆες, τὸ δὲ ἄλλο αὐτοὶ ἐπεῖχον τρία τέλη ποιήσαντες τῶν νεῶν, ὧν ἦρχε 〈τῶν〉 τριῶν στρατηγῶν ἑκάστου εἷς.

4 οὕτω μὲν Κερκυραῖοι ἐτάξαντο, Κορινθίοις δὲ τὸ μὲν δεξιὸν κέρας αἱ Μεγαρίδες νῆες εἶχον καὶ αἱ Ἀμπρακιώτιδες, κατὰ δὲ τὸ μέσον οἱ ἄλλοι ξύμμαχοι ὡς ἕκαστοι· εὐώνυμον δὲ κέρας αὐτοὶ οἱ Κορίνθιοι ταῖς ἄριστα τῶν νεῶν πλεούσαις κατὰ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους καὶ τὸ δεξιὸν τῶν Κερκυραίων εἶχον.

Chapter 49

1 ξυμμείξαντες δέ, ἐπειδὴ τὰ σημεῖα ἑκατέροις ἤρθη, ἐναυμάχουν, πολλοὺς μὲν ὁπλίτας ἔχοντες ἀμφότεροι ἐπὶ τῶν καταστρωμάτων, πολλοὺς δὲ τοξότας τε καὶ ἀκοντιστάς, τῷ παλαιῷ τρόπῳ ἀπειρότερον ἔτι παρεσκευασμένοι.

2 ἦν τε ἡ ναυμαχία καρτερά, τῇ μὲν τέχνῃ οὐχ ὁμοίως, πεζομαχίᾳ δὲ τὸ πλέον προσφερὴς οὖσα.

3 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ προσβάλοιεν ἀλλήλοις, οὐ ῥᾳδίως ἀπελύοντο ὑπό τε τοῦ πλήθους καὶ ὄχλου τῶν νεῶν, καὶ μᾶλλόν τι πιστεύοντες τοῖς ἐπὶ τοῦ καταστρώματος ὁπλίταις ἐς τὴν νίκην, οἳ καταστάντες ἐμάχοντο ἡσυχαζουσῶν τῶν νεῶν· διέκπλοι δ’ οὐκ ἦσαν, ἀλλὰ θυμῷ καὶ ῥώμῃ τὸ πλέον ἐναυμάχουν ἢ ἐπιστήμῃ.

4 πανταχῇ μὲν οὖν πολὺς θόρυβος καὶ ταραχώδης ἦν ἡ ναυμαχία, ἐν ᾗ αἱ Ἀττικαὶ νῆες παραγιγνόμεναι τοῖς Κερκυραίοις, εἴ πῃ πιέζοιντο, φόβον μὲν παρεῖχον τοῖς ἐναντίοις, μάχης δὲ οὐκ ἦρχον δεδιότες οἱ στρατηγοὶ τὴν πρόρρησιν τῶν Ἀθηναίων.

5 μάλιστα δὲ τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας τῶν Κορινθίων ἐπόνει· οἱ γὰρ Κερκυραῖοι εἴκοσι ναυσὶν αὐτοὺς τρεψάμενοι καὶ καταδιώξαντες σποράδας ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον καὶ μέχρι τοῦ στρατοπέδου πλεύσαντες αὐτῶν καὶ ἐπεκβάντες ἐνέπρησάν τε τὰς σκηνὰς ἐρήμους καὶ τὰ χρήματα διήρπασαν.

6 ταύτῃ μὲν οὖν οἱ Κορίνθιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἡσσῶντό [τε] καὶ οἱ Κερκυραῖοι ἐπεκράτουν· ᾗ δὲ αὐτοὶ ἦσαν οἱ Κορίνθιοι, ἐπὶ τῷ εὐωνύμῳ, πολὺ ἐνίκων, τοῖς Κερκυραίοις τῶν εἴκοσι νεῶν ἀπὸ ἐλάσσονος πλήθους ἐκ τῆς διώξεως οὐ παρουσῶν.

7 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι ὁρῶντες τοὺς Κερκυραίους πιεζομένους μᾶλλον ἤδη ἀπροφασίστως ἐπεκούρουν, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀπεχόμενοι ὥστε μὴ ἐμβάλλειν τινί· ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἡ τροπὴ ἐγίγνετο λαμπρῶς καὶ ἐνέκειντο οἱ Κορίνθιοι, τότε δὴ ἔργου πᾶς εἴχετο ἤδη καὶ διεκέκριτο οὐδὲν ἔτι, ἀλλὰ ξυνέπεσεν ἐς τοῦτο ἀνάγκης ὥστε ἐπιχειρῆσαι ἀλλήλοις τοὺς Κορινθίους καὶ Ἀθηναίους.

Chapter 50

1 τῆς δὲ τροπῆς γενομένης οἱ Κορίνθιοι τὰ σκάφη μὲν οὐχ εἷλκον ἀναδούμενοι τῶν νεῶν ἃς καταδύσειαν, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐτράποντο φονεύειν διεκπλέοντες μᾶλλον ἢ ζωγρεῖν, τούς τε αὑτῶν φίλους, οὐκ ᾐσθημένοι ὅτι ἥσσηντο οἱ ἐπὶ τῷ δεξιῷ κέρᾳ, ἀγνοοῦντες ἔκτεινον.

2 πολλῶν γὰρ νεῶν οὐσῶν ἀμφοτέρων καὶ ἐπὶ πολὺ τῆς θαλάσσης ἐπεχουσῶν, ἐπειδὴ ξυνέμειξαν ἀλλήλοις, οὐ ῥᾳδίως τὴν διάγνωσιν ἐποιοῦντο ὁποῖοι ἐκράτουν ἢ ἐκρατοῦντο· ναυμαχία γὰρ αὕτη Ἕλλησι πρὸς Ἕλληνας νεῶν πλήθει μεγίστη δὴ τῶν πρὸ αὑτῆς γεγένηται.

3 ἐπειδὴ δὲ κατεδίωξαν τοὺς Κερκυραίους οἱ Κορίνθιοι ἐς τὴν γῆν, πρὸς τὰ ναυάγια καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς τοὺς σφετέρους ἐτράποντο, καὶ τῶν πλείστων ἐκράτησαν ὥστε προσκομίσαι πρὸς τὰ Σύβοτα, οἷ αὐτοῖς ὁ κατὰ γῆν στρατὸς τῶν βαρβάρων προσεβεβοηθήκει· ἔστι δὲ τὰ Σύβοτα τῆς Θεσπρωτίδος λιμὴν ἐρῆμος. τοῦτο δὲ ποιήσαντες αὖθις ἁθροισθέντες ἐπέπλεον τοῖς Κερκυραίοις.

4 οἱ δὲ ταῖς πλωίμοις καὶ ὅσαι ἦσαν λοιπαὶ μετὰ τῶν Ἀττικῶν νεῶν καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀντεπέπλεον, δείσαντες μὴ ἐς τὴν γῆν σφῶν πειρῶσιν ἀποβαίνειν.

5 ἤδη δὲ ἦν ὀψὲ καὶ ἐπεπαιάνιστο αὐτοῖς ὡς ἐς ἐπίπλουν, καὶ οἱ Κορίνθιοι ἐξαπίνης πρύμναν ἐκρούοντο κατιδόντες εἴκοσι ναῦς Ἀθηναίων προσπλεούσας, ἃς ὕστερον τῶν δέκα βοηθοὺς ἐξέπεμψαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, δείσαντες, ὅπερ ἐγένετο, μὴ νικηθῶσιν οἱ Κερκυραῖοι καὶ αἱ σφέτεραι δέκα νῆες ὀλίγαι ἀμύνειν ὦσιν.

Chapter 51

1 ταύτας οὖν προϊδόντες οἱ Κορίνθιοι καὶ ὑποτοπήσαντες ἀπ’ Ἀθηνῶν εἶναι οὐχ ὅσας ἑώρων ἀλλὰ πλείους ὑπανεχώρουν.

2 τοῖς δὲ Κερκυραίοις ἐπέπλεον γὰρ μᾶλλον ἐκ τοῦ ἀφανοῦς οὐχ ἑωρῶντο, καὶ ἐθαύμαζον τοὺς Κορινθίους πρύμναν κρουομένους, πρίν τινες ἰδόντες εἶπον ὅτι νῆες ἐκεῖναι ἐπιπλέουσιν. τότε δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀνεχώρουν· ξυνεσκόταζε γὰρ ἤδη, καὶ οἱ Κορίνθιοι ἀποτραπόμενοι τὴν διάλυσιν ἐποιήσαντο.

3 οὕτω μὲν ἡ ἀπαλλαγὴ ἐγένετο ἀλλήλων, καὶ ἡ ναυμαχία ἐτελεύτα ἐς νύκτα.

4 τοῖς δὲ Κερκυραίοις στρατοπεδευομένοις ἐπὶ τῇ Λευκίμμῃ αἱ εἴκοσι νῆες αἱ ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν αὗται, ὧν ἦρχε Γλαύκων τε ὁ Λεάγρου καὶ † Ἀνδοκίδης ὁ Λεωγόρου †, διὰ τῶν νεκρῶν καὶ ναυαγίων προσκομισθεῖσαι κατέπλεον ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἢ ὤφθησαν.

5 οἱ δὲ Κερκυραῖοι (ἦν γὰρ νύξ) ἐφοβήθησαν μὴ πολέμιαι ὦσιν, ἔπειτα δὲ ἔγνωσαν· καὶ ὡρμίσαντο.

Chapter 52

1 τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ ἀναγαγόμεναι αἵ τε Ἀττικαὶ τριάκοντα νῆες καὶ τῶν Κερκυραίων ὅσαι πλώιμοι ἦσαν ἐπέπλευσαν ἐπὶ τὸν ἐν τοῖς Συβότοις λιμένα, ἐν ᾧ οἱ Κορίνθιοι ὥρμουν, βουλόμενοι εἰδέναι εἰ ναυμαχήσουσιν.

2 οἱ δὲ τὰς μὲν ναῦς ἄραντες ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς καὶ παραταξάμενοι μετεώρους ἡσύχαζον, ναυμαχίας οὐ διανοούμενοι ἄρχειν ἑκόντες ὁρῶντες προσγεγενημένας τε ναῦς ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν ἀκραιφνεῖς καὶ σφίσι πολλὰ τὰ ἄπορα ξυμβεβηκότα, αἰχμαλώτων τε περὶ φυλακῆς οὓς ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν εἶχον, καὶ ἐπισκευὴν οὐκ οὖσαν τῶν νεῶν ἐν χωρίῳ ἐρήμῳ·

3 τοῦ δὲ οἴκαδε πλοῦ μᾶλλον διεσκόπουν ὅπῃ κομισθήσονται, δεδιότες μὴ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι νομίσαντες λελύσθαι τὰς σπονδάς, διότι ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθον, οὐκ ἐῶσι σφᾶς ἀποπλεῖν.

Chapter 53

1 ἔδοξεν οὖν αὐτοῖς ἄνδρας ἐς κελήτιον ἐσβιβάσαντας ἄνευ κηρυκείου προσπέμψαι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις καὶ πεῖραν ποιήσασθαι. πέμψαντές τε ἔλεγον τοιάδε.

2 ‘ἀδικεῖτε, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, πολέμου ἄρχοντες καὶ σπονδὰς λύοντες· ἡμῖν γὰρ πολεμίους τοὺς ἡμετέρους τιμωρουμένοις ἐμποδὼν ἵστασθε ὅπλα ἀνταιρόμενοι. εἰ δ’ ὑμῖν γνώμη ἐστὶ κωλύειν τε ἡμᾶς ἐπὶ Κέρκυραν ἢ ἄλλοσε εἴ ποι βουλόμεθα πλεῖν καὶ τὰς σπονδὰς λύετε, ἡμᾶς τούσδε πρώτους λαβόντες χρήσασθε ὡς πολεμίοις.’

3 οἱ μὲν δὴ τοιαῦτα εἶπον· τῶν δὲ Κερκυραίων τὸ μὲν στρατόπεδον ὅσον ἐπήκουσεν ἀνεβόησεν εὐθὺς λαβεῖν τε αὐτοὺς καὶ ἀποκτεῖναι, οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι τοιάδε ἀπεκρίναντο.

4 ‘οὔτε ἄρχομεν πολέμου, ὦ ἄνδρες Πελοποννήσιοι, οὔτε τὰς σπονδὰς λύομεν, Κερκυραίοις δὲ τοῖσδε ξυμμάχοις οὖσι βοηθοὶ ἤλθομεν. εἰ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοσέ ποι βούλεσθε πλεῖν, οὐ κωλύομεν· εἰ δὲ ἐπὶ Κέρκυραν πλευσεῖσθε ἢ ἐς τῶν ἐκείνων τι χωρίων, οὐ περιοψόμεθα κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν.’

Chapter 54

1 τοιαῦτα τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀποκριναμένων οἱ μὲν Κορίνθιοι τόν τε πλοῦν τὸν ἐπ’ οἴκου παρεσκευάζοντο καὶ τροπαῖον ἔστησαν ἐν τοῖς ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ Συβότοις· οἱ δὲ Κερκυραῖοι τά τε ναυάγια καὶ νεκροὺς ἀνείλοντο τὰ κατὰ σφᾶς ἐξενεχθέντα ὑπό τε τοῦ ῥοῦ καὶ ἀνέμου, ὃς γενόμενος τῆς νυκτὸς διεσκέδασεν αὐτὰ πανταχῇ, καὶ τροπαῖον ἀντέστησαν ἐν τοῖς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ Συβότοις ὡς νενικηκότες.

2 γνώμῃ δὲ τοιᾷδε ἑκάτεροι τὴν νίκην προσεποιήσαντο· Κορίνθιοι μὲν κρατήσαντες τῇ ναυμαχίᾳ μέχρι νυκτός, ὥστε καὶ ναυάγια πλεῖστα καὶ νεκροὺς προσκομίσασθαι, καὶ ἄνδρας ἔχοντες αἰχμαλώτους οὐκ ἐλάσσους χιλίων ναῦς τε καταδύσαντες περὶ ἑβδομήκοντα ἔστησαν τροπαῖον· Κερκυραῖοι δὲ τριάκοντα ναῦς μάλιστα διαφθείραντες, καὶ ἐπειδὴ Ἀθηναῖοι ἦλθον, ἀνελόμενοι τὰ κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ναυάγια καὶ νεκρούς, καὶ ὅτι αὐτοῖς τῇ τε προτεραίᾳ πρύμναν κρουόμενοι ὑπεχώρησαν οἱ Κορίνθιοι ἰδόντες τὰς Ἀττικὰς ναῦς, καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἦλθον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, οὐκ ἀντεπέπλεον ἐκ τῶν Συβότων, διὰ ταῦτα τροπαῖον ἔστησαν.

Chapter 55

1 οὕτω μὲν ἑκάτεροι νικᾶν ἠξίουν· οἱ δὲ Κορίνθιοι ἀποπλέοντες ἐπ’ οἴκου Ἀνακτόριον, ὅ ἐστιν ἐπὶ τῷ στόματι τοῦ Ἀμπρακικοῦ κόλπου, εἷλον ἀπάτῃ (ἦν δὲ κοινὸν Κερκυραίων καὶ ἐκείνων) καὶ καταστήσαντες ἐν αὐτῷ Κορινθίους οἰκήτορας ἀνεχώρησαν ἐπ’ οἴκου, καὶ τῶν Κερκυραίων ὀκτακοσίους μὲν οἳ ἦσαν δοῦλοι ἀπέδοντο, πεντήκοντα δὲ καὶ διακοσίους δήσαντες ἐφύλασσον καὶ ἐν θεραπείᾳ εἶχον πολλῇ, ὅπως αὐτοῖς τὴν Κέρκυραν ἀναχωρήσαντες προσποιήσειαν· ἐτύγχανον δὲ καὶ δυνάμει αὐτῶν οἱ πλείους πρῶτοι ὄντες τῆς πόλεως.

2 ἡ μὲν οὖν Κέρκυρα οὕτω περιγίγνεται τῷ πολέμῳ τῶν Κορινθίων, καὶ αἱ νῆες τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀνεχώρησαν ἐξ αὐτῆς· αἰτία δὲ αὕτη πρώτη ἐγένετο τοῦ πολέμου τοῖς Κορινθίοις ἐς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, ὅτι σφίσιν ἐν σπονδαῖς μετὰ Κερκυραίων ἐναυμάχουν.

Chapter 56

1 μετὰ ταῦτα δ’ εὐθὺς καὶ τάδε ξυνέβη γενέσθαι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις καὶ Πελοποννησίοις διάφορα ἐς τὸ πολεμεῖν.

2 τῶν γὰρ Κορινθίων πρασσόντων ὅπως τιμωρήσονται αὐτούς, ὑποτοπήσαντες τὴν ἔχθραν αὐτῶν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι Ποτειδεάτας, οἳ οἰκοῦσιν ἐπὶ τῷ ἰσθμῷ τῆς Παλλήνης, Κορινθίων ἀποίκους, ἑαυτῶν δὲ ξυμμάχους φόρου ὑποτελεῖς, ἐκέλευον τὸ ἐς Παλλήνην τεῖχος καθελεῖν καὶ ὁμήρους δοῦναι, τούς τε ἐπιδημιουργοὺς ἐκπέμπειν καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν μὴ δέχεσθαι οὓς κατὰ ἔτος ἕκαστον Κορίνθιοι ἔπεμπον, δείσαντες μὴ ἀποστῶσιν ὑπό τε Περδίκκου πειθόμενοι καὶ Κορινθίων, τούς τε ἄλλους τοὺς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης ξυναποστήσωσι ξυμμάχους.

Chapter 57

1 ταῦτα δὲ περὶ τοὺς Ποτειδεάτας οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι προπαρεσκευάζοντο εὐθὺς μετὰ τὴν ἐν Κερκύρᾳ ναυμαχίαν·

2 οἵ τε γὰρ Κορίνθιοι φανερῶς ἤδη διάφοροι ἦσαν, Περδίκκας τε ὁ Ἀλεξάνδρου Μακεδόνων βασιλεὺς ἐπεπολέμωτο ξύμμαχος πρότερον καὶ φίλος ὤν.

3 ἐπολεμώθη δὲ ὅτι Φιλίππῳ τῷ ἑαυτοῦ ἀδελφῷ καὶ Δέρδᾳ κοινῇ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐναντιουμένοις οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ξυμμαχίαν ἐποιήσαντο.

4 δεδιώς τε ἔπρασσεν ἔς τε τὴν Λακεδαίμονα πέμπων ὅπως πόλεμος γένηται αὐτοῖς πρὸς Πελοποννησίους, καὶ τοὺς Κορινθίους προσεποιεῖτο τῆς Ποτειδαίας ἕνεκα ἀποστάσεως·

5 προσέφερε δὲ λόγους καὶ τοῖς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης Χαλκιδεῦσι καὶ Βοττιαίοις ξυναποστῆναι, νομίζων, εἰ ξύμμαχα ταῦτα ἔχοι ὅμορα ὄντα τὰ χωρία, ῥᾷον ἂν τὸν πόλεμον μετ’ αὐτῶν ποιεῖσθαι.

6 ὧν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι αἰσθόμενοι καὶ βουλόμενοι προκαταλαμβάνειν τῶν πόλεων τὰς ἀποστάσεις (ἔτυχον γὰρ τριάκοντα ναῦς ἀποστέλλοντες καὶ χιλίους ὁπλίτας ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν αὐτοῦ, Ἀρχεστράτου τοῦ Λυκομήδους μετ’ ἄλλων † δέκα † στρατηγοῦντος) ἐπιστέλλουσι τοῖς ἄρχουσι τῶν νεῶν Ποτειδεατῶν τε ὁμήρους λαβεῖν καὶ τὸ τεῖχος καθελεῖν, τῶν τε πλησίον πόλεων φυλακὴν ἔχειν ὅπως μὴ ἀποστήσονται.

Chapter 58

1 Ποτειδεᾶται δὲ πέμψαντες μὲν καὶ παρ’ Ἀθηναίους πρέσβεις, εἴ πως πείσειαν μὴ σφῶν πέρι νεωτερίζειν μηδέν, ἐλθόντες δὲ καὶ ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα μετὰ Κορινθίων, [ἔπρασσον] ὅπως ἑτοιμάσαιντο τιμωρίαν, ἢν δέῃ, ἐπειδὴ ἔκ τε Ἀθηνῶν ἐκ πολλοῦ πράσσοντες οὐδὲν ηὕροντο ἐπιτήδειον, ἀλλ’ αἱ νῆες αἱ ἐπὶ Μακεδονίαν καὶ ἐπὶ σφᾶς ὁμοίως ἔπλεον, καὶ τὰ τέλη τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ὑπέσχετο αὐτοῖς, ἢν ἐπὶ Ποτείδαιαν ἴωσιν Ἀθηναῖοι, ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἐσβαλεῖν, τότε δὴ κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἀφίστανται μετὰ Χαλκιδέων καὶ Βοττιαίων κοινῇ ξυνομόσαντες.

2 καὶ Περδίκκας πείθει Χαλκιδέας τὰς ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ πόλεις ἐκλιπόντας καὶ καταβαλόντας ἀνοικίσασθαι ἐς Ὄλυνθον μίαν τε πόλιν ταύτην ἰσχυρὰν ποιήσασθαι· τοῖς τ’ ἐκλιποῦσι τούτοις τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γῆς τῆς Μυγδονίας περὶ τὴν Βόλβην λίμνην ἔδωκε νέμεσθαι, ἕως ἂν ὁ πρὸς Ἀθηναίους πόλεμος ᾖ. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀνῳκίζοντό τε καθαιροῦντες τὰς πόλεις καὶ ἐς πόλεμον παρεσκευάζοντο·

Chapter 59

1 αἱ δὲ τριάκοντα νῆες τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀφικνοῦνται ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης, καὶ καταλαμβάνουσι τήν τε Ποτείδαιαν καὶ τἆλλα ἀφεστηκότα.

2 νομίσαντες δὲ οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἀδύνατα εἶναι πρός τε Περδίκκαν πολεμεῖν τῇ παρούσῃ δυνάμει καὶ τὰ ξυναφεστῶτα χωρία τρέπονται ἐπὶ τὴν Μακεδονίαν, ἐφ’ ὅπερ καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἐξεπέμποντο, καὶ καταστάντες ἐπολέμουν μετὰ Φιλίππου καὶ τῶν Δέρδου ἀδελφῶν ἄνωθεν στρατιᾷ ἐσβεβληκότων.

Chapter 60

1 καὶ ἐν τούτῳ οἱ Κορίνθιοι, τῆς Ποτειδαίας ἀφεστηκυίας καὶ τῶν Ἀττικῶν νεῶν περὶ Μακεδονίαν οὐσῶν, δεδιότες περὶ τῷ χωρίῳ καὶ οἰκεῖον τὸν κίνδυνον ἡγούμενοι πέμπουσιν ἑαυτῶν τε ἐθελοντὰς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Πελοποννησίων μισθῷ πείσαντες ἑξακοσίους καὶ χιλίους τοὺς πάντας ὁπλίτας καὶ ψιλοὺς τετρακοσίους.

2 ἐστρατήγει δὲ αὐτῶν Ἀριστεὺς ὁ Ἀδειμάντου, κατὰ φιλίαν τε αὐτοῦ οὐχ ἥκιστα οἱ πλεῖστοι ἐκ Κορίνθου στρατιῶται ἐθελονταὶ ξυνέσποντο· ἦν γὰρ τοῖς Ποτειδεάταις αἰεί ποτε ἐπιτήδειος.

3 καὶ ἀφικνοῦνται τεσσαρακοστῇ ἡμέρᾳ ὕστερον ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης ἢ Ποτείδαια ἀπέστη.

Chapter 61

1 ἦλθε δὲ καὶ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις εὐθὺς ἡ ἀγγελία τῶν πόλεων ὅτι ἀφεστᾶσι, καὶ πέμπουσιν, ὡς ᾔσθοντο καὶ τοὺς μετ’ Ἀριστέως ἐπιπαριόντας, δισχιλίους ἑαυτῶν ὁπλίτας καὶ τεσσαράκοντα ναῦς πρὸς τὰ ἀφεστῶτα, καὶ Καλλίαν τὸν Καλλιάδου πέμπτον αὐτὸν στρατηγόν,

2 οἳ ἀφικόμενοι ἐς Μακεδονίαν πρῶτον καταλαμβάνουσι τοὺς προτέρους χιλίους Θέρμην ἄρτι ᾑρηκότας καὶ Πύδναν πολιορκοῦντας.

3 προσκαθεζόμενοι δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ τὴν Πύδναν ἐπολιόρκησαν μέν, ἔπειτα δὲ ξύμβασιν ποιησάμενοι καὶ ξυμμαχίαν ἀναγκαίαν πρὸς τὸν Περδίκκαν, ὡς αὐτοὺς κατήπειγεν ἡ Ποτείδαια καὶ ὁ Ἀριστεὺς παρεληλυθώς, ἀπανίστανται ἐκ τῆς Μακεδονίας,

4 καὶ ἀφικόμενοι ἐς Βέροιαν κἀκεῖθεν ἐπὶ Στρέψαν καὶ πειράσαντες πρῶτον τοῦ χωρίου καὶ οὐχ ἑλόντες ἐπορεύοντο κατὰ γῆν πρὸς τὴν Ποτείδαιαν, τρισχιλίοις μὲν ὁπλίταις ἑαυτῶν, χωρὶς δὲ τῶν ξυμμάχων πολλοῖς, ἱππεῦσι δὲ ἑξακοσίοις Μακεδόνων τοῖς μετὰ Φιλίππου καὶ Παυσανίου· ἅμα δὲ νῆες παρέπλεον ἑβδομήκοντα.

5 κατ’ ὀλίγον δὲ προϊόντες τριταῖοι ἀφίκοντο ἐς Γίγωνον καὶ ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο.

Chapter 62

1 Ποτειδεᾶται δὲ καὶ οἱ μετὰ Ἀριστέως Πελοποννήσιοι προσδεχόμενοι τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο πρὸς Ὀλύνθου ἐν τῷ ἰσθμῷ, καὶ ἀγορὰν ἔξω τῆς πόλεως ἐπεποίηντο.

2 στρατηγὸν μὲν οὖν τοῦ πεζοῦ παντὸς οἱ ξύμμαχοι ᾕρηντο Ἀριστέα, τῆς δὲ ἵππου Περδίκκαν· ἀπέστη γὰρ εὐθὺς πάλιν τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ ξυνεμάχει τοῖς Ποτειδεάταις, Ἰόλαον ἀνθ’ αὑτοῦ καταστήσας ἄρχοντα.

3 ἦν δὲ ἡ γνώμη τοῦ Ἀριστέως τὸ μὲν μεθ’ ἑαυτοῦ στρατόπεδον ἔχοντι ἐν τῷ ἰσθμῷ ἐπιτηρεῖν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, ἢν ἐπίωσι, Χαλκιδέας δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἔξω ἰσθμοῦ ξυμμάχους καὶ τὴν παρὰ Περδίκκου διακοσίαν ἵππον ἐν Ὀλύνθῳ μένειν, καὶ ὅταν Ἀθηναῖοι ἐπὶ σφᾶς χωρῶσι, κατὰ νώτου βοηθοῦντας ἐν μέσῳ ποιεῖν αὑτῶν τοὺς πολεμίους.

4 Καλλίας δ’ αὖ ὁ τῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατηγὸς καὶ οἱ ξυνάρχοντες τοὺς μὲν Μακεδόνας ἱππέας καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων ὀλίγους ἐπὶ Ὀλύνθου ἀποπέμπουσιν, ὅπως εἴργωσι τοὺς ἐκεῖθεν ἐπιβοηθεῖν, αὐτοὶ δὲ ἀναστήσαντες τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ τὴν Ποτείδαιαν.

5 καὶ ἐπειδὴ πρὸς τῷ ἰσθμῷ ἐγένοντο καὶ εἶδον τοὺς ἐναντίους παρασκευαζομένους ὡς ἐς μάχην, ἀντικαθίσταντο καὶ αὐτοί, καὶ οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον ξυνέμισγον.

6 καὶ αὐτὸ μὲν τὸ τοῦ Ἀριστέως κέρας καὶ ὅσοι περὶ ἐκεῖνον ἦσαν Κορινθίων τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων λογάδες ἔτρεψαν τὸ καθ’ ἑαυτοὺς καὶ ἐπεξῆλθον διώκοντες ἐπὶ πολύ· τὸ δὲ ἄλλο στρατόπεδον Ποτειδεατῶν καὶ Πελοποννησίων ἡσσᾶτο ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ ἐς τὸ τεῖχος κατέφυγεν.

Chapter 63

1 ἐπαναχωρῶν δὲ ὁ Ἀριστεὺς ἀπὸ τῆς διώξεως, ὡς ὁρᾷ τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα ἡσσημένον, ἠπόρησε μὲν ὁποτέρωσε διακινδυνεύσῃ χωρήσας, ἢ ἐπὶ τῆς Ὀλύνθου ἢ ἐς τὴν Ποτείδαιαν· ἔδοξε δ’ οὖν ξυναγαγόντι τοὺς μεθ’ αὑτοῦ ὡς ἐς ἐλάχιστον χωρίον δρόμῳ βιάσασθαι ἐς τὴν Ποτείδαιαν, καὶ παρῆλθε παρὰ τὴν χηλὴν διὰ τῆς θαλάσσης βαλλόμενός τε καὶ χαλεπῶς, ὀλίγους μέν τινας ἀποβαλών, τοὺς δὲ πλείους σώσας.

2 οἱ δ’ ἀπὸ τῆς Ὀλύνθου τοῖς Ποτειδεάταις βοηθοί (ἀπέχει δὲ ἑξήκοντα μάλιστα σταδίους καὶ ἔστι καταφανές), ὡς ἡ μάχη ἐγίγνετο καὶ τὰ σημεῖα ἤρθη, βραχὺ μέν τι προῆλθον ὡς βοηθήσοντες, καὶ οἱ Μακεδόνες ἱππῆς ἀντιπαρετάξαντο ὡς κωλύσοντες· ἐπειδὴ δὲ διὰ τάχους ἡ νίκη τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐγίγνετο καὶ τὰ σημεῖα κατεσπάσθη, πάλιν ἐπανεχώρουν ἐς τὸ τεῖχος καὶ οἱ Μακεδόνες παρὰ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους· ἱππῆς δ’ οὐδετέροις παρεγένοντο.

3 μετὰ δὲ τὴν μάχην τροπαῖον ἔστησαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς ὑποσπόνδους ἀπέδοσαν τοῖς Ποτειδεάταις· ἀπέθανον δὲ Ποτειδεατῶν μὲν καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων ὀλίγῳ ἐλάσσους τριακοσίων, Ἀθηναίων δὲ αὐτῶν πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν καὶ Καλλίας ὁ στρατηγός.

Chapter 64

1 τὸ δὲ ἐκ τοῦ ἰσθμοῦ [τεῖχος] εὐθὺς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀποτειχίσαντες ἐφρούρουν· τὸ δ’ ἐς τὴν Παλλήνην ἀτείχιστον ἦν· οὐ γὰρ ἱκανοὶ ἐνόμιζον εἶναι ἔν τε τῷ ἰσθμῷ φρουρεῖν καὶ ἐς τὴν Παλλήνην διαβάντες τειχίζειν, δεδιότες μὴ σφίσιν οἱ Ποτειδεᾶται καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι γενομένοις δίχα ἐπίθωνται.

2 καὶ πυνθανόμενοι οἱ ἐν τῇ πόλει Ἀθηναῖοι τὴν Παλλήνην ἀτείχιστον οὖσαν, χρόνῳ ὕστερον πέμπουσιν ἑξακοσίους καὶ χιλίους ὁπλίτας ἑαυτῶν καὶ Φορμίωνα τὸν Ἀσωπίου στρατηγόν· ὃς ἀφικόμενος ἐς τὴν Παλλήνην καὶ ἐξ Ἀφύτιος ὁρμώμενος προσήγαγε τῇ Ποτειδαίᾳ τὸν στρατὸν κατὰ βραχὺ προϊὼν καὶ κείρων ἅμα τὴν γῆν, ὡς δὲ οὐδεὶς ἐπεξῄει ἐς μάχην, ἀπετείχισε τὸ ἐκ τῆς Παλλήνης [τεῖχος].

3 καὶ οὕτως ἤδη κατὰ κράτος ἡ Ποτείδαια ἀμφοτέρωθεν ἐπολιορκεῖτο καὶ ἐκ θαλάσσης ναυσὶν ἅμα ἐφορμούσαις.

Chapter 65

1 Ἀριστεὺς δὲ ἀποτειχισθείσης αὐτῆς καὶ ἐλπίδα οὐδεμίαν ἔχων σωτηρίας, ἢν μή τι ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου ἢ ἄλλο παρὰ λόγον γίγνηται, ξυνεβούλευε μὲν πλὴν πεντακοσίων ἄνεμον τηρήσασι τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐκπλεῦσαι, ὅπως ἐπὶ πλέον ὁ σῖτος ἀντίσχῃ, καὶ αὐτὸς ἤθελε τῶν μενόντων εἶναι· ὡς δ’ οὐκ ἔπειθε, βουλόμενος τὰ ἐπὶ τούτοις παρασκευάζειν καὶ ὅπως τὰ ἔξωθεν ἕξει ὡς ἄριστα, ἔκπλουν ποιεῖται λαθὼν τὴν φυλακὴν τῶν Ἀθηναίων.

2 καὶ παραμένων ἐν Χαλκιδεῦσι τά τε ἄλλα ξυνεπολέμει καὶ Σερμυλιῶν λοχήσας πρὸς τῇ πόλει πολλοὺς διέφθειρεν, ἔς τε τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἔπρασσεν ὅπῃ ὠφελία τις γενήσεται.

3 μετὰ δὲ τῆς Ποτειδαίας τὴν ἀποτείχισιν Φορμίων μὲν ἔχων τοὺς ἑξακοσίους καὶ χιλίους τὴν Χαλκιδικὴν καὶ Βοττικὴν ἐδῄου καὶ ἔστιν ἃ καὶ πολίσματα εἷλεν.

Chapter 66

1 τοῖς δ’ Ἀθηναίοις καὶ Πελοποννησίοις αἰτίαι μὲν αὗται προυγεγένηντο ἐς ἀλλήλους, τοῖς μὲν Κορινθίοις ὅτι τὴν Ποτείδαιαν ἑαυτῶν οὖσαν ἀποικίαν καὶ ἄνδρας Κορινθίων τε καὶ Πελοποννησίων ἐν αὐτῇ ὄντας ἐπολιόρκουν, τοῖς δὲ Ἀθηναίοις ἐς τοὺς Πελοποννησίους ὅτι ἑαυτῶν τε πόλιν ξυμμαχίδα καὶ φόρου ὑποτελῆ ἀπέστησαν, καὶ ἐλθόντες σφίσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ προφανοῦς ἐμάχοντο μετὰ Ποτειδεατῶν. οὐ μέντοι ὅ γε πόλεμός πω ξυνερρώγει, ἀλλ’ ἔτι ἀνοκωχὴ ἦν· ἰδίᾳ γὰρ ταῦτα οἱ Κορίνθιοι ἔπραξαν.

Chapter 67

1 πολιορκουμένης δὲ τῆς Ποτειδαίας οὐχ ἡσύχαζον, ἀνδρῶν τε σφίσιν ἐνόντων καὶ ἅμα περὶ τῷ χωρίῳ δεδιότες· παρεκάλουν τε εὐθὺς ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα τοὺς ξυμμάχους καὶ κατεβόων ἐλθόντες τῶν Ἀθηναίων ὅτι σπονδάς τε λελυκότες εἶεν καὶ ἀδικοῖεν τὴν Πελοπόννησον.

2 Αἰγινῆταί τε φανερῶς μὲν οὐ πρεσβευόμενοι, δεδιότες τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, κρύφα δὲ οὐχ ἥκιστα μετ’ αὐτῶν ἐνῆγον τὸν πόλεμον, λέγοντες οὐκ εἶναι αὐτόνομοι κατὰ τὰς σπονδάς.

3 οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι προσπαρακαλέσαντες τῶν ξυμμάχων τε καὶ εἴ τίς τι ἄλλο ἔφη ἠδικῆσθαι ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων, ξύλλογον σφῶν αὐτῶν ποιήσαντες τὸν εἰωθότα λέγειν ἐκέλευον.

4 καὶ ἄλλοι τε παριόντες ἐγκλήματα ἐποιοῦντο ὡς ἕκαστοι καὶ Μεγαρῆς, δηλοῦντες μὲν καὶ ἕτερα οὐκ ὀλίγα διάφορα, μάλιστα δὲ λιμένων τε εἴργεσθαι τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἀθηναίων ἀρχῇ καὶ τῆς Ἀττικῆς ἀγορᾶς παρὰ τὰς σπονδάς.

5 παρελθόντες δὲ τελευταῖοι Κορίνθιοι καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐάσαντες πρῶτον παροξῦναι τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐπεῖπον τοιάδε.

Chapter 68

1 ‘τὸ πιστὸν ὑμᾶς, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, τῆς καθ’ ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς πολιτείας καὶ ὁμιλίας ἀπιστοτέρους ἐς τοὺς ἄλλους ἤν τι λέγωμεν καθίστησιν· καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ σωφροσύνην μὲν ἔχετε, ἀμαθίᾳ δὲ πλέονι πρὸς τὰ ἔξω πράγματα χρῆσθε.

2 πολλάκις γὰρ προαγορευόντων ἡμῶν ἃ ἐμέλλομεν ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων βλάπτεσθαι, οὐ περὶ ὧν ἐδιδάσκομεν ἑκάστοτε τὴν μάθησιν ἐποιεῖσθε, ἀλλὰ τῶν λεγόντων μᾶλλον ὑπενοεῖτε ὡς ἕνεκα τῶν αὑτοῖς ἰδίᾳ διαφόρων λέγουσιν· καὶ δι’ αὐτὸ οὐ πρὶν πάσχειν, ἀλλ’ ἐπειδὴ ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ ἐσμέν, τοὺς ξυμμάχους τούσδε παρεκαλέσατε, ἐν οἷς προσήκει ἡμᾶς οὐχ ἥκιστα εἰπεῖν, ὅσῳ καὶ μέγιστα ἐγκλήματα ἔχομεν ὑπὸ μὲν Ἀθηναίων ὑβριζόμενοι, ὑπὸ δὲ ὑμῶν ἀμελούμενοι.

3 ‘καὶ εἰ μὲν ἀφανεῖς που ὄντες ἠδίκουν τὴν Ἑλλάδα, διδασκαλίας ἂν ὡς οὐκ εἰδόσι προσέδει· νῦν δὲ τί δεῖ μακρηγορεῖν, ὧν τοὺς μὲν δεδουλωμένους ὁρᾶτε, τοῖς δὲ ἐπιβουλεύοντας αὐτούς, καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα τοῖς ἡμετέροις ξυμμάχοις, καὶ ἐκ πολλοῦ προπαρεσκευασμένους, εἴ ποτε ἄρα πολεμήσονται;

4 οὐ γὰρ ἂν Κέρκυράν τε ὑπολαβόντες βίᾳ ἡμῶν εἶχον καὶ Ποτείδαιαν ἐπολιόρκουν, ὧν τὸ μὲν ἐπικαιρότατον χωρίον πρὸς τὰ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης ἀποχρῆσθαι, ἡ δὲ ναυτικὸν ἂν μέγιστον παρέσχε Πελοποννησίοις.

Chapter 69

1 καὶ τῶνδε ὑμεῖς αἴτιοι, τό τε πρῶτον ἐάσαντες αὐτοὺς τὴν πόλιν μετὰ τὰ Μηδικὰ κρατῦναι καὶ ὕστερον τὰ μακρὰ στῆσαι τείχη,ἐς τόδε τε αἰεὶ ἀποστεροῦντες οὐ μόνον τοὺς ὑπ’ ἐκείνων δεδουλωμένους ἐλευθερίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ὑμετέρους ἤδη ξυμμάχους· οὐ γὰρ ὁ δουλωσάμενος, ἀλλ’ ὁ δυνάμενος μὲν παῦσαι περιορῶν δὲ ἀληθέστερον αὐτὸ δρᾷ, εἴπερ καὶ τὴν ἀξίωσιν τῆς ἀρετῆς ὡς ἐλευθερῶν τὴν Ἑλλάδα φέρεται.

2 μόλις δὲ νῦν γε ξυνήλθομεν καὶ οὐδὲ νῦν ἐπὶ φανεροῖς. χρῆν γὰρ οὐκ εἰ ἀδικούμεθα ἔτι σκοπεῖν, ἀλλὰ καθ’ ὅτι ἀμυνούμεθα· οἱ γὰρ δρῶντες βεβουλευμένοι πρὸς οὐ διεγνωκότας ἤδη καὶ οὐ μέλλοντες ἐπέρχονται.

3 καὶ ἐπιστάμεθα οἵᾳ ὁδῷ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ ὅτι κατ’ ὀλίγον χωροῦσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς πέλας. καὶ λανθάνειν μὲν οἰόμενοι διὰ τὸ ἀναίσθητον ὑμῶν ἧσσον θαρσοῦσι, γνόντες δὲ εἰδότας περιορᾶν ἰσχυρῶς ἐγκείσονται.

4 ἡσυχάζετε γάρ, μόνοι Ἑλλήνων, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, οὐ τῇ δυνάμει τινά, ἀλλὰ τῇ μελλήσει ἀμυνόμενοι, καὶ μόνοι οὐκ ἀρχομένην τὴν αὔξησιν τῶν ἐχθρῶν διπλασιουμένην δὲ καταλύοντες.

5 καίτοι ἐλέγεσθε ἀσφαλεῖς εἶναι, ὧν ἄρα ὁ λόγος τοῦ ἔργου ἐκράτει. τόν τε γὰρ Μῆδον αὐτοὶ ἴσμεν ἐκ περάτων γῆς πρότερον ἐπὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἐλθόντα ἢ τὰ παρ’ ὑμῶν ἀξίως προαπαντῆσαι, καὶ νῦν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους οὐχ ἑκάς, ὥσπερ ἐκεῖνον, ἀλλ’ ἐγγὺς ὄντας περιορᾶτε, καὶ ἀντὶ τοῦ ἐπελθεῖν αὐτοὶ ἀμύνεσθαι βούλεσθε μᾶλλον ἐπιόντας, καὶ ἐς τύχας πρὸς πολλῷ δυνατωτέρους ἀγωνιζόμενοι καταστῆναι, ἐπιστάμενοι καὶ τὸν βάρβαρον αὐτὸν περὶ αὑτῷ τὰ πλείω σφαλέντα, καὶ πρὸς αὐτοὺς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους πολλὰ ἡμᾶς ἤδη τοῖς ἁμαρτήμασιν αὐτῶν μᾶλλον ἢ τῇ ἀφ’ ὑμῶν τιμωρίᾳ περιγεγενημένους, ἐπεὶ αἵ γε ὑμέτεραι ἐλπίδες ἤδη τινάς που καὶ ἀπαρασκεύους διὰ τὸ πιστεῦσαι ἔφθειραν.

6 καὶ μηδεὶς ὑμῶν ἐπ’ ἔχθρᾳ τὸ πλέον ἢ αἰτίᾳ νομίσῃ τάδε λέγεσθαι· αἰτία μὲν γὰρ φίλων ἀνδρῶν ἐστὶν ἁμαρτανόντων, κατηγορία δὲ ἐχθρῶν ἀδικησάντων.

Chapter 70

1 ‘καὶ ἅμα, εἴπερ τινὲς καὶ ἄλλοι, ἄξιοι νομίζομεν εἶναι τοῖς πέλας ψόγον ἐπενεγκεῖν, ἄλλως τε καὶ μεγάλων τῶν διαφερόντων καθεστώτων, περὶ ὧν οὐκ αἰσθάνεσθαι ἡμῖν γε δοκεῖτε, οὐδ’ ἐκλογίσασθαι πώποτε πρὸς οἵους ὑμῖν Ἀθηναίους ὄντας καὶ ὅσον ὑμῶν καὶ ὡς πᾶν διαφέροντας ὁ ἀγὼν ἔσται.

2 οἱ μέν γε νεωτεροποιοὶ καὶ ἐπινοῆσαι ὀξεῖς καὶ ἐπιτελέσαι ἔργῳ ἃ ἂν γνῶσιν· ὑμεῖς δὲ τὰ ὑπάρχοντά τε σῴζειν καὶ ἐπιγνῶναι μηδὲν καὶ ἔργῳ οὐδὲ τἀναγκαῖα ἐξικέσθαι.

3 αὖθις δὲ οἱ μὲν καὶ παρὰ δύναμιν τολμηταὶ καὶ παρὰ γνώμην κινδυνευταὶ καὶ ἐν τοῖς δεινοῖς εὐέλπιδες· τὸ δὲ ὑμέτερον τῆς τε δυνάμεως ἐνδεᾶ πρᾶξαι τῆς τε γνώμης μηδὲ τοῖς βεβαίοις πιστεῦσαι τῶν τε δεινῶν μηδέποτε οἴεσθαι ἀπολυθήσεσθαι.

4 καὶ μὴν καὶ ἄοκνοι πρὸς ὑμᾶς μελλητὰς καὶ ἀποδημηταὶ πρὸς ἐνδημοτάτους· οἴονται γὰρ οἱ μὲν τῇ ἀπουσίᾳ ἄν τι κτᾶσθαι, ὑμεῖς δὲ τῷ ἐπελθεῖν καὶ τὰ ἑτοῖμα ἂν βλάψαι.

5 κρατοῦντές τε τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐξέρχονται καὶ νικώμενοι ἐπ’ ἐλάχιστον ἀναπίπτουσιν.

6 ἔτι δὲ τοῖς μὲν σώμασιν ἀλλοτριωτάτοις ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως χρῶνται, τῇ δὲ γνώμῃ οἰκειοτάτῃ ἐς τὸ πράσσειν τι ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς.

7 καὶ ἃ μὲν ἂν ἐπινοήσαντες μὴ ἐπεξέλθωσιν, οἰκείων στέρεσθαι ἡγοῦνται, ἃ δ’ ἂν ἐπελθόντες κτήσωνται, ὀλίγα πρὸς τὰ μέλλοντα τυχεῖν πράξαντες. ἢν δ’ ἄρα του καὶ πείρᾳ σφαλῶσιν, ἀντελπίσαντες ἄλλα ἐπλήρωσαν τὴν χρείαν· μόνοι γὰρ ἔχουσί τε ὁμοίως καὶ ἐλπίζουσιν ἃ ἂν ἐπινοήσωσι διὰ τὸ ταχεῖαν τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν ποιεῖσθαι ὧν ἂν γνῶσιν.

8 καὶ ταῦτα μετὰ πόνων πάντα καὶ κινδύνων δι’ ὅλου τοῦ αἰῶνος μοχθοῦσι, καὶ ἀπολαύουσιν ἐλάχιστα τῶν ὑπαρχόντων διὰ τὸ αἰεὶ κτᾶσθαι καὶ μήτε ἑορτὴν ἄλλο τι ἡγεῖσθαι ἢ τὸ τὰ δέοντα πρᾶξαι ξυμφοράν τε οὐχ ἧσσον ἡσυχίαν ἀπράγμονα ἢ ἀσχολίαν ἐπίπονον·

9 ὥστε εἴ τις αὐτοὺς ξυνελὼν φαίη πεφυκέναι ἐπὶ τῷ μήτε αὐτοὺς ἔχειν ἡσυχίαν μήτε τοὺς ἄλλους ἀνθρώπους ἐᾶν, ὀρθῶς ἂν εἴποι.

Chapter 71

1 ‘ταύτης μέντοι τοιαύτης ἀντικαθεστηκυίας πόλεως, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, διαμέλλετε καὶ οἴεσθε τὴν ἡσυχίαν οὐ τούτοις τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀρκεῖν οἳ ἂν τῇ μὲν παρασκευῇ δίκαια πράσσωσι, τῇ δὲ γνώμῃ, ἢν ἀδικῶνται, δῆλοι ὦσι μὴ ἐπιτρέψοντες, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ λυπεῖν τε τοὺς ἄλλους καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀμυνόμενοι μὴ βλάπτεσθαι τὸ ἴσον νέμετε.

2 μόλις δ’ ἂν πόλει ὁμοίᾳ παροικοῦντες ἐτυγχάνετε τούτου· νῦν δ᾽, ὅπερ καὶ ἄρτι ἐδηλώσαμεν, ἀρχαιότροπα ὑμῶν τὰ ἐπιτηδεύματα πρὸς αὐτούς ἐστιν.

3 ἀνάγκη δὲ ὥσπερ τέχνης αἰεὶ τὰ ἐπιγιγνόμενα κρατεῖν· καὶ ἡσυχαζούσῃ μὲν πόλει τὰ ἀκίνητα νόμιμα ἄριστα, πρὸς πολλὰ δὲ ἀναγκαζομένοις ἰέναι πολλῆς καὶ τῆς ἐπιτεχνήσεως δεῖ. δι’ ὅπερ καὶ τὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀπὸ τῆς πολυπειρίας ἐπὶ πλέον ὑμῶν κεκαίνωται.

4 μέχρι μὲν οὖν τοῦδε ὡρίσθω ὑμῶν ἡ βραδυτής· νῦν δὲ τοῖς τε ἄλλοις καὶ Ποτειδεάταις, ὥσπερ ὑπεδέξασθε, βοηθήσατε κατὰ τάχος ἐσβαλόντες ἐς τὴν Ἀττικήν, ἵνα μὴ ἄνδρας τε φίλους καὶ ξυγγενεῖς τοῖς ἐχθίστοις προῆσθε καὶ ἡμᾶς τοὺς ἄλλους ἀθυμίᾳ πρὸς ἑτέραν τινὰ ξυμμαχίαν τρέψητε.

5 δρῷμεν δ’ ἂν ἄδικον οὐδὲν οὔτε πρὸς θεῶν τῶν ὁρκίων οὔτε πρὸς ἀνθρώπων τῶν αἰσθανομένων· λύουσι γὰρ σπονδὰς οὐχ οἱ δι’ ἐρημίαν ἄλλοις προσιόντες, ἀλλ’ οἱ μὴ βοηθοῦντες οἷς ἂν ξυνομόσωσιν.

6 βουλομένων δὲ ὑμῶν προθύμων εἶναι μενοῦμεν· οὔτε γὰρ ὅσια ἂν ποιοῖμεν μεταβαλλόμενοι οὔτε ξυνηθεστέρους ἂν ἄλλους εὕροιμεν.

7 πρὸς τάδε βουλεύεσθε εὖ καὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον πειρᾶσθε μὴ ἐλάσσω ἐξηγεῖσθαι ἢ οἱ πατέρες ὑμῖν παρέδοσαν.’

Chapter 72

1 τοιαῦτα μὲν οἱ Κορίνθιοι εἶπον. τῶν δὲ Ἀθηναίων ἔτυχε γὰρ πρεσβεία πρότερον ἐν τῇ Λακεδαίμονι περὶ ἄλλων παροῦσα, καὶ ὡς ᾔσθοντο τῶν λόγων, ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς παριτητέα ἐς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους εἶναι, τῶν μὲν ἐγκλημάτων πέρι μηδὲν ἀπολογησομένους ὧν αἱ πόλεις ἐνεκάλουν,δηλῶσαι δὲ περὶ τοῦ παντὸς ὡς οὐ ταχέως αὐτοῖς βουλευτέον εἴη, ἀλλ’ ἐν πλέονι σκεπτέον. καὶ ἅμα τὴν σφετέραν πόλιν ἐβούλοντο σημῆναι ὅση εἴη δύναμιν, καὶ ὑπόμνησιν ποιήσασθαι τοῖς τε πρεσβυτέροις ὧν ᾔδεσαν καὶ τοῖς νεωτέροις ἐξήγησιν ὧν ἄπειροι ἦσαν, νομίζοντες μᾶλλον ἂν αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῶν λόγων πρὸς τὸ ἡσυχάζειν τραπέσθαι ἢ πρὸς τὸ πολεμεῖν.

2 προσελθόντες οὖν τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἔφασαν βούλεσθαι καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐς τὸ πλῆθος αὐτῶν εἰπεῖν, εἴ τι μὴ ἀποκωλύοι. οἱ δὲ ἐκέλευόν τε παριέναι, καὶ παρελθόντες οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἔλεγον τοιάδε.

Chapter 73

1 ‘ἡ μὲν πρέσβευσις ἡμῶν οὐκ ἐς ἀντιλογίαν τοῖς ὑμετέροις ξυμμάχοις ἐγένετο, ἀλλὰ περὶ ὧν ἡ πόλις ἔπεμψεν· αἰσθανόμενοι δὲ καταβοὴν οὐκ ὀλίγην οὖσαν ἡμῶν παρήλθομεν οὐ τοῖς ἐγκλήμασι τῶν πόλεων ἀντεροῦντες (οὐ γὰρ παρὰ δικασταῖς ὑμῖν οὔτε ἡμῶν οὔτε τούτων οἱ λόγοι ἂν γίγνοιντο), ἀλλ’ ὅπως μὴ ῥᾳδίως περὶ μεγάλων πραγμάτων τοῖς ξυμμάχοις πειθόμενοι χεῖρον βουλεύσησθε, καὶ ἅμα βουλόμενοι περὶ τοῦ παντὸς λόγου τοῦ ἐς ἡμᾶς καθεστῶτος δηλῶσαι ὡς οὔτε ἀπεικότως ἔχομεν ἃ κεκτήμεθα, ἥ τε πόλις ἡμῶν ἀξία λόγου ἐστίν.

2 ‘καὶ τὰ μὲν πάνυ παλαιὰ τί δεῖ λέγειν, ὧν ἀκοαὶ μᾶλλον λόγων μάρτυρες ἢ ὄψις τῶν ἀκουσομένων; τὰ δὲ Μηδικὰ καὶ ὅσα αὐτοὶ ξύνιστε, εἰ καὶ δι’ ὄχλου μᾶλλον ἔσται αἰεὶ προβαλλομένοις, ἀνάγκη λέγειν· καὶ γὰρ ὅτε ἐδρῶμεν, ἐπ’ ὠφελίᾳ ἐκινδυνεύετο, ἧς τοῦ μὲν ἔργου μέρος μετέσχετε, τοῦ δὲ λόγου μὴ παντός, εἴ τι ὠφελεῖ, στερισκώμεθα.

3 ῥηθήσεται δὲ οὐ παραιτήσεως μᾶλλον ἕνεκα ἢ μαρτυρίου καὶ δηλώσεως πρὸς οἵαν ὑμῖν πόλιν μὴ εὖ βουλευομένοις ὁ ἀγὼν καταστήσεται.

4 φαμὲν γὰρ Μαραθῶνί τε μόνοι προκινδυνεῦσαι τῷ βαρβάρῳ καὶ ὅτε τὸ ὕστερον ἦλθεν, οὐχ ἱκανοὶ ὄντες κατὰ γῆν ἀμύνεσθαι, ἐσβάντες ἐς τὰς ναῦς πανδημεὶ ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ξυνναυμαχῆσαι, ὅπερ ἔσχε μὴ κατὰ πόλεις αὐτὸν ἐπιπλέοντα τὴν Πελοπόννησον πορθεῖν, ἀδυνάτων ἂν ὄντων πρὸς ναῦς πολλὰς ἀλλήλοις ἐπιβοηθεῖν.

5 τεκμήριον δὲ μέγιστον αὐτὸς ἐποίησεν· νικηθεὶς γὰρ ταῖς ναυσὶν ὡς οὐκέτι αὐτῷ ὁμοίας οὔσης τῆς δυνάμεως κατὰ τάχος τῷ πλέονι τοῦ στρατοῦ ἀνεχώρησεν.

Chapter 74

1 τοιούτου μέντοι τούτου ξυμβάντος, καὶ σαφῶς δηλωθέντος ὅτι ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων τὰ πράγματα ἐγένετο, τρία τὰ ὠφελιμώτατα ἐς αὐτὸ παρεσχόμεθα, ἀριθμόν τε νεῶν πλεῖστον καὶ ἄνδρα στρατηγὸν ξυνετώτατον καὶ προθυμίαν ἀοκνοτάτην· ναῦς μέν γε ἐς τὰς τετρακοσίας ὀλίγῳ ἐλάσσους τῶν δύο μοιρῶν, Θεμιστοκλέα δὲ ἄρχοντα, ὃς αἰτιώτατος ἐν τῷ στενῷ ναυμαχῆσαι ἐγένετο, ὅπερ σαφέστατα ἔσωσε τὰ πράγματα, καὶ αὐτὸν διὰ τοῦτο ὑμεῖς ἐτιμήσατε μάλιστα δὴ ἄνδρα ξένον τῶν ὡς ὑμᾶς ἐλθόντων·

2 προθυμίαν δὲ καὶ πολὺ τολμηροτάτην ἐδείξαμεν, οἵ γε, ἐπειδὴ ἡμῖν κατὰ γῆν οὐδεὶς ἐβοήθει, τῶν ἄλλων ἤδη μέχρι ἡμῶν δουλευόντων ἠξιώσαμεν ἐκλιπόντες τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα διαφθείραντες μηδ’ ὣς τὸ τῶν περιλοίπων ξυμμάχων κοινὸν προλιπεῖν μηδὲ σκεδασθέντες ἀχρεῖοι αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι, ἀλλ’ ἐσβάντες ἐς τὰς ναῦς κινδυνεῦσαι καὶ μὴ ὀργισθῆναι ὅτι ἡμῖν οὐ προυτιμωρήσατε.

3 ὥστε φαμὲν οὐχ ἧσσον αὐτοὶ ὠφελῆσαι ὑμᾶς ἢ τυχεῖν τούτου. ὑμεῖς μὲν γὰρ ἀπό τε οἰκουμένων τῶν πόλεων καὶ ἐπὶ τῷ τὸ λοιπὸν νέμεσθαι, ἐπειδὴ ἐδείσατε ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν καὶ οὐχ ἡμῶν τὸ πλέον, ἐβοηθήσατε (ὅτε γοῦν ἦμεν ἔτι σῶοι, οὐ παρεγένεσθε)· ἡμεῖς δὲ ἀπό τε τῆς οὐκ οὔσης ἔτι ὁρμώμενοι καὶ ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐν βραχείᾳ ἐλπίδι οὔσης κινδυνεύοντες ξυνεσώσαμεν ὑμᾶς τε τὸ μέρος καὶ ἡμᾶς αὐτούς.

4 εἰ δὲ προσεχωρήσαμεν πρότερον τῷ Μήδῳ δείσαντες, ὥσπερ καὶ ἄλλοι, περὶ τῇ χώρᾳ, ἢ μὴ ἐτολμήσαμεν ὕστερον ἐσβῆναι ἐς τὰς ναῦς ὡς διεφθαρμένοι, οὐδὲν ἂν ἔδει ἔτι ὑμᾶς μὴ ἔχοντας ναῦς ἱκανὰς ναυμαχεῖν,ἀλλὰ καθ’ ἡσυχίαν ἂν αὐτῷ προυχώρησε τὰ πράγματα ᾗ ἐβούλετο.

Chapter 75

1 ‘ἆρ’ ἄξιοί ἐσμεν, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, καὶ προθυμίας ἕνεκα τῆς τότε καὶ γνώμης ξυνέσεως ἀρχῆς γε ἧς ἔχομεν τοῖς Ἕλλησι μὴ οὕτως ἄγαν ἐπιφθόνως διακεῖσθαι;

2 καὶ γὰρ αὐτὴν τήνδε ἐλάβομεν οὐ βιασάμενοι, ἀλλ’ ὑμῶν μὲν οὐκ ἐθελησάντων παραμεῖναι πρὸς τὰ ὑπόλοιπα τοῦ βαρβάρου, ἡμῖν δὲ προσελθόντων τῶν ξυμμάχων καὶ αὐτῶν δεηθέντων ἡγεμόνας καταστῆναι·

3 ἐξ αὐτοῦ δὲ τοῦ ἔργου κατηναγκάσθημεν τὸ πρῶτον προαγαγεῖν αὐτὴν ἐς τόδε, μάλιστα μὲν ὑπὸ δέους, ἔπειτα καὶ τιμῆς, ὕστερον καὶ ὠφελίας.

4 καὶ οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἔτι ἐδόκει εἶναι τοῖς πολλοῖς ἀπηχθημένους, καί τινων καὶ ἤδη ἀποστάντων κατεστραμμένων, ὑμῶν τε ἡμῖν οὐκέτι ὁμοίως φίλων, ἀλλ’ ὑπόπτων καὶ διαφόρων ὄντων, ἀνέντας κινδυνεύειν· καὶ γὰρ ἂν αἱ ἀποστάσεις πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐγίγνοντο.

5 πᾶσι δὲ ἀνεπίφθονον τὰ ξυμφέροντα τῶν μεγίστων πέρι κινδύνων εὖ τίθεσθαι.

Chapter 76

1 ὑμεῖς γοῦν, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, τὰς ἐν τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ πόλεις ἐπὶ τὸ ὑμῖν ὠφέλιμον καταστησάμενοι ἐξηγεῖσθε· καὶ εἰ τότε ὑπομείναντες διὰ παντὸς ἀπήχθεσθε ἐν τῇ ἡγεμονίᾳ, ὥσπερ ἡμεῖς, εὖ ἴσμεν μὴ ἂν ἧσσον ὑμᾶς λυπηροὺς γενομένους τοῖς ξυμμάχοις καὶ ἀναγκασθέντας ἂν ἢ ἄρχειν ἐγκρατῶς ἢ αὐτοὺς κινδυνεύειν.

2 οὕτως οὐδ’ ἡμεῖς θαυμαστὸν οὐδὲν πεποιήκαμεν οὐδ’ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀνθρωπείου τρόπου, εἰ ἀρχήν τε διδομένην ἐδεξάμεθα καὶ ταύτην μὴ ἀνεῖμεν ὑπὸ 〈τριῶν〉 τῶν μεγίστων νικηθέντες, τιμῆς καὶ δέους καὶ ὠφελίας, οὐδ’ αὖ πρῶτοι τοῦ τοιούτου ὑπάρξαντες, ἀλλ᾽ αἰεὶ καθεστῶτος τὸν ἥσσω ὑπὸ τοῦ δυνατωτέρου κατείργεσθαι, ἄξιοί τε ἅμα νομίζοντες εἶναι καὶ ὑμῖν δοκοῦντες μέχρι οὗ τὰ ξυμφέροντα λογιζόμενοι τῷ δικαίῳ λόγῳ νῦν χρῆσθε, ὃν οὐδείς πω παρατυχὸν ἰσχύι τι κτήσασθαι προθεὶς τοῦ μὴ πλέον ἔχειν ἀπετράπετο.

3 ἐπαινεῖσθαί τε ἄξιοι οἵτινες χρησάμενοι τῇ ἀνθρωπείᾳ φύσει ὥστε ἑτέρων ἄρχειν δικαιότεροι ἢ κατὰ τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν δύναμιν γένωνται.

4 ἄλλους γ’ ἂν οὖν οἰόμεθα τὰ ἡμέτερα λαβόντας δεῖξαι ἂν μάλιστα εἴ τι μετριάζομεν· ἡμῖν δὲ καὶ ἐκ τοῦ ἐπιεικοῦς ἀδοξία τὸ πλέον ἢ ἔπαινος οὐκ εἰκότως περιέστη.

Chapter 77

1 ‘καὶ ἐλασσούμενοι γὰρ ἐν ταῖς ξυμβολαίαις πρὸς τοὺς ξυμμάχους δίκαις καὶ παρ’ ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς ἐν τοῖς ὁμοίοις νόμοις ποιήσαντες τὰς κρίσεις φιλοδικεῖν δοκοῦμεν.

2 καὶ οὐδεὶς σκοπεῖ αὐτῶν τοῖς καὶ ἄλλοθί που ἀρχὴν ἔχουσι καὶ ἧσσον ἡμῶν πρὸς τοὺς ὑπηκόους μετρίοις οὖσι διότι τοῦτο οὐκ ὀνειδίζεται· βιάζεσθαι γὰρ οἷς ἂν ἐξῇ, δικάζεσθαι οὐδὲν προσδέονται.

3 οἱ δὲ εἰθισμένοι πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσου ὁμιλεῖν, ἤν τι παρὰ τὸ μὴ οἴεσθαι χρῆναι ἢ γνώμῃ ἢ δυνάμει τῇ διὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ ὁπωσοῦν ἐλασσωθῶσιν, οὐ τοῦ πλέονος μὴ στερισκόμενοι χάριν ἔχουσιν, ἀλλὰ τοῦ ἐνδεοῦς χαλεπώτερον φέρουσιν ἢ εἰ ἀπὸ πρώτης ἀποθέμενοι τὸν νόμον φανερῶς ἐπλεονεκτοῦμεν. ἐκείνως δὲ οὐδ’ ἂν αὐτοὶ ἀντέλεγον ὡς οὐ χρεὼν τὸν ἥσσω τῷ κρατοῦντι ὑποχωρεῖν.

4 ἀδικούμενοί τε, ὡς ἔοικεν, οἱ ἄνθρωποι μᾶλλον ὀργίζονται ἢ βιαζόμενοι· τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσου δοκεῖ πλεονεκτεῖσθαι, τὸ δ’ ἀπὸ τοῦ κρείσσονος καταναγκάζεσθαι.

5 ὑπὸ γοῦν τοῦ Μήδου δεινότερα τούτων πάσχοντες ἠνείχοντο, ἡ δὲ ἡμετέρα ἀρχὴ χαλεπὴ δοκεῖ εἶναι, εἰκότως· τὸ παρὸν γὰρ αἰεὶ βαρὺ τοῖς ὑπηκόοις.

6 ὑμεῖς γ’ ἂν οὖν εἰ καθελόντες ἡμᾶς ἄρξαιτε, τάχα ἂν τὴν εὔνοιαν ἣν διὰ τὸ ἡμέτερον δέος εἰλήφατε μεταβάλοιτε, εἴπερ οἷα καὶ τότε πρὸς τὸν Μῆδον δι’ ὀλίγου ἡγησάμενοι ὑπεδείξατε, ὁμοῖα καὶ νῦν γνώσεσθε. ἄμεικτα γὰρ τά τε καθ’ ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς νόμιμα τοῖς ἄλλοις ἔχετε καὶ προσέτι εἷς ἕκαστος ἐξιὼν οὔτε τούτοις χρῆται οὔθ’ οἷς ἡ ἄλλη Ἑλλὰς νομίζει.

Chapter 78

1 ‘βουλεύεσθε οὖν βραδέως ὡς οὐ περὶ βραχέων, καὶ μὴ ἀλλοτρίαις γνώμαις καὶ ἐγκλήμασι πεισθέντες οἰκεῖον πόνον πρόσθησθε. τοῦ δὲ πολέμου τὸν παράλογον, ὅσος ἐστί, πρὶν ἐν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι προδιάγνωτε·

2 μηκυνόμενος γὰρ φιλεῖ ἐς τύχας τὰ πολλὰ περιίστασθαι, ὧν ἴσον τε ἀπέχομεν καὶ ὁποτέρως ἔσται ἐν ἀδήλῳ κινδυνεύεται.

3 ἰόντες τε οἱ ἄνθρωποι ἐς τοὺς πολέμους τῶν ἔργων πρότερον ἔχονται, ἃ χρῆν ὕστερον δρᾶν, κακοπαθοῦντες δὲ ἤδη τῶν λόγων ἅπτονται.

4 ἡμεῖς δὲ ἐν οὐδεμιᾷ πω τοιαύτῃ ἁμαρτίᾳ ὄντες οὔτ’ αὐτοὶ οὔθ’ ὑμᾶς ὁρῶντες λέγομεν ὑμῖν, ἕως ἔτι αὐθαίρετος ἀμφοτέροις ἡ εὐβουλία, σπονδὰς μὴ λύειν μηδὲ παραβαίνειν τοὺς ὅρκους, τὰ δὲ διάφορα δίκῃ λύεσθαι κατὰ τὴν ξυνθήκην. εἰ δὲ μή, θεοὺς τοὺς ὁρκίους μάρτυρας ποιούμενοι πειρασόμεθα ἀμύνεσθαι πολέμου ἄρχοντας ταύτῃ ᾗ ἂν ὑφηγῆσθε.’

Chapter 79

1 τοιαῦτα δὲ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι εἶπον. ἐπειδὴ δὲ τῶν τε ξυμμάχων ἤκουσαν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὰ ἐγκλήματα τὰ ἐς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἃ ἔλεξαν, μεταστησάμενοι πάντας ἐβουλεύοντο κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς περὶ τῶν παρόντων.

2 καὶ τῶν μὲν πλεόνων ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ αἱ γνῶμαι ἔφερον, ἀδικεῖν τε τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἤδη καὶ πολεμητέα εἶναι ἐν τάχει· παρελθὼν δὲ Ἀρχίδαμος ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν, ἀνὴρ καὶ ξυνετὸς δοκῶν εἶναι καὶ σώφρων, ἔλεξε τοιάδε.

Chapter 80

1 ‘καὶ αὐτὸς πολλῶν ἤδη πολέμων ἔμπειρός εἰμι, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, καὶ ὑμῶν τοὺς ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ ἡλικίᾳ ὁρῶ, ὥστε μήτε ἀπειρίᾳ ἐπιθυμῆσαί τινα τοῦ ἔργου, ὅπερ ἂν οἱ πολλοὶ πάθοιεν, μήτε ἀγαθὸν καὶ ἀσφαλὲς νομίσαντα.

2 εὕροιτε δ’ ἂν τόνδε περὶ οὗ νῦν βουλεύεσθε οὐκ ἂν ἐλάχιστον γενόμενον, εἰ σωφρόνως τις αὐτὸν ἐκλογίζοιτο.

3 πρὸς μὲν γὰρ Πελοποννησίους καὶ τοὺς ἀστυγείτονας παρόμοιος ἡμῶν ἡ ἀλκή, καὶ διὰ ταχέων οἷόν τε ἐφ’ ἕκαστα ἐλθεῖν· πρὸς δὲ ἄνδρας οἳ γῆν τε ἑκὰς ἔχουσι καὶ προσέτι θαλάσσης ἐμπειρότατοί εἰσι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἄριστα ἐξήρτυνται, πλούτῳ τε ἰδίῳ καὶ δημοσίῳ καὶ ναυσὶ καὶ ἵπποις καὶ ὅπλοις καὶ ὄχλῳ ὅσος οὐκ ἐν ἄλλῳ ἑνί γε χωρίῳ Ἑλληνικῷ ἐστίν, ἔτι δὲ καὶ ξυμμάχους πολλοὺς φόρου ὑποτελεῖς ἔχουσι, πῶς χρὴ πρὸς τούτους ῥᾳδίως πόλεμον ἄρασθαι καὶ τίνι πιστεύσαντας ἀπαρασκεύους ἐπειχθῆναι;

4 πότερον ταῖς ναυσίν; ἀλλ’ ἥσσους ἐσμέν· εἰ δὲ μελετήσομεν καὶ ἀντιπαρασκευασόμεθα, χρόνος ἐνέσται. ἀλλὰ τοῖς χρήμασιν; ἀλλὰ πολλῷ πλέον ἔτι τούτου ἐλλείπομεν καὶ οὔτε ἐν κοινῷ ἔχομεν οὔτε ἑτοίμως ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων φέρομεν.

Chapter 81

1 τάχ’ ἄν τις θαρσοίη ὅτι τοῖς ὅπλοις αὐτῶν καὶ τῷ πλήθει ὑπερφέρομεν, ὥστε τὴν γῆν δῃοῦν ἐπιφοιτῶντες.

2 τοῖς δὲ ἄλλη γῆ ἐστὶ πολλὴ ἧς ἄρχουσι, καὶ ἐκ θαλάσσης ὧν δέονται ἐπάξονται.

3 εἰ δ’ αὖ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἀφιστάναι πειρασόμεθα, δεήσει καὶ τούτοις ναυσὶ βοηθεῖν τὸ πλέον οὖσι νησιώταις.

4 τίς οὖν ἔσται ἡμῶν ὁ πόλεμος; εἰ μὴ γὰρ ἢ ναυσὶ κρατήσομεν ἢ τὰς προσόδους ἀφαιρήσομεν ἀφ’ ὧν τὸ ναυτικὸν τρέφουσι, βλαψόμεθα τὰ πλείω.

5 κἀν τούτῳ οὐδὲ καταλύεσθαι ἔτι καλόν, ἄλλως τε καὶ εἰ δόξομεν ἄρξαι μᾶλλον τῆς διαφορᾶς.

6 μὴ γὰρ δὴ ἐκείνῃ γε τῇ ἐλπίδι ἐπαιρώμεθα ὡς ταχὺ παυσθήσεται ὁ πόλεμος, ἢν τὴν γῆν αὐτῶν τέμωμεν. δέδοικα δὲ μᾶλλον μὴ καὶ τοῖς παισὶν αὐτὸν ὑπολίπωμεν· οὕτως εἰκὸς Ἀθηναίους φρονήματι μήτε τῇ γῇ δουλεῦσαι μήτε ὥσπερ ἀπείρους καταπλαγῆναι τῷ πολέμῳ.

Chapter 82

1 ‘οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ἀναισθήτως αὐτοὺς κελεύω τούς τε ξυμμάχους ἡμῶν ἐᾶν βλάπτειν καὶ ἐπιβουλεύοντας μὴ καταφωρᾶν, ἀλλὰ ὅπλα μὲν μήπω κινεῖν, πέμπειν δὲ καὶ αἰτιᾶσθαι μήτε πόλεμον ἄγαν δηλοῦντας μήθ’ ὡς ἐπιτρέψομεν, κἀν τούτῳ καὶ τὰ ἡμέτερ’ αὐτῶν ἐξαρτύεσθαι ξυμμάχων τε προσαγωγῇ καὶ Ἑλλήνων καὶ βαρβάρων, εἴ ποθέν τινα ἢ ναυτικοῦ ἢ χρημάτων δύναμιν προσληψόμεθα (ἀνεπίφθονον δέ, ὅσοι ὥσπερ καὶ ἡμεῖς ὑπ’ Ἀθηναίων ἐπιβουλευόμεθα, μὴ Ἕλληνας μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ βαρβάρους προσλαβόντας διασωθῆναι), καὶ τὰ αὑτῶν ἅμα ἐκποριζώμεθα.

2 καὶ ἢν μὲν ἐσακούωσί τι πρεσβευομένων ἡμῶν, ταῦτα ἄριστα· ἢν δὲ μή, διελθόντων ἐτῶν δύο καὶ τριῶν ἄμεινον ἤδη, ἢν δοκῇ, πεφραγμένοι ἴμεν ἐπ’ αὐτούς.

3 καὶ ἴσως ὁρῶντες ἡμῶν ἤδη τήν τε παρασκευὴν καὶ τοὺς λόγους αὐτῇ ὁμοῖα ὑποσημαίνοντας μᾶλλον ἂν εἴκοιεν, καὶ γῆν ἔτι ἄτμητον ἔχοντες καὶ περὶ παρόντων ἀγαθῶν καὶ οὔπω ἐφθαρμένων βουλευόμενοι.

4 μὴ γὰρ ἄλλο τι νομίσητε τὴν γῆν αὐτῶν ἢ ὅμηρον ἔχειν καὶ οὐχ ἧσσον ὅσῳ ἄμεινον ἐξείργασται· ἧς φείδεσθαι χρὴ ὡς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον, καὶ μὴ ἐς ἀπόνοιαν καταστήσαντας αὐτοὺς ἀληπτοτέρους ἔχειν.

5 εἰ γὰρ ἀπαράσκευοι τοῖς τῶν ξυμμάχων ἐγκλήμασιν ἐπειχθέντες τεμοῦμεν αὐτήν, ὁρᾶτε ὅπως μὴ αἴσχιον καὶ ἀπορώτερον τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ πράξομεν.

6 ἐγκλήματα μὲν γὰρ καὶ πόλεων καὶ ἰδιωτῶν οἷόν τε καταλῦσαι· πόλεμον δὲ ξύμπαντας ἀραμένους ἕνεκα τῶν ἰδίων, ὃν οὐχ ὑπάρχει εἰδέναι καθ’ ὅτι χωρήσει, οὐ ῥᾴδιον εὐπρεπῶς θέσθαι.

Chapter 83

1 ‘καὶ ἀνανδρία μηδενὶ πολλοὺς μιᾷ πόλει μὴ ταχὺ ἐπελθεῖν δοκείτω εἶναι.

2 εἰσὶ γὰρ καὶ ἐκείνοις οὐκ ἐλάσσους χρήματα φέροντες ξύμμαχοι, καὶ ἔστιν ὁ πόλεμος οὐχ ὅπλων τὸ πλέον ἀλλὰ δαπάνης, δι’ ἣν τὰ ὅπλα ὠφελεῖ, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἠπειρώταις πρὸς θαλασσίους.

3 πορισώμεθα οὖν πρῶτον αὐτήν, καὶ μὴ τοῖς τῶν ξυμμάχων λόγοις πρότερον ἐπαιρώμεθα, οἵπερ δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀποβαινόντων τὸ πλέον ἐπ’ ἀμφότερα τῆς αἰτίας ἕξομεν, οὗτοι καὶ καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν τι αὐτῶν προΐδωμεν.

Chapter 84

1 καὶ τὸ βραδὺ καὶ μέλλον, ὃ μέμφονται μάλιστα ἡμῶν, μὴ αἰσχύνεσθε. σπεύδοντές τε γὰρ σχολαίτερον ἂν παύσαισθε διὰ τὸ ἀπαράσκευοι ἐγχειρεῖν, καὶ ἅμα ἐλευθέραν καὶ εὐδοξοτάτην πόλιν διὰ παντὸς νεμόμεθα.

2 καὶ δύναται μάλιστα σωφροσύνη ἔμφρων τοῦτ’ εἶναι· μόνοι γὰρ δι’ αὐτὸ εὐπραγίαις τε οὐκ ἐξυβρίζομεν καὶ ξυμφοραῖς ἧσσον ἑτέρων εἴκομεν· τῶν τε ξὺν ἐπαίνῳ ἐξοτρυνόντων ἡμᾶς ἐπὶ τὰ δεινὰ παρὰ τὸ δοκοῦν ἡμῖν οὐκ ἐπαιρόμεθα ἡδονῇ, καὶ ἤν τις ἄρα ξὺν κατηγορίᾳ παροξύνῃ, οὐδὲν δὴ μᾶλλον ἀχθεσθέντες ἀνεπείσθημεν.

3 πολεμικοί τε καὶ εὔβουλοι διὰ τὸ εὔκοσμον γιγνόμεθα, τὸ μὲν ὅτι αἰδὼς σωφροσύνης πλεῖστον μετέχει, αἰσχύνης δὲ εὐψυχία, εὔβουλοι δὲ ἀμαθέστερον τῶν νόμων τῆς ὑπεροψίας παιδευόμενοι καὶ ξὺν χαλεπότητι σωφρονέστερον ἢ ὥστε αὐτῶν ἀνηκουστεῖν, καὶ μὴ τὰ ἀχρεῖα ξυνετοὶ ἄγαν ὄντες τὰς τῶν πολεμίων παρασκευὰς λόγῳ καλῶς μεμφόμενοι ἀνομοίως ἔργῳ ἐπεξιέναι, νομίζειν δὲ τάς τε διανοίας τῶν πέλας παραπλησίους εἶναι καὶ τὰς προσπιπτούσας τύχας οὐ λόγῳ διαιρετάς.

4 αἰεὶ δὲ ὡς πρὸς εὖ βουλευομένους τοὺς ἐναντίους ἔργῳ παρασκευαζόμεθα· καὶ οὐκ ἐξ ἐκείνων ὡς ἁμαρτησομένων ἔχειν δεῖ τὰς ἐλπίδας, ἀλλ’ ὡς ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ἀσφαλῶς προνοουμένων. πολύ τε διαφέρειν οὐ δεῖ νομίζειν ἄνθρωπον ἀνθρώπου, κράτιστον δὲ εἶναι ὅστις ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις παιδεύεται.

Chapter 85

1 ‘ταύτας οὖν ἃς οἱ πατέρες τε ἡμῖν παρέδοσαν μελέτας καὶ αὐτοὶ διὰ παντὸς ὠφελούμενοι ἔχομεν μὴ παρῶμεν, μηδὲ ἐπειχθέντες ἐν βραχεῖ μορίῳ ἡμέρας περὶ πολλῶν σωμάτων καὶ χρημάτων καὶ πόλεων καὶ δόξης βουλεύσωμεν, ἀλλὰ καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν. ἔξεστι δ’ ἡμῖν μᾶλλον ἑτέρων διὰ ἰσχύν.

2 καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους πέμπετε μὲν περὶ τῆς Ποτειδαίας, πέμπετε δὲ περὶ ὧν οἱ ξύμμαχοί φασιν ἀδικεῖσθαι, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἑτοίμων ὄντων αὐτῶν δίκας δοῦναι· ἐπὶ δὲ τὸν διδόντα οὐ πρότερον νόμιμον ὡς ἐπ’ ἀδικοῦντα ἰέναι. παρασκευάζεσθε δὲ τὸν πόλεμον ἅμα. ταῦτα γὰρ καὶ κράτιστα βουλεύσεσθε καὶ τοῖς ἐναντίοις φοβερώτατα.’

3 καὶ ὁ μὲν Ἀρχίδαμος τοιαῦτα εἶπεν· παρελθὼν δὲ Σθενελαΐδας τελευταῖος, εἷς τῶν ἐφόρων τότε ὤν, ἔλεξεν [τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις] ὧδε.

Chapter 86

1 ‘τοὺς μὲν λόγους τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν Ἀθηναίων οὐ γιγνώσκω· ἐπαινέσαντες γὰρ πολλὰ ἑαυτοὺς οὐδαμοῦ ἀντεῖπον ὡς οὐκ ἀδικοῦσι τοὺς ἡμετέρους ξυμμάχους καὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον· καίτοι εἰ πρὸς τοὺς Μήδους ἐγένοντο ἀγαθοὶ τότε, πρὸς δ’ ἡμᾶς κακοὶ νῦν, διπλασίας ζημίας ἄξιοί εἰσιν, ὅτι ἀντ’ ἀγαθῶν κακοὶ γεγένηνται.

2 ἡμεῖς δὲ ὁμοῖοι καὶ τότε καὶ νῦν ἐσμέν, καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους, ἢν σωφρονῶμεν, οὐ περιοψόμεθα ἀδικουμένους οὐδὲ μελλήσομεν τιμωρεῖν· οἱ δ’ οὐκέτι μέλλουσι κακῶς πάσχειν.

3 ἄλλοις μὲν γὰρ χρήματά ἐστι πολλὰ καὶ νῆες καὶ ἵπποι, ἡμῖν δὲ ξύμμαχοι ἀγαθοί, οὓς οὐ παραδοτέα τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐστίν, οὐδὲ δίκαις καὶ λόγοις διακριτέα μὴ λόγῳ καὶ αὐτοὺς βλαπτομένους, ἀλλὰ τιμωρητέα ἐν τάχει καὶ παντὶ σθένει.

4 καὶ ὡς ἡμᾶς πρέπει βουλεύεσθαι ἀδικουμένους μηδεὶς διδασκέτω, ἀλλὰ τοὺς μέλλοντας ἀδικεῖν μᾶλλον πρέπει πολὺν χρόνον βουλεύεσθαι.

5 ψηφίζεσθε οὖν, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, ἀξίως τῆς Σπάρτης τὸν πόλεμον, καὶ μήτε τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐᾶτε μείζους γίγνεσθαι μήτε τοὺς ξυμμάχους καταπροδιδῶμεν, ἀλλὰ ξὺν τοῖς θεοῖς ἐπίωμεν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας.’

Chapter 87

1 τοιαῦτα λέξας ἐπεψήφιζεν αὐτὸς ἔφορος ὢν ἐς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων.

2 ὁ δέ (κρίνουσι γὰρ βοῇ καὶ οὐ ψήφῳ) οὐκ ἔφη διαγιγνώσκειν τὴν βοὴν ὁποτέρα μείζων, ἀλλὰ βουλόμενος αὐτοὺς φανερῶς ἀποδεικνυμένους τὴν γνώμην ἐς τὸ πολεμεῖν μᾶλλον ὁρμῆσαι ἔλεξεν ‘ὅτῳ μὲν ὑμῶν, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, δοκοῦσι λελύσθαι αἱ σπονδαὶ καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀδικεῖν, ἀναστήτω ἐς ἐκεῖνο τὸ χωρίον,’ δείξας τι χωρίον αὐτοῖς, ‘ὅτῳ δὲ μὴ δοκοῦσιν, ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ θάτερα.’ ἀναστάντες δὲ διέστησαν,

3 καὶ πολλῷ πλείους ἐγένοντο οἷς ἐδόκουν αἱ σπονδαὶ λελύσθαι.

4 προσκαλέσαντές τε τοὺς ξυμμάχους εἶπον ὅτι σφίσι μὲν δοκοῖεν ἀδικεῖν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, βούλεσθαι δὲ καὶ τοὺς πάντας ξυμμάχους παρακαλέσαντες ψῆφον ἐπαγαγεῖν, ὅπως κοινῇ βουλευσάμενοι τὸν πόλεμον ποιῶνται, ἢν δοκῇ.

5 καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀπεχώρησαν ἐπ’ οἴκου διαπραξάμενοι ταῦτα, καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναίων πρέσβεις ὕστερον ἐφ’ ἅπερ ἦλθον χρηματίσαντες·

6 ἡ δὲ διαγνώμη αὕτη τῆς ἐκκλησίας, τοῦ τὰς σπονδὰς λελύσθαι, ἐγένετο ἐν τῷ τετάρτῳ καὶ δεκάτῳ ἔτει τῶν τριακοντουτίδων σπονδῶν προκεχωρηκυιῶν, αἳ ἐγένοντο μετὰ τὰ Εὐβοϊκά.

Chapter 88

1 ἐψηφίσαντο δὲ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὰς σπονδὰς λελύσθαι καὶ πολεμητέα εἶναι οὐ τοσοῦτον τῶν ξυμμάχων πεισθέντες τοῖς λόγοις ὅσον φοβούμενοι τοὺς Ἀθηναίους μὴ ἐπὶ μεῖζον δυνηθῶσιν, ὁρῶντες αὐτοῖς τὰ πολλὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ὑποχείρια ἤδη ὄντα.

Chapter 89

1 οἱ γὰρ Ἀθηναῖοι τρόπῳ τοιῷδε ἦλθον ἐπὶ τὰ πράγματα ἐν οἷς ηὐξήθησαν.

2 ἐπειδὴ Μῆδοι ἀνεχώρησαν ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης νικηθέντες καὶ ναυσὶ καὶ πεζῷ ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων καὶ οἱ καταφυγόντες αὐτῶν ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐς Μυκάλην διεφθάρησαν, Λεωτυχίδης μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, ὅσπερ ἡγεῖτο τῶν ἐν Μυκάλῃ Ἑλλήνων, ἀπεχώρησεν ἐπ’ οἴκου ἔχων τοὺς ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου ξυμμάχους, οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ οἱ ἀπὸ Ἰωνίας καὶ Ἑλλησπόντου ξύμμαχοι ἤδη ἀφεστηκότες ἀπὸ βασιλέως ὑπομείναντες Σηστὸν ἐπολιόρκουν Μήδων ἐχόντων, καὶ ἐπιχειμάσαντες εἷλον αὐτὴν ἐκλιπόντων τῶν βαρβάρων, καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο ἀπέπλευσαν ἐξ Ἑλλησπόντου ὡς ἕκαστοι κατὰ πόλεις.

3 Ἀθηναίων δὲ τὸ κοινόν, ἐπειδὴ αὐτοῖς οἱ βάρβαροι ἐκ τῆς χώρας ἀπῆλθον, διεκομίζοντο εὐθὺς ὅθεν ὑπεξέθεντο παῖδας καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ τὴν περιοῦσαν κατασκευήν, καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀνοικοδομεῖν παρεσκευάζοντο καὶ τὰ τείχη· τοῦ τε γὰρ περιβόλου βραχέα εἱστήκει καὶ οἰκίαι αἱ μὲν πολλαὶ ἐπεπτώκεσαν, ὀλίγαι δὲ περιῆσαν, ἐν αἷς αὐτοὶ ἐσκήνωσαν οἱ δυνατοὶ τῶν Περσῶν.

Chapter 90

1 Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ αἰσθόμενοι τὸ μέλλον ἦλθον πρεσβείᾳ, τὰ μὲν καὶ αὐτοὶ ἥδιον ἂν ὁρῶντες μήτ’ ἐκείνους μήτ’ ἄλλον μηδένα τεῖχος ἔχοντα, τὸ δὲ πλέον τῶν ξυμμάχων ἐξοτρυνόντων καὶ φοβουμένων τοῦ τε ναυτικοῦ αὐτῶν τὸ πλῆθος, ὃ πρὶν οὐχ ὑπῆρχε, καὶ τὴν ἐς τὸν Μηδικὸν πόλεμον τόλμαν γενομένην.

2 ἠξίουν τε αὐτοὺς μὴ τειχίζειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἔξω Πελοποννήσου μᾶλλον ὅσοις εἱστήκει ξυγκαθελεῖν μετὰ σφῶν τοὺς περιβόλους, τὸ μὲν βουλόμενον καὶ ὕποπτον τῆς γνώμης οὐ δηλοῦντες ἐς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, ὡς δὲ τοῦ βαρβάρου, εἰ αὖθις ἐπέλθοι, οὐκ ἂν ἔχοντος ἀπὸ ἐχυροῦ ποθέν, ὥσπερ νῦν ἐκ τῶν Θηβῶν, ὁρμᾶσθαι· τήν τε Πελοπόννησον πᾶσιν ἔφασαν ἀναχώρησίν τε καὶ ἀφορμὴν ἱκανὴν εἶναι.

3 οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι Θεμιστοκλέους γνώμῃ τοὺς μὲν Λακεδαιμονίους ταῦτ’ εἰπόντας ἀποκρινάμενοι ὅτι πέμψουσιν ὡς αὐτοὺς πρέσβεις περὶ ὧν λέγουσιν εὐθὺς ἀπήλλαξαν· ἑαυτὸν δ’ ἐκέλευεν ἀποστέλλειν ὡς τάχιστα ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα, ἄλλους δὲ πρὸς ἑαυτῷ ἑλομένους πρέσβεις μὴ εὐθὺς ἐκπέμπειν, ἀλλ’ ἐπισχεῖν μέχρι τοσούτου ἕως ἂν τὸ τεῖχος ἱκανὸν ἄρωσιν ὥστε ἀπομάχεσθαι ἐκ τοῦ ἀναγκαιοτάτου ὕψους· τειχίζειν δὲ πάντας πανδημεὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει [καὶ αὐτοὺς καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ παῖδας], φειδομένους μήτε ἰδίου μήτε δημοσίου οἰκοδομήματος ὅθεν τις ὠφελία ἔσται ἐς τὸ ἔργον, ἀλλὰ καθαιροῦντας πάντα.

4 καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα διδάξας καὶ ὑπειπὼν τἆλλα ὅτι αὐτὸς τἀκεῖ πράξοι ᾤχετο.

5 καὶ ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα ἐλθὼν οὐ προσῄει πρὸς τὰς ἀρχάς, ἀλλὰ διῆγε καὶ προυφασίζετο. καὶ ὁπότε τις αὐτὸν ἔροιτο τῶν ἐν τέλει ὄντων ὅτι οὐκ ἐπέρχεται ἐπὶ τὸ κοινόν, ἔφη τοὺς ξυμπρέσβεις ἀναμένειν, ἀσχολίας δέ τινος οὔσης αὐτοὺς ὑπολειφθῆναι, προσδέχεσθαι μέντοι ἐν τάχει ἥξειν καὶ θαυμάζειν ὡς οὔπω πάρεισιν.

Chapter 91

1 οἱ δὲ ἀκούοντες τῷ μὲν Θεμιστοκλεῖ ἐπείθοντο διὰ φιλίαν αὐτοῦ, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων ἀφικνουμένων καὶ σαφῶς κατηγορούντων ὅτι τειχίζεταί τε καὶ ἤδη ὕψος λαμβάνει, οὐκ εἶχον ὅπως χρὴ ἀπιστῆσαι.

2 γνοὺς δὲ ἐκεῖνος κελεύει αὐτοὺς μὴ λόγοις μᾶλλον παράγεσθαι ἢ πέμψαι σφῶν αὐτῶν ἄνδρας οἵτινες χρηστοὶ καὶ πιστῶς ἀναγγελοῦσι σκεψάμενοι.

3 ἀποστέλλουσιν οὖν, καὶ περὶ αὐτῶν ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις κρύφα πέμπει κελεύων ὡς ἥκιστα ἐπιφανῶς κατασχεῖν καὶ μὴ ἀφεῖναι πρὶν ἂν αὐτοὶ πάλιν κομισθῶσιν (ἤδη γὰρ καὶ ἧκον αὐτῷ οἱ ξυμπρέσβεις, Ἁβρώνιχός τε ὁ Λυσικλέους καὶ Ἀριστείδης ὁ Λυσιμάχου, ἀγγέλλοντες ἔχειν ἱκανῶς τὸ τεῖχος) ἐφοβεῖτο γὰρ μὴ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι σφᾶς, ὁπότε σαφῶς ἀκούσειαν, οὐκέτι ἀφῶσιν.

4 οἵ τε οὖν Ἀθηναῖοι τοὺς πρέσβεις, ὥσπερ ἐπεστάλη, κατεῖχον, καὶ ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς ἐπελθὼν τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐνταῦθα δὴ φανερῶς εἶπεν ὅτι ἡ μὲν πόλις σφῶν τετείχισται ἤδη ὥστε ἱκανὴ εἶναι σῴζειν τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας, εἰ δέ τι βούλονται Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἢ οἱ ξύμμαχοι πρεσβεύεσθαι παρὰ σφᾶς, ὡς πρὸς διαγιγνώσκοντας τὸ λοιπὸν ἰέναι τά τε σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ξύμφορα καὶ τὰ κοινά.

5 τήν τε γὰρ πόλιν ὅτε ἐδόκει ἐκλιπεῖν ἄμεινον εἶναι καὶ ἐς τὰς ναῦς ἐσβῆναι, ἄνευ ἐκείνων ἔφασαν γνόντες τολμῆσαι, καὶ ὅσα αὖ μετ’ ἐκείνων βουλεύεσθαι, οὐδενὸς ὕστεροι γνώμῃ φανῆναι.

6 δοκεῖν οὖν σφίσι καὶ νῦν ἄμεινον εἶναι τὴν ἑαυτῶν πόλιν τεῖχος ἔχειν, καὶ ἰδίᾳ τοῖς πολίταις καὶ ἐς τοὺς πάντας ξυμμάχους ὠφελιμώτερον ἔσεσθαι·

7 οὐ γὰρ οἷόν τ’ εἶναι μὴ ἀπὸ ἀντιπάλου παρασκευῆς ὁμοῖόν τι ἢ ἴσον ἐς τὸ κοινὸν βουλεύεσθαι. ἢ πάντας οὖν ἀτειχίστους ἔφη χρῆναι ξυμμαχεῖν ἢ καὶ τάδε νομίζειν ὀρθῶς ἔχειν.

Chapter 92

1 οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἀκούσαντες ὀργὴν μὲν φανερὰν οὐκ ἐποιοῦντο τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις (οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐπὶ κωλύμῃ, ἀλλὰ γνώμης παραινέσει δῆθεν τῷ κοινῷ ἐπρεσβεύσαντο, ἅμα δὲ καὶ προσφιλεῖς ὄντες ἐν τῷ τότε διὰ τὴν ἐς τὸν Μῆδον προθυμίαν τὰ μάλιστ’ αὐτοῖς ἐτύγχανον), τῆς μέντοι βουλήσεως ἁμαρτάνοντες ἀδήλως ἤχθοντο. οἵ τε πρέσβεις ἑκατέρων ἀπῆλθον ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀνεπικλήτως.

Chapter 93

1 τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὴν πόλιν ἐτείχισαν ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ.

2 καὶ δήλη ἡ οἰκοδομία ἔτι καὶ νῦν ἐστὶν ὅτι κατὰ σπουδὴν ἐγένετο· οἱ γὰρ θεμέλιοι παντοίων λίθων ὑπόκεινται καὶ οὐ ξυνειργασμένων ἔστιν ᾗ, ἀλλ’ ὡς ἕκαστόν ποτε προσέφερον, πολλαί τε στῆλαι ἀπὸ σημάτων καὶ λίθοι εἰργασμένοι ἐγκατελέγησαν. μείζων γὰρ ὁ περίβολος πανταχῇ ἐξήχθη τῆς πόλεως, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο πάντα ὁμοίως κινοῦντες ἠπείγοντο.

3 ἔπεισε δὲ καὶ τοῦ Πειραιῶς τὰ λοιπὰ ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς οἰκοδομεῖν (ὑπῆρκτο δ’ αὐτοῦ πρότερον ἐπὶ τῆς ἐκείνου ἀρχῆς ἧς κατ’ ἐνιαυτὸν Ἀθηναίοις ἦρξε) νομίζων τό τε χωρίον καλὸν εἶναι, λιμένας ἔχον τρεῖς αὐτοφυεῖς, καὶ αὐτοὺς ναυτικοὺς γεγενημένους μέγα προφέρειν ἐς τὸ

4 κτήσασθαι δύναμιν (τῆς γὰρ δὴ θαλάσσης πρῶτος ἐτόλμησεν εἰπεῖν ὡς ἀνθεκτέα ἐστί), καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν εὐθὺς ξυγκατεσκεύαζεν.

5 καὶ ᾠκοδόμησαν τῇ ἐκείνου γνώμῃ τὸ πάχος τοῦ τείχους ὅπερ νῦν ἔτι δῆλόν ἐστι περὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ· δύο γὰρ ἅμαξαι ἐναντίαι ἀλλήλαις τοὺς λίθους ἐπῆγον. ἐντὸς δὲ οὔτε χάλιξ οὔτε πηλὸς ἦν, ἀλλὰ ξυνῳκοδομημένοι μεγάλοι λίθοι καὶ ἐντομῇ ἐγγώνιοι, σιδήρῳ πρὸς ἀλλήλους τὰ ἔξωθεν καὶ μολύβδῳ δεδεμένοι. τὸ δὲ ὕψος ἥμισυ μάλιστα ἐτελέσθη οὗ διενοεῖτο.

6 ἐβούλετο γὰρ τῷ μεγέθει καὶ τῷ πάχει ἀφιστάναι τὰς τῶν πολεμίων ἐπιβουλάς, ἀνθρώπων τε ἐνόμιζεν ὀλίγων καὶ τῶν ἀχρειοτάτων ἀρκέσειν τὴν φυλακήν, τοὺς δ’ ἄλλους ἐς τὰς ναῦς ἐσβήσεσθαι.

7 ταῖς γὰρ ναυσὶ μάλιστα προσέκειτο, ἰδών, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, τῆς βασιλέως στρατιᾶς τὴν κατὰ θάλασσαν ἔφοδον εὐπορωτέραν τῆς κατὰ γῆν οὖσαν· τόν τε Πειραιᾶ ὠφελιμώτερον ἐνόμιζε τῆς ἄνω πόλεως, καὶ πολλάκις τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις παρῄνει, ἢν ἄρα ποτὲ κατὰ γῆν βιασθῶσι, καταβάντας ἐς αὐτὸν ταῖς ναυσὶ πρὸς ἅπαντας ἀνθίστασθαι.

8 Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἐτειχίσθησαν καὶ τἆλλα κατεσκευάζοντο εὐθὺς μετὰ τὴν Μήδων ἀναχώρησιν.

Chapter 94

1 Παυσανίας δὲ ὁ Κλεομβρότου ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος στρατηγὸς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐξεπέμφθη μετὰ εἴκοσι νεῶν ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου· ξυνέπλεον δὲ καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι τριάκοντα ναυσὶ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ξυμμάχων πλῆθος.

2 καὶ ἐστράτευσαν ἐς Κύπρον καὶ αὐτῆς τὰ πολλὰ κατεστρέψαντο, καὶ ὕστερον ἐς Βυζάντιον Μήδων ἐχόντων, καὶ ἐξεπολιόρκησαν ἐν τῇδε τῇ ἡγεμονίᾳ.

Chapter 95

1 ἤδη δὲ βιαίου ὄντος αὐτοῦ οἵ τε ἄλλοι Ἕλληνες ἤχθοντο καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα οἱ Ἴωνες καὶ ὅσοι ἀπὸ βασιλέως νεωστὶ ἠλευθέρωντο· φοιτῶντές τε πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἠξίουν αὐτοὺς ἡγεμόνας σφῶν γίγνεσθαι κατὰ τὸ ξυγγενὲς καὶ Παυσανίᾳ μὴ ἐπιτρέπειν, ἤν που βιάζηται.

2 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐδέξαντό τε τοὺς λόγους καὶ προσεῖχον τὴν γνώμην ὡς οὐ περιοψόμενοι τἆλλά τε καταστησόμενοι ᾗ φαίνοιτο ἄριστα αὐτοῖς.

3 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι μετεπέμποντο Παυσανίαν ἀνακρινοῦντες ὧν πέρι ἐπυνθάνοντο· καὶ γὰρ ἀδικία πολλὴ κατηγορεῖτο αὐτοῦ ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων τῶν ἀφικνουμένων, καὶ τυραννίδος μᾶλλον ἐφαίνετο μίμησις ἢ στρατηγία.

4 ξυνέβη τε αὐτῷ καλεῖσθαί τε ἅμα καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους τῷ ἐκείνου ἔχθει παρ’ Ἀθηναίους μετατάξασθαι πλὴν τῶν ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου στρατιωτῶν.

5 ἐλθὼν δὲ ἐς Λακεδαίμονα τῶν μὲν ἰδίᾳ πρός τινα ἀδικημάτων ηὐθύνθη, τὰ δὲ μέγιστα ἀπολύεται μὴ ἀδικεῖν· κατηγορεῖτο δὲ αὐτοῦ οὐχ ἥκιστα μηδισμὸς καὶ ἐδόκει σαφέστατον εἶναι.

6 καὶ ἐκεῖνον μὲν οὐκέτι ἐκπέμπουσιν ἄρχοντα, Δόρκιν δὲ καὶ ἄλλους τινὰς μετ’ αὐτοῦ στρατιὰν ἔχοντας οὐ πολλήν· οἷς οὐκέτι ἐφίεσαν οἱ ξύμμαχοι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν.

7 οἱ δὲ αἰσθόμενοι ἀπῆλθον, καὶ ἄλλους οὐκέτι ὕστερον ἐξέπεμψαν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, φοβούμενοι μὴ σφίσιν οἱ ἐξιόντες χείρους γίγνωνται, ὅπερ καὶ ἐν τῷ Παυσανίᾳ ἐνεῖδον, ἀπαλλαξείοντες δὲ καὶ τοῦ Μηδικοῦ πολέμου καὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους νομίζοντες ἱκανοὺς ἐξηγεῖσθαι καὶ σφίσιν ἐν τῷ τότε παρόντι ἐπιτηδείους.

Chapter 96

1 παραλαβόντες δὲ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ ἑκόντων τῶν ξυμμάχων διὰ τὸ Παυσανίου μῖσος, ἔταξαν ἅς τε ἔδει παρέχειν τῶν πόλεων χρήματα πρὸς τὸν βάρβαρον καὶ ἃς ναῦς· πρόσχημα γὰρ ἦν ἀμύνεσθαι ὧν ἔπαθον δῃοῦντας τὴν βασιλέως χώραν.

2 καὶ Ἑλληνοταμίαι τότε πρῶτον Ἀθηναίοις κατέστη ἀρχή, οἳ ἐδέχοντο τὸν φόρον· οὕτω γὰρ ὠνομάσθη τῶν χρημάτων ἡ φορά. ἦν δ’ ὁ πρῶτος φόρος ταχθεὶς τετρακόσια τάλαντα καὶ ἑξήκοντα. ταμιεῖόν τε Δῆλος ἦν αὐτοῖς, καὶ αἱ ξύνοδοι ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν ἐγίγνοντο.

Chapter 97

1 ἡγούμενοι δὲ αὐτονόμων τὸ πρῶτον τῶν ξυμμάχων καὶ ἀπὸ κοινῶν ξυνόδων βουλευόντων τοσάδε ἐπῆλθον πολέμῳ τε καὶ διαχειρίσει πραγμάτων μεταξὺ τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου καὶ τοῦ Μηδικοῦ, ἃ ἐγένετο πρός τε τὸν βάρβαρον αὐτοῖς καὶ πρὸς τοὺς σφετέρους ξυμμάχους νεωτερίζοντας καὶ Πελοποννησίων τοὺς αἰεὶ προστυγχάνοντας ἐν ἑκάστῳ.

2 ἔγραψα δὲ αὐτὰ καὶ τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ λόγου ἐποιησάμην διὰ τόδε, ὅτι τοῖς πρὸ ἐμοῦ ἅπασιν ἐκλιπὲς τοῦτο ἦν τὸ χωρίον καὶ ἢ τὰ πρὸ τῶν Μηδικῶν Ἑλληνικὰ ξυνετίθεσαν ἢ αὐτὰ τὰ Μηδικά· τούτων δὲ ὅσπερ καὶ ἥψατο ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ ξυγγραφῇ Ἑλλάνικος, βραχέως τε καὶ τοῖς χρόνοις οὐκ ἀκριβῶς ἐπεμνήσθη. ἅμα δὲ καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀπόδειξιν ἔχει τῆς τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐν οἵῳ τρόπῳ κατέστη.

Chapter 98

1 πρῶτον μὲν Ἠιόνα τὴν ἐπὶ Στρυμόνι Μήδων ἐχόντων πολιορκίᾳ εἷλον καὶ ἠνδραπόδισαν, Κίμωνος τοῦ Μιλτιάδου στρατηγοῦντος.

2 ἔπειτα Σκῦρον τὴν ἐν τῷ Αἰγαίῳ νῆσον, ἣν ᾤκουν Δόλοπες, ἠνδραπόδισαν καὶ ᾤκισαν αὐτοί.

3 πρὸς δὲ Καρυστίους αὐτοῖς ἄνευ τῶν ἄλλων Εὐβοέων πόλεμος ἐγένετο, καὶ χρόνῳ ξυνέβησαν καθ’ ὁμολογίαν.

4 Ναξίοις δὲ ἀποστᾶσι μετὰ ταῦτα ἐπολέμησαν καὶ πολιορκίᾳ παρεστήσαντο, πρώτη τε αὕτη πόλις ξυμμαχὶς παρὰ τὸ καθεστηκὸς ἐδουλώθη, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὡς ἑκάστῃ ξυνέβη.

Chapter 99

1 αἰτίαι δὲ ἄλλαι τε ἦσαν τῶν ἀποστάσεων καὶ μέγισται αἱ τῶν φόρων καὶ νεῶν ἔκδειαι καὶ λιποστράτιον εἴ τῳ ἐγένετο· οἱ γὰρ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀκριβῶς ἔπρασσον καὶ λυπηροὶ ἦσαν οὐκ εἰωθόσιν οὐδὲ βουλομένοις ταλαιπωρεῖν προσάγοντες τὰς ἀνάγκας.

2 ἦσαν δέ πως καὶ ἄλλως οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι οὐκέτι ὁμοίως ἐν ἡδονῇ ἄρχοντες, καὶ οὔτε ξυνεστράτευον ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσου ῥᾴδιόν τε προσάγεσθαι ἦν αὐτοῖς τοὺς ἀφισταμένους.

3 ὧν αὐτοὶ αἴτιοι ἐγένοντο οἱ ξύμμαχοι· διὰ γὰρ τὴν ἀπόκνησιν ταύτην τῶν στρατειῶν οἱ πλείους αὐτῶν, ἵνα μὴ ἀπ’ οἴκου ὦσι, χρήματα ἐτάξαντο ἀντὶ τῶν νεῶν τὸ ἱκνούμενον ἀνάλωμα φέρειν, καὶ τοῖς μὲν Ἀθηναίοις ηὔξετο τὸ ναυτικὸν ἀπὸ τῆς δαπάνης ἣν ἐκεῖνοι ξυμφέροιεν, αὐτοὶ δέ, ὁπότε ἀποσταῖεν, ἀπαράσκευοι καὶ ἄπειροι ἐς τὸν πόλεμον καθίσταντο.

Chapter 100

1 ἐγένετο δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ ἡ ἐπ’ Εὐρυμέδοντι ποταμῷ ἐν Παμφυλίᾳ πεζομαχία καὶ ναυμαχία Ἀθηναίων καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων πρὸς Μήδους, καὶ ἐνίκων τῇ αὐτῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἀμφότερα Ἀθηναῖοι Κίμωνος τοῦ Μιλτιάδου στρατηγοῦντος, καὶ εἷλον τριήρεις Φοινίκων καὶ διέφθειραν τὰς πάσας ἐς διακοσίας.

2 χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον ξυνέβη Θασίους αὐτῶν ἀποστῆναι, διενεχθέντας περὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ ἀντιπέρας Θρᾴκῃ ἐμπορίων καὶ τοῦ μετάλλου ἃ ἐνέμοντο. καὶ ναυσὶ μὲν ἐπὶ Θάσον πλεύσαντες οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ναυμαχίᾳ ἐκράτησαν καὶ ἐς τὴν γῆν ἀπέβησαν,

3 ἐπὶ δὲ Στρυμόνα πέμψαντες μυρίους οἰκήτορας αὑτῶν καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων ὑπὸ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους ὡς οἰκιοῦντες τὰς τότε καλουμένας Ἐννέα ὁδούς, νῦν δὲ Ἀμφίπολιν, τῶν μὲν Ἐννέα ὁδῶν αὐτοὶ ἐκράτησαν, ἃς εἶχον Ἠδωνοί, προελθόντες δὲ τῆς Θρᾴκης ἐς μεσόγειαν διεφθάρησαν ἐν Δραβησκῷ τῇ Ἠδωνικῇ ὑπὸ τῶν Θρᾳκῶν ξυμπάντων, οἷς πολέμιον ἦν τὸ χωρίον [αἱ Ἐννέα ὁδοὶ] κτιζόμενον.

Chapter 101

1 Θάσιοι δὲ νικηθέντες μάχῃ καὶ πολιορκούμενοι Λακεδαιμονίους ἐπεκαλοῦντο καὶ ἐπαμύνειν ἐκέλευον ἐσβαλόντας ἐς τὴν Ἀττικήν.

2 οἱ δὲ ὑπέσχοντο μὲν κρύφα τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ ἔμελλον, διεκωλύθησαν δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ γενομένου σεισμοῦ, ἐν ᾧ καὶ οἱ Εἵλωτες αὐτοῖς καὶ τῶν περιοίκων Θουριᾶταί τε καὶ Αἰθαιῆς ἐς Ἰθώμην ἀπέστησαν. πλεῖστοι δὲ τῶν Εἱλώτων ἐγένοντο οἱ τῶν παλαιῶν Μεσσηνίων τότε δουλωθέντων ἀπόγονοι· ᾗ καὶ Μεσσήνιοι ἐκλήθησαν οἱ πάντες.

3 πρὸς μὲν οὖν τοὺς ἐν Ἰθώμῃ πόλεμος καθειστήκει Λακεδαιμονίοις, Θάσιοι δὲ τρίτῳ ἔτει πολιορκούμενοι ὡμολόγησαν Ἀθηναίοις τεῖχός τε καθελόντες καὶ ναῦς παραδόντες, χρήματά τε ὅσα ἔδει ἀποδοῦναι αὐτίκα ταξάμενοι καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν φέρειν, τήν τε ἤπειρον καὶ τὸ μέταλλον ἀφέντες.

Chapter 102

1 Λακεδαιμόνιοι δέ, ὡς αὐτοῖς πρὸς τοὺς ἐν Ἰθώμῃ ἐμηκύνετο ὁ πόλεμος, ἄλλους τε ἐπεκαλέσαντο ξυμμάχους καὶ Ἀθηναίους· οἱ δ’ ἦλθον Κίμωνος στρατηγοῦντος πλήθει οὐκ ὀλίγῳ.

2 μάλιστα δ’ αὐτοὺς ἐπεκαλέσαντο ὅτι τειχομαχεῖν ἐδόκουν δυνατοὶ εἶναι, τοῖς δὲ πολιορκίας μακρᾶς καθεστηκυίας τούτου ἐνδεᾶ ἐφαίνετο· βίᾳ γὰρ ἂν εἷλον τὸ χωρίον.

3 καὶ διαφορὰ ἐκ ταύτης τῆς στρατείας πρῶτον Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ Ἀθηναίοις φανερὰ ἐγένετο. οἱ γὰρ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, ἐπειδὴ τὸ χωρίον βίᾳ οὐχ ἡλίσκετο, δείσαντες τῶν Ἀθηναίων τὸ τολμηρὸν καὶ τὴν νεωτεροποιίαν, καὶ ἀλλοφύλους ἅμα ἡγησάμενοι, μή τι, ἢν παραμείνωσιν, ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν Ἰθώμῃ πεισθέντες νεωτερίσωσι, μόνους τῶν ξυμμάχων ἀπέπεμψαν, τὴν μὲν ὑποψίαν οὐ δηλοῦντες, εἰπόντες δὲ ὅτι οὐδὲν προσδέονται αὐτῶν ἔτι.

4 οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι ἔγνωσαν οὐκ ἐπὶ τῷ βελτίονι λόγῳ ἀποπεμπόμενοι, ἀλλά τινος ὑπόπτου γενομένου, καὶ δεινὸν ποιησάμενοι καὶ οὐκ ἀξιώσαντες ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων τοῦτο παθεῖν, εὐθὺς ἐπειδὴ ἀνεχώρησαν, ἀφέντες τὴν γενομένην ἐπὶ τῷ Μήδῳ ξυμμαχίαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς Ἀργείοις τοῖς ἐκείνων πολεμίοις ξύμμαχοι ἐγένοντο, καὶ πρὸς Θεσσαλοὺς ἅμα ἀμφοτέροις οἱ αὐτοὶ ὅρκοι καὶ ξυμμαχία κατέστη.

Chapter 103

1 οἱ δ’ ἐν Ἰθώμῃ δεκάτῳ ἔτει, ὡς οὐκέτι ἐδύναντο ἀντέχειν, ξυνέβησαν πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐφ’ ᾧ ἐξίασιν ἐκ Πελοποννήσου ὑπόσπονδοι καὶ μηδέποτε ἐπιβήσονται αὐτῆς· ἢν δέ τις ἁλίσκηται, τοῦ λαβόντος εἶναι δοῦλον.

2 ἦν δέ τι καὶ χρηστήριον τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις Πυθικὸν πρὸ τοῦ, τὸν ἱκέτην τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Ἰθωμήτα ἀφιέναι.

3 ἐξῆλθον δὲ αὐτοὶ καὶ παῖδες καὶ γυναῖκες, καὶ αὐτοὺς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι δεξάμενοι κατ’ ἔχθος ἤδη τὸ Λακεδαιμονίων ἐς Ναύπακτον κατῴκισαν, ἣν ἔτυχον ᾑρηκότες νεωστὶ Λοκρῶν τῶν Ὀζολῶν ἐχόντων.

4 προσεχώρησαν δὲ καὶ Μεγαρῆς Ἀθηναίοις ἐς ξυμμαχίαν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀποστάντες, ὅτι αὐτοὺς Κορίνθιοι περὶ γῆς ὅρων πολέμῳ κατεῖχον· καὶ ἔσχον Ἀθηναῖοι Μέγαρα καὶ Πηγάς, καὶ τὰ μακρὰ τείχη ᾠκοδόμησαν Μεγαρεῦσι τὰ ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως ἐς Νίσαιαν καὶ ἐφρούρουν αὐτοί. καὶ Κορινθίοις μὲν οὐχ ἥκιστα ἀπὸ τοῦδε τὸ σφοδρὸν μῖσος ἤρξατο πρῶτον ἐς Ἀθηναίους γενέσθαι.

Chapter 104

1 Ἰνάρως δὲ ὁ Ψαμμητίχου, Λίβυς, βασιλεὺς Λιβύων τῶν πρὸς Αἰγύπτῳ, ὁρμώμενος ἐκ Μαρείας τῆς ὑπὲρ Φάρου πόλεως ἀπέστησεν Αἰγύπτου τὰ πλείω ἀπὸ βασιλέως Ἀρταξέρξου, καὶ αὐτὸς ἄρχων γενόμενος Ἀθηναίους ἐπηγάγετο.

2 οἱ δέ (ἔτυχον γὰρ ἐς Κύπρον στρατευόμενοι ναυσὶ διακοσίαις αὑτῶν τε καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων) ἦλθον ἀπολιπόντες τὴν Κύπρον, καὶ ἀναπλεύσαντες ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἐς τὸν Νεῖλον τοῦ τε ποταμοῦ κρατοῦντες καὶ τῆς Μέμφιδος τῶν δύο μερῶν πρὸς τὸ τρίτον μέρος ὃ καλεῖται Λευκὸν τεῖχος ἐπολέμουν· ἐνῆσαν δὲ αὐτόθι Περσῶν καὶ Μήδων οἱ καταφυγόντες καὶ Αἰγυπτίων οἱ μὴ ξυναποστάντες.

Chapter 105

1 Ἀθηναίοις δὲ ναυσὶν ἀποβᾶσιν ἐς Ἁλιᾶς πρὸς Κορινθίους καὶ Ἐπιδαυρίους μάχη ἐγένετο, καὶ ἐνίκων Κορίνθιοι. καὶ ὕστερον Ἀθηναῖοι ἐναυμάχησαν ἐπὶ Κεκρυφαλείᾳ Πελοποννησίων ναυσί, καὶ ἐνίκων Ἀθηναῖοι.

2 πολέμου δὲ καταστάντος πρὸς Αἰγινήτας Ἀθηναίοις μετὰ ταῦτα ναυμαχία γίγνεται ἐπ᾽ Αἰγίνῃ μεγάλη Ἀθηναίων καὶ Αἰγινητῶν, καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἑκατέροις παρῆσαν, καὶ ἐνίκων Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ ναῦς ἑβδομήκοντα λαβόντες αὐτῶν ἐς τὴν γῆν ἀπέβησαν καὶ ἐπολιόρκουν, Λεωκράτους τοῦ Στροίβου στρατηγοῦντος.

3 ἔπειτα Πελοποννήσιοι ἀμύνειν βουλόμενοι Αἰγινήταις ἐς μὲν τὴν Αἴγιναν τριακοσίους ὁπλίτας πρότερον Κορινθίων καὶ Ἐπιδαυρίων ἐπικούρους διεβίβασαν, τὰ δὲ ἄκρα τῆς Γερανείας κατέλαβον καὶ ἐς τὴν Μεγαρίδα κατέβησαν Κορίνθιοι μετὰ τῶν ξυμμάχων, νομίζοντες ἀδυνάτους ἔσεσθαι Ἀθηναίους βοηθεῖν τοῖς Μεγαρεῦσιν ἔν τε Αἰγίνῃ ἀπούσης στρατιᾶς πολλῆς καὶ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ· ἢν δὲ καὶ βοηθῶσιν, ἀπ’ Αἰγίνης ἀναστήσεσθαι αὐτούς.

4 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι τὸ μὲν πρὸς Αἰγίνῃ στράτευμα οὐκ ἐκίνησαν, τῶν δ’ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ὑπολοίπων οἵ τε πρεσβύτατοι καὶ οἱ νεώτατοι ἀφικνοῦνται ἐς τὰ Μέγαρα Μυρωνίδου στρατηγοῦντος.

5 καὶ μάχης γενομένης ἰσορρόπου πρὸς Κορινθίους διεκρίθησαν ἀπ’ ἀλλήλων, καὶ ἐνόμισαν αὐτοὶ ἑκάτεροι οὐκ ἔλασσον ἔχειν ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ.

6 καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι (ἐκράτησαν γὰρ ὅμως μᾶλλον) ἀπελθόντων τῶν Κορινθίων τροπαῖον ἔστησαν· οἱ δὲ Κορίνθιοι κακιζόμενοι ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει πρεσβυτέρων καὶ παρασκευασάμενοι, ἡμέραις ὕστερον δώδεκα μάλιστα ἐλθόντες ἀνθίστασαν τροπαῖον καὶ αὐτοὶ ὡς νικήσαντες. καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐκβοηθήσαντες ἐκ τῶν Μεγάρων τούς τε τὸ τροπαῖον ἱστάντας διαφθείρουσι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ξυμβαλόντες ἐκράτησαν.

Chapter 106

1 οἱ δὲ νικώμενοι ὑπεχώρουν, καί τι αὐτῶν μέρος οὐκ ὀλίγον προσβιασθὲν καὶ διαμαρτὸν τῆς ὁδοῦ ἐσέπεσεν ἔς του χωρίον ἰδιώτου, ᾧ ἔτυχεν ὄρυγμα μέγα περιεῖργον καὶ οὐκ ἦν ἔξοδος.

2 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι γνόντες κατὰ πρόσωπόν τε εἶργον τοῖς ὁπλίταις καὶ περιστήσαντες κύκλῳ τοὺς ψιλοὺς κατέλευσαν πάντας τοὺς ἐσελθόντας, καὶ πάθος μέγα τοῦτο Κορινθίοις ἐγένετο. τὸ δὲ πλῆθος ἀπεχώρησεν αὐτοῖς τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐπ’ οἴκου.

Chapter 107

1 ἤρξαντο δὲ κατὰ τοὺς χρόνους τούτους καὶ τὰ μακρὰ τείχη Ἀθηναῖοι ἐς θάλασσαν οἰκοδομεῖν, τό τε Φαληρόνδε καὶ τὸ ἐς Πειραιᾶ.

2 καὶ Φωκέων στρατευσάντων ἐς Δωριᾶς τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων μητρόπολιν, Βοιὸν καὶ Κυτίνιον καὶ Ἐρινεόν, καὶ ἑλόντων ἓν τῶν πολισμάτων τούτων, οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι Νικομήδους τοῦ Κλεομβρότου ὑπὲρ Πλειστοάνακτος τοῦ Παυσανίου βασιλέως νέου ὄντος ἔτι ἡγουμένου ἐβοήθησαν τοῖς Δωριεῦσιν ἑαυτῶν τε πεντακοσίοις καὶ χιλίοις ὁπλίταις καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων μυρίοις, καὶ τοὺς Φωκέας ὁμολογίᾳ ἀναγκάσαντες ἀποδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν ἀπεχώρουν πάλιν.

3 καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν μὲν αὐτούς, διὰ τοῦ Κρισαίου κόλπου εἰ βούλοιντο περαιοῦσθαι, Ἀθηναῖοι ναυσὶ περιπλεύσαντες ἔμελλον κωλύσειν· διὰ δὲ τῆς Γερανείας οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς αὐτοῖς ἐφαίνετο Ἀθηναίων ἐχόντων Μέγαρα καὶ Πηγὰς πορεύεσθαι. δύσοδός τε γὰρ ἡ Γερανεία καὶ ἐφρουρεῖτο αἰεὶ ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων, καὶ τότε ᾐσθάνοντο αὐτοὺς μέλλοντας καὶ ταύτῃ κωλύσειν.

4 ἔδοξε δ’ αὐτοῖς ἐν Βοιωτοῖς περιμείνασι σκέψασθαι ὅτῳ τρόπῳ ἀσφαλέστατα διαπορεύσονται. τὸ δέ τι καὶ ἄνδρες τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐπῆγον αὐτοὺς κρύφα, ἐλπίσαντες δῆμόν τε καταπαύσειν καὶ τὰ μακρὰ τείχη οἰκοδομούμενα.

5 ἐβοήθησαν δὲ ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι πανδημεὶ καὶ Ἀργείων χίλιοι καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ξυμμάχων ὡς ἕκαστοι· ξύμπαντες δὲ ἐγένοντο τετρακισχίλιοι καὶ μύριοι.

6 νομίσαντες δὲ ἀπορεῖν ὅπῃ διέλθωσιν ἐπεστράτευσαν αὐτοῖς, καί τι καὶ τοῦ δήμου καταλύσεως ὑποψίᾳ.

7 ἦλθον δὲ καὶ Θεσσαλῶν ἱππῆς τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις κατὰ τὸ ξυμμαχικόν, οἳ μετέστησαν ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ παρὰ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους.

Chapter 108

1 γενομένης δὲ μάχης ἐν Τανάγρᾳ τῆς Βοιωτίας ἐνίκων Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι, καὶ φόνος ἐγένετο ἀμφοτέρων πολύς.

2 καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν ἐς τὴν Μεγαρίδα ἐλθόντες καὶ δενδροτομήσαντες πάλιν ἀπῆλθον ἐπ᾽ οἴκου διὰ Γερανείας καὶ Ἰσθμοῦ· Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ δευτέρᾳ καὶ ἑξηκοστῇ ἡμέρᾳ μετὰ τὴν μάχην ἐστράτευσαν ἐς Βοιωτοὺς Μυρωνίδου στρατηγοῦντος,

3 καὶ μάχῃ ἐν Οἰνοφύτοις τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς νικήσαντες τῆς τε χώρας ἐκράτησαν τῆς Βοιωτίας καὶ Φωκίδος καὶ Ταναγραίων τὸ τεῖχος περιεῖλον καὶ Λοκρῶν τῶν Ὀπουντίων ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας ὁμήρους τοὺς πλουσιωτάτους ἔλαβον, τά τε τείχη ἑαυτῶν τὰ μακρὰ ἀπετέλεσαν.

4 ὡμολόγησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ Αἰγινῆται μετὰ ταῦτα τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, τείχη τε περιελόντες καὶ ναῦς παραδόντες φόρον τε ταξάμενοι ἐς τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον.

5 καὶ Πελοπόννησον περιέπλευσαν Ἀθηναῖοι Τολμίδου τοῦ Τολμαίου στρατηγοῦντος, καὶ τὸ νεώριον τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἐνέπρησαν καὶ Χαλκίδα Κορινθίων πόλιν εἷλον καὶ Σικυωνίους ἐν ἀποβάσει τῆς γῆς μάχῃ ἐκράτησαν.

Chapter 109

1 οἱ δ’ ἐν τῇ Αἰγύπτῳ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἐπέμενον, καὶ αὐτοῖς πολλαὶ ἰδέαι πολέμων κατέστησαν.

2 τὸ μὲν γὰρ πρῶτον ἐκράτουν τῆς Αἰγύπτου οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, καὶ βασιλεὺς πέμπει ἐς Λακεδαίμονα Μεγάβαζον ἄνδρα Πέρσην χρήματα ἔχοντα, ὅπως ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἐσβαλεῖν πεισθέντων τῶν Πελοποννησίων ἀπ’ Αἰγύπτου ἀπαγάγοι Ἀθηναίους.

3 ὡς δὲ αὐτῷ οὐ προυχώρει καὶ τὰ χρήματα ἄλλως ἀνηλοῦτο, ὁ μὲν Μεγάβαζος καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν χρημάτων πάλιν ἐς τὴν Ἀσίαν ἀνεκομίσθη, Μεγάβυζον δὲ τὸν Ζωπύρου πέμπει ἄνδρα Πέρσην μετὰ στρατιᾶς πολλῆς·

4 ὃς ἀφικόμενος κατὰ γῆν τούς τε Αἰγυπτίους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους μάχῃ ἐκράτησε καὶ ἐκ τῆς Μέμφιδος ἐξήλασε τοὺς Ἕλληνας καὶ τέλος ἐς Προσωπίτιδα τὴν νῆσον κατέκλῃσε καὶ ἐπολιόρκει ἐν αὐτῇ ἐνιαυτὸν καὶ ἓξ μῆνας, μέχρι οὗ ξηράνας τὴν διώρυχα καὶ παρατρέψας ἄλλῃ τὸ ὕδωρ τάς τε ναῦς ἐπὶ τοῦ ξηροῦ ἐποίησε καὶ τῆς νήσου τὰ πολλὰ ἤπειρον, καὶ διαβὰς εἷλε τὴν νῆσον πεζῇ.

Chapter 110

1 οὕτω μὲν τὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων πράγματα ἐφθάρη ἓξ ἔτη πολεμήσαντα· καὶ ὀλίγοι ἀπὸ πολλῶν πορευόμενοι διὰ τῆς Λιβύης ἐς Κυρήνην ἐσώθησαν, οἱ δὲ πλεῖστοι ἀπώλοντο.

2 Αἴγυπτος δὲ πάλιν ὑπὸ βασιλέα ἐγένετο πλὴν Ἀμυρταίου τοῦ ἐν τοῖς ἕλεσι βασιλέως· τοῦτον δὲ διὰ μέγεθός τε τοῦ ἕλους οὐκ ἐδύναντο ἑλεῖν, καὶ ἅμα μαχιμώτατοί εἰσι τῶν Αἰγυπτίων οἱ ἕλειοι.

3 Ἰνάρως δὲ ὁ Λιβύων βασιλεύς, ὃς τὰ πάντα ἔπραξε περὶ τῆς Αἰγύπτου, προδοσίᾳ ληφθεὶς ἀνεσταυρώθη.

4 ἐκ δὲ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ξυμμαχίδος πεντήκοντα τριήρεις διάδοχοι πλέουσαι ἐς Αἴγυπτον ἔσχον κατὰ τὸ Μενδήσιον κέρας, οὐκ εἰδότες τῶν γεγονότων οὐδέν· καὶ αὐτοῖς ἔκ τε γῆς ἐπιπεσόντες πεζοὶ καὶ ἐκ θαλάσσης Φοινίκων ναυτικὸν διέφθειραν τὰς πολλὰς τῶν νεῶν, αἱ δ’ ἐλάσσους διέφυγον πάλιν.

5 τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν μεγάλην στρατείαν Ἀθηναίων καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων ἐς Αἴγυπτον οὕτως ἐτελεύτησεν.

Chapter 111

1 ἐκ δὲ Θεσσαλίας Ὀρέστης ὁ Ἐχεκρατίδου υἱὸς τοῦ Θεσσαλῶν βασιλέως φεύγων ἔπεισεν Ἀθηναίους ἑαυτὸν κατάγειν· καὶ παραλαβόντες Βοιωτοὺς καὶ Φωκέας ὄντας ξυμμάχους οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐστράτευσαν τῆς Θεσσαλίας ἐπὶ Φάρσαλον. καὶ τῆς μὲν γῆς ἐκράτουν ὅσα μὴ προϊόντες πολὺ ἐκ τῶν ὅπλων (οἱ γὰρ ἱππῆς τῶν Θεσσαλῶν εἶργον), τὴν δὲ πόλιν οὐχ εἷλον, οὐδ’ ἄλλο προυχώρει αὐτοῖς οὐδὲν ὧν ἕνεκα ἐστράτευσαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπεχώρησαν πάλιν Ὀρέστην ἔχοντες ἄπρακτοι.

2 μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον χίλιοι Ἀθηναίων ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς τὰς ἐν Πηγαῖς ἐπιβάντες (εἶχον δ’ αὐτοὶ τὰς Πηγάς) παρέπλευσαν ἐς Σικυῶνα Περικλέους τοῦ Ξανθίππου στρατηγοῦντος, καὶ ἀποβάντες Σικυωνίων τοὺς προσμείξαντας μάχῃ ἐκράτησαν.

3 καὶ εὐθὺς παραλαβόντες Ἀχαιοὺς καὶ διαπλεύσαντες πέραν τῆς Ἀκαρνανίας ἐς Οἰνιάδας ἐστράτευσαν καὶ ἐπολιόρκουν, οὐ μέντοι εἷλόν γε, ἀλλ’ ἀπεχώρησαν ἐπ’ οἴκου.

Chapter 112

1 ὕστερον δὲ διαλιπόντων ἐτῶν τριῶν σπονδαὶ γίγνονται Πελοποννησίοις καὶ Ἀθηναίοις πεντέτεις.

2 καὶ Ἑλληνικοῦ μὲν πολέμου ἔσχον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἐς δὲ Κύπρον ἐστρατεύοντο ναυσὶ διακοσίαις αὑτῶν τε καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων Κίμωνος στρατηγοῦντος.

3 καὶ ἑξήκοντα μὲν νῆες ἐς Αἴγυπτον ἀπ’ αὐτῶν ἔπλευσαν, Ἀμυρταίου μεταπέμποντος τοῦ ἐν τοῖς ἕλεσι βασιλέως, αἱ δὲ ἄλλαι Κίτιον ἐπολιόρκουν.

4 Κίμωνος δὲ ἀποθανόντος καὶ λιμοῦ γενομένου ἀπεχώρησαν ἀπὸ Κιτίου, καὶ πλεύσαντες ὑπὲρ Σαλαμῖνος τῆς ἐν Κύπρῳ Φοίνιξι καὶ Κυπρίοις καὶ Κίλιξιν ἐναυμάχησαν καὶ ἐπεζομάχησαν ἅμα, καὶ νικήσαντες ἀμφότερα ἀπεχώρησαν ἐπ’ οἴκου καὶ αἱ ἐξ Αἰγύπτου νῆες πάλιν [αἱ] ἐλθοῦσαι μετ’ αὐτῶν.

5 Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα τὸν ἱερὸν καλούμενον πόλεμον ἐστράτευσαν, καὶ κρατήσαντες τοῦ ἐν Δελφοῖς ἱεροῦ παρέδοσαν Δελφοῖς· καὶ αὖθις ὕστερον Ἀθηναῖοι ἀποχωρησάντων αὐτῶν στρατεύσαντες καὶ κρατήσαντες παρέδοσαν Φωκεῦσιν.

Chapter 113

1 καὶ χρόνου ἐγγενομένου μετὰ ταῦτα Ἀθηναῖοι, Βοιωτῶν τῶν φευγόντων ἐχόντων Ὀρχομενὸν καὶ Χαιρώνειαν καὶ ἄλλ’ ἄττα χωρία τῆς Βοιωτίας, ἐστράτευσαν ἑαυτῶν μὲν χιλίοις ὁπλίταις, τῶν δὲ ξυμμάχων ὡς ἑκάστοις ἐπὶ τὰ χωρία ταῦτα πολέμια ὄντα, Τολμίδου τοῦ Τολμαίου στρατηγοῦντος. καὶ Χαιρώνειαν ἑλόντες καὶ ἀνδραποδίσαντες ἀπεχώρουν φυλακὴν καταστήσαντες.

2 πορευομένοις δ’ αὐτοῖς ἐν Κορωνείᾳ ἐπιτίθενται οἵ τε ἐκ τῆς Ὀρχομενοῦ φυγάδες Βοιωτῶν καὶ Λοκροὶ μετ’ αὐτῶν καὶ Εὐβοέων φυγάδες καὶ ὅσοι τῆς αὐτῆς γνώμης ἦσαν, καὶ μάχῃ κρατήσαντες τοὺς μὲν διέφθειραν τῶν Ἀθηναίων, τοὺς δὲ ζῶντας ἔλαβον.

3 καὶ τὴν Βοιωτίαν ἐξέλιπον Ἀθηναῖοι πᾶσαν, σπονδὰς ποιησάμενοι ἐφ’ ᾧ τοὺς ἄνδρας κομιοῦνται.

4 καὶ οἱ φεύγοντες Βοιωτῶν κατελθόντες καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι πάντες αὐτόνομοι πάλιν ἐγένοντο.

Chapter 114

1 μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον Εὔβοια ἀπέστη ἀπὸ Ἀθηναίων, καὶ ἐς αὐτὴν διαβεβηκότος ἤδη Περικλέους στρατιᾷ Ἀθηναίων ἠγγέλθη αὐτῷ ὅτι Μέγαρα ἀφέστηκε καὶ Πελοποννήσιοι μέλλουσιν ἐσβαλεῖν ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν καὶ οἱ φρουροὶ Ἀθηναίων διεφθαρμένοι εἰσὶν ὑπὸ Μεγαρέων, πλὴν ὅσοι ἐς Νίσαιαν ἀπέφυγον· ἐπαγαγόμενοι δὲ Κορινθίους καὶ Σικυωνίους καὶ Ἐπιδαυρίους ἀπέστησαν οἱ Μεγαρῆς. ὁ δὲ Περικλῆς πάλιν κατὰ τάχος ἐκόμιζε τὴν στρατιὰν ἐκ τῆς Εὐβοίας.

2 καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι τῆς Ἀττικῆς ἐς Ἐλευσῖνα καὶ Θριῶζε ἐσβαλόντες ἐδῄωσαν Πλειστοάνακτος τοῦ Παυσανίου βασιλέως Λακεδαιμονίων ἡγουμένου, καὶ τὸ πλέον οὐκέτι προελθόντες ἀπεχώρησαν ἐπ’ οἴκου.

3 καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι πάλιν ἐς Εὔβοιαν διαβάντες Περικλέους στρατηγοῦντος κατεστρέψαντο πᾶσαν, καὶ τὴν μὲν ἄλλην ὁμολογίᾳ κατεστήσαντο, Ἑστιαιᾶς δὲ ἐξοικίσαντες αὐτοὶ τὴν γῆν ἔσχον.

Chapter 115

1 ἀναχωρήσαντες δὲ ἀπ’ Εὐβοίας οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον σπονδὰς ἐποιήσαντο πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους τριακοντούτεις, ἀποδόντες Νίσαιαν καὶ Πηγὰς καὶ Τροιζῆνα καὶ Ἀχαΐαν· ταῦτα γὰρ εἶχον Ἀθηναῖοι Πελοποννησίων.

2 ἕκτῳ δὲ ἔτει Σαμίοις καὶ Μιλησίοις πόλεμος ἐγένετο περὶ Πριήνης, καὶ οἱ Μιλήσιοι ἐλασσούμενοι τῷ πολέμῳ παρ’ Ἀθηναίους ἐλθόντες κατεβόων τῶν Σαμίων. ξυνεπελάβοντο δὲ καὶ ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς Σάμου ἄνδρες ἰδιῶται νεωτερίσαι βουλόμενοι τὴν πολιτείαν.

3 πλεύσαντες οὖν Ἀθηναῖοι ἐς Σάμον ναυσὶ τεσσαράκοντα δημοκρατίαν κατέστησαν, καὶ ὁμήρους ἔλαβον τῶν Σαμίων πεντήκοντα μὲν παῖδας, ἴσους δὲ ἄνδρας, καὶ κατέθεντο ἐς Λῆμνον, καὶ φρουρὰν ἐγκαταλιπόντες ἀνεχώρησαν.

4 τῶν δὲ Σαμίων ἦσαν γάρ τινες οἳ οὐχ ὑπέμειναν, ἀλλ’ ἔφυγον ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον, ξυνθέμενοι τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει τοῖς δυνατωτάτοις καὶ Πισσούθνῃ τῷ Ὑστάσπου ξυμμαχίαν, ὃς εἶχε Σάρδεις τότε, ἐπικούρους τε ξυλλέξαντες ἐς ἑπτακοσίους διέβησαν ὑπὸ νύκτα ἐς τὴν Σάμον,

5 καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τῷ δήμῳ ἐπανέστησαν καὶ ἐκράτησαν τῶν πλείστων, ἔπειτα τοὺς ὁμήρους ἐκκλέψαντες ἐκ Λήμνου τοὺς αὑτῶν ἀπέστησαν, καὶ τοὺς φρουροὺς τοὺς Ἀθηναίων καὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας οἳ ἦσαν παρὰ σφίσιν ἐξέδοσαν Πισσούθνῃ, ἐπί τε Μίλητον εὐθὺς παρεσκευάζοντο στρατεύειν. ξυναπέστησαν δ’ αὐτοῖς καὶ Βυζάντιοι.

Chapter 116

1 Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ὡς ᾔσθοντο, πλεύσαντες ναυσὶν ἑξήκοντα ἐπὶ Σάμου ταῖς μὲν ἑκκαίδεκα τῶν νεῶν οὐκ ἐχρήσαντο (ἔτυχον γὰρ αἱ μὲν ἐπὶ Καρίας ἐς προσκοπὴν τῶν Φοινισσῶν νεῶν οἰχόμεναι, αἱ δὲ ἐπὶ Χίου καὶ Λέσβου περιαγγέλλουσαι βοηθεῖν), τεσσαράκοντα δὲ ναυσὶ καὶ τέσσαρσι Περικλέους δεκάτου αὐτοῦ στρατηγοῦντος ἐναυμάχησαν πρὸς Τραγίᾳ τῇ νήσῳ Σαμίων ναυσὶν ἑβδομήκοντα, ὧν ἦσαν αἱ εἴκοσι στρατιώτιδες (ἔτυχον δὲ αἱ πᾶσαι ἀπὸ Μιλήτου πλέουσαι), καὶ ἐνίκων Ἀθηναῖοι.

2 ὕστερον δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐβοήθησαν ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν νῆες τεσσαράκοντα καὶ Χίων καὶ Λεσβίων πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι, καὶ ἀποβάντες καὶ κρατοῦντες τῷ πεζῷ ἐπολιόρκουν τρισὶ τείχεσι τὴν πόλιν καὶ ἐκ θαλάσσης ἅμα.

3 Περικλῆς δὲ λαβὼν ἑξήκοντα ναῦς ἀπὸ τῶν ἐφορμουσῶν ᾤχετο κατὰ τάχος ἐπὶ Καύνου καὶ Καρίας, ἐσαγγελθέντων ὅτι Φοίνισσαι νῆες ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς πλέουσιν· ᾤχετο γὰρ καὶ ἐκ τῆς Σάμου πέντε ναυσὶ Στησαγόρας καὶ ἄλλοι ἐπὶ τὰς Φοινίσσας.

Chapter 117

1 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ οἱ Σάμιοι ἐξαπιναίως ἔκπλουν ποιησάμενοι ἀφάρκτῳ τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἐπιπεσόντες τάς τε προφυλακίδας ναῦς διέφθειραν καὶ ναυμαχοῦντες τὰς ἀνταναγομένας ἐνίκησαν, καὶ τῆς θαλάσσης τῆς καθ’ ἑαυτοὺς ἐκράτησαν ἡμέρας περὶ τέσσαρας καὶ δέκα, καὶ ἐσεκομίσαντο καὶ ἐξεκομίσαντο ἃ ἐβούλοντο.

2 ἐλθόντος δὲ Περικλέους πάλιν ταῖς ναυσὶ κατεκλῄσθησαν. καὶ ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν ὕστερον προσεβοήθησαν τεσσαράκοντα μὲν αἱ μετὰ Θουκυδίδου καὶ Ἅγνωνος καὶ Φορμίωνος νῆες, εἴκοσι δὲ αἱ μετὰ Τληπολέμου καὶ Ἀντικλέους, ἐκ δὲ Χίου καὶ Λέσβου τριάκοντα.

3 καὶ ναυμαχίαν μέν τινα βραχεῖαν ἐποιήσαντο οἱ Σάμιοι, ἀδύνατοι δὲ ὄντες ἀντίσχειν ἐξεπολιορκήθησαν ἐνάτῳ μηνὶ καὶ προσεχώρησαν ὁμολογίᾳ, τεῖχός τε καθελόντες καὶ ὁμήρους δόντες καὶ ναῦς παραδόντες καὶ χρήματα τὰ ἀναλωθέντα ταξάμενοι κατὰ χρόνους ἀποδοῦναι. ξυνέβησαν δὲ καὶ Βυζάντιοι ὥσπερ καὶ πρότερον ὑπήκοοι εἶναι.

Chapter 118

1 μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ ἤδη γίγνεται οὐ πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν ὕστερον τὰ προειρημένα, τά τε Κερκυραϊκὰ καὶ τὰ Ποτειδεατικὰ καὶ ὅσα πρόφασις τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου κατέστη.

2 ταῦτα δὲ ξύμπαντα ὅσα ἔπραξαν οἱ Ἕλληνες πρός τε ἀλλήλους καὶ τὸν βάρβαρον ἐγένετο ἐν ἔτεσι πεντήκοντα μάλιστα μεταξὺ τῆς τε Ξέρξου ἀναχωρήσεως καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου· ἐν οἷς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τήν τε ἀρχὴν ἐγκρατεστέραν κατεστήσαντο καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐπὶ μέγα ἐχώρησαν δυνάμεως, οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι αἰσθόμενοι οὔτε ἐκώλυον εἰ μὴ ἐπὶ βραχύ, ἡσύχαζόν τε τὸ πλέον τοῦ χρόνου, ὄντες μὲν καὶ πρὸ τοῦ μὴ ταχεῖς ἰέναι ἐς τοὺς πολέμους, ἢν μὴ ἀναγκάζωνται, τὸ δέ τι καὶ πολέμοις οἰκείοις ἐξειργόμενοι, πρὶν δὴ ἡ δύναμις τῶν Ἀθηναίων σαφῶς ᾔρετο καὶ τῆς ξυμμαχίας αὐτῶν ἥπτοντο. τότε δὲ οὐκέτι ἀνασχετὸν ἐποιοῦντο, ἀλλ’ ἐπιχειρητέα ἐδόκει εἶναι πάσῃ προθυμίᾳ καὶ καθαιρετέα ἡ ἰσχύς, ἢν δύνωνται, ἀραμένοις τόνδε τὸν πόλεμον.

3 αὐτοῖς μὲν οὖν τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις διέγνωστο λελύσθαι τε τὰς σπονδὰς καὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἀδικεῖν, πέμψαντες δὲ ἐς Δελφοὺς ἐπηρώτων τὸν θεὸν εἰ πολεμοῦσιν ἄμεινον ἔσται· ὁ δὲ ἀνεῖλεν αὐτοῖς, ὡς λέγεται, κατὰ κράτος πολεμοῦσι νίκην ἔσεσθαι, καὶ αὐτὸς ἔφη ξυλλήψεσθαι καὶ παρακαλούμενος καὶ ἄκλητος.

Chapter 119

1 αὖθις δὲ τοὺς ξυμμάχους παρακαλέσαντες ψῆφον ἐβούλοντο ἐπαγαγεῖν εἰ χρὴ πολεμεῖν. καὶ ἐλθόντων τῶν πρέσβεων ἀπὸ τῆς ξυμμαχίας καὶ ξυνόδου γενομένης οἵ τε ἄλλοι εἶπον ἃ ἐβούλοντο, κατηγοροῦντες οἱ πλείους τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἀξιοῦντες γίγνεσθαι, καὶ οἱ Κορίνθιοι δεηθέντες μὲν καὶ κατὰ πόλεις πρότερον ἑκάστων ἰδίᾳ ὥστε ψηφίσασθαι τὸν πόλεμον, δεδιότες περὶ τῇ Ποτειδαίᾳ μὴ προδιαφθαρῇ, παρόντες δὲ καὶ τότε καὶ τελευταῖοι ἐπελθόντες ἔλεγον τοιάδε.

Chapter 120

1 ‘τοὺς μὲν Λακεδαιμονίους, ὦ ἄνδρες ξύμμαχοι, οὐκ ἂν ἔτι αἰτιασαίμεθα ὡς οὐ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐψηφισμένοι τὸν πόλεμόν εἰσι καὶ ἡμᾶς ἐς τοῦτο νῦν ξυνήγαγον. χρὴ γὰρ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας τὰ ἴδια ἐξ ἴσου νέμοντας τὰ κοινὰ προσκοπεῖν, ὥσπερ καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις ἐκ πάντων προτιμῶνται.

2 ἡμῶν δὲ ὅσοι μὲν Ἀθηναίοις ἤδη ἐνηλλάγησαν οὐχὶ διδαχῆς δέονται ὥστε φυλάξασθαι αὐτούς· τοὺς δὲ τὴν μεσόγειαν μᾶλλον καὶ μὴ ἐν πόρῳ κατῳκημένους εἰδέναι χρὴ ὅτι, τοῖς κάτω ἢν μὴ ἀμύνωσι, χαλεπωτέραν ἕξουσι τὴν κατακομιδὴν τῶν ὡραίων καὶ πάλιν ἀντίληψιν ὧν ἡ θάλασσα τῇ ἠπείρῳ δίδωσι, καὶ τῶν νῦν λεγομένων μὴ κακοὺς κριτὰς ὡς μὴ προσηκόντων εἶναι, προσδέχεσθαι δέ ποτε, εἰ τὰ κάτω πρόοιντο, κἂν μέχρι σφῶν τὸ δεινὸν προελθεῖν, καὶ περὶ αὑτῶν οὐχ ἧσσον νῦν βουλεύεσθαι.

3 δι’ ὅπερ καὶ μὴ ὀκνεῖν δεῖ αὐτοὺς τὸν πόλεμον ἀντ’ εἰρήνης μεταλαμβάνειν. ἀνδρῶν γὰρ σωφρόνων μέν ἐστιν, εἰ μὴ ἀδικοῖντο, ἡσυχάζειν, ἀγαθῶν δὲ ἀδικουμένους ἐκ μὲν εἰρήνης πολεμεῖν, εὖ δὲ παρασχὸν ἐκ πολέμου πάλιν ξυμβῆναι, καὶ μήτε τῇ κατὰ πόλεμον εὐτυχίᾳ ἐπαίρεσθαι μήτε τῷ ἡσύχῳ τῆς εἰρήνης ἡδόμενον ἀδικεῖσθαι.

4 ὅ τε γὰρ διὰ τὴν ἡδονὴν ὀκνῶν τάχιστ’ ἂν ἀφαιρεθείη τῆς ῥᾳστώνης τὸ τερπνὸν δι’ ὅπερ ὀκνεῖ, εἰ ἡσυχάζοι, ὅ τε ἐν πολέμῳ εὐτυχίᾳ πλεονάζων οὐκ ἐντεθύμηται θράσει ἀπίστῳ ἐπαιρόμενος.

5 πολλὰ γὰρ κακῶς γνωσθέντα ἀβουλοτέρων τῶν ἐναντίων τυχόντα κατωρθώθη, καὶ ἔτι πλείω καλῶς δοκοῦντα βουλευθῆναι ἐς τοὐναντίον αἰσχρῶς περιέστη· ἐνθυμεῖται γὰρ οὐδεὶς ὁμοῖα τῇ πίστει καὶ ἔργῳ ἐπεξέρχεται, ἀλλὰ μετ’ ἀσφαλείας μὲν δοξάζομεν, μετὰ δέους δὲ ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ ἐλλείπομεν.

Chapter 121

1 ‘ἡμεῖς δὲ νῦν καὶ ἀδικούμενοι τὸν πόλεμον ἐγείρομεν καὶ ἱκανὰ ἔχοντες ἐγκλήματα, καὶ ὅταν ἀμυνώμεθα Ἀθηναίους, καταθησόμεθα αὐτὸν ἐν καιρῷ.

2 κατὰ πολλὰ δὲ ἡμᾶς εἰκὸς ἐπικρατῆσαι, πρῶτον μὲν πλήθει προύχοντας καὶ ἐμπειρίᾳ πολεμικῇ, ἔπειτα ὁμοίως πάντας ἐς τὰ παραγγελλόμενα ἰόντας,

3 ναυτικόν τε, ᾧ ἰσχύουσιν, ἀπὸ τῆς ὑπαρχούσης τε ἑκάστοις οὐσίας ἐξαρτυσόμεθα καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν Δελφοῖς καὶ Ὀλυμπίᾳ χρημάτων· δάνεισμα γὰρ ποιησάμενοι ὑπολαβεῖν οἷοί τ’ ἐσμὲν μισθῷ μείζονι τοὺς ξένους αὐτῶν ναυβάτας. ὠνητὴ γὰρ ἡ Ἀθηναίων δύναμις μᾶλλον ἢ οἰκεία· ἡ δὲ ἡμετέρα ἧσσον ἂν τοῦτο πάθοι, τοῖς σώμασι τὸ πλέον ἰσχύουσα ἢ τοῖς χρήμασιν.

4 μιᾷ τε νίκῃ ναυμαχίας κατὰ τὸ εἰκὸς ἁλίσκονται· εἰ δ’ ἀντίσχοιεν, μελετήσομεν καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐν πλέονι χρόνῳ τὰ ναυτικά, καὶ ὅταν τὴν ἐπιστήμην ἐς τὸ ἴσον καταστήσωμεν, τῇ γε εὐψυχίᾳ δήπου περιεσόμεθα. ὃ γὰρ ἡμεῖς ἔχομεν φύσει ἀγαθόν, ἐκείνοις οὐκ ἂν γένοιτο διδαχῇ· ὃ δ’ ἐκεῖνοι ἐπιστήμῃ προύχουσι, καθαιρετὸν ἡμῖν ἐστὶ μελέτῃ.

5 χρήματα δὲ ὥστε ἔχειν ἐς αὐτά, οἴσομεν· ἢ δεινὸν ἂν εἴη εἰ οἱ μὲν ἐκείνων ξύμμαχοι ἐπὶ δουλείᾳ τῇ αὑτῶν φέροντες οὐκ ἀπεροῦσιν, ἡμεῖς δ’ ἐπὶ τῷ τιμωρούμενοι τοὺς ἐχθροὺς καὶ αὐτοὶ ἅμα σῴζεσθαι οὐκ ἄρα δαπανήσομεν καὶ ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ ὑπ’ ἐκείνων αὐτὰ ἀφαιρεθέντες αὐτοῖς τούτοις κακῶς πάσχειν.

Chapter 122

1 ὑπάρχουσι δὲ καὶ ἄλλαι ὁδοὶ τοῦ πολέμου ἡμῖν, ξυμμάχων τε ἀπόστασις, μάλιστα παραίρεσις οὖσα τῶν προσόδων αἷς ἰσχύουσι, καὶ ἐπιτειχισμὸς τῇ χώρᾳ, ἄλλα τε ὅσα οὐκ ἄν τις νῦν προΐδοι. ἥκιστα γὰρ πόλεμος ἐπὶ ῥητοῖς χωρεῖ, αὐτὸς δὲ ἀφ’ αὑτοῦ τὰ πολλὰ τεχνᾶται πρὸς τὸ παρατυγχάνον· ἐν ᾧ ὁ μὲν εὐοργήτως αὐτῷ προσομιλήσας βεβαιότερος, ὁ δ’ ὀργισθεὶς περὶ αὐτὸν οὐκ ἐλάσσω πταίει.

2 ‘ἐνθυμώμεθα δὲ καὶ ὅτι εἰ μὲν ἡμῶν ἦσαν ἑκάστοις πρὸς ἀντιπάλους περὶ γῆς ὅρων αἱ διαφοραί, οἰστὸν ἂν ἦν· νῦν δὲ πρὸς ξύμπαντάς τε ἡμᾶς Ἀθηναῖοι ἱκανοὶ καὶ κατὰ πόλιν ἔτι δυνατώτεροι, ὥστε εἰ μὴ καὶ ἁθρόοι καὶ κατὰ ἔθνη καὶ ἕκαστον ἄστυ μιᾷ γνώμῃ ἀμυνούμεθα αὐτούς, δίχα γε ὄντας ἡμᾶς ἀπόνως χειρώσονται. καὶ τὴν ἧσσαν, εἰ καὶ δεινόν τῳ ἀκοῦσαι, ἴστω οὐκ ἄλλο τι φέρουσαν ἢ ἄντικρυς δουλείαν·

3 ὃ καὶ λόγῳ ἐνδοιασθῆναι αἰσχρὸν τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ καὶ πόλεις τοσάσδε ὑπὸ μιᾶς κακοπαθεῖν. ἐν ᾧ ἢ δικαίως δοκοῖμεν ἂν πάσχειν ἢ διὰ δειλίαν ἀνέχεσθαι καὶ τῶν πατέρων χείρους φαίνεσθαι, οἳ τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἠλευθέρωσαν, ἡμεῖς δὲ οὐδ’ ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς βεβαιοῦμεν αὐτό, τύραννον δὲ ἐῶμεν ἐγκαθεστάναι πόλιν, τοὺς δ’ ἐν μιᾷ μονάρχους ἀξιοῦμεν καταλύειν.

4 καὶ οὐκ ἴσμεν ὅπως τάδε τριῶν τῶν μεγίστων ξυμφορῶν ἀπήλλακται, ἀξυνεσίας ἢ μαλακίας ἢ ἀμελείας. οὐ γὰρ δὴ πεφευγότες αὐτὰ ἐπὶ τὴν πλείστους δὴ βλάψασαν καταφρόνησιν κεχωρήκατε, ἣ ἐκ τοῦ πολλοὺς σφάλλειν τὸ ἐναντίον ὄνομα ἀφροσύνη μετωνόμασται.

Chapter 123

1 τὰ μὲν οὖν προγεγενημένα τί δεῖ μακρότερον ἢ ἐς ὅσον τοῖς νῦν ξυμφέρει αἰτιᾶσθαι; περὶ δὲ τῶν ἔπειτα μελλόντων τοῖς παροῦσι βοηθοῦντας χρὴ ἐπιταλαιπωρεῖν (πάτριον γὰρ ὑμῖν ἐκ τῶν πόνων τὰς ἀρετὰς κτᾶσθαι), καὶ μὴ μεταβάλλειν τὸ ἔθος, εἰ ἄρα πλούτῳ τε νῦν καὶ ἐξουσίᾳ ὀλίγον προφέρετε (οὐ γὰρ δίκαιον ἃ τῇ ἀπορίᾳ ἐκτήθη τῇ περιουσίᾳ ἀπολέσθαι), ἀλλὰ θαρσοῦντας ἰέναι κατὰ πολλὰ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον, τοῦ τε θεοῦ χρήσαντος καὶ αὐτοῦ ὑποσχομένου ξυλλήψεσθαι καὶ τῆς ἄλλης Ἑλλάδος ἁπάσης ξυναγωνιουμένης, τὰ μὲν φόβῳ, τὰ δὲ ὠφελίᾳ.

2 σπονδάς τε οὐ λύσετε πρότεροι, ἅς γε καὶ ὁ θεὸς κελεύων πολεμεῖν νομίζει παραβεβάσθαι, ἠδικημέναις δὲ μᾶλλον βοηθήσετε· λύουσι γὰρ οὐχ οἱ ἀμυνόμενοι, ἀλλ’ οἱ πρότεροι ἐπιόντες.

Chapter 124

1 ‘ὥστε πανταχόθεν καλῶς ὑπάρχον ὑμῖν πολεμεῖν καὶ ἡμῶν κοινῇ τάδε παραινούντων, εἴπερ βεβαιότατον τὸ ταὐτὰ ξυμφέροντα καὶ πόλεσι καὶ ἰδιώταις εἶναι, μὴ μέλλετε Ποτειδεάταις τε ποιεῖσθαι τιμωρίαν οὖσι Δωριεῦσι καὶ ὑπὸ Ἰώνων πολιορκουμένοις, οὗ πρότερον ἦν τοὐναντίον, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων μετελθεῖν τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, ὡς οὐκέτι ἐνδέχεται περιμένοντας τοὺς μὲν ἤδη βλάπτεσθαι, τοὺς δ᾽, εἰ γνωσθησόμεθα ξυνελθόντες μέν, ἀμύνεσθαι δὲ οὐ τολμῶντες, μὴ πολὺ ὕστερον τὸ αὐτὸ πάσχειν·

2 ἀλλὰ νομίσαντες ἐς ἀνάγκην ἀφῖχθαι, ὦ ἄνδρες ξύμμαχοι, καὶ ἅμα τάδε ἄριστα λέγεσθαι, ψηφίσασθε τὸν πόλεμον μὴ φοβηθέντες τὸ αὐτίκα δεινόν, τῆς δ’ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ διὰ πλείονος εἰρήνης ἐπιθυμήσαντες· ἐκ πολέμου μὲν γὰρ εἰρήνη μᾶλλον βεβαιοῦται, ἀφ’ ἡσυχίας δὲ μὴ πολεμῆσαι οὐχ ὁμοίως ἀκίνδυνον.

3 καὶ τὴν καθεστηκυῖαν ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι πόλιν τύραννον ἡγησάμενοι ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ὁμοίως καθεστάναι, ὥστε τῶν μὲν ἤδη ἄρχειν, τῶν δὲ διανοεῖσθαι,παραστησώμεθα ἐπελθόντες, καὶ αὐτοί τε ἀκινδύνως τὸ λοιπὸν οἰκῶμεν καὶ τοὺς νῦν δεδουλωμένους Ἕλληνας ἐλευθερώσωμεν.’ τοιαῦτα μὲν οἱ Κορίνθιοι εἶπον.

Chapter 125

1 οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐπειδὴ ἀφ’ ἁπάντων ἤκουσαν γνώμην, ψῆφον ἐπήγαγον τοῖς ξυμμάχοις ἅπασιν ὅσοι παρῆσαν ἑξῆς, καὶ μείζονι καὶ ἐλάσσονι πόλει· καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐψηφίσαντο πολεμεῖν.

2 δεδογμένον δὲ αὐτοῖς εὐθὺς μὲν ἀδύνατα ἦν ἐπιχειρεῖν ἀπαρασκεύοις οὖσιν, ἐκπορίζεσθαι δὲ ἐδόκει ἑκάστοις ἃ πρόσφορα ἦν καὶ μὴ εἶναι μέλλησιν. ὅμως δὲ καθισταμένοις ὧν ἔδει ἐνιαυτὸς μὲν οὐ διετρίβη, ἔλασσον δέ, πρὶν ἐσβαλεῖν ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν καὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἄρασθαι φανερῶς.

Chapter 126

1 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ἐπρεσβεύοντο τῷ χρόνῳ πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐγκλήματα ποιούμενοι, ὅπως σφίσιν ὅτι μεγίστη πρόφασις εἴη τοῦ πολεμεῖν, ἢν μή τι ἐσακούωσιν.

2 καὶ πρῶτον μὲν πρέσβεις πέμψαντες οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐκέλευον τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τὸ ἄγος ἐλαύνειν τῆς θεοῦ· τὸ δὲ ἄγος ἦν τοιόνδε.

3 Κύλων ἦν Ἀθηναῖος ἀνὴρ Ὀλυμπιονίκης τῶν πάλαι εὐγενής τε καὶ δυνατός, ἐγεγαμήκει δὲ θυγατέρα Θεαγένους Μεγαρέως ἀνδρός, ὃς κατ’ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ἐτυράννει Μεγάρων.

4 χρωμένῳ δὲ τῷ Κύλωνι ἐν Δελφοῖς ἀνεῖλεν ὁ θεὸς ἐν τοῦ Διὸς τῇ μεγίστῃ ἑορτῇ καταλαβεῖν τὴν Ἀθηναίων ἀκρόπολιν.

5 ὁ δὲ παρά τε τοῦ Θεαγένους δύναμιν λαβὼν καὶ τοὺς φίλους ἀναπείσας, ἐπειδὴ ἐπῆλθεν Ὀλύμπια τὰ ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ, κατέλαβε τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ὡς ἐπὶ τυραννίδι, νομίσας ἑορτήν τε τοῦ Διὸς μεγίστην εἶναι καὶ ἑαυτῷ τι προσήκειν Ὀλύμπια νενικηκότι.

6 εἰ δὲ ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ ἢ ἄλλοθί που ἡ μεγίστη ἑορτὴ εἴρητο, οὔτε ἐκεῖνος ἔτι κατενόησε τό τε μαντεῖον οὐκ ἐδήλου (ἔστι γὰρ καὶ Ἀθηναίοις Διάσια ἃ καλεῖται Διὸς ἑορτὴ Μειλιχίου μεγίστη ἔξω τῆς πόλεως, ἐν ᾗ πανδημεὶ θύουσι πολλὰ οὐχ ἱερεῖα, ἀλλ’ 〈ἁγνὰ〉 θύματα ἐπιχώρια), δοκῶν δὲ ὀρθῶς γιγνώσκειν ἐπεχείρησε τῷ ἔργῳ.

7 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι αἰσθόμενοι ἐβοήθησάν τε πανδημεὶ ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς καὶ προσκαθεζόμενοι ἐπολιόρκουν.

8 χρόνου δὲ ἐγγιγνομένου οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τρυχόμενοι τῇ προσεδρίᾳ ἀπῆλθον οἱ πολλοί, ἐπιτρέψαντες τοῖς ἐννέα ἄρχουσι τήν τε φυλακὴν καὶ τὸ πᾶν αὐτοκράτορσι διαθεῖναι ᾗ ἂν ἄριστα διαγιγνώσκωσιν· τότε δὲ τὰ πολλὰ τῶν πολιτικῶν οἱ ἐννέα ἄρχοντες ἔπρασσον.

9 οἱ δὲ μετὰ τοῦ Κύλωνος πολιορκούμενοι φλαύρως εἶχον σίτου τε καὶ ὕδατος ἀπορίᾳ.

10 ὁ μὲν οὖν Κύλων καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ ἐκδιδράσκουσιν· οἱ δ’ ἄλλοι ὡς ἐπιέζοντο καί τινες καὶ ἀπέθνῃσκον ὑπὸ τοῦ λιμοῦ, καθίζουσιν ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν ἱκέται τὸν ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλει.

11 ἀναστήσαντες δὲ αὐτοὺς οἱ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐπιτετραμμένοι τὴν φυλακήν, ὡς ἑώρων ἀποθνῄσκοντας ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ, ἐφ’ ᾧ μηδὲν κακὸν ποιήσουσιν, ἀπαγαγόντες ἀπέκτειναν· καθεζομένους δέ τινας καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν σεμνῶν θεῶν τοῖς βωμοῖς ἐν τῇ παρόδῳ ἀπεχρήσαντο. καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου ἐναγεῖς καὶ ἀλιτήριοι τῆς θεοῦ ἐκεῖνοί τε ἐκαλοῦντο καὶ τὸ γένος τὸ ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνων.

12 ἤλασαν μὲν οὖν καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τοὺς ἐναγεῖς τούτους, ἤλασε δὲ καὶ Κλεομένης ὁ Λακεδαιμόνιος ὕστερον μετὰ Ἀθηναίων στασιαζόντων, τούς τε ζῶντας ἐλαύνοντες καὶ τῶν τεθνεώτων τὰ ὀστᾶ ἀνελόντες ἐξέβαλον· κατῆλθον μέντοι ὕστερον, καὶ τὸ γένος αὐτῶν ἔστιν ἔτι ἐν τῇ πόλει.

Chapter 127

1 τοῦτο δὴ τὸ ἄγος οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐκέλευον ἐλαύνειν δῆθεν τοῖς θεοῖς πρῶτον τιμωροῦντες, εἰδότες δὲ Περικλέα τὸν Ξανθίππου προσεχόμενον αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν μητέρα καὶ νομίζοντες ἐκπεσόντος αὐτοῦ ῥᾷον 〈ἂν〉 σφίσι προχωρεῖν τὰ ἀπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων.

2 οὐ μέντοι τοσοῦτον ἤλπιζον παθεῖν ἂν αὐτὸν τοῦτο ὅσον διαβολὴν οἴσειν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ὡς καὶ διὰ τὴν ἐκείνου ξυμφορὰν τὸ μέρος ἔσται ὁ πόλεμος.

3 ὢν γὰρ δυνατώτατος τῶν καθ’ ἑαυτὸν καὶ ἄγων τὴν πολιτείαν ἠναντιοῦτο πάντα τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, καὶ οὐκ εἴα ὑπείκειν, ἀλλ’ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ὥρμα τοὺς Ἀθηναίους.

Chapter 128

1 ἀντεκέλευον δὲ καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους τὸ ἀπὸ Ταινάρου ἄγος ἐλαύνειν· οἱ γὰρ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἀναστήσαντές ποτε ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος [ἀπὸ Ταινάρου] τῶν Εἱλώτων ἱκέτας ἀπαγαγόντες διέφθειραν, δι’ ὃ δὴ καὶ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς νομίζουσι τὸν μέγαν σεισμὸν γενέσθαι ἐν Σπάρτῃ.

2 ἐκέλευον δὲ καὶ τὸ τῆς Χαλκιοίκου ἄγος ἐλαύνειν αὐτούς· ἐγένετο δὲ τοιόνδε.

3 ἐπειδὴ Παυσανίας ὁ Λακεδαιμόνιος τὸ πρῶτον μεταπεμφθεὶς ὑπὸ Σπαρτιατῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς τῆς ἐν Ἑλλησπόντῳ καὶ κριθεὶς ὑπ’ αὐτῶν ἀπελύθη μὴ ἀδικεῖν, δημοσίᾳ μὲν οὐκέτι ἐξεπέμφθη, ἰδίᾳ δὲ αὐτὸς τριήρη λαβὼν Ἑρμιονίδα ἄνευ Λακεδαιμονίων ἀφικνεῖται ἐς Ἑλλήσποντον, τῷ μὲν λόγῳ ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλληνικὸν πόλεμον, τῷ δὲ ἔργῳ τὰ πρὸς βασιλέα πράγματα πράσσειν, ὥσπερ καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἐπεχείρησεν, ἐφιέμενος τῆς Ἑλληνικῆς ἀρχῆς.

4 εὐεργεσίαν δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦδε πρῶτον ἐς βασιλέα κατέθετο καὶ τοῦ παντὸς πράγματος ἀρχὴν ἐποιήσατο·

5 Βυζάντιον γὰρ ἑλὼν τῇ προτέρᾳ παρουσίᾳ μετὰ τὴν ἐκ Κύπρου ἀναχώρησιν (εἶχον δὲ Μῆδοι αὐτὸ καὶ βασιλέως προσήκοντές τινες καὶ ξυγγενεῖς οἳ ἑάλωσαν ἐν αὐτῷ) τότε τούτους οὓς ἔλαβεν ἀποπέμπει βασιλεῖ κρύφα τῶν ἄλλων ξυμμάχων, τῷ δὲ λόγῳ ἀπέδρασαν αὐτόν.

6 ἔπρασσε δὲ ταῦτα μετὰ Γογγύλου τοῦ Ἐρετριῶς, ᾧπερ ἐπέτρεψε τό τε Βυζάντιον καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους. ἔπεμψε δὲ καὶ ἐπιστολὴν τὸν Γόγγυλον φέροντα αὐτῷ· ἐνεγέγραπτο δὲ τάδε ἐν αὐτῇ, ὡς ὕστερον ἀνηυρέθη·

7 ‘Παυσανίας ὁ ἡγεμὼν τῆς Σπάρτης τούσδε τέ σοι χαρίζεσθαι βουλόμενος ἀποπέμπει δορὶ ἑλών,καὶ γνώμην ποιοῦμαι, εἰ καὶ σοὶ δοκεῖ, θυγατέρα τε τὴν σὴν γῆμαι καί σοι Σπάρτην τε καὶ τὴν ἄλλην Ἑλλάδα ὑποχείριον ποιῆσαι. δυνατὸς δὲ δοκῶ εἶναι ταῦτα πρᾶξαι μετὰ σοῦ βουλευόμενος. εἰ οὖν τί σε τούτων ἀρέσκει, πέμπε ἄνδρα πιστὸν ἐπὶ θάλασσαν δι’ οὗ τὸ λοιπὸν τοὺς λόγους ποιησόμεθα.’

Chapter 129

1 τοσαῦτα μὲν ἡ γραφὴ ἐδήλου, Ξέρξης δὲ ἥσθη τε τῇ ἐπιστολῇ καὶ ἀποστέλλει Ἀρτάβαζον τὸν Φαρνάκου ἐπὶ θάλασσαν καὶ κελεύει αὐτὸν τήν τε Δασκυλῖτιν σατραπείαν παραλαβεῖν Μεγαβάτην ἀπαλλάξαντα, ὃς πρότερον ἦρχε, καὶ παρὰ Παυσανίαν ἐς Βυζάντιον ἐπιστολὴν ἀντεπετίθει αὐτῷ ὡς τάχιστα διαπέμψαι καὶ τὴν σφραγῖδα ἀποδεῖξαι, καὶ ἤν τι αὐτῷ Παυσανίας παραγγέλλῃ περὶ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ πραγμάτων, πράσσειν ὡς ἄριστα καὶ πιστότατα.

2 ὁ δὲ ἀφικόμενος τά τε ἄλλα ἐποίησεν ὥσπερ εἴρητο καὶ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν διέπεμψεν·

3 ἀντενεγέγραπτο δὲ τάδε· ‘ὧδε λέγει βασιλεὺς Ξέρξης Παυσανίᾳ. καὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν οὕς μοι πέραν θαλάσσης ἐκ Βυζαντίου ἔσωσας κείσεταί σοι εὐεργεσία ἐν τῷ ἡμετέρῳ οἴκῳ ἐς αἰεὶ ἀνάγραπτος, καὶ τοῖς λόγοις τοῖς ἀπὸ σοῦ ἀρέσκομαι. καί σε μήτε νὺξ μήθ’ ἡμέρα ἐπισχέτω ὥστε ἀνεῖναι πράσσειν τι ὧν ἐμοὶ ὑπισχνῇ, μηδὲ χρυσοῦ καὶ ἀργύρου δαπάνῃ κεκωλύσθω μηδὲ στρατιᾶς πλήθει, εἴ ποι δεῖ παραγίγνεσθαι, ἀλλὰ μετ’ Ἀρταβάζου ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθοῦ, ὅν σοι ἔπεμψα, πρᾶσσε θαρσῶν καὶ τὰ ἐμὰ καὶ τὰ σὰ ὅπῃ κάλλιστα καὶ ἄριστα ἕξει ἀμφοτέροις.’

Chapter 130

1 ταῦτα λαβὼν ὁ Παυσανίας τὰ γράμματα, ὢν καὶ πρότερον ἐν μεγάλῳ ἀξιώματι ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων διὰ τὴν Πλαταιᾶσιν ἡγεμονίαν, πολλῷ τότε μᾶλλον ἦρτο καὶ οὐκέτι ἐδύνατο ἐν τῷ καθεστῶτι τρόπῳ βιοτεύειν, ἀλλὰ σκευάς τε Μηδικὰς ἐνδυόμενος ἐκ τοῦ Βυζαντίου ἐξῄει καὶ διὰ τῆς Θρᾴκης πορευόμενον αὐτὸν Μῆδοι καὶ Αἰγύπτιοι ἐδορυφόρουν, τράπεζάν τε Περσικὴν παρετίθετο καὶ κατέχειν τὴν διάνοιαν οὐκ ἐδύνατο,ἀλλ’ ἔργοις βραχέσι προυδήλου ἃ τῇ γνώμῃ μειζόνως ἐς ἔπειτα ἔμελλε πράξειν.

2 δυσπρόσοδόν τε αὑτὸν παρεῖχε καὶ τῇ ὀργῇ οὕτω χαλεπῇ ἐχρῆτο ἐς πάντας ὁμοίως ὥστε μηδένα δύνασθαι προσιέναι· δι’ ὅπερ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους οὐχ ἥκιστα ἡ ξυμμαχία μετέστη.

Chapter 131

1 οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι αἰσθόμενοι τό τε πρῶτον δι’ αὐτὰ ταῦτα ἀνεκάλεσαν αὐτόν, καὶ ἐπειδὴ τῇ Ἑρμιονίδι νηὶ τὸ δεύτερον ἐκπλεύσας οὐ κελευσάντων αὐτῶν τοιαῦτα ἐφαίνετο ποιῶν, καὶ ἐκ τοῦ Βυζαντίου βίᾳ ὑπ’ Ἀθηναίων ἐκπολιορκηθεὶς ἐς μὲν τὴν Σπάρτην οὐκ ἐπανεχώρει, ἐς δὲ Κολωνὰς τὰς Τρῳάδας ἱδρυθεὶς πράσσων τε ἐσηγγέλλετο αὐτοῖς ἐς τοὺς βαρβάρους καὶ οὐκ ἐπ’ ἀγαθῷ τὴν μονὴν ποιούμενος, οὕτω δὴ οὐκέτι ἐπέσχον, ἀλλὰ πέμψαντες κήρυκα οἱ ἔφοροι καὶ σκυτάλην εἶπον τοῦ κήρυκος μὴ λείπεσθαι, εἰ δὲ μή, πόλεμον αὐτῷ Σπαρτιάτας προαγορεύειν.

2 ὁ δὲ βουλόμενος ὡς ἥκιστα ὕποπτος εἶναι καὶ πιστεύων χρήμασι διαλύσειν τὴν διαβολὴν ἀνεχώρει τὸ δεύτερον ἐς Σπάρτην. καὶ ἐς μὲν τὴν εἱρκτὴν ἐσπίπτει τὸ πρῶτον ὑπὸ τῶν ἐφόρων (ἔξεστι δὲ τοῖς ἐφόροις τὸν βασιλέα δρᾶσαι τοῦτο), ἔπειτα διαπραξάμενος ὕστερον ἐξῆλθε καὶ καθίστησιν ἑαυτὸν ἐς κρίσιν τοῖς βουλομένοις περὶ αὐτῶν ἐλέγχειν.

Chapter 132

1 καὶ φανερὸν μὲν εἶχον οὐδὲν οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται σημεῖον, οὔτε οἱ ἐχθροὶ οὔτε ἡ πᾶσα πόλις, ὅτῳ ἂν πιστεύσαντες βεβαίως ἐτιμωροῦντο ἄνδρα γένους τε τοῦ βασιλείου ὄντα καὶ ἐν τῷ παρόντι τιμὴν ἔχοντα (Πλείσταρχον γὰρ τὸν Λεωνίδου ὄντα βασιλέα καὶ νέον ἔτι ἀνεψιὸς ὢν ἐπετρόπευεν),

2 ὑποψίας δὲ πολλὰς παρεῖχε τῇ τε παρανομίᾳ καὶ ζηλώσει τῶν βαρβάρων μὴ ἴσος βούλεσθαι εἶναι τοῖς παροῦσι, τά τε ἄλλα αὐτοῦ ἀνεσκόπουν, εἴ τί που ἐξεδεδιῄτητο τῶν καθεστώτων νομίμων, καὶ ὅτι ἐπὶ τὸν τρίποδά ποτε τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖς, ὃν ἀνέθεσαν οἱ Ἕλληνες ἀπὸ τῶν Μήδων ἀκροθίνιον, ἠξίωσεν ἐπιγράψασθαι αὐτὸς ἰδίᾳ τὸ ἐλεγεῖον τόδε· / Ἑλλήνων ἀρχηγὸς ἐπεὶ στρατὸν ὤλεσε Μήδων, / Παυσανίας Φοίβῳ μνῆμ’ ἀνέθηκε τόδε.

3 τὸ μὲν οὖν ἐλεγεῖον οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐξεκόλαψαν εὐθὺς τότε ἀπὸ τοῦ τρίποδος τοῦτο καὶ ἐπέγραψαν ὀνομαστὶ τὰς πόλεις ὅσαι ξυγκαθελοῦσαι τὸν βάρβαρον ἔστησαν τὸ ἀνάθημα· τοῦ μέντοι Παυσανίου ἀδίκημα καὶ τότ’ ἐδόκει εἶναι, καὶ ἐπεί γε δὴ ἐν τούτῳ καθειστήκει, πολλῷ μᾶλλον παρόμοιον πραχθῆναι ἐφαίνετο τῇ παρούσῃ διανοίᾳ.

4 ἐπυνθάνοντο δὲ καὶ ἐς τοὺς Εἵλωτας πράσσειν τι αὐτόν, καὶ ἦν δὲ οὕτως· ἐλευθέρωσίν τε γὰρ ὑπισχνεῖτο αὐτοῖς καὶ πολιτείαν, ἢν ξυνεπαναστῶσι καὶ τὸ πᾶν ξυγκατεργάσωνται.

5 ἀλλ’ οὐδ’ ὣς οὐδὲ τῶν Εἱλώτων μηνυταῖς τισὶ πιστεύσαντες ἠξίωσαν νεώτερόν τι ποιεῖν ἐς αὐτόν, χρώμενοι τῷ τρόπῳ ᾧπερ εἰώθασιν ἐς σφᾶς αὐτούς, μὴ ταχεῖς εἶναι περὶ ἀνδρὸς Σπαρτιάτου ἄνευ ἀναμφισβητήτων τεκμηρίων βουλεῦσαί τι ἀνήκεστον, πρίν γε δὴ αὐτοῖς, ὡς λέγεται, ὁ μέλλων τὰς τελευταίας βασιλεῖ ἐπιστολὰς πρὸς Ἀρτάβαζον κομιεῖν, ἀνὴρ Ἀργίλιος, παιδικά ποτε ὢν αὐτοῦ καὶ πιστότατος ἐκείνῳ, μηνυτὴς γίγνεται, δείσας κατὰ ἐνθύμησίν τινα ὅτι οὐδείς πω τῶν πρὸ ἑαυτοῦ ἀγγέλων πάλιν ἀφίκετο, καὶ παρασημηνάμενος σφραγῖδα, ἵνα, ἢν ψευσθῇ τῆς δόξης ἢ καὶ ἐκεῖνός τι μεταγράψαι αἰτήσῃ, μὴ ἐπιγνῷ, λύει τὰς ἐπιστολάς, ἐν αἷς ὑπονοήσας τι τοιοῦτον προσεπεστάλθαι καὶ αὑτὸν ηὗρεν ἐγγεγραμμένον κτείνειν.

Chapter 133

1 τότε δὴ οἱ ἔφοροι δείξαντος αὐτοῦ τὰ γράμματα μᾶλλον μὲν ἐπίστευσαν, αὐτήκοοι δὲ βουληθέντες ἔτι γενέσθαι αὐτοῦ Παυσανίου τι λέγοντος, ἀπὸ παρασκευῆς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐπὶ Ταίναρον ἱκέτου οἰχομένου καὶ σκηνησαμένου διπλῆν διαφράγματι καλύβην, ἐς ἣν τῶν [τε] ἐφόρων ἐντός τινας ἔκρυψε, καὶ Παυσανίου ὡς αὐτὸν ἐλθόντος καὶ ἐρωτῶντος τὴν πρόφασιν τῆς ἱκετείας ᾔσθοντο πάντα σαφῶς, αἰτιωμένου τοῦ ἀνθρώπου τά τε περὶ αὐτοῦ γραφέντα καὶ τἆλλ’ ἀποφαίνοντος καθ’ ἕκαστον, ὡς οὐδὲν πώποτε αὐτὸν ἐν ταῖς πρὸς βασιλέα διακονίαις παραβάλοιτο, προτιμηθείη δ’ ἐν ἴσῳ τοῖς πολλοῖς τῶν διακόνων ἀποθανεῖν, κἀκείνου αὐτά τε ταῦτα ξυνομολογοῦντος καὶ περὶ τοῦ παρόντος οὐκ ἐῶντος ὀργίζεσθαι, ἀλλὰ πίστιν ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ διδόντος τῆς ἀναστάσεως καὶ ἀξιοῦντος ὡς τάχιστα πορεύεσθαι καὶ μὴ τὰ πρασσόμενα διακωλύειν.

Chapter 134

1 ἀκούσαντες δὲ ἀκριβῶς τότε μὲν ἀπῆλθον οἱ ἔφοροι, βεβαίως δὲ ἤδη εἰδότες ἐν τῇ πόλει τὴν ξύλληψιν ἐποιοῦντο. λέγεται δ’ αὐτὸν μέλλοντα ξυλληφθήσεσθαι ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ, ἑνὸς μὲν τῶν ἐφόρων τὸ πρόσωπον προσιόντος ὡς εἶδε, γνῶναι ἐφ’ ᾧ ἐχώρει, ἄλλου δὲ νεύματι ἀφανεῖ χρησαμένου καὶ δηλώσαντος εὐνοίᾳ πρὸς τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς Χαλκιοίκου χωρῆσαι δρόμῳ καὶ προκαταφυγεῖν· ἦν δ’ ἐγγὺς τὸ τέμενος. καὶ ἐς οἴκημα οὐ μέγα ὃ ἦν τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐσελθών, ἵνα μὴ ὑπαίθριος ταλαιπωροίη, ἡσύχαζεν.

2 οἱ δὲ τὸ παραυτίκα μὲν ὑστέρησαν τῇ διώξει, μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο τοῦ τε οἰκήματος τὸν ὄροφον ἀφεῖλον καὶ τὰς θύρας ἔνδον ὄντα τηρήσαντες αὐτὸν καὶ ἀπολαβόντες ἔσω ἀπῳκοδόμησαν, προσκαθεζόμενοί τε ἐξεπολιόρκησαν λιμῷ.

3 καὶ μέλλοντος αὐτοῦ ἀποψύχειν ὥσπερ εἶχεν ἐν τῷ οἰκήματι, αἰσθόμενοι ἐξάγουσιν ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἔτι ἔμπνουν ὄντα, καὶ ἐξαχθεὶς ἀπέθανε παραχρῆμα.

4 καὶ αὐτὸν ἐμέλλησαν μὲν ἐς τὸν Καιάδαν [οὗπερ τοὺς κακούργους] ἐσβάλλειν· ἔπειτα ἔδοξε πλησίον που κατορύξαι. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ὁ ἐν Δελφοῖς τόν τε τάφον ὕστερον ἔχρησε τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις μετενεγκεῖν οὗπερ ἀπέθανε (καὶ νῦν κεῖται ἐν τῷ προτεμενίσματι, ὃ γραφῇ στῆλαι δηλοῦσι) καὶ ὡς ἄγος αὐτοῖς ὂν τὸ πεπραγμένον δύο σώματα ἀνθ’ ἑνὸς τῇ Χαλκιοίκῳ ἀποδοῦναι. οἱ δὲ ποιησάμενοι χαλκοῦς ἀνδριάντας δύο ὡς ἀντὶ Παυσανίου ἀνέθεσαν.

Chapter 135

1 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι, ὡς καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ ἄγος κρίναντος, ἀντεπέταξαν τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐλαύνειν αὐτό.

2 τοῦ δὲ μηδισμοῦ τοῦ Παυσανίου οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πρέσβεις πέμψαντες παρὰ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ξυνεπῃτιῶντο καὶ τὸν Θεμιστοκλέα, ὡς ηὕρισκον ἐκ τῶν περὶ Παυσανίαν ἐλέγχων, ἠξίουν τε τοῖς αὐτοῖς κολάζεσθαι αὐτόν.

3 οἱ δὲ πεισθέντες (ἔτυχε γὰρ ὠστρακισμένος καὶ ἔχων δίαιταν μὲν ἐν Ἄργει, ἐπιφοιτῶν δὲ καὶ ἐς τὴν ἄλλην Πελοπόννησον) πέμπουσι μετὰ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἑτοίμων ὄντων ξυνδιώκειν ἄνδρας οἷς εἴρητο ἄγειν ὅπου ἂν περιτύχωσιν.

Chapter 136

1 ὁ δὲ Θεμιστοκλῆς προαισθόμενος φεύγει ἐκ Πελοποννήσου ἐς Κέρκυραν, ὢν αὐτῶν εὐεργέτης. δεδιέναι δὲ φασκόντων Κερκυραίων ἔχειν αὐτὸν ὥστε Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ Ἀθηναίοις ἀπεχθέσθαι, διακομίζεται ὑπ’ αὐτῶν ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον τὴν καταντικρύ.

2 καὶ διωκόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν προστεταγμένων κατὰ πύστιν ᾗ χωροίη, ἀναγκάζεται κατά τι ἄπορον παρὰ Ἄδμητον τὸν Μολοσσῶν βασιλέα ὄντα αὐτῷ οὐ φίλον καταλῦσαι.

3 καὶ ὁ μὲν οὐκ ἔτυχεν ἐπιδημῶν, ὁ δὲ τῆς γυναικὸς ἱκέτης γενόμενος διδάσκεται ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς τὸν παῖδα σφῶν λαβὼν καθέζεσθαι ἐπὶ τὴν ἑστίαν.

4 καὶ ἐλθόντος οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον τοῦ Ἀδμήτου δηλοῖ τε ὅς ἐστι καὶ οὐκ ἀξιοῖ, εἴ τι ἄρα αὐτὸς ἀντεῖπεν αὐτῷ Ἀθηναίων δεομένῳ, φεύγοντα τιμωρεῖσθαι· καὶ γὰρ ἂν ὑπ’ ἐκείνου πολλῷ ἀσθενεστέρου ἐν τῷ παρόντι κακῶς πάσχειν, γενναῖον δὲ εἶναι τοὺς ὁμοίους ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσου τιμωρεῖσθαι. καὶ ἅμα αὐτὸς μὲν ἐκείνῳ χρείας τινὸς καὶ οὐκ ἐς τὸ σῶμα σῴζεσθαι ἐναντιωθῆναι, ἐκεῖνον δ’ ἄν, εἰ ἐκδοίη αὐτόν (εἰπὼν ὑφ’ ὧν καὶ ἐφ’ ᾧ διώκεται), σωτηρίας ἂν τῆς ψυχῆς ἀποστερῆσαι.

Chapter 137

1 ὁ δὲ ἀκούσας ἀνίστησί τε αὐτὸν μετὰ τοῦ ἑαυτοῦ υἱέος, ὥσπερ καὶ ἔχων αὐτὸν ἐκαθέζετο, καὶ μέγιστον ἦν ἱκέτευμα τοῦτο, καὶ ὕστερον οὐ πολλῷ τοῖς τε Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ Ἀθηναίοις ἐλθοῦσι καὶ πολλὰ εἰποῦσιν οὐκ ἐκδίδωσιν, ἀλλ’ ἀποστέλλει βουλόμενον ὡς βασιλέα πορευθῆναι ἐπὶ τὴν ἑτέραν θάλασσαν πεζῇ ἐς Πύδναν τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου.

2 ἐν ᾗ ὁλκάδος τυχὼν ἀναγομένης ἐπ’ Ἰωνίας καὶ ἐπιβὰς καταφέρεται χειμῶνι ἐς τὸ Ἀθηναίων στρατόπεδον, ὃ ἐπολιόρκει Νάξον. καί (ἦν γὰρ ἀγνὼς τοῖς ἐν τῇ νηί) δείσας φράζει τῷ ναυκλήρῳ ὅστις ἐστὶ καὶ δι’ ἃ φεύγει, καὶ εἰ μὴ σώσει αὐτόν, ἔφη ἐρεῖν ὅτι χρήμασι πεισθεὶς αὐτὸν ἄγει· τὴν δὲ ἀσφάλειαν εἶναι μηδένα ἐκβῆναι ἐκ τῆς νεὼς μέχρι πλοῦς γένηται· πειθομένῳ δ’ αὐτῷ χάριν ἀπομνήσεσθαι ἀξίαν. ὁ δὲ ναύκληρος ποιεῖ τε ταῦτα καὶ ἀποσαλεύσας ἡμέραν καὶ νύκτα ὑπὲρ τοῦ στρατοπέδου ὕστερον ἀφικνεῖται ἐς Ἔφεσον.

3 καὶ ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς ἐκεῖνόν τε ἐθεράπευσε χρημάτων δόσει (ἦλθε γὰρ αὐτῷ ὕστερον ἔκ τε Ἀθηνῶν παρὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ ἐξ Ἄργους ἃ ὑπεξέκειτο) καὶ μετὰ τῶν κάτω Περσῶν τινὸς πορευθεὶς ἄνω ἐσπέμπει γράμματα πρὸς βασιλέα Ἀρταξέρξην τὸν Ξέρξου νεωστὶ βασιλεύοντα.

4 ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ ὅτι ‘Θεμιστοκλῆς ἥκω παρὰ σέ, ὃς κακὰ μὲν πλεῖστα Ἑλλήνων εἴργασμαι τὸν ὑμέτερον οἶκον, ὅσον χρόνον τὸν σὸν πατέρα ἐπιόντα ἐμοὶ ἀνάγκῃ ἠμυνόμην, πολὺ δ᾽ ἔτι πλείω ἀγαθά, ἐπειδὴ ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ μὲν ἐμοί, ἐκείνῳ δὲ ἐν ἐπικινδύνῳ πάλιν ἡ ἀποκομιδὴ ἐγίγνετο. καί μοι εὐεργεσία ὀφείλεται (γράψας τήν τε ἐκ Σαλαμῖνος προάγγελσιν τῆς ἀναχωρήσεως καὶ τὴν τῶν γεφυρῶν, ἣν ψευδῶς προσεποιήσατο, τότε δι’ αὑτὸν οὐ διάλυσιν), καὶ νῦν ἔχων σε μεγάλα ἀγαθὰ δρᾶσαι πάρειμι διωκόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων διὰ τὴν σὴν φιλίαν. βούλομαι δ’ ἐνιαυτὸν ἐπισχὼν αὐτός σοι περὶ ὧν ἥκω δηλῶσαι.’

Chapter 138

1 βασιλεὺς δέ, ὡς λέγεται, ἐθαύμασέ τε αὐτοῦ τὴν διάνοιαν καὶ ἐκέλευε ποιεῖν οὕτως. ὁ δ’ ἐν τῷ χρόνῳ ὃν ἐπέσχε τῆς τε Περσίδος γλώσσης ὅσα ἐδύνατο κατενόησε καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων τῆς χώρας·

2 ἀφικόμενος δὲ μετὰ τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν γίγνεται παρ’ αὐτῷ μέγας καὶ ὅσος οὐδείς πω Ἑλλήνων διά τε τὴν προϋπάρχουσαν ἀξίωσιν καὶ τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ ἐλπίδα, ἣν ὑπετίθει αὐτῷ δουλώσειν, μάλιστα δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ πεῖραν διδοὺς ξυνετὸς φαίνεσθαι.

3 ἦν γὰρ ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς βεβαιότατα δὴ φύσεως ἰσχὺν δηλώσας καὶ διαφερόντως τι ἐς αὐτὸ μᾶλλον ἑτέρου ἄξιος θαυμάσαι· οἰκείᾳ γὰρ ξυνέσει καὶ οὔτε προμαθὼν ἐς αὐτὴν οὐδὲν οὔτ’ ἐπιμαθών, τῶν τε παραχρῆμα δι’ ἐλαχίστης βουλῆς κράτιστος γνώμων καὶ τῶν μελλόντων ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τοῦ γενησομένου ἄριστος εἰκαστής· καὶ ἃ μὲν μετὰ χεῖρας ἔχοι, καὶ ἐξηγήσασθαι οἷός τε, ὧν δ’ ἄπειρος εἴη, κρῖναι ἱκανῶς οὐκ ἀπήλλακτο· τό τε ἄμεινον ἢ χεῖρον ἐν τῷ ἀφανεῖ ἔτι προεώρα μάλιστα. καὶ τὸ ξύμπαν εἰπεῖν φύσεως μὲν δυνάμει, μελέτης δὲ βραχύτητι κράτιστος δὴ οὗτος αὐτοσχεδιάζειν τὰ δέοντα ἐγένετο.

4 νοσήσας δὲ τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον· λέγουσι δέ τινες καὶ ἑκούσιον φαρμάκῳ ἀποθανεῖν αὐτόν, ἀδύνατον νομίσαντα εἶναι ἐπιτελέσαι βασιλεῖ ἃ ὑπέσχετο.

5 μνημεῖον μὲν οὖν αὐτοῦ ἐν Μαγνησίᾳ ἐστὶ τῇ Ἀσιανῇ ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ· ταύτης γὰρ ἦρχε τῆς χώρας, δόντος βασιλέως αὐτῷ Μαγνησίαν μὲν ἄρτον, ἣ προσέφερε πεντήκοντα τάλαντα τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ, Λάμψακον δὲ οἶνον (ἐδόκει γὰρ πολυοινότατον τῶν τότε εἶναι), Μυοῦντα δὲ ὄψον.

6 τὰ δὲ ὀστᾶ φασὶ κομισθῆναι αὐτοῦ οἱ προσήκοντες οἴκαδε κελεύσαντος ἐκείνου καὶ τεθῆναι κρύφα Ἀθηναίων ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ· οὐ γὰρ ἐξῆν θάπτειν ὡς ἐπὶ προδοσίᾳ φεύγοντος. τὰ μὲν κατὰ Παυσανίαν τὸν Λακεδαιμόνιον καὶ Θεμιστοκλέα τὸν Ἀθηναῖον, λαμπροτάτους γενομένους τῶν καθ’ ἑαυτοὺς Ἑλλήνων, οὕτως ἐτελεύτησεν.

Chapter 139

1 Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ ἐπὶ μὲν τῆς πρώτης πρεσβείας τοιαῦτα ἐπέταξάν τε καὶ ἀντεκελεύσθησαν περὶ τῶν ἐναγῶν τῆς ἐλάσεως· ὕστερον δὲ φοιτῶντες παρ᾽ Ἀθηναίους Ποτειδαίας τε ἀπανίστασθαι ἐκέλευον καὶ Αἴγιναν αὐτόνομον ἀφιέναι, καὶ μάλιστά γε πάντων καὶ ἐνδηλότατα προύλεγον τὸ περὶ Μεγαρέων ψήφισμα καθελοῦσι μὴ ἂν γίγνεσθαι πόλεμον, ἐν ᾧ εἴρητο αὐτοὺς μὴ χρῆσθαι τοῖς λιμέσι τοῖς ἐν τῇ Ἀθηναίων ἀρχῇ μηδὲ τῇ Ἀττικῇ ἀγορᾷ.

2 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι οὔτε τἆλλα ὑπήκουον οὔτε τὸ ψήφισμα καθῄρουν, ἐπικαλοῦντες ἐπεργασίαν Μεγαρεῦσι τῆς γῆς τῆς ἱερᾶς καὶ τῆς ἀορίστου καὶ ἀνδραπόδων ὑποδοχὴν τῶν ἀφισταμένων.

3 τέλος δὲ ἀφικομένων τῶν τελευταίων πρέσβεων ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος, Ῥαμφίου τε καὶ Μελησίππου καὶ Ἀγησάνδρου, καὶ λεγόντων ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν ὧν πρότερον εἰώθεσαν, αὐτὰ δὲ τάδε ὅτι ‘Λακεδαιμόνιοι βούλονται τὴν εἰρήνην εἶναι, εἴη δ’ ἂν εἰ τοὺς Ἕλληνας αὐτονόμους ἀφεῖτε,’ ποιήσαντες ἐκκλησίαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι γνώμας σφίσιν αὐτοῖς προυτίθεσαν, καὶ ἐδόκει ἅπαξ περὶ ἁπάντων βουλευσαμένους ἀποκρίνασθαι.

4 καὶ παριόντες ἄλλοι τε πολλοὶ ἔλεγον ἐπ’ ἀμφότερα γιγνόμενοι ταῖς γνώμαις καὶ ὡς χρὴ πολεμεῖν καὶ ὡς μὴ ἐμπόδιον εἶναι τὸ ψήφισμα εἰρήνης, ἀλλὰ καθελεῖν, καὶ παρελθὼν Περικλῆς ὁ Ξανθίππου, ἀνὴρ κατ’ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον πρῶτος Ἀθηναίων, λέγειν τε καὶ πράσσειν δυνατώτατος, παρῄνει τοιάδε.

Chapter 140

1 ‘τῆς μὲν γνώμης, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, αἰεὶ τῆς αὐτῆς ἔχομαι, μὴ εἴκειν Πελοποννησίοις, καίπερ εἰδὼς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους οὐ τῇ αὐτῇ ὀργῇ ἀναπειθομένους τε πολεμεῖν καὶ ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ πράσσοντας, πρὸς δὲ τὰς ξυμφορὰς καὶ τὰς γνώμας τρεπομένους. ὁρῶ δὲ καὶ νῦν ὁμοῖα καὶ παραπλήσια ξυμβουλευτέα μοι ὄντα, καὶ τοὺς ἀναπειθομένους ὑμῶν δικαιῶ τοῖς κοινῇ δόξασιν, ἢν ἄρα τι καὶ σφαλλώμεθα, βοηθεῖν, ἢ μηδὲ κατορθοῦντας τῆς ξυνέσεως μεταποιεῖσθαι. ἐνδέχεται γὰρ τὰς ξυμφορὰς τῶν πραγμάτων οὐχ ἧσσον ἀμαθῶς χωρῆσαι ἢ καὶ τὰς διανοίας τοῦ ἀνθρώπου· δι’ ὅπερ καὶ τὴν τύχην, ὅσα ἂν παρὰ λόγον ξυμβῇ, εἰώθαμεν αἰτιᾶσθαι.

2 ‘Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ πρότερόν τε δῆλοι ἦσαν ἐπιβουλεύοντες ἡμῖν καὶ νῦν οὐχ ἥκιστα. εἰρημένον γὰρ δίκας μὲν τῶν διαφορῶν ἀλλήλοις διδόναι καὶ δέχεσθαι, ἔχειν δὲ ἑκατέρους ἃ ἔχομεν, οὔτε αὐτοὶ δίκας πω ᾔτησαν οὔτε ἡμῶν διδόντων δέχονται, βούλονται δὲ πολέμῳ μᾶλλον ἢ λόγοις τὰ ἐγκλήματα διαλύεσθαι, καὶ ἐπιτάσσοντες ἤδη καὶ οὐκέτι αἰτιώμενοι πάρεισιν.

3 Ποτειδαίας τε γὰρ ἀπανίστασθαι κελεύουσι καὶ Αἴγιναν αὐτόνομον ἀφιέναι καὶ τὸ Μεγαρέων ψήφισμα καθαιρεῖν· οἱ δὲ τελευταῖοι οἵδε ἥκοντες καὶ τοὺς Ἕλληνας προαγορεύουσιν αὐτονόμους ἀφιέναι.

4 ὑμῶν δὲ μηδεὶς νομίσῃ περὶ βραχέος ἂν πολεμεῖν, εἰ τὸ Μεγαρέων ψήφισμα μὴ καθέλοιμεν, ὅπερ μάλιστα προύχονται, εἰ καθαιρεθείη, μὴ ἂν γίγνεσθαι τὸν πόλεμον, μηδὲ ἐν ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς αἰτίαν ὑπολίπησθε ὡς διὰ μικρὸν ἐπολεμήσατε.

5 τὸ γὰρ βραχύ τι τοῦτο πᾶσαν ὑμῶν ἔχει τὴν βεβαίωσιν καὶ πεῖραν τῆς γνώμης. οἷς εἰ ξυγχωρήσετε, καὶ ἄλλο τι μεῖζον εὐθὺς ἐπιταχθήσεσθε ὡς φόβῳ καὶ τοῦτο ὑπακούσαντες· ἀπισχυρισάμενοι δὲ σαφὲς ἂν καταστήσαιτε αὐτοῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσου ὑμῖν μᾶλλον προσφέρεσθαι.

Chapter 141

1 αὐτόθεν δὴ διανοήθητε ἢ ὑπακούειν πρίν τι βλαβῆναι, ἢ εἰ πολεμήσομεν, ὥσπερ ἔμοιγε ἄμεινον δοκεῖ εἶναι, καὶ ἐπὶ μεγάλῃ καὶ ἐπὶ βραχείᾳ ὁμοίως προφάσει μὴ εἴξοντες μηδὲ ξὺν φόβῳ ἕξοντες ἃ κεκτήμεθα· τὴν γὰρ αὐτὴν δύναται δούλωσιν ἥ τε μεγίστη καὶ ἐλαχίστη δικαίωσις ἀπὸ τῶν ὁμοίων πρὸ δίκης τοῖς πέλας ἐπιτασσομένη.

2 ‘τὰ δὲ τοῦ πολέμου καὶ τῶν ἑκατέροις ὑπαρχόντων ὡς οὐκ ἀσθενέστερα ἕξομεν γνῶτε καθ’ ἕκαστον ἀκούοντες.

3 αὐτουργοί τε γάρ εἰσι Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ οὔτε ἰδίᾳ οὔτ’ ἐν κοινῷ χρήματά ἐστιν αὐτοῖς, ἔπειτα χρονίων πολέμων καὶ διαποντίων ἄπειροι διὰ τὸ βραχέως αὐτοὶ ἐπ’ ἀλλήλους ὑπὸ πενίας ἐπιφέρειν.

4 καὶ οἱ τοιοῦτοι οὔτε ναῦς πληροῦντες οὔτε πεζὰς στρατιὰς πολλάκις ἐκπέμπειν δύνανται, ἀπὸ τῶν ἰδίων τε ἅμα ἀπόντες καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν αὑτῶν δαπανῶντες καὶ προσέτι καὶ θαλάσσης εἰργόμενοι·

5 αἱ δὲ περιουσίαι τοὺς πολέμους μᾶλλον ἢ αἱ βίαιοι ἐσφοραὶ ἀνέχουσιν. σώμασί τε ἑτοιμότεροι οἱ αὐτουργοὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἢ χρήμασι πολεμεῖν, τὸ μὲν πιστὸν ἔχοντες ἐκ τῶν κινδύνων κἂν περιγενέσθαι, τὸ δὲ οὐ βέβαιον μὴ οὐ προαναλώσειν, ἄλλως τε κἂν παρὰ δόξαν, ὅπερ εἰκός, ὁ πόλεμος αὐτοῖς μηκύνηται.

6 μάχῃ μὲν γὰρ μιᾷ πρὸς ἅπαντας Ἕλληνας δυνατοὶ Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἀντισχεῖν, πολεμεῖν δὲ μὴ πρὸς ὁμοίαν ἀντιπαρασκευὴν ἀδύνατοι, ὅταν μήτε βουλευτηρίῳ ἑνὶ χρώμενοι παραχρῆμά τι ὀξέως ἐπιτελῶσι πάντες τε ἰσόψηφοι ὄντες καὶ οὐχ ὁμόφυλοι τὸ ἐφ’ ἑαυτὸν ἕκαστος σπεύδῃ· ἐξ ὧν φιλεῖ μηδὲν ἐπιτελὲς γίγνεσθαι.

7 καὶ γὰρ οἱ μὲν ὡς μάλιστα τιμωρήσασθαί τινα βούλονται, οἱ δὲ ὡς ἥκιστα τὰ οἰκεῖα φθεῖραι. χρόνιοί τε ξυνιόντες ἐν βραχεῖ μὲν μορίῳ σκοποῦσί τι τῶν κοινῶν, τῷ δὲ πλέονι τὰ οἰκεῖα πράσσουσι, καὶ ἕκαστος οὐ παρὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἀμέλειαν οἴεται βλάψειν, μέλειν δέ τινι καὶ ἄλλῳ ὑπὲρ ἑαυτοῦ τι προϊδεῖν, ὥστε τῷ αὐτῷ ὑπὸ ἁπάντων ἰδίᾳ δοξάσματι λανθάνειν τὸ κοινὸν ἁθρόον φθειρόμενον.

Chapter 142

1 ‘μέγιστον δέ, τῇ τῶν χρημάτων σπάνει κωλύσονται, ὅταν σχολῇ αὐτὰ ποριζόμενοι διαμέλλωσιν· τοῦ δὲ πολέμου οἱ καιροὶ οὐ μενετοί.

2 καὶ μὴν οὐδ’ ἡ ἐπιτείχισις οὐδὲ τὸ ναυτικὸν αὐτῶν ἄξιον φοβηθῆναι.

3 τὴν μὲν γὰρ χαλεπὸν καὶ ἐν εἰρήνῃ πόλιν ἀντίπαλον κατασκευάσασθαι, ἦ που δὴ ἐν πολεμίᾳ τε καὶ οὐχ ἧσσον ἐκείνοις ἡμῶν ἀντεπιτετειχισμένων·

4 φρούριον δ’ εἰ ποιήσονται, τῆς μὲν γῆς βλάπτοιεν ἄν τι μέρος καταδρομαῖς καὶ αὐτομολίαις, οὐ μέντοι ἱκανόν γε ἔσται ἐπιτειχίζειν τε κωλύειν ἡμᾶς πλεύσαντας ἐς τὴν ἐκείνων καί, ᾗπερ ἰσχύομεν, ταῖς ναυσὶν ἀμύνεσθαι·

5 πλέον γὰρ ἡμεῖς ἔχομεν τοῦ κατὰ γῆν ἐκ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ ἐμπειρίας ἢ ἐκεῖνοι ἐκ τοῦ κατ᾽ ἤπειρον ἐς τὰ ναυτικά.

6 τὸ δὲ τῆς θαλάσσης ἐπιστήμονας γενέσθαι οὐ ῥᾳδίως αὐτοῖς προσγενήσεται.

7 οὐδὲ γὰρ ὑμεῖς μελετῶντες αὐτὸ εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῶν Μηδικῶν ἐξείργασθέ πω· πῶς δὴ ἄνδρες γεωργοὶ καὶ οὐ θαλάσσιοι, καὶ προσέτι οὐδὲ μελετῆσαι ἐασόμενοι διὰ τὸ ὑφ’ ἡμῶν πολλαῖς ναυσὶν αἰεὶ ἐφορμεῖσθαι, ἄξιον ἄν τι δρῷεν;

8 πρὸς μὲν γὰρ ὀλίγας ἐφορμούσας κἂν διακινδυνεύσειαν πλήθει τὴν ἀμαθίαν θρασύνοντες, πολλαῖς δὲ εἰργόμενοι ἡσυχάσουσι καὶ ἐν τῷ μὴ μελετῶντι ἀξυνετώτεροι ἔσονται καὶ δι’ αὐτὸ καὶ ὀκνηρότεροι.

9 τὸ δὲ ναυτικὸν τέχνης ἐστίν, ὥσπερ καὶ ἄλλο τι, καὶ οὐκ ἐνδέχεται, ὅταν τύχῃ, ἐκ παρέργου μελετᾶσθαι, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον μηδὲν ἐκείνῳ πάρεργον ἄλλο γίγνεσθαι.

Chapter 143

1 ‘εἴ τε καὶ κινήσαντες τῶν Ὀλυμπίασιν ἢ Δελφοῖς χρημάτων μισθῷ μείζονι πειρῷντο ἡμῶν ὑπολαβεῖν τοὺς ξένους τῶν ναυτῶν, μὴ ὄντων μὲν ἡμῶν ἀντιπάλων ἐσβάντων αὐτῶν τε καὶ τῶν μετοίκων δεινὸν ἂν ἦν· νῦν δὲ τόδε τε ὑπάρχει, καί, ὅπερ κράτιστον, κυβερνήτας ἔχομεν πολίτας καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ὑπηρεσίαν πλείους καὶ ἀμείνους ἢ ἅπασα ἡ ἄλλη Ἑλλάς.

2 καὶ ἐπὶ τῷ κινδύνῳ οὐδεὶς ἂν δέξαιτο τῶν ξένων τήν τε αὑτοῦ φεύγειν καὶ μετὰ τῆς ἥσσονος ἅμα ἐλπίδος ὀλίγων ἡμερῶν ἕνεκα μεγάλου μισθοῦ δόσεως ἐκείνοις ξυναγωνίζεσθαι.

3 ‘καὶ τὰ μὲν Πελοποννησίων ἔμοιγε τοιαῦτα καὶ παραπλήσια δοκεῖ εἶναι, τὰ δὲ ἡμέτερα τούτων τε ὧνπερ ἐκείνοις ἐμεμψάμην ἀπηλλάχθαι καὶ ἄλλα οὐκ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσου μεγάλα ἔχειν.

4 ἤν τε ἐπὶ τὴν χώραν ἡμῶν πεζῇ ἴωσιν, ἡμεῖς ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκείνων πλευσούμεθα, καὶ οὐκέτι ἐκ τοῦ ὁμοίου ἔσται Πελοποννήσου τε μέρος τι τμηθῆναι καὶ τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἅπασαν· οἱ μὲν γὰρ οὐχ ἕξουσιν ἄλλην ἀντιλαβεῖν ἀμαχεί,ἡμῖν δ’ ἐστὶ γῆ πολλὴ καὶ ἐν νήσοις καὶ κατ᾽ ἤπειρον·

5 μέγα γὰρ τὸ τῆς θαλάσσης κράτος. σκέψασθε δέ· εἰ γὰρ ἦμεν νησιῶται, τίνες ἂν ἀληπτότεροι ἦσαν; καὶ νῦν χρὴ ὅτι ἐγγύτατα τούτου διανοηθέντας τὴν μὲν γῆν καὶ οἰκίας ἀφεῖναι, τῆς δὲ θαλάσσης καὶ πόλεως φυλακὴν ἔχειν, καὶ Πελοποννησίοις ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ὀργισθέντας πολλῷ πλέοσι μὴ διαμάχεσθαι (κρατήσαντές τε γὰρ αὖθις οὐκ ἐλάσσοσι μαχούμεθα καὶ ἢν σφαλῶμεν, τὰ τῶν ξυμμάχων, ὅθεν ἰσχύομεν, προσαπόλλυται· οὐ γὰρ ἡσυχάσουσι μὴ ἱκανῶν ἡμῶν ὄντων ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς στρατεύειν), τήν τε ὀλόφυρσιν μὴ οἰκιῶν καὶ γῆς ποιεῖσθαι, ἀλλὰ τῶν σωμάτων· οὐ γὰρ τάδε τοὺς ἄνδρας, ἀλλ’ οἱ ἄνδρες ταῦτα κτῶνται. καὶ εἰ ᾤμην πείσειν ὑμᾶς, αὐτοὺς ἂν ἐξελθόντας ἐκέλευον αὐτὰ δῃῶσαι καὶ δεῖξαι Πελοποννησίοις ὅτι τούτων γε ἕνεκα οὐχ ὑπακούσεσθε.

Chapter 144

1 ‘πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἄλλα ἔχω ἐς ἐλπίδα τοῦ περιέσεσθαι, ἢν ἐθέλητε ἀρχήν τε μὴ ἐπικτᾶσθαι ἅμα πολεμοῦντες καὶ κινδύνους αὐθαιρέτους μὴ προστίθεσθαι· μᾶλλον γὰρ πεφόβημαι τὰς οἰκείας ἡμῶν ἁμαρτίας ἢ τὰς τῶν ἐναντίων διανοίας.

2 ἀλλ’ ἐκεῖνα μὲν καὶ ἐν ἄλλῳ λόγῳ ἅμα τοῖς ἔργοις δηλωθήσεται· νῦν δὲ τούτοις ἀποκρινάμενοι ἀποπέμψωμεν, Μεγαρέας μὲν ὅτι ἐάσομεν ἀγορᾷ καὶ λιμέσι χρῆσθαι, ἢν καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ξενηλασίας μὴ ποιῶσι μήτε ἡμῶν μήτε τῶν ἡμετέρων ξυμμάχων (οὔτε γὰρ ἐκεῖνο κωλύει ἐν ταῖς σπονδαῖς οὔτε τόδε), τὰς δὲ πόλεις ὅτι αὐτονόμους ἀφήσομεν, εἰ καὶ αὐτονόμους ἔχοντες ἐσπεισάμεθα, καὶ ὅταν κἀκεῖνοι ταῖς ἑαυτῶν ἀποδῶσι πόλεσι μὴ σφίσι [τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις] ἐπιτηδείως αὐτονομεῖσθαι, ἀλλ’ αὐτοῖς ἑκάστοις ὡς βούλονται· δίκας τε ὅτι ἐθέλομεν δοῦναι κατὰ τὰς ξυνθήκας, πολέμου δὲ οὐκ ἄρξομεν, ἀρχομένους δὲ ἀμυνούμεθα. ταῦτα γὰρ δίκαια καὶ πρέποντα ἅμα τῇδε τῇ πόλει ἀποκρίνασθαι.

3 εἰδέναι δὲ χρὴ ὅτι ἀνάγκη πολεμεῖν, ἢν δὲ ἑκούσιοι μᾶλλον δεχώμεθα, ἧσσον ἐγκεισομένους τοὺς ἐναντίους ἕξομεν, ἔκ τε τῶν μεγίστων κινδύνων ὅτι καὶ πόλει καὶ ἰδιώτῃ μέγισται τιμαὶ περιγίγνονται.

4 οἱ γοῦν πατέρες ἡμῶν ὑποστάντες Μήδους καὶ οὐκ ἀπὸ τοσῶνδε ὁρμώμενοι, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ ὑπάρχοντα ἐκλιπόντες, γνώμῃ τε πλέονι ἢ τύχῃ καὶ τόλμῃ μείζονι ἢ δυνάμει τόν τε βάρβαρον ἀπεώσαντο καὶ ἐς τάδε προήγαγον αὐτά. ὧν οὐ χρὴ λείπεσθαι, ἀλλὰ τούς τε ἐχθροὺς παντὶ τρόπῳ ἀμύνεσθαι καὶ τοῖς ἐπιγιγνομένοις πειρᾶσθαι αὐτὰ μὴ ἐλάσσω παραδοῦναι.’

Chapter 145

1 ὁ μὲν Περικλῆς τοιαῦτα εἶπεν, οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι νομίσαντες ἄριστα σφίσι παραινεῖν αὐτὸν ἐψηφίσαντο ἃ ἐκέλευε, καὶ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἀπεκρίναντο τῇ ἐκείνου γνώμῃ, καθ’ ἕκαστά τε ὡς ἔφρασε καὶ τὸ ξύμπαν, οὐδὲν κελευόμενοι ποιήσειν, δίκῃ δὲ κατὰ τὰς ξυνθήκας ἑτοῖμοι εἶναι διαλύεσθαι περὶ τῶν ἐγκλημάτων ἐπὶ ἴσῃ καὶ ὁμοίᾳ. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀπεχώρησαν ἐπ’ οἴκου καὶ οὐκέτι ὕστερον ἐπρεσβεύοντο·

Chapter 146

1 αἰτίαι δὲ αὗται καὶ διαφοραὶ ἐγένοντο ἀμφοτέροις πρὸ τοῦ πολέμου, ἀρξάμεναι εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν Ἐπιδάμνῳ καὶ Κερκύρᾳ· ἐπεμείγνυντο δὲ ὅμως ἐν αὐταῖς καὶ παρ’ ἀλλήλους ἐφοίτων ἀκηρύκτως μέν, ἀνυπόπτως δὲ οὔ· σπονδῶν γὰρ ξύγχυσις τὰ γιγνόμενα ἦν καὶ πρόφασις τοῦ πολεμεῖν.

English

Chapter 1

1 Thucydides, an Athenian, wrote the history of the war between the Peloponnesians and the Athenians, describing how they fought each other. He began as soon as the war broke out. He expected it to be a major war, more worth recording than any earlier one. His evidence was that both sides entered it at the height of their strength, fully equipped in every way. He also saw the rest of the Greek world taking sides. Some joined one side or the other at once, while others were planning to do so.

2 This was the greatest upheaval that the Greeks had ever experienced. It also affected some of the non-Greeks, and indeed, one might say, most of the human world.

3 So much time has passed that it was impossible to establish clearly what happened before this war, or in still earlier times. But I have investigated as far back as possible and found evidence that I consider reliable. On that basis, I believe those times saw nothing on a large scale, either in warfare or in other activities.

Chapter 2

1 The country now called Hellas clearly did not have a settled population in the distant past. People used to migrate. Each group readily left its own land whenever a larger force put pressure on it.

2 There was no trade, and people could not travel safely to visit one another, either by land or by sea. Each group worked its own land just enough to live on. They had no spare money and planted no permanent crops. Without walls to protect them, they never knew when someone might invade and take everything away. They believed they could find the food they needed for each day anywhere. So they found it easy to leave their homes. As a result, they had neither large, powerful cities nor other substantial resources.

3 The best land was especially subject to repeated changes of population. This included what is now called Thessaly, Boeotia, most of the Peloponnese except Arcadia, and the most fertile parts of the rest of the country.

4 Good land allowed some people to become more powerful. This caused civil strife that destroyed them. At the same time, they were more exposed to attacks from people of other groups.

5 Attica, at any rate, had been free of civil strife for a very long time because of its poor soil. The same population therefore always lived there.

6 The following is strong evidence for the argument that migration kept the rest of Hellas from growing as much as Attica. When war or civil strife drove people out of other parts of Hellas, the most powerful among them took refuge with the Athenians because their territory was secure. They became citizens and, from early times, immediately added still further to the city's population. Eventually Attica could not support them all, and the Athenians sent out colonies to Ionia.

Chapter 3

1 Another strong indication, in my view, of the weakness of early times is this: Hellas does not appear to have done anything together before the Trojan War.

2 I also think that the whole country did not yet have this name. Before Hellen, the son of Deucalion, the name probably did not even exist at all. Instead, the different peoples gave their own names to their territories. The Pelasgians did so over the widest area. But Hellen and his sons became powerful in Phthiotis. Other cities called them in for help, and through contact with them individual peoples increasingly came to be called Greeks. Even so, only after a long time [could] that name become established for everyone.

3 Homer provides the strongest evidence. Although he lived long after the Trojan War, he nowhere uses the name Greeks for the whole force. He applies it only to the men who came with Achilles from Phthiotis, who were in fact the first Greeks. In his poems he calls the whole force Danaans, Argives, and Achaeans. Nor does he use the term non-Greeks. In my view, this is because the Greeks themselves had not yet been set apart under a single name to form the contrasting group.

4 Those who came to be called Greeks, then, first took the name city by city, among people who understood one another's language, and later all together. Before the Trojan War they did nothing as a united body, because they were weak and had little contact with one another. Even that joint expedition took place only when they were already making greater use of the sea.

Chapter 4

1 Minos is the earliest person known to us by report to have acquired a fleet. He controlled most of what is now the Greek sea. He ruled the Cyclades and was the first to establish colonies on most of those islands. He drove out the Carians and installed his own sons as governors. He also probably did as much as he could to clear pirates from the sea, so that his revenues would reach him more readily.

Chapter 5

1 In early times, as the Greeks began to sail across to one another more often, they turned to piracy. So did the non-Greeks who lived on the mainland coast or occupied islands. Their leaders were men of considerable power, who sought profit for themselves and food for those with less power. They attacked unwalled towns made up of scattered villages and plundered them. This supplied most of their living. The activity was not yet considered shameful. In fact, it brought them some honor.

2 Some mainland peoples still show this today: among them, success at piracy is a source of pride. The early poets provide evidence too. Everywhere, in the same way, they have people ask arriving sailors whether they are pirates. This assumes that those being questioned did not look down on the activity, and that those wanting to know were not reproaching them.

3 People also raided one another on land. Even today, much of Hellas still lives in the old way. This is true of the Ozolian Locrians, the Aetolians, the Acarnanians, and the neighboring mainland. These mainland peoples have kept the habit of carrying weapons from the old days of raiding.

Chapter 6

1 All of Hellas once carried weapons. Their homes were unprotected, and travel between communities was unsafe. They made carrying arms in daily life a regular practice, just as non-Greeks do.

2 The parts of Hellas that still live this way are evidence that everyone once shared these habits.

3 The Athenians were among the first to stop carrying weapons and to adopt an easier, more luxurious way of life. Indeed, until quite recently the older men among their wealthy citizens still wore linen tunics and tied up their hair in a knot held with golden cicada ornaments. This was part of their taste for luxury. Their kinship with the Athenians meant that older Ionian men also continued to wear this style of dress for a long time.

4 The Lacedaemonians, on the other hand, were the first to wear simple clothes in the present style. In other parts of life too, their wealthier citizens came closer than anyone else to living in the same way as ordinary people.

5 They were also the first to exercise naked, taking off their clothes in public and rubbing themselves with oil for their exercises. In earlier times, even at the Olympic games, athletes competed wearing cloths around their genitals. This practice stopped only a few years ago. Even now some non-Greek peoples, especially in Asia, hold boxing and wrestling contests with prizes, and they compete wearing these cloths.

6 Many other examples could also show that the Greeks in early times lived in ways similar to those of non-Greeks today.

Chapter 7

1 The more recently founded cities were built when seafaring was already safer and people had more money to spare. They were built with walls right on the shore. Their people also occupied the isthmuses, both for trade and to strengthen their position against their neighbors. But the older cities, on islands as well as on the mainland, were built farther from the sea because piracy had continued for so long. The raiders plundered one another, as well as people who were not seafarers but lived near the coast. These older cities remain inland to this day.

Chapter 8

1 The islanders were just as active as pirates. They were Carians and Phoenicians, who had settled most of the islands. Here is some evidence. During this war the Athenians purified Delos and removed all the graves of the dead on the island. More than half of the dead proved to be Carians. They were identified by the weapons buried with them and by the burial method, which the Carians still use today.

2 Once Minos had established his fleet, people could sail to one another more safely. He drove the criminals out of the islands at the same time as he settled most of them.

3 The people living along the coast now began to acquire more wealth and to live in greater security. Some also built walls around their communities as they grew richer than before. The desire for profit led weaker people to accept subjection to the stronger. Meanwhile, those with greater power used their spare wealth to bring smaller cities under their control.

4 This way of life was already more fully developed when, at a later date, they made their expedition against Troy.

Chapter 9

1 I think Agamemnon assembled the expedition because he was more powerful than the other rulers of his time. It was not so much because he led Helen's suitors, bound by the oaths they had sworn to Tyndareus.

2 The Peloponnesians who have received the most reliable accounts from earlier generations also say the following. Pelops first gained power through the great wealth that he brought from Asia to people who were poor. Although he was an immigrant, he succeeded in giving his name to the country. Later, his descendants gained still more power. Eurystheus was killed in Attica by the descendants of Heracles. Atreus was his mother's brother. When Eurystheus went on campaign, he entrusted Mycenae and his kingdom to Atreus because of their family connection. Atreus happened to be in exile from his father because of the death of Chrysippus. When Eurystheus did not return, Atreus took over the kingship of Mycenae and all the other lands that Eurystheus had ruled. The Mycenaeans themselves wanted this, both because they feared the descendants of Heracles and because Atreus seemed powerful and had won the favor of the people. In this way the descendants of Pelops became more powerful than the descendants of Perseus.

3 In my view, Agamemnon inherited this power. He also had greater naval strength than the others. So he organized and carried out the expedition by bringing people together through fear more than through goodwill.

4 He clearly arrived with more ships of his own than anyone else, and also supplied ships to the Arcadians. Homer makes this clear, if his evidence is thought sufficient. In his account of how the scepter was handed down, he also says that Agamemnon / “ruled over many islands and all of Argos.” / As a mainland ruler, he could not have controlled islands beyond those close to the coast—and there would not have been many of those—unless he also had a fleet of some size. This expedition should also help us judge what earlier times were like.

Chapter 10

1 Mycenae was small, and some other towns of that time may now seem insignificant. But that would not be reliable evidence for doubting that the expedition was as large as the poets and the accepted tradition say it was.

2 Suppose the city of the Lacedaemonians were abandoned, leaving only its temples and the foundations of its buildings. I think that, after a long time, later generations would find it very hard to believe that its power had matched its reputation. Yet the Lacedaemonians occupy two-fifths of the Peloponnese. They lead the whole of it and many allies outside it. Still, their city would look less powerful than it is. It is not built as one continuous city and has no expensive temples or buildings. Instead, it consists of separate villages, in the old Greek way. If the same thing happened to Athens, people would judge from the city's visible remains that its power had been twice as great as it actually is.

3 So it is not reasonable to disbelieve the account, or to pay more attention to how cities look than to their power. We should consider that expedition the largest of any before it, but smaller than those of our own time. This also follows from Homer's poetry, if we should place any trust in it here. As a poet, he would naturally have made it more impressive by exaggeration. Even so, his account still shows it to have been smaller.

4 He describes a fleet of 1,200 ships. The Boeotian ships carried 120 men each, and those of Philoctetes 50. I think he means these to be the largest and smallest, since he gives no other sizes in his list of ships. In his account of Philoctetes' ships, he makes clear that the men did their own rowing and were all fighters: he describes all the rowers as archers. There were probably not many passengers apart from the kings and the highest-ranking men. This is especially likely because they were going to cross the open sea with their military equipment. Their ships did not have enclosed decks, either, but were fitted out in the old style, more like pirate ships.

5 If we take an average between the largest and smallest ships, the number of men who went does not seem great for an expedition sent jointly by the whole of Hellas.

Chapter 11

1 The main cause was not a shortage of people but a shortage of money. Because they could not provide enough food, they took a smaller army: only as many men as they hoped could live off the land while fighting there. After landing, they won a battle. This is clear, since otherwise they could not have built the wall around their camp. Yet even then they seem not to have used their full force. Shortage of food made them turn to farming in the Chersonese and to raiding. Their forces were scattered, and this made it easier for the Trojans to hold out against them for the ten years. The Trojans were a match for the forces left there at any given time.

2 But suppose they had come with plenty of food and had stayed together, fighting the war continuously without raiding or farming. They would easily have won in battle and taken the city. After all, even when they were not all together, the part of their force present at any time could hold its own. If they had stayed there and laid siege to Troy, they would have taken it in less time and with less effort.

3 So lack of money made earlier events small in scale. Even this expedition, the most famous event of earlier times, proves on examination to have been less impressive than its reputation and the account that the poets have made current today.

Chapter 12

1 Even after the Trojan War, migration and resettlement continued in Hellas. These prevented it from settling down and growing stronger.

2 The Greeks' return from Troy took a long time and caused many changes. Civil strife broke out in most cities, and the people driven out by it founded new cities.

3 In the sixtieth year after the capture of Troy, the Thessalians drove the ancestors of the present Boeotians out of Arne. They settled in the land now called Boeotia, which had previously been called the land of Cadmus. A section of their people had already been living there before this, and some of those had joined the expedition to Troy. In the eightieth year, the Dorians and the descendants of Heracles took possession of the Peloponnese.

4 Only after a long time did Hellas achieve lasting stability, free from further forced migrations, and begin sending out colonies. The Athenians established settlements for the Ionians and most of the island peoples. The Peloponnesians settled most of Italy and Sicily, as well as some places in the rest of Hellas. All these settlements were founded after the Trojan War.

Chapter 13

1 As Hellas became more powerful and acquired even more wealth than before, tyrannies were established in most cities as their revenues increased. Previously, kingships had been hereditary, with fixed privileges. Hellas also began fitting out fleets, and its people took a stronger interest in the sea.

2 The Corinthians are said to have been the first to handle naval matters in a way very close to present practice. Corinth was also reportedly the first place in Hellas where triremes were built.

3 The Corinthian shipbuilder Ameinocles also appears to have built four ships for the Samians. It was about 300 years before the end of this war that Ameinocles came to Samos.

4 The earliest sea battle we know of was fought between the Corinthians and the Corcyraeans. This too was about 260 years before the same date.

5 Because their city stood on the Isthmus, the Corinthians had always had a trading center. In early times the Greeks usually traveled by land rather than by sea. Those inside the Peloponnese and those outside it passed through Corinthian territory to reach one another. This made the Corinthians wealthy and powerful. The early poets make this clear too, since they called the place rich. When the Greeks began sailing more, the Corinthians acquired ships and suppressed piracy. They offered a trading center for both land and sea traffic, and the revenues made their city powerful.

6 Later, the Ionians also acquired a large fleet, when first Cyrus and then his son Cambyses ruled the Persians. While fighting Cyrus, they controlled the sea along their own coast for a time. During the reign of Cambyses, Polycrates, the tyrant of Samos, used his naval strength to bring other islands under his rule. He also captured Rhenea and dedicated it to Apollo of Delos. The Phocaeans, while founding Massalia, defeated the Carthaginians in sea battles.

Chapter 14

1 These were the most powerful fleets. Yet even these, though they existed many generations after the Trojan War, seem to have used only a few triremes. Like the fleets of that earlier time, they were still equipped with fifty-oared ships and other long warships.

2 Shortly before the Persian Wars and the death of Darius, who ruled the Persians after Cambyses, the tyrants in Sicily and the Corcyraeans acquired large numbers of triremes. These were the last significant fleets established in Hellas before Xerxes' expedition.

3 The Aeginetans and the Athenians, and any other naval powers, possessed only a few ships, most of them fifty-oared vessels. It was only late in this period that Themistocles persuaded the Athenians to build the ships with which they fought their sea battles. They were then at war with the Aeginetans, and a non-Greek invasion was also expected. Even these ships did not yet have decks running their full length.

Chapter 15

1 Such were the Greek fleets, both in early times and later. Still, those who concentrated on them gained considerable power through the income they brought and through rule over others. They sailed against the islands and conquered them. Those whose own land was insufficient were especially active in this.

2 No land war arose that led to any substantial increase in power. All the wars that did take place were against each city's own neighbors. The Greeks did not go on distant campaigns, far from home, to conquer others. They had not joined the largest cities as subjects, nor did they themselves undertake joint campaigns as equals. Instead, neighboring peoples fought separate wars against one another.

3 It was above all in the war fought long ago between the Chalcidians and the Eretrians that the rest of the Greek world also split into alliances with one side or the other.

Chapter 16

1 Different obstacles to growth arose in different places. The Ionians had made great progress when Cyrus and the Persian kingdom attacked them. After overthrowing Croesus and conquering everything between the Halys River and the sea, the Persians subjected the cities on the mainland. Later Darius, using the Phoenician fleet to gain the upper hand, subjected the islands too.

Chapter 17

1 The tyrants in the Greek cities looked after only their own interests: their personal safety and the growth of their own households. They governed their cities as cautiously as possible. They accomplished nothing significant, except perhaps some action against their immediate neighbors. It was the tyrants in Sicily who developed the greatest power. In these ways Hellas was held back on every side for a long time. It achieved nothing outstanding as a whole, and its individual cities lacked the confidence to act.

Chapter 18

1 Eventually the Lacedaemonians overthrew the tyrants of Athens and most of the last remaining tyrants elsewhere in Hellas, much of which had already been under tyrants for a long time. The exception was Sicily. After the settlement of the Dorians who now inhabit it, Lacedaemon suffered civil strife for longer than any other community we know of. Nevertheless, it established good government very early and was always free of tyrants. By the end of this war, the Lacedaemonians had been living under the same constitution for a little over 400 years. The resulting strength allowed them to arrange affairs in the other cities too. Not many years after the tyrants were overthrown in Hellas, the battle at Marathon took place between the Medes and the Athenians.

2 In the tenth year after that battle, the non-Greek invader returned with his great expedition to enslave Hellas. With this enormous danger hanging over them, the Greeks who joined the fight accepted the leadership of the Lacedaemonians, who were the most powerful. As the Medes advanced, the Athenians decided to abandon their city. They packed up their belongings, boarded their ships, and became a naval people. Together the Greeks drove back the non-Greek invader. Not long afterward, both the Greeks who had rebelled against the king and those who had fought in the war divided between the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians. These two powers had clearly emerged as the greatest. The Lacedaemonians were strong on land, and the Athenians at sea.

3 Their military alliance lasted only a short time. Then the Lacedaemonians and the Athenians fell out and, with their allies, fought one another. Whenever any of the other Greeks had a dispute, they now joined one or the other of these two sides. Throughout the period from the Persian Wars to this war, there were times when the two powers made treaties and times when they fought, either against one another or against their own rebellious allies. They built up their military resources and gained experience, training in conditions of real danger.

Chapter 19

1 The Lacedaemonians led their allies without making them pay tribute. They took care only to ensure that the allies had oligarchic governments favorable to themselves. The Athenians, on the other hand, gradually took over the ships of the allied cities, except those of Chios and Lesbos, and required them all to pay money. They entered this war with greater resources of their own than they had ever had at their peak with the alliance intact.

Chapter 20

1 These are my findings about early times, though it is hard to put trust in every piece of evidence as it comes. People accept accounts of the past from one another without testing them, even when the events concern their own country.

2 Most Athenians, for example, believe that Hipparchus was tyrant when Harmodius and Aristogiton killed him. They do not know that Hippias, the oldest of Pisistratus' sons, was the ruler, and that Hipparchus and Thessalus were his brothers. On that very day, just as they were about to act, Harmodius and Aristogiton suspected that one of their fellow conspirators had informed Hippias. They left him alone because they thought he had been warned. But they wanted to do something before they were arrested, even at the risk of their lives. They came across Hipparchus near the place called the Leocorium, where he was arranging the Panathenaic procession, and killed him.

3 The other Greeks also hold many mistaken beliefs, even about things that still exist today and have not faded from memory with time. For example, they think that each Lacedaemonian king has two votes rather than one, and that the Lacedaemonians have a company from Pitana, which in fact never existed at all. Most people make so little effort to find the truth. They prefer to accept the first account available.

Chapter 21

1 Still, on the evidence I have presented, someone would be closest to the truth by accepting the account I have given. They should not put greater trust in the poets, who celebrate these events by exaggerating them. Nor should they trust the prose writers, who arranged their accounts to attract listeners rather than to tell the truth. These stories cannot be checked, and with the passage of time most of them have become implausible tales. Instead, the reader should consider that my findings rest on the clearest available evidence and are sufficiently reliable for events so long ago.

2 People always judge the war they are fighting to be the greatest. Once it is over, they tend to admire the wars of the distant past instead. Even so, anyone who examines the actual events will see that this war was greater than those earlier ones.

Chapter 22

1 As for what people said in speeches, either before the war began or when they were already fighting, it was hard to remember the exact words. This was true both for me, when I had heard them myself, and for those who reported speeches to me from elsewhere. I have made each speaker say what I thought the particular situation most called for. At the same time, I have kept as close as possible to the overall meaning of what was actually said.

2 As for the events of the war, I did not think it right to write down what I learned from just anyone, or what I myself supposed had happened. I investigated each event as accurately as possible, both those I witnessed myself and those I learned about from others.

3 Finding the facts took hard work. The people present at each event gave different accounts of the same things, depending on their sympathies for one side or the other, or on their memories.

4 The lack of mythical stories may make this account less enjoyable to hear. But some readers will want a clear view of what happened, and of events that will someday happen again in the same or similar ways because of human nature. It will be enough if those readers find my work useful. It has been written to remain a resource forever, rather than as a performance to win a moment's hearing.

Chapter 23

1 The greatest event in earlier times was the Persian War. Even that was quickly decided by two battles at sea and two on land. This war, however, lasted a long time. During it, Greece suffered disasters unlike any others in an equal period.

2 Never had so many cities been captured and left deserted. Some were destroyed by non-Greeks, others by the Greeks fighting one another. Some even had their populations replaced after capture. Never had so many people been driven into exile or killed, either in the war itself or through civil strife.

3 Events that people had previously heard about, but that actual experience rarely confirmed, no longer seemed unbelievable. Earthquakes struck the largest areas at once and with the greatest force. Eclipses of the sun occurred more often than those recorded from earlier times. Some places suffered severe droughts and the famines they caused. There was also the epidemic, which was among the most destructive disasters and killed part of the population. All these disasters struck at the same time as this war.

4 The Athenians and Peloponnesians began the war by breaking the thirty-year treaty they had made after the capture of Euboea.

5 To explain why they broke it, I have first set out their complaints and disputes. That way, no one will ever need to ask how so great a war broke out among the Greeks.

6 In my view, the real underlying cause, though the one least openly discussed, was the growth of Athenian power. This frightened the Lacedaemonians and forced them into war. The complaints openly made by each side, which led them to break the treaty and go to war, were as follows.

Chapter 24

1 Epidamnus is a city on the right as you sail into the Ionian Gulf. Its neighbors are the Taulantian non-Greeks, an Illyrian people.

2 The Corcyraeans settled it. Its founder was Phalius, son of Eratoclides, a Corinthian descended from Heracles. In keeping with the ancient custom, he had been invited from the mother city. Some Corinthians and other Dorians also joined the settlement.

3 Over time, Epidamnus became powerful and heavily populated.

4 But its people fought among themselves for many years. According to the account given, a war with their non-Greek neighbors ruined them and stripped them of much of their power.

5 Finally, just before this war, the people drove out the powerful citizens. These returned with the non-Greeks and raided those still in the city, both by land and by sea.

6 Under this pressure, the Epidamnians in the city sent representatives to Corcyra, their mother city. They begged the Corcyraeans not to let them be destroyed. Instead, they asked them to reconcile the exiles with them and end the war with the non-Greeks.

7 They made these requests while sitting as people seeking protection at the temple of Hera. But the Corcyraeans refused their appeal and sent them away without achieving anything.

Chapter 25

1 When the Epidamnians realized that no help would come from Corcyra, they did not know how to deal with their situation. They sent to Delphi and asked the god whether they should hand their city over to the Corinthians as its founders and try to get some help from them. He told them to hand it over and take the Corinthians as their leaders.

2 The Epidamnians went to Corinth and handed over the colony as the oracle directed. They pointed out that their founder had come from Corinth and explained the oracle's answer. They begged the Corinthians not to let them be destroyed but to come to their defense.

3 The Corinthians agreed to help because they thought it right: they considered the colony theirs just as much as the Corcyraeans'. They also acted out of hatred for the Corcyraeans, who treated them with disregard despite being their colonists.

4 At their shared festivals, the Corcyraeans did not give them the customary honors or let a Corinthian begin the sacrifices, as the other colonies did. They looked down on them. At that time their financial resources matched those of the richest Greeks, and their military equipment was more powerful than Corinth's. Sometimes they boasted that their navy was far superior too. They also took pride in the fact that the Phaeacians, who were famous for their ships, had lived on Corcyra before them. This encouraged them to build up their navy still further, and it was a considerable force: they had 120 triremes when they went to war.

Chapter 26

1 With all these grievances against Corcyra, the Corinthians gladly sent help to Epidamnus. They invited anyone who wanted to go there as a settler, and sent a garrison made up of Ambraciots, Leucadians, and their own men.

2 They traveled overland to Apollonia, a Corinthian colony. They feared that the Corcyraeans would stop them if they crossed by sea.

3 The Corcyraeans were angry when they learned that the settlers and garrison had reached Epidamnus and that the colony had been handed over to Corinth. They immediately sailed there with twenty-five ships, followed later by another fleet. They made the insulting demand that the Epidamnians take back the exiles and send away the garrison and settlers the Corinthians had sent. The Epidamnian exiles had come to Corcyra, pointing to their ancestors' graves and their family ties. On the strength of these ties, they had asked the Corcyraeans to restore them.

4 The Epidamnians refused all these demands. The Corcyraeans then attacked them with forty ships, taking the exiles along to restore them. They also brought in the Illyrians to help.

5 They took up positions outside the city and announced that any Epidamnian who wished, and all foreigners, could leave unharmed. Otherwise, they would be treated as enemies. When the inhabitants refused, the Corcyraeans besieged the city, which stands on an isthmus.

Chapter 27

1 When messengers from Epidamnus told the Corinthians that the city was under siege, they prepared an expedition. They also announced a new settlement at Epidamnus. Anyone who wished could go there with full and equal rights. Anyone who did not want to sail immediately, but wanted a share in the colony, could stay behind by paying fifty Corinthian drachmas. Many sailed, and many paid the money.

2 They also asked the Megarians to escort them with ships in case the Corcyraeans tried to stop their voyage. The Megarians prepared eight ships to sail with them, and Pale in Cephallenia prepared four. They asked the Epidaurians as well, who provided five. Hermione provided one, Troezen two, Leucas ten, and Ambracia eight. They asked the Thebans and Phliasians for money, and the Eleans for both uncrewed ships and money. The Corinthians themselves prepared thirty ships and 3,000 hoplites.

Chapter 28

1 When the Corcyraeans learned about these preparations, they went to Corinth. They brought along representatives from Lacedaemon and Sicyon. They told the Corinthians to withdraw their garrison and settlers from Epidamnus, since Corinth had no claim to it.

2 If the Corinthians disputed this, they were willing to submit the case to cities in the Peloponnese that both sides agreed on. Whichever side was judged to own the colony should control it. They were also willing to leave the decision to the oracle at Delphi.

3 They urged the Corinthians not to make war. Otherwise, they said, Corinth's use of force would compel them to find support by making friends they did not want, different from those they already had.

4 The Corinthians answered that they would consider the proposal if the Corcyraeans withdrew their ships and the non-Greeks from Epidamnus. Until then, it was not reasonable for the Epidamnians to remain under siege while the Corinthians submitted to a legal decision.

5 The Corcyraeans replied that they would do this if the Corinthians also withdrew their men from Epidamnus. They were also ready for both sides to stay where they were and agree to a truce until the case was decided.

Chapter 29

1 The Corinthians accepted none of this. When their ships were fully crewed and their allies had arrived, they first sent a herald to declare war on the Corcyraeans. Then they set sail for Epidamnus with seventy-five ships and 2,000 hoplites to fight the Corcyraeans.

2 The commanders of the fleet were Aristeus, son of Pellichus, Callicrates, son of Callias, and Timanor, son of Timanthes. The land forces were commanded by Archetimus, son of Eurytimus, and Isarchidas, son of Isarchus.

3 When they reached Actium in the territory of Anactorium, where Apollo's temple stands at the mouth of the Ambracian Gulf, the Corcyraeans sent a herald out to them in a small boat. He was to tell them not to sail against Corcyra. At the same time the Corcyraeans were crewing their ships. They had reinforced the old ones to make them seaworthy and repaired the others.

4 The herald returned without any peaceful answer from the Corinthians. The Corcyraeans now had eighty ships fully crewed, since forty more were besieging Epidamnus. They sailed out to meet the Corinthians, formed a battle line, and fought them at sea.

5 The Corcyraeans won a decisive victory and destroyed fifteen Corinthian ships. On the same day, their forces besieging Epidamnus secured its surrender. The terms were that the newcomers would be sold as slaves and the Corinthians kept in chains until a further decision was made.

Chapter 30

1 After the sea battle, the Corcyraeans set up a victory monument on Leucimme, a headland of Corcyra. They killed all the prisoners they had taken except the Corinthians, whom they kept in chains.

2 Later, when the Corinthians and their allies had returned home after their naval defeat, the Corcyraeans controlled the whole sea in that region. They sailed to Leucas, a Corinthian colony, and devastated its countryside. They also burned Cyllene, the Eleans' port, because the Eleans had provided the Corinthians with ships and money.

3 For most of the time after the sea battle, the Corcyraeans controlled the sea and raided and damaged Corinth's allies. This continued until the Corinthians, as summer came around, sent ships and troops because their allies were suffering. They camped at Actium and around Chimerium in Thesprotia to protect Leucas and the other friendly cities.

4 The Corcyraeans also set up a camp opposite them at Leucimme, with ships and land forces. Neither side sailed out against the other. They stayed facing each other that summer, and both went home when winter had already begun.

Chapter 31

1 Throughout the year after the sea battle and the following year, the Corinthians bitterly pursued the war against the Corcyraeans. They built ships and made every effort to prepare a powerful fleet. They recruited rowers from the Peloponnese itself and the rest of Greece, attracting them with pay.

2 The Corcyraeans learned about these preparations and became afraid. They had no treaty with any Greek state and had not joined either the Athenian or the Lacedaemonian alliance. So they decided to approach the Athenians, become their allies, and try to obtain some help from them.

3 When the Corinthians heard this, they too sent representatives to Athens. They wanted to stop the Athenian navy from joining the Corcyraean navy and preventing them from settling the war as they wished.

4 An assembly was held, and the two sides presented their opposing arguments. The Corcyraeans spoke as follows.

Chapter 32

1 “Athenians, when people come to their neighbors asking for help, as we do now, without having done them a great service or already being their allies, they should first make their position clear. Above all, they should show that granting the request will benefit those they ask, or at least will not harm them. Next, they should show that their gratitude will last. If they cannot establish any of this, they must not be angry if their request fails.

2 “The Corcyraeans sent us to ask for an alliance because they believed they could also give you firm assurances on these points.

3 “But the same policy of ours turns out both to make our request to you look unreasonable and to work against our own interests in the present situation.

4 “We have never willingly become anyone's allies before, but now we have come to ask others for an alliance. At the same time, this policy has left us isolated in our present war with Corinth. We used to think it sensible not to share the dangers of an alliance with others at someone else's bidding. Now this policy has come to look like poor judgment and weakness.

5 “In the sea battle that has already taken place, we held off the Corinthians on our own. But now they are coming against us with a larger force drawn from the Peloponnese and the rest of Greece. We see that we cannot win with our own forces alone. The danger of coming under their control is also great. So we have to ask for help from you and from anyone else. We deserve understanding if we now dare to act against our previous policy of staying out of others' affairs. We do this not from bad intentions but because our earlier judgment was mistaken.

Chapter 33

1 “If you agree, our need will give you a good opportunity in several ways. First, you will be helping people who are being wronged, not people harming others. Next, by accepting us when everything important to us is at risk, you will earn our deepest gratitude, with a record of your help that will never be forgotten. We also have the largest navy apart from yours.

2 “Think about it. What good opportunity could be rarer, or more painful to your enemies? You would have paid a great deal of money and felt deeply grateful to have this force join you. Now it comes of its own accord and offers itself to you without risk or expense. It also brings you a good reputation with the public, gratitude from those you defend, and greater strength for yourselves. Very few people in all history have gained all these things at once. And few who come asking for an alliance offer those they approach as much security and honor as they will receive.

3 “If any of you thinks that the war in which we could be useful to you will never happen, he is mistaken. He does not see that the Lacedaemonians want war because they fear you. Nor does he see that the Corinthians, who have influence with them and are your enemies, are now trying to get control of us before attacking you. They want to prevent us from uniting against them out of our shared hostility. They also want to make sure they achieve one of two things before you can act: either to damage us or to strengthen themselves.

4 “Our task, instead, is to act first, with us offering the alliance and you accepting it. We should plan against them in advance rather than wait to answer their plans.

Chapter 34

1 “If they say it is not right for you to accept their colonists, let them understand this: every colony honors its mother city when treated well, but becomes estranged when treated unjustly. Colonists are not sent out to be slaves, but to have equal standing with those who stay behind.

2 “It is clear that they have wronged us. We invited them to have the dispute over Epidamnus judged, but they chose to pursue their complaints through war rather than a fair settlement.

3 “Let their treatment of us, their relatives, be a warning to you too. Do not let them mislead you with deception or give them help when they ask you openly. Whoever has the fewest regrets from doing favors for opponents will remain the safest.

Chapter 35

1 “By accepting us you will not break your treaty with the Lacedaemonians either, since we are allies of neither side.

2 “The treaty says that any Greek city belonging to neither alliance is free to join whichever side it prefers.

3 “It would be outrageous if the Corinthians could recruit crews among the parties to the treaty, and also from the rest of Greece, especially from your own subjects, while shutting us out of the alliance offered to us and any help from elsewhere. And then, if you grant our request, they will count it as wrongdoing!

4 “If we fail to persuade you, we will have far greater reason to blame you. You will be rejecting us, although we are in danger and are not your enemies. As for the Corinthians, who are your enemies and are attacking us, you will not just fail to stop them. You will even allow them to draw additional strength from your own empire. This is not right. You should either stop them from hiring men from your territory or send us whatever help you can be persuaded to give. Best of all, you should accept us openly and help us.

5 “As we said at the start, we can point to many benefits. Most important, we have the same enemies. That is the clearest guarantee of trust. These enemies are not weak but strong enough to harm anyone who changes sides. And the alliance being offered is with a naval power, not a land power. Rejecting a naval ally is not the same as rejecting a land ally. Ideally, if you can, you should not let anyone else have ships. If that is impossible, you should have the strongest naval power as your friend.

Chapter 36

1 “If someone thinks that these proposals are in your interest but fears that accepting them might break the treaty, he should understand this. His caution, backed by strength, will frighten his opponents more. His confidence, if he rejects us and so remains weak, will leave strong enemies with less to fear. He should also realize that this decision concerns Athens no less than Corcyra. He is not planning what is best for Athens if, with war coming and almost already here, he looks only at the immediate situation and hesitates to gain a place whose friendship or hostility matters enormously at critical moments.

2 “Corcyra lies conveniently on the sea route to Italy and Sicily. It can stop naval forces from coming from there to help the Peloponnesians, and escort a fleet from here toward those places. It is also extremely useful in other ways.

3 “To put the whole case, including its separate points, as briefly as possible, this should show you why you must not abandon us. The Greeks have three navies worth mentioning: yours, ours, and Corinth's. If you let two of them come together, and the Corinthians get control of us first, you will have to fight the Corcyraeans and Peloponnesians together at sea. But if you accept us, our ships will add to yours, and you will fight them with a larger fleet.”

4 That was what the Corcyraeans said. The Corinthians spoke after them as follows.

Chapter 37

1 “These Corcyraeans have not just argued that you should accept them. They also say that we are in the wrong and that the war against them is unjustified. We must therefore address both points first, before moving on to the rest of our argument. That way you will have a clearer understanding of our claim on you, and your rejection of their request will rest on reason.

2 “They say that they have never accepted an alliance with anyone because they are sensible and restrained. But they have followed this policy to make wrongdoing easier, not because they are good. They want no ally to share in their wrongdoing and no witness to it. Nor do they want to feel ashamed when calling someone in to help.

3 “Their city's location also makes it self-sufficient. This allows them to judge their own cases when they harm someone, instead of following agreed procedures. They very rarely sail to their neighbors, while other people are constantly forced to put in at Corcyra.

4 “So their respectable-looking refusal of alliances is a screen. Its purpose is not to avoid sharing in other people's wrongdoing, but to do wrong alone: to use force where they have the upper hand, to take advantage where they can escape detection, and to brazen it out if they incur any blame.

5 “Yet if they were good men, as they claim, their neighbors' lack of power over them would have given them an even clearer opportunity to show their goodness, by giving and accepting fair treatment.

Chapter 38

1 “But they behave like this neither toward others nor toward us. Although they are our colonists, they have always kept apart from us, and now they are at war with us. They say they were not sent out to be mistreated.

2 “We too say that we did not settle them there to be insulted by them. We meant to be their leaders and receive the respect we deserve.

3 “Our other colonies, at any rate, honor us, and our colonists are particularly fond of us.

4 “Clearly, if we satisfy most of them, these people alone have no good reason to be dissatisfied. Nor would we be making such an exceptional expedition against them unless we had been exceptionally wronged.

5 “Even if we were in the wrong, it would have been honorable for them to give way to our anger. We, in turn, would have been disgraced if we had used force against such moderation.

6 “Instead, their arrogance and the freedom their wealth gives them have led them to wrong us in many ways. Epidamnus is one example. It belongs to us. When it was in trouble, they claimed no connection with it. But when we came to help it, they seized it and now hold it by force.

Chapter 39

1 “They say, of course, that they were willing to have the case judged before fighting. But an offer like that does not deserve serious consideration when it comes from someone who already has the advantage and makes it from a safe position. It must come from someone who puts his actions on as fair a basis as his words before the fighting begins.

2 “They did not offer the respectable appearance of a legal settlement before they besieged the place. They did so only when they thought we would not stand by and let it happen. And they have come here after doing wrong there themselves, now asking you not merely to be their allies but to share in their wrongdoing. They want you to accept them when they are already in conflict with us.

3 “They should have approached you when they were safest, not now that we have been wronged and they are in danger. You had no share in their power then, but now you are to give them a share of your help. You took no part in their offenses, but you are to share equally in the blame we attach to them. They should have shared their strength with you long ago if they wanted to share the consequences too.

Chapter 40

1 “We have shown that we come with well-founded complaints, and that these people use force and take more than their share. You must now understand why it would not be right for you to accept them.

2 “The treaty does say that any city not listed in either alliance may join whichever side it wants. But this agreement is not for cities that join in order to harm others. It is for a city that seeks security without depriving another power of its allegiance, and that will not bring war instead of peace on those who accept it, if they act sensibly. That is what could happen to you now if you do not listen to us.

3 “You would not just become their helpers. You would also become our enemies instead of our partners in the treaty. If you join them, we will have to defend ourselves against you as well as against them.

4 “The right thing for you to do is, above all, to stay out of the way of both sides. Failing that, you should instead join us against them. You have a treaty with the Corinthians, but you have never even had a truce with the Corcyraeans. And you should not establish a rule that allows you to accept people who break away from others.

5 “When the Samians rebelled, we did not cast our vote against you. The other Peloponnesians were divided over whether to help them. We openly opposed helping them and said that each power should punish its own allies.

6 “If you accept and help people who have done wrong, at least as many of your own allies will clearly come over to us. You will establish a rule that works against yourselves more than against us.

Chapter 41

1 “These, then, are our claims on you, and by the customs of the Greeks they are sufficient. We also offer the following advice and ask you to repay a favor. We are not your enemies, so we are not trying to harm you. Nor are we your friends, so we are not taking advantage of friendship. We say that you should repay us now.

2 “Once, before the Persian War, you lacked warships for your war against the Aeginetans, and you received twenty ships from Corinth. This service, and our service over Samos, when we stopped the Peloponnesians from helping the Samians, allowed you to defeat the Aeginetans and punish the Samians. We did these things at moments when people, as they attack their own enemies, care about nothing else compared with winning.

3 “For they count anyone who helps them as a friend, even if he was their enemy before. They count anyone who stands in their way as an enemy, even if he happens to be a friend. In their desire to win the immediate contest, they even neglect their own interests.

Chapter 42

1 “Remember these things. Those too young to remember should learn them from their elders. Then each of you should agree to repay us in the same way. Do not think that what we say is just, but that something else will serve your interests if war comes.

2 “What serves your interests is generally the course that involves the fewest mistakes. The coming war, which the Corcyraeans use to frighten you into doing wrong, is still uncertain. Do not let it push you into making enemies of the Corinthians here and now, rather than at some future date. It would be wiser instead to remove the distrust that already exists because of the Megarians. A recent favor, if given at the right moment,

3 “can settle a greater grievance, even if the favor itself is small.

4 “Do not let their offer of a powerful naval alliance draw you in either. Not wronging your equals is a stronger source of security than being attracted by an obvious immediate gain and taking risks to get more.

Chapter 43

1 “We now face the situation covered by the principle we ourselves stated at Lacedaemon: each power should be allowed to punish its own allies. We ask you to apply that same principle to us. You benefited from our vote. Do not use yours to harm us.

2 “Give us an equal return. Recognize that this is precisely the moment when someone who helps us proves most clearly a friend, and someone who opposes us an enemy.

3 “Do not accept these Corcyraeans as allies against our will, or defend them when they are doing wrong.

4 “If you follow this advice, you will do what is right and make the best decision for yourselves.”

Chapter 44

1 That was the Corinthians' case. The Athenians heard both sides and held two meetings of the assembly. At the first they were at least as receptive to the Corinthians' arguments as to those of the Corcyraeans. At the second they changed their minds. They decided against an alliance with the Corcyraeans that would require them to have the same enemies and friends. If the Corcyraeans then asked them to sail against Corinth, they would break their treaty with the Peloponnesians. Instead, they made a defensive agreement. They would help each other if anyone attacked Corcyra or Athens or their allies.

2 They thought that war with the Peloponnesians would come in any case. They did not want Corcyra, with its large navy, to fall into Corinthian hands. They wanted the two sides to fight each other as hard as possible. Then, if necessary, they could go to war against the Corinthians and the other naval powers when these were weaker.

3 They also thought the island was well placed on the sea route to Italy and Sicily.

Chapter 45

1 These were the reasons why the Athenians accepted the Corcyraeans. Not long after the Corinthians left, they sent ten ships to help them.

2 Their generals were Lacedaemonius son of Cimon, Diotimus son of Strombichus, and Proteas son of Epicles.

3 They were ordered not to fight the Corinthians at sea unless the Corinthians sailed against Corcyra and were about to land there or anywhere in its territory. In that case they were to stop them as far as they could. These orders were given to avoid breaking the treaty.

Chapter 46

1 The ships reached Corcyra. When the Corinthians had finished their preparations, they sailed against Corcyra with 150 ships. Ten came from Elis, twelve from Megara, ten from Leucas, twenty-seven from Ambracia, and one from Anactorium. The Corinthians themselves supplied ninety.

2 Each city's contingent had its own generals. Xenoclides son of Euthycles was one of the five Corinthian generals.

3 They sailed from Leucas to the mainland opposite Corcyra and anchored at Chimerium in Thesprotian territory.

4 There is a harbor there. Inland above it lies Ephyra, a city in the Elaeatis district of Thesprotia. Near this city the Acherusian lake empties into the sea. The river Acheron flows through Thesprotia into the lake, which takes its name from the river. The river Thyamis also flows here, forming the boundary between Thesprotia and Cestrine. The headland of Chimerium projects between these rivers.

5 The Corinthians anchored at this point on the mainland and made their camp there.

Chapter 47

1 When the Corcyraeans learned that the Corinthians were approaching, they crewed 110 ships under Miciades, Aesimides, and Eurybatus. They camped on one of the islands called Sybota. The ten Athenian ships were there too.

2 Their land army was at Cape Leucimme, along with 1,000 hoplites who had come from Zacynthus to help.

3 Many non-Greeks had also come to help the Corinthians on the mainland. The people of that part of the mainland have always been friendly to them.

Chapter 48

1 When the Corinthians were ready, they took food for three days and sailed out from Chimerium during the night to fight at sea.

2 At dawn, as they sailed, they saw the Corcyraean ships out at sea and coming toward them.

3 When the two sides saw each other, they formed opposing battle lines. The Athenian ships held the Corcyraean right wing. The Corcyraeans themselves held the rest of the line, with their ships divided into three groups, each led by one of their three generals.

4 That was the Corcyraean formation. On the Corinthian side, the Megarian and Ambraciot ships held the right wing. The other allies were in the center, each city's ships together. The Corinthians themselves held the left wing with their best-sailing ships, opposite the Athenians and the Corcyraean right.

Chapter 49

1 When both sides raised their signals, they closed and began fighting. Each side had many hoplites on deck, as well as many archers and javelin throwers. They were still equipped in the old way, which showed their lack of experience.

2 The sea battle was fierce, but showed little skill. It was mostly like a battle on land.

3 Once ships collided, they could not easily pull apart because there were so many ships crowded together. They relied mainly on the hoplites on deck to win. These men stood and fought while the ships remained still. There were no maneuvers to break through the enemy line. They fought at sea more by courage and strength than by skill.

4 There was noise everywhere, and the battle was confused. The Athenian ships came to support the Corcyraeans wherever they were under pressure, frightening their opponents. But they did not start fighting, because their generals were concerned about the orders from Athens.

5 The Corinthian right wing was in the most trouble. The Corcyraeans routed it with twenty ships and chased its scattered ships to the mainland. They sailed up to the Corinthian camp and landed. They burned the empty tents and looted the property there.

6 On this side the Corinthians and their allies were losing, and the Corcyraeans had the upper hand. But on the left, where the Corinthians themselves were stationed, they were winning decisively. The Corcyraean fleet was smaller to begin with, and its twenty ships were away on the chase.

7 When the Athenians saw the Corcyraeans being pressed harder, they began to help openly. At first they still held back from ramming any ship. But when the rout became unmistakable and the Corinthians pressed their attack, everyone joined in. There was no longer any distinction between the fleets. The situation forced the Corinthians and Athenians to attack each other.

Chapter 50

1 After routing their opponents, the Corinthians did not tie lines to the hulls of the ships they had sunk and tow them away. Instead, they sailed through the wreckage, concentrating on killing the men rather than taking them alive. They even killed some of their own friends without recognizing them. They did not know that their right wing had been defeated.

2 Both sides had many ships spread over a wide area of sea. Once they had come together, it was hard to tell which were winning and which were losing. In fact, by the number of ships involved, this was the largest sea battle yet fought between Greeks.

3 After chasing the Corcyraeans to shore, the Corinthians turned to the wrecks and their own dead. They recovered most of them and brought them to Sybota, where the non-Greek land army had come to help them. Sybota is an uninhabited harbor in Thesprotia. After doing this, they gathered again and sailed against the Corcyraeans.

4 The Corcyraeans sailed out to meet them with the ships still left that were fit to sail, along with the Athenian ships. They were afraid the enemy would try to land in their territory.

5 It was already late, and the battle song had been sung for the attack. Suddenly the Corinthians began backing water. They had seen twenty Athenian ships approaching. The Athenians had sent these as reinforcements after the first ten. They feared that the Corcyraeans might be defeated, as in fact they were, and that their own ten ships would be too few to defend them.

Chapter 51

1 The Corinthians saw these ships before their opponents did. Suspecting that more ships were coming from Athens than they could see, they withdrew.

2 The Corcyraeans could not see the newcomers, because the ships were approaching from a direction less visible to them. They wondered why the Corinthians were backing water, until some men spotted the ships and said, “There are ships coming toward us.” Then the Corcyraeans also withdrew. It was already getting dark, and the Corinthians turned away and broke off the action.

3 That was how the two sides separated. The sea battle ended at nightfall.

4 The Corcyraeans were camped at Leucimme. Not long after being sighted, the twenty ships from Athens sailed through the bodies and wreckage and reached the camp. Their commanders were Glaucon son of Leagrus and Andocides son of Leogoras.

5 Since it was night, the Corcyraeans were afraid these were enemy ships. Then they recognized them, and the ships anchored.

Chapter 52

1 The next day, the thirty Athenian ships and all the Corcyraean ships still fit to sail put out to sea. They sailed toward the harbor at Sybota, where the Corinthians lay at anchor, to find out whether they would fight.

2 The Corinthians put out from shore and formed a line in open water, but stayed still. They had no intention of starting a sea battle themselves. They could see that fresh ships had arrived from Athens, and they faced many difficulties. They had to guard the prisoners they were holding on their ships, and there was no way to repair their ships in this uninhabited place.

3 Instead, they were considering how to make the voyage home. They feared that the Athenians might think the treaty had been broken because they had fought each other, and might refuse to let them sail away.

Chapter 53

1 They therefore decided to put some men in a small boat and send them to the Athenians without a herald's staff, to test their intentions. The men they sent said this:

2 “Athenians, you are doing wrong by starting a war and breaking the treaty. We are punishing our own enemies, and you are standing in our way with weapons raised against us. If you intend to stop us from sailing against Corcyra or anywhere else we want to go, and are breaking the treaty, take us here first and treat us as enemies.”

3 That was what they said. All the Corcyraeans in the camp who heard them immediately shouted that they should be seized and killed. But the Athenians gave this reply:

4 “Peloponnesians, we are neither starting a war nor breaking the treaty. We have come to help these Corcyraeans, who are our allies. If you want to sail somewhere else, we will not stop you. But if you sail against Corcyra or any part of its territory, we will not stand by if we can prevent it.”

Chapter 54

1 After the Athenians gave this answer, the Corinthians prepared to sail home. They also set up a victory monument at Sybota on the mainland. The Corcyraeans recovered the wrecks and bodies that had drifted toward them. The current and a wind that rose during the night had scattered them in every direction. They too set up a victory monument, on the island of Sybota, claiming they had won.

2 Each side claimed victory on the following grounds. The Corinthians had held the advantage in the sea battle until night, recovering most of the wrecks and bodies. They held at least 1,000 prisoners and had sunk about seventy ships. That was why they set up their monument. The Corcyraeans had destroyed about thirty ships. After the Athenians arrived, they had recovered the wrecks and bodies that had come toward their side. Also, on the previous day the Corinthians had backed water and withdrawn from them when they saw the Athenian ships. And after the Athenians arrived, the Corinthians had not sailed out from Sybota to meet them. These were their reasons for setting up a monument.

Chapter 55

1 So both sides claimed to have won. Sailing home, the Corinthians captured Anactorium by a trick. It lies at the mouth of the Ambracian Gulf and was jointly held by them and the Corcyraeans. They settled Corinthians there and left for home. Of their Corcyraean prisoners, they sold the 800 who were slaves. They kept the other 250 in chains under guard, but treated them very well. They hoped these men would bring Corcyra over to their side when they returned. Most of them were among the most influential men in the city.

2 This was how Corcyra came through its war with the Corinthians, and the Athenian ships left the island. This became the Corinthians' first ground for war against the Athenians: they had fought at sea alongside the Corcyraeans against Corinth while the treaty was still in force.

Chapter 56

1 Immediately afterward, the following events also produced disputes that brought the Athenians and Peloponnesians toward war.

2 The Corinthians were working out how to take revenge on the Athenians. Suspecting their hostility, the Athenians gave orders to the Potidaeans, who lived on the isthmus of Pallene. They were Corinthian colonists but allies of Athens who paid tribute. They were to pull down their wall facing Pallene and give hostages. They were also to send away the magistrates whom Corinth sent each year, and not accept them again. The Athenians feared that Perdiccas and the Corinthians might persuade them to revolt, and that they might bring the other allies in the Thracian region into the revolt too.

Chapter 57

1 The Athenians began taking these precautions over Potidaea immediately after the sea battle at Corcyra.

2 The Corinthians were now openly hostile. Perdiccas son of Alexander, king of the Macedonians, had also become an enemy, although he had previously been an ally and friend.

3 He had become an enemy because the Athenians had allied themselves with his brother Philip and with Derdas, who were acting together against him.

4 Alarmed by this, he sent envoys to Lacedaemon and worked to bring about a war between Athens and the Peloponnesians. He also tried to win over the Corinthians to bring about Potidaea's revolt.

5 He approached the Chalcidians and Bottiaeans in the Thracian region too, urging them to join the revolt. He thought that if these neighboring territories were his allies, it would be easier to wage war with their help.

6 The Athenians learned of this and wanted to prevent the cities from revolting. They happened to be sending thirty ships and 1,000 hoplites against his country, commanded by Archestratus son of Lycomedes and ten other generals. They instructed the fleet's commanders to take hostages from the Potidaeans and tear down their wall. They were also to watch the neighboring cities to stop them from revolting.

Chapter 58

1 The Potidaeans had sent envoys to Athens to try to persuade the Athenians not to change their arrangements. They had also gone with the Corinthians to Lacedaemon and [worked] to arrange support if they needed it. Their long negotiations at Athens brought them no satisfactory result. The ships heading for Macedonia were also coming against them. But the Lacedaemonian authorities promised that if Athens attacked Potidaea, they would invade Attica. It was then that the Potidaeans revolted, after swearing a joint oath with the Chalcidians and Bottiaeans.

2 Perdiccas persuaded the Chalcidians to abandon and demolish their coastal cities and move inland to Olynthus, making that one city strong. He gave those who left their homes land to farm in his own territory of Mygdonia, around Lake Bolbe, for as long as the war against Athens lasted. They demolished their cities, moved inland, and prepared for war.

Chapter 59

1 The thirty Athenian ships reached the Thracian region and found that Potidaea and the other places had revolted.

2 The generals thought their present force could not fight both Perdiccas and the places that had joined the revolt. They turned toward Macedonia, their original destination. They established themselves there and fought alongside Philip and the brothers of Derdas, who had invaded from the interior with an army.

Chapter 60

1 Meanwhile, with Potidaea in revolt and the Athenian ships off Macedonia, the Corinthians feared for the city and regarded its danger as their own. They sent volunteers from Corinth and men from the rest of the Peloponnese whom they recruited with offers of pay. In all, there were 1,600 hoplites and 400 lightly armed troops.

2 Their general was Aristeus son of Adeimantus. Most of the soldiers from Corinth had volunteered largely because of their friendship with him. He had always been close to the Potidaeans.

3 They reached the Thracian region on the fortieth day after Potidaea revolted.

Chapter 61

1 The news that the cities had revolted reached Athens immediately. When the Athenians also learned that Aristeus and his men were on their way, they sent 2,000 of their own hoplites and forty ships against the rebels. Callias son of Calliades was one of the five generals in command.

2 They went first to Macedonia. There they found that the first 1,000 men had just captured Therme and were besieging Pydna.

3 They too took up positions and joined the siege of Pydna. But then they made a settlement and an alliance with Perdiccas under the pressure of necessity. Potidaea and Aristeus' arrival there demanded urgent attention, so they left Macedonia.

4 They reached Beroea and then Strepsa. They first tried to take the place but failed. Then they marched overland toward Potidaea with 3,000 of their own hoplites, many allied troops in addition, and 600 Macedonian cavalry under Philip and Pausanias. At the same time, seventy ships sailed along the coast beside them.

5 They advanced by short stages and reached Gigonus on the third day, where they made camp.

Chapter 62

1 The Potidaeans and the Peloponnesians under Aristeus were waiting for the Athenians. They camped on the isthmus on the side toward Olynthus and had set up a market outside the city.

2 The allies had chosen Aristeus as general of all the infantry, and Perdiccas as commander of the cavalry. Perdiccas had immediately deserted the Athenians again and was fighting alongside the Potidaeans. He had left Iolaus to govern in his place.

3 Aristeus planned to keep his own army on the isthmus and wait for the Athenians if they attacked. The Chalcidians, the allies from beyond the isthmus, and the 200 cavalry sent by Perdiccas were to remain in Olynthus. When the Athenians advanced against him, these forces were to attack them from behind, trapping the enemy between the two armies.

4 But Callias, the Athenian general, and his fellow commanders sent the Macedonian cavalry and a few of the allies toward Olynthus to stop the forces there from coming to help. They themselves broke camp and advanced on Potidaea.

5 When they reached the isthmus and saw the enemy preparing for battle, they formed their own line opposite them. Soon afterward the armies met.

6 The wing led by Aristeus, including the picked men from Corinth and elsewhere who were around him, routed the troops facing them and chased them a long way. But the rest of the Potidaean and Peloponnesian army was defeated by the Athenians and fled inside the city walls.

Chapter 63

1 Returning from the chase, Aristeus saw that the rest of the army had been defeated. He did not know which direction to risk taking, toward Olynthus or into Potidaea. Finally, he decided to gather his men into the tightest possible group and force his way at a run into Potidaea. He passed along the harbor breakwater through the sea, under attack and with difficulty. He lost a few men but saved most of them.

2 The troops at Olynthus who were to help Potidaea moved forward a short distance when the battle began and the signals were raised. Olynthus is about sixty stades away and in clear view. The Macedonian cavalry formed up opposite them to stop them. But the Athenians quickly won the battle, and the signals were lowered. The troops returned inside the walls, and the Macedonians returned to the Athenians. Neither side's cavalry took part in the battle.

3 After the battle, the Athenians set up a victory monument and returned the dead to the Potidaeans under a truce. A little under 300 Potidaeans and their allies had died. The Athenians themselves lost 150 men and their general Callias.

Chapter 64

1 The Athenians immediately built a siege wall facing the city's [wall] on the isthmus side and guarded it. But the side toward Pallene was not enclosed. They thought they did not have enough men both to guard the isthmus and to cross over to Pallene and build a wall there. They feared that the Potidaeans and their allies might attack them if they split their forces.

2 When the Athenians at home learned that the Pallene side was not enclosed, they later sent 1,600 of their own hoplites under the general Phormio son of Asopius. He reached Pallene and set out from Aphytis, bringing his army toward Potidaea by short advances and destroying the countryside as he went. No one came out to fight him. He then enclosed the city's [wall] on the Pallene side with a siege wall.

3 Potidaea was now under full siege on both sides, with ships also stationed off it to maintain a blockade by sea.

Chapter 65

1 With Potidaea walled in, Aristeus saw no hope of saving it unless help came from the Peloponnese or something else unexpected happened. He advised everyone except 500 men to wait for a favorable wind and sail out, so that the food would last longer. He was willing to be one of those who stayed. But he could not persuade them. Wanting to make the necessary preparations and put their affairs outside the city in the best possible position, he sailed out without being detected by the Athenian guard.

2 He stayed among the Chalcidians and joined them in their other military operations. He also ambushed the Sermylians near their city and killed many of them. He negotiated with the Peloponnese to find some way of getting help.

3 After Potidaea had been walled in, Phormio took his 1,600 men and devastated Chalcidice and Bottice. He also captured some small towns.

Chapter 66

1 These were the grievances that had already arisen between the Athenians and Peloponnesians. The Corinthians complained that Athens was besieging Potidaea, their colony, with Corinthians and other Peloponnesians inside it. The Athenians complained that the Peloponnesians had caused one of their tribute-paying allied cities to revolt, and had come and openly fought against them alongside the Potidaeans. Even so, war had not yet broken out. The truce was still in place, since the Corinthians had acted on their own.

Chapter 67

1 With Potidaea under siege, the Corinthians did not remain inactive. Their own men were inside, and they feared for the city too. They immediately called on the allies to come to Lacedaemon. They went there themselves and loudly accused the Athenians of breaking the treaty and wronging the Peloponnese.

2 The Aeginetans did not openly send envoys, because they were afraid of the Athenians. In secret, however, they were among the strongest supporters of the Corinthians in pressing for war. They said they were not being allowed the independence guaranteed by the treaty.

3 The Lacedaemonians invited any other allies, and anyone else who said the Athenians had wronged them, to attend as well. They held their own regular assembly and told the visitors to speak.

4 Others came forward and made their separate complaints. The Megarians reported many other points of dispute, but complained above all that they were being shut out of the harbors in the Athenian empire and the market in Attica, contrary to the treaty.

5 The Corinthians came forward last. They had let the others first stir up the Lacedaemonians, and then spoke as follows.

Chapter 68

1 “Lacedaemonians, the trust you have in your own political system and in your dealings with one another makes you less ready to believe what we tell you about other people. This gives you self-control, but it also leaves you less informed about affairs outside your country.

2 “We often warned you about the harm the Athenians were going to do us. But each time, instead of learning about the things we explained, you suspected that the speakers were speaking because of their own private disagreements. That is why you called these allies together only now, when we are already suffering, instead of before the harm was done. Among them, we have as much right as anyone to speak. We have the strongest complaints: the Athenians are mistreating us, and you are neglecting us.

3 “If they were harming Hellas somewhere out of sight, you would need an explanation, since you would not know about it. But as things are, why make a long speech? You can see that they have enslaved some Greeks and are plotting against others, especially our allies. You can also see that they have long been making preparations in case they ever go to war.

4 “Otherwise they would not have taken Corcyra under their protection and kept it against our will, or be besieging Potidaea. Potidaea is a particularly useful base for operations in the Thracian region, while Corcyra would have provided the Peloponnesians with a very large fleet.

Chapter 69

1 “You are responsible for this. First you allowed them to strengthen their city after the Persian Wars, and later to build the Long Walls. Right up to the present, you have kept depriving people of freedom—not just those they have enslaved, but now your own allies too. The real responsibility for enslaving people lies not with the one who enslaves them, but with the one who could stop it and looks on instead. This is especially true if he claims credit for freeing Hellas.

2 “Only now have we finally come together, and even now we have no clear purpose. We should no longer be asking whether we are being wronged, but how we are to defend ourselves. Those who are taking action have already made their plans. They are attacking people who have not made up their minds, not merely threatening to attack later.

3 “We know how the Athenians operate and that they advance against their neighbors little by little. As long as they think your lack of awareness keeps them from being noticed, they act less boldly. Once they know that you see what is happening but do nothing, they will press forward with all their strength.

4 “You remain inactive, Lacedaemonians. Alone among the Greeks, you defend yourselves against an enemy by delay rather than force. Alone among them, you put an end to your enemies' growing power not when it begins, but when it has doubled.

5 “Yet people used to say you could be relied on. Your reputation, it turns out, was better than your performance. We know for ourselves that the Persian came from the ends of the earth and reached the Peloponnese before you had sent out a force strong enough to meet him. Now you look on while the Athenians act, although they are close by, not far away like him. Instead of attacking them yourselves, you prefer to wait until they attack and then defend yourselves. You choose to leave things to chance in a fight against opponents who have become much stronger. You know that the non-Greek invader failed mainly through his own mistakes. You also know that, against the Athenians themselves, we have often survived because of their mistakes rather than your help. Indeed, some people have already been destroyed by the hopes you held out: their trust in you left them unprepared.

6 “None of you should think that we say this more out of hostility than as a complaint. A complaint is directed at friends who make mistakes. An accusation is directed at enemies who have done wrong.

Chapter 70

1 “At the same time, we think we have as much right as anyone to criticize our neighbors, especially when such important disagreements are involved. You seem to us not to understand these matters. You have never worked out what sort of people the Athenians are, whom you will have to fight, or how much they differ from you in every way.

2 “They introduce changes. They are quick to think up plans and to carry out their decisions in practice. You preserve what you have, think of nothing new, and fail to do even what is necessary.

3 “Again, they take bold action beyond their strength, run risks beyond what their judgment recommends, and stay hopeful in danger. You achieve less than your strength allows, distrust even what your judgment tells you is secure, and think you will never escape from danger.

4 “They are active, while you delay. They are always away from home, while you stay at home more than anyone. They think that going abroad can bring them gains. You think that by going out to attack you might damage even what you already have.

5 “When they defeat their enemies, they push their advantage as far as possible. When they are defeated, they give way as little as possible.

6 “In serving their city, they treat their bodies as if they belonged to someone else. But when they use their judgment to do something for it, they treat that as entirely their own.

7 “If they think of a plan but do not carry it through, they believe they have lost something of their own. If they attack and gain something, they think their achievement is small compared with what they will gain next. If an attempt happens to fail, they make up for the loss by putting their hopes in something else. They alone can expect to possess what they plan almost as soon as they hope for it, because they put their decisions into action so quickly.

8 “They work at all this throughout their lives, with effort and danger. They enjoy what they have very little, because they are always acquiring more. They regard doing what needs to be done as their only holiday. They consider a quiet life without activity just as much a misfortune as hard work with no rest.

9 “So if someone summed them up by saying that they were born never to be at rest themselves or to let anyone else be at rest, he would be right.

Chapter 71

1 “Yet with a city like this opposing you, Lacedaemonians, you keep delaying. You do not think that peace lasts longest for people who use their strength fairly but make it clear that they will not accept unfair treatment. Instead, you think fair dealing consists in not harming others and not being harmed yourselves while defending yourselves.

2 “You would hardly achieve that even if the neighboring city were like your own. As things are, as we have just explained, your methods are out of date compared with theirs.

3 “As in any skill, the latest developments are bound to win out. A city at peace is best served by keeping its customs unchanged. But people who have to face many different challenges also need many new methods. That is why the Athenians' greater experience has led them to update their methods much more than you have.

4 “So let this be the end of your slowness. Now help the others and the Potidaeans, as you promised. Invade Attica quickly. Do not abandon friends and relatives to their worst enemies, or drive the rest of us, in despair, to seek some other alliance.

5 “If we did that, we would be doing nothing wrong in the eyes of the gods who guard our oaths, or of people who understand the situation. The ones who break a treaty are not those who turn to others because they have been abandoned. They are those who fail to help the people to whom they have sworn an oath.

6 “But if you are willing to act energetically, we will stay. It would be wrong before the gods for us to change sides, and we could not find other allies with whom we have such close ties.

7 “Think carefully about this. Try to ensure that the Peloponnese you lead is no smaller than the one your fathers handed on to you.”

Chapter 72

1 That was what the Corinthians said. An Athenian delegation happened already to be in Lacedaemon on other business. When its members learned of these speeches, they decided that they should go before the Lacedaemonians. They would not defend themselves against any of the charges the cities were making. Instead, they would make it clear that the whole issue called for more careful thought, not a quick decision. They also wanted to show how powerful their city was. They would remind the older men of things they knew and explain to the younger men things they had not experienced. They thought this speech would be more likely to turn the Lacedaemonians toward peace than toward war.

2 So they approached the Lacedaemonians and said that they too would like to address their assembled citizens, if there was no objection. The Lacedaemonians invited them to come forward. The Athenians did so and spoke as follows.

Chapter 73

1 “Our delegation did not come here to argue against your allies. We came on the business our city sent us to discuss. But when we learned how loudly we were being denounced, we came forward. We are not here to answer the cities' charges. You are not judges before whom either we or they should plead a case. We want to prevent you from following your allies too readily into a bad decision on important matters. At the same time, in response to the whole case that has been made against us, we want to show that there are good reasons why we hold what we have acquired, and that our city deserves to be taken seriously.

2 “Why should we speak of the distant past? Reports handed down by others, rather than our listeners' own experience, would be the evidence for what we said. But we must speak about the Persian Wars and the events you yourselves know about, even if you find it tiresome that we keep bringing them up. When we acted then, we took risks to secure a benefit. You shared in the actual benefit. So do not deprive us of all the credit for it in words, if that is of any use to us.

3 “We will speak not so much to ask for lenient treatment as to give evidence and make clear what sort of city you will have to fight if you make a bad decision.

4 “We say that at Marathon we alone faced the non-Greek invader in the first line of danger. When he came again later, we were not strong enough to defend ourselves on land. So our whole population boarded the ships, and we joined in the sea battle at Salamis. That prevented him from sailing against the cities of the Peloponnese one by one and destroying them. They could not have helped one another against so many ships.

5 “He himself provided the strongest evidence of this. After his defeat at sea, he quickly withdrew with most of his army, because he considered his power no longer what it had been.

Chapter 74

1 “This was what happened. It showed clearly that the Greeks' fate depended on their ships. We contributed the three things that helped most: the largest number of ships, the most intelligent general, and the most tireless commitment. Of the four hundred ships, we provided a little less than two-thirds. Our commander was Themistocles. He was chiefly responsible for the decision to fight in the strait, which clearly saved the situation. For this you yourselves honored him more highly than any other foreigner who has ever visited you.

2 “We also showed by far the boldest commitment. No one was helping us on land, and the other peoples along the invader's route as far as our own territory were already enslaved. Even so, after leaving our city and sacrificing our property, we decided not to abandon the common cause of the allies who remained. Nor would we scatter and become useless to them. Instead, we boarded our ships and faced the danger. We did not give way to anger because you had failed to come to our defense earlier.

3 “So we say that we helped you at least as much as you helped us. You came to help from cities that were still inhabited, aiming to keep enjoying them in the future. You acted when you began to fear mainly for yourselves, not for us. At any rate, when we were still unharmed, you did not come. We, on the other hand, set out from a city that no longer existed and risked ourselves for a city we had little hope of saving. We did our share in saving you as well as ourselves.

4 “If we had earlier joined the Persian out of fear for our land, as others did, or if we had later considered ourselves ruined and not dared to board our ships, there would have been no point in your fighting at sea. You did not have enough ships. Instead, he would have achieved what he wanted without opposition.

Chapter 75

1 “Lacedaemonians, in view of our commitment then and the intelligence of our judgment, do we not deserve rather less resentment from the Greeks for the empire we hold?

2 “We did not obtain this empire by force. You were unwilling to stay and deal with what remained of the non-Greek enemy. The allies themselves came to us and asked us to become their leaders.

3 “At first, the situation itself forced us to expand our empire to its present extent. Fear was the strongest reason, followed by honor, and later by profit as well.

4 “By then, we were hated by most of our subjects. Some had already revolted and been brought back under our control. You were no longer as friendly to us as before, but had become suspicious and hostile. In these circumstances, giving up our empire and exposing ourselves to danger no longer seemed safe. Those who revolted would have gone over to you.

5 “No one can be blamed for looking after their interests when the greatest dangers are involved.

Chapter 76

1 “You yourselves, Lacedaemonians, have arranged affairs in the cities of the Peloponnese to your own advantage, and you lead them. If you had stayed on then and continued as leaders, and had become hated, as we did, we know very well that you would have become just as burdensome to the allies. You would have been forced either to rule firmly or to put yourselves in danger.

2 “So there is nothing surprising or contrary to human nature in what we have done. We accepted an empire when it was offered and did not give it up, overcome as we were by three very powerful motives: honor, fear, and profit. Nor were we the first to act in this way. The weaker have always been held down by the stronger. We also believed we deserved our position, and you thought so too, until now. Now, calculating your own interests, you appeal to justice. But no one who has had the chance to gain something by force has ever put that argument first and turned away from gaining more.

3 “People deserve praise if, following human nature in ruling others, they act more justly than their power would require them to.

4 “We think that if others took over our position, they would show most clearly whether we exercise any restraint. Yet our fairness has brought us more criticism than praise, and that is unreasonable.

Chapter 77

1 “We accept disadvantages in lawsuits arising from agreements with our allies, and we have the cases tried in our own courts under laws that apply equally to both sides. Yet people think we are too fond of lawsuits.

2 “None of them asks why this criticism is not made of those who rule elsewhere and treat their subjects with less restraint than we do. The reason is that people who are free to use force have no need to go to court.

3 “Our subjects, however, are used to dealing with us as equals. If they suffer any loss beyond what they think they should, whether through a legal decision, through the power our empire gives us, or in any other way, they are not grateful that they have not lost more. Instead, they take the loss harder than they would if we had ignored the law from the start and openly taken advantage of them. In that case, even they would not have argued that the weaker should not give way to the stronger.

4 “People apparently become angrier when they are treated unjustly than when force is used against them. In the first case, they think an equal is taking advantage of them. In the second, they think someone stronger is compelling them.

5 “At any rate, they endured worse treatment than this under the Persian. Yet they consider our rule harsh. That is understandable: subjects always find the current ruler burdensome.

6 “If you overthrew us and took over our empire, you would probably soon lose the goodwill you have gained because people fear us. That would be so if you followed the same policies now that you showed during your short time as leaders against the Persian. Your own customs are incompatible with those of others. Moreover, when any one of you goes abroad, he follows neither those customs nor the ones the rest of Hellas observes.

Chapter 78

1 “So take time to consider your decision: the issues are not small. Do not let other people's opinions and complaints persuade you to take on suffering of your own. Before you enter a war, recognize how much of it cannot be predicted.

2 “As a war goes on, most of its course usually comes to depend on chance. Neither of us controls that, and we must take the risk without knowing which way things will go.

3 “When people go to war, they start with action, although that should come later. Only when they are already suffering do they turn to discussion.

4 “We have not yet made that mistake ourselves, nor do we see you making it. So we tell you, while both sides are still free to choose a sensible course: do not break the treaty or violate your oaths. Settle the disputes through arbitration, as the agreement requires. Otherwise, we call on the gods who guard our oaths as witnesses, and we will try to defend ourselves against you when you start the war, meeting you on whatever course you choose.”

Chapter 79

1 That was what the Athenians said. After the Lacedaemonians had heard both their allies' complaints against the Athenians and the Athenians' reply, they asked everyone else to leave. They then discussed the situation among themselves.

2 Most of them reached the same conclusion: the Athenians were already doing wrong, and war should begin quickly. But their king Archidamus came forward. He was regarded as both intelligent and sensible, and he spoke as follows.

Chapter 80

1 “Lacedaemonians, I have already experienced many wars myself, and I see that the same is true of those of you who are my age. So none of us should want war out of inexperience, as many people might, or because he thinks it is something good and safe.

2 “If you work it out sensibly, you will find that the war you are now considering would be far from a small one.

3 “When we fight Peloponnesians or our immediate neighbors, our military strength is much like theirs, and we can quickly reach each place we need to attack. But these people have land far away. Besides that, they are highly experienced at sea and exceptionally well supplied with everything else: private and public wealth, ships, horses, weapons, and a population larger than in any other single place in Hellas. They also have many allies who pay tribute. How can we lightly take up war against people like this? What can we rely on that would justify rushing into it unprepared?

4 “Our ships? But we are weaker at sea. If we are to train and build a fleet to match theirs, that will take time. Our money, then? We are even further behind in that. We have no public funds, and we are not ready to contribute from our private resources.

Chapter 81

1 “Someone might feel confident because we have better and more numerous troops, and so can invade and destroy their land.

2 “But they have plenty of other land under their control, and they will bring in what they need by sea.

3 “If instead we try to make their allies revolt, we will also need ships to help them, since most of them live on islands.

4 “So how will we fight this war? Unless we either defeat them at sea or take away the revenues that support their fleet, we will suffer more harm than they do.

5 “By then it will no longer be honorable even to make peace, especially if we are seen as the ones who started the quarrel.

6 “Let us not be encouraged by the hope that the war will end quickly if we destroy their land. I am more afraid that we may even leave it to our children. The Athenians are too proud, in all likelihood, to let concern for their land make them submit, or to panic at war as people with no experience might.

Chapter 82

1 “I am certainly not telling you to let them harm our allies without taking notice, or to overlook their plots. But do not take up arms yet. Send envoys to make our complaints, without making it too clear either that we will go to war or that we will let them do as they please. Meanwhile, get our own resources ready. Bring in more allies, both Greeks and non-Greeks, wherever we can gain additional strength in ships or money. No one can blame people threatened by the Athenians, as we are, for securing their survival with the help of non-Greeks as well as Greeks. At the same time, let us develop our own resources.

2 “If they pay any attention to our envoys, that will be best. If not, after two or three years we can attack them, if we think it right, with our defenses better prepared.

3 “Perhaps, when they see our preparations and hear words that suggest a purpose to match, they will be more likely to give way. Their land will still be undamaged, and they will be deciding about good things they still possess, not things already destroyed.

4 “Think of their land simply as a hostage in your hands, all the more valuable the better it has been developed. We should spare it as long as possible, rather than drive them to desperation and make them harder to bring under control.

5 “If we let our allies' complaints hurry us into destroying it before we are ready, be careful that we do not bring greater disgrace and difficulty on the Peloponnese.

6 “Complaints between cities or between individuals can be settled. But if all of us take up a war for the sake of particular interests, with no way to know how it will develop, it will not be easy to end it honorably.

Chapter 83

1 “No one should think it cowardly for many cities not to attack one city immediately.

2 “They have at least as many allies as we do, and those allies contribute money. War depends less on weapons than on the money that makes weapons useful, especially when a land power fights a sea power.

3 “So let us first secure that money, and not let our allies' speeches excite us before we do. We are the ones who will bear most of the responsibility for the outcome, whether good or bad. We should also be the ones to take time to consider it in advance.

Chapter 84

1 “Do not be ashamed of the slowness and delay for which they criticize us most. If you rush, you may take longer to finish, because you will have started unprepared. Besides, we have always lived in a free city with an outstanding reputation.

2 “This quality may in fact be sensible self-control. Because of it, we alone do not become arrogant in success, and we give way less than others in misfortune. If people praise us to push us into dangers against our own judgment, we do not let the pleasure turn our heads. If someone tries to provoke us with accusations, our irritation is no more likely to persuade us.

3 “Our discipline makes us both good soldiers and good decision-makers. We are good soldiers because a sense of shame is closely linked to self-control, and courage to the fear of disgrace. We make good decisions because our education does not make us clever enough to look down on the laws. Its strictness makes us too self-controlled to disobey them. Nor do we have the useless cleverness that criticizes the enemy's preparations in fine speeches but fails to act against them as effectively in practice. Instead, we think our neighbors' plans are much like our own, and that the accidents of chance cannot be worked out by reasoning.

4 “We always prepare in practice on the assumption that our opponents are planning well. We should base our hopes not on their making mistakes, but on our own taking reliable precautions. We should not think that one person differs greatly from another. The strongest is the one trained under the hardest conditions.

Chapter 85

1 “So let us not abandon these habits, which our fathers handed down to us and which we ourselves have always kept with good results. Do not let us hurry into a decision in a small part of one day about so many lives, so much money, so many cities, and our reputation. Let us take our time. Our strength gives us more freedom than others to do so.

2 “Send envoys to the Athenians about Potidaea and about the wrongs our allies say they are suffering, especially since the Athenians are ready to submit to arbitration. It is not lawful to attack someone who offers arbitration as though his guilt had already been established. At the same time, prepare for war. By doing this you will make the best decision, and the one most frightening to your opponents.”

3 That was what Archidamus said. Sthenelaidas, who was one of the ephors at that time, came forward last and spoke [to the Lacedaemonians] as follows.

Chapter 86

1 “I do not understand the Athenians' long speeches. They have praised themselves at length, but nowhere have they denied that they are wronging our allies and the Peloponnese. Yet if they behaved well against the Persians then, but badly toward us now, they deserve twice the punishment. They have turned from good behavior to bad.

2 “We are the same now as we were then. If we are sensible, we will not stand by while our allies are wronged, or delay helping them. Their suffering is not being delayed.

3 “Others have plenty of money, ships, and horses. We have good allies, and we must not hand them over to the Athenians. Nor should we settle the matter through lawsuits and speeches, when the harm done to them is not just words. We must help them quickly and with all our strength.

4 “No one should tell us that we ought to deliberate when we are being wronged. It is those who intend to do wrong who ought to deliberate at length.

5 “So vote for war, Lacedaemonians, as Sparta deserves. Do not let the Athenians grow stronger. Let us not betray our allies, but with the gods' help attack those who are doing wrong.”

Chapter 87

1 After speaking in this way, he himself put the question to the Lacedaemonian assembly, since he was an ephor.

2 They decide by shouting, not by ballot. He said he could not tell which side had shouted louder. In fact, he wanted them to show their opinions openly and so become more committed to war. He said, “Lacedaemonians, any of you who think the treaty has been broken and the Athenians are in the wrong should stand up and move to that place.” He pointed out a place to them. “Those who do not should move to the other side.” They stood up and separated.

3 Those who thought the treaty had been broken were far more numerous.

4 They called in the allies and said that in their own judgment the Athenians were in the wrong. But they also wanted to call together all the allies and put the matter to a vote. Then they could deliberate together and go to war if they decided to do so.

5 After achieving this, the allies left for home. The Athenian ambassadors left later, after dealing with the business they had come for.

6 This decision by the assembly, that the treaty had been broken, was made in the fourteenth year of the Thirty Years' Treaty, which had been concluded after the events in Euboea.

Chapter 88

1 The Lacedaemonians voted that the treaty had been broken and that they must go to war. Their main reason was not that the allies' speeches had persuaded them. It was their fear that the Athenians would grow still more powerful, since they saw that most of Hellas was already under Athenian control.

Chapter 89

1 The Athenians had reached the position in which their power grew in the following way.

2 The Persians withdrew from Europe after the Greeks defeated them on land and at sea. Those who escaped in their ships to Mycale were destroyed there. Leotychidas, the Lacedaemonian king who commanded the Greeks at Mycale, returned home with the allies from the Peloponnese. The Athenians stayed behind with the allies from Ionia and the Hellespont, who had already rebelled against the king. They besieged Sestos, which the Persians held. They remained through the winter and took it after the non-Greeks abandoned it. After this they sailed out of the Hellespont, each contingent returning to its own city.

3 Once the non-Greeks had left their territory, the Athenian people immediately began bringing back their children, wives, and remaining belongings from the places where they had taken them for safety. They prepared to rebuild the city and its walls. Only small stretches of the surrounding wall were still standing. Most houses had collapsed, and only a few remained. These were the houses in which the leading Persians themselves had stayed.

Chapter 90

1 When the Lacedaemonians learned what was being planned, they sent ambassadors. They themselves would have preferred to see neither Athens nor any other city protected by a wall. But their main reason was pressure from their allies. These feared the unprecedented size of the Athenian fleet and the daring the Athenians had shown in the Persian War.

2 They asked the Athenians not to build walls. Instead, they should join the Lacedaemonians in tearing down the surrounding walls of any cities outside the Peloponnese that still had them. They did not tell the Athenians their real aim or their suspicions. They said that if the non-Greek enemy invaded again, he would have no fortified base from which to attack, as he had recently attacked from Thebes. The Peloponnese, they said, would provide everyone with an adequate refuge and base of operations.

3 On Themistocles' advice, the Athenians answered the Lacedaemonians' proposals by saying they would send ambassadors to discuss them, and immediately sent them away. Themistocles told them to send him to Lacedaemon as quickly as possible. They should choose other ambassadors to go with him, but not send them immediately. Instead, they should hold them back until they had raised the wall to the minimum height needed to fight from it. Everyone in the city was to work on the wall [the men themselves, the women, and the children]. They were to spare no private or public building that could supply useful material for the work, but tear them all down.

4 After giving these instructions, and indicating that he himself would take care of everything else at Lacedaemon, he left.

5 When he reached Lacedaemon, he did not approach the authorities. Instead, he put things off and made excuses. Whenever an official asked why he was not coming before the government, he said he was waiting for the other ambassadors. Some business had delayed them, but he expected them soon and was surprised that they had not yet arrived.

Chapter 91

1 His listeners believed Themistocles because of their friendship with him. But other people arrived and reported clearly that the wall was being built and was already gaining height. The Lacedaemonians could see no way to disbelieve them.

2 Themistocles realized this and told them not to let reports mislead them. Instead, they should send reliable men of their own to inspect the work and report truthfully.

3 So they sent men. Themistocles secretly sent the Athenians instructions about them. They were to detain these men as discreetly as possible and not release them until he and his fellow ambassadors had returned. By now those ambassadors had joined him: Abronichus son of Lysicles and Aristides son of Lysimachus. They reported that the wall was high enough. He was afraid that once the Lacedaemonians heard the truth, they would not let them leave.

4 The Athenians detained the ambassadors as instructed. Themistocles now came before the Lacedaemonians and said openly that their city had already been walled well enough to protect its inhabitants. If the Lacedaemonians or their allies wanted to send ambassadors to them, they must from now on approach people who could judge both their own interests and the common interest.

5 He said that when the Athenians thought it better to abandon their city and board their ships, they had made that decision and dared to act without consulting the Lacedaemonians. And whenever they had deliberated with them, their judgment had proved second to no one's.

6 So now, too, they thought it better for their city to have a wall. This would be more useful both to their own citizens individually and to the allies as a whole.

7 Without comparable military resources, it was impossible to contribute to joint decisions on anything like equal terms. Either all the allies must be without walls, he said, or the Lacedaemonians must accept that Athens' action was right.

Chapter 92

1 The Lacedaemonians heard this without showing any anger toward the Athenians. Their embassy had supposedly come not to forbid the wall, but to offer advice for the common good. At that time, too, they felt particularly friendly toward the Athenians because of their determination against the Persians. Still, they were secretly annoyed that their wishes had been frustrated. The ambassadors on both sides returned home without any formal complaint.

Chapter 93

1 This was how the Athenians walled their city in a short time.

2 Even now, the construction clearly shows that it was done in a hurry. The foundations contain stones of all kinds, in some places not even fitted together, but laid just as each was brought in. Many gravestones and worked stones were built into the wall. The city's circuit had been extended in every direction. For this reason they hurried to collect everything without distinction.

3 Themistocles also persuaded them to finish the building work at Piraeus. It had been started earlier, during his year in office as archon of Athens. He thought the site was a good one, with three natural harbors. He also thought that becoming seafarers gave the Athenians a great advantage in building up

4 their power. He was the first to dare to say that they must concentrate on the sea. In doing so, he immediately began laying the foundations of their empire.

5 On his advice they built the wall around Piraeus to the thickness still visible today. Two carts bringing stones could pass each other on it. Inside there was neither rubble nor clay, but large stones fitted together and cut square. On the outside, they were fastened to each other with iron and lead. The wall was completed to only about half the height he had intended.

6 He wanted its height and thickness to discourage enemy attacks. He thought a few men, even those least fit for service, would be enough to guard it. The rest could board the ships.

7 He put his greatest trust in the ships. In my view, he saw that the king's army could advance more easily by sea than by land. He thought Piraeus more useful than the upper city. He often advised the Athenians that if they were ever overpowered on land, they should go down to Piraeus and use their ships to resist all their enemies.

8 In this way the Athenians built their walls and made their other preparations immediately after the Persians withdrew.

Chapter 94

1 Pausanias son of Cleombrotus was sent out from Lacedaemon as general of the Greeks, with twenty ships from the Peloponnese. The Athenians sailed with him with thirty ships, along with a large force of the other allies.

2 They campaigned against Cyprus and subdued most of it. Later they went against Byzantium, which the Persians held, and took it by siege while Pausanias was in command.

Chapter 95

1 By now his violent behavior was angering the other Greeks, especially the Ionians and those who had recently been freed from the king. They kept approaching the Athenians, asking them to become their leaders because of their shared ancestry. They also asked them not to let Pausanias use force against them wherever he tried to do so.

2 The Athenians accepted these appeals. They were determined not to stand by and allow this, and to arrange other matters as seemed best to them.

3 Meanwhile, the Lacedaemonians recalled Pausanias to investigate the reports they were hearing. Greeks arriving at Lacedaemon accused him of many abuses. His conduct seemed more like an imitation of a tyranny than a general's command.

4 His recall coincided with the allies' move to the Athenian side because of their hatred of him. Only the soldiers from the Peloponnese did not change sides.

5 When he reached Lacedaemon, he was held accountable for wrongs done to particular individuals, but was acquitted of the most serious charges. One of the main accusations against him was collaboration with the Persians, and this seemed very clearly established.

6 They did not send him out as commander again. Instead they sent Dorcis and some others with a small force. But the allies would no longer grant them the leadership.

7 When these men realized this, they went home. The Lacedaemonians sent no others out afterward. They were afraid that men who went abroad would become corrupted, as they had seen happen with Pausanias. They also wanted to be free of the Persian War. They thought the Athenians capable of leading it, and at that time they were on friendly terms with them.

Chapter 96

1 In this way the Athenians took over the leadership with the consent of the allies, who hated Pausanias. They decided which cities must provide money for the war against the non-Greeks and which must provide ships. The declared aim was to repay the harm they had suffered by laying waste the king's territory.

2 It was then that the Athenians first established the office of Treasurers of the Greeks. These received the tribute, as the monetary contribution was called. The first tribute assessed was 460 talents. Their treasury was on Delos, and their meetings were held in the sanctuary there.

Chapter 97

1 At first the Athenians led allies who governed themselves and made their decisions in joint meetings. Between the Persian War and this present war, the Athenians carried out the following military and political actions. These involved fighting the non-Greeks, their own allies when they rebelled, and whichever Peloponnesians they came up against on each occasion.

2 I have written about these events and made this departure from my main account for the following reason. All earlier writers had left this period out. They wrote either about Greek affairs before the Persian Wars or about the Persian Wars themselves. Hellanicus did touch on these events in his history of Attica, but only briefly and without accurate dates. At the same time, this account shows how the Athenian empire was established.

Chapter 98

1 First, under the command of Cimon son of Miltiades, they besieged and captured Eion on the Strymon, which the Persians held, and enslaved its people.

2 Next they enslaved the people of Scyros, the island in the Aegean inhabited by Dolopians, and settled it themselves.

3 They also fought a war against the Carystians, in which the other Euboeans took no part. Eventually the two sides reached an agreement.

4 After this they fought the Naxians, who had revolted, and forced them to surrender by siege. This was the first allied city to be reduced to subjection in violation of the established arrangement. Later the same happened to the other cities, as circumstances brought it about in each case.

Chapter 99

1 There were various reasons for the revolts. The main ones were failures to provide the required tribute and ships, and, in some cases, failure to serve on campaign. The Athenians were strict in collecting what was due. By forcing people to bear hardships they were neither used to nor willing to endure, they made themselves hated.

2 In other ways, too, Athenian leadership was no longer as welcome as before. They no longer campaigned on equal terms with their allies, and they found it easy to bring rebels into submission.

3 The allies themselves were responsible for this. Because of their reluctance to go on campaign, most of them arranged to pay the money needed to cover the cost instead of supplying ships. This let them stay at home. The Athenians' fleet grew with the money the allies contributed. But when the allies revolted, they found themselves without preparations or experience for war.

Chapter 100

1 After this the Athenians and their allies fought the Persians both on land and at sea at the river Eurymedon in Pamphylia. Under the command of Cimon son of Miltiades, the Athenians won both battles on the same day. They captured or destroyed about two hundred Phoenician triremes in all.

2 Some time later the Thasians revolted from them. They had quarreled over the trading posts and the mine that the Thasians controlled on the opposite coast of Thrace. The Athenians sailed against Thasos, won a naval battle, and landed on the island.

3 At about the same time they sent ten thousand settlers of their own and from the allies to the Strymon. They intended to settle the place then called Nine Ways, now Amphipolis. They took Nine Ways from the Edonians who held it. But when they advanced into the interior of Thrace, they were destroyed at Drabescus in Edonian territory by the combined Thracian forces. The Thracians regarded the settlement of this place [Nine Ways] as a threat.

Chapter 101

1 Defeated in battle and under siege, the Thasians appealed to the Lacedaemonians. They asked them to help by invading Attica.

2 The Lacedaemonians promised to do so without the Athenians' knowledge and were preparing to act. But an earthquake prevented them. At this time their Helots revolted and withdrew to Ithome, along with the Thuriatae and Aethaeans among the perioeci. Most of the Helots were descendants of the old Messenians who had been enslaved long before. For this reason all the rebels were called Messenians.

3 So the Lacedaemonians were now at war with the people in Ithome. In the third year of the siege, the Thasians made terms with the Athenians. They tore down their wall, handed over their ships, and agreed on the money they must pay immediately and the tribute they would pay in the future. They also gave up the mainland territory and the mine.

Chapter 102

1 As their war against the people in Ithome dragged on, the Lacedaemonians called on their allies, including the Athenians, for help. The Athenians came in considerable numbers under Cimon's command.

2 The main reason for calling on them was their reputation for skill in attacking fortifications. The long siege seemed to show that the Lacedaemonians lacked this skill. Otherwise they would have taken the place by force.

3 This expedition caused the first open disagreement between the Lacedaemonians and the Athenians. When the place could not be taken by force, the Lacedaemonians grew afraid of the Athenians' daring and readiness for political change. They also regarded them as people of a different stock. They feared that if the Athenians stayed, the people in Ithome might persuade them to join in some revolutionary action. So they sent them away, alone among the allies. They did not reveal their suspicions, but said they no longer needed their help.

4 The Athenians realized that they were being sent away not for the more favorable reason stated, but because some suspicion had arisen. They were outraged and thought they did not deserve such treatment from the Lacedaemonians. As soon as they returned, they abandoned the alliance they had made with them against the Persians. They allied themselves instead with the Argives, the Lacedaemonians' enemies. Both peoples also entered into the same sworn alliance with the Thessalians.

Chapter 103

1 In the tenth year, the people in Ithome could no longer hold out and made terms with the Lacedaemonians. They were to leave the Peloponnese under a safe-conduct agreement and never set foot in it again. If anyone was caught there, he would become the slave of whoever captured him.

2 The Lacedaemonians had also previously received an oracle from Delphi telling them to release anyone who had sought Zeus of Ithome's protection.

3 The rebels left with their children and wives. The Athenians took them in, by now out of hostility toward the Lacedaemonians, and settled them at Naupactus. They had recently captured it from the Ozolian Locrians who held it.

4 The Megarians also left the Lacedaemonians and joined the Athenian alliance. The Corinthians were pressing them in a war over their territorial boundaries. The Athenians took control of Megara and Pegae. They built the Long Walls for the Megarians from the city to Nisaea and garrisoned them themselves. This was one of the chief causes of the Corinthians' intense hatred of the Athenians, which began at this time.

Chapter 104

1 Inaros son of Psammetichus was a Libyan and king of the Libyans bordering Egypt. Operating from Marea, the city inland from Pharos, he brought most of Egypt into revolt against King Artaxerxes. He became its ruler himself and called in the Athenians.

2 They happened to be campaigning against Cyprus with two hundred ships of their own and their allies'. They left Cyprus and came to Egypt. Sailing from the sea up the Nile, they gained control of the river and two of the three parts of Memphis. They fought against the third part, called the White Wall. Inside it were the Persians and Medes who had taken refuge there, and the Egyptians who had not joined the revolt.

Chapter 105

1 Athenians who had landed from their ships at Halieis fought a battle against Corinthians and Epidaurians. The Corinthians won. Later the Athenians fought a naval battle off Cecryphalea against Peloponnesian ships, and the Athenians won.

2 After this, war broke out between the Athenians and the Aeginetans. A large naval battle took place off Aegina, with allies supporting both sides. The Athenians won and captured seventy enemy ships. They landed on the island and laid siege to the city under the command of Leocrates son of Stroebus.

3 The Peloponnesians wanted to help the Aeginetans. First they brought three hundred Corinthian and Epidaurian hoplites across to Aegina as reinforcements. The Corinthians and their allies then occupied the heights of Geraneia and came down into Megarian territory. They thought the Athenians would be unable to help the Megarians, since so much of their army was away in Aegina and Egypt. If they did come to help, they would have to withdraw from Aegina.

4 But the Athenians did not move their army from Aegina. Instead, the oldest and youngest of the men still in the city went to Megara under Myronides' command.

5 They fought an evenly balanced battle against the Corinthians and then separated. Each side thought it had done no worse than the other in the fighting.

6 Still, the Athenians had had rather the better of it, and after the Corinthians left they put up a victory monument. The older men back in Corinth accused the Corinthians of cowardice. They made preparations and returned about twelve days later to put up a victory monument of their own, also claiming to have won. The Athenians rushed out from Megara, killed the men putting up the monument, and defeated the rest in battle.

Chapter 106

1 The defeated Corinthians retreated. A substantial number of them were hard pressed, missed the road, and went into a private landowner's property. A large ditch happened to surround it, and there was no way out.

2 When the Athenians realized this, they blocked the front with hoplites and placed light-armed soldiers all around. They stoned to death everyone who had gone inside. This was a major disaster for the Corinthians. The main body of their army returned home.

Chapter 107

1 Around this time the Athenians also began building the Long Walls down to the sea, one to Phalerum and the other to Piraeus.

2 The Phocians invaded the territory of the Dorians, the Lacedaemonians' ancestral homeland, comprising Boeum, Cytinium, and Erineum. They captured one of these towns. The Lacedaemonians went to help the Dorians with fifteen hundred hoplites of their own and ten thousand from their allies. Nicomedes son of Cleombrotus commanded them on behalf of King Pleistoanax son of Pausanias, who was still young. They forced the Phocians to agree to return the town, and then set off back home.

3 The Athenians had sailed around with their ships and were ready to stop them if they tried to cross the Crisaean Gulf by sea. Nor did they think it safe to march through Geraneia, since the Athenians held Megara and Pegae. Geraneia was difficult to cross and was always guarded by the Athenians. They also learned that the Athenians were now planning to block this route as well.

4 They decided to stay in Boeotia and consider the safest way to get through. Another factor was that some Athenians were secretly inviting them in. These men hoped to put an end to the democracy and to the building of the Long Walls.

5 The Athenians marched out against them with their full citizen force, together with a thousand Argives and contingents from their other allies. There were fourteen thousand in all.

6 They attacked because they thought the Lacedaemonians could find no way through, and partly because they suspected a plot to overthrow the democracy.

7 Thessalian cavalry also came to help the Athenians under their alliance. During the fighting, they went over to the Lacedaemonians.

Chapter 108

1 A battle took place at Tanagra in Boeotia. The Lacedaemonians and their allies won, and many men were killed on both sides.

2 The Lacedaemonians went into Megarian territory, cut down the trees, and returned home through Geraneia and the Isthmus. On the sixty-second day after the battle, the Athenians campaigned against the Boeotians under Myronides' command.

3 They defeated the Boeotians in battle at Oenophyta and gained control of Boeotia and Phocis. They tore down the wall of Tanagra and took a hundred of the richest men among the Opuntian Locrians as hostages. They also completed their own Long Walls.

4 After this the Aeginetans also came to terms with the Athenians. They tore down their walls, handed over their ships, and agreed to pay tribute from then on.

5 The Athenians sailed around the Peloponnese under the command of Tolmides son of Tolmaeus. They burned the Lacedaemonians' dockyard, captured Chalcis, a Corinthian town, and landed in Sicyonian territory, where they defeated the Sicyonians in battle.

Chapter 109

1 The Athenians and their allies stayed on in Egypt. The fighting there took many different forms.

2 At first the Athenians controlled Egypt. The king sent Megabazus, a Persian, to Lacedaemon with money. He was to persuade the Peloponnesians to invade Attica and so draw the Athenians away from Egypt.

3 But he made no progress, and the money was being spent to no purpose. Megabazus returned to Asia with what remained of it. The king then sent Megabyzus son of Zopyrus, a Persian, with a large army.

4 He arrived overland, defeated the Egyptians and their allies in battle, and drove the Greeks out of Memphis. Finally he confined them on the island of Prosopitis and besieged them there for a year and six months. Then he drained the channel by diverting the water elsewhere. This left their ships on dry ground and turned most of the island into mainland. He crossed over on foot and captured the island.

Chapter 110

1 That was how the Greek expedition ended in disaster after six years of fighting. Of the large force, only a few survived by making their way through Libya to Cyrene. Most died.

2 Egypt came back under the king's rule, except for Amyrtaeus, the king in the marshes. They could not capture him because the marshland was so extensive. Besides, the people of the marshes are the most warlike of the Egyptians.

3 Inaros, the king of the Libyans who had organized the whole Egyptian undertaking, was betrayed, captured, and impaled.

4 Fifty triremes from Athens and the rest of the alliance were sailing to Egypt as a relief force. They put in at the Mendesian branch of the Nile, knowing nothing of what had happened. Infantry attacked them from land and a Phoenician fleet from the sea. Most of the ships were destroyed, but a smaller number escaped back home.

5 That was the end of the great expedition to Egypt by the Athenians and their allies.

Chapter 111

1 Orestes, the son of Echecratidas, king of the Thessalians, had been exiled from Thessaly. He persuaded the Athenians to restore him. Taking their Boeotian and Phocian allies with them, the Athenians marched against Pharsalus in Thessaly. They controlled the countryside, but only within a short distance of their main body of troops, since the Thessalian cavalry kept them from going farther. They did not take the city, and none of their other aims in making the expedition came any closer to success. They went back with Orestes, having achieved nothing.

2 Not long afterward, a thousand Athenians boarded the ships at Pegae, which was in their possession. Under the command of Pericles son of Xanthippus, they sailed along the coast to Sicyon. They landed and defeated in battle the Sicyonians who came out against them.

3 They immediately took Achaeans on board and sailed across to Acarnania. They attacked Oeniadae and besieged it, but did not capture it. They then returned home.

Chapter 112

1 After an interval of three years, the Peloponnesians and Athenians made a five-year truce.

2 The Athenians stopped fighting the Greeks. Instead, under Cimon's command, they launched an expedition against Cyprus with two hundred ships of their own and their allies.

3 Sixty of these ships sailed to Egypt at the request of Amyrtaeus, the king in the marshes. The others besieged Citium.

4 Cimon died, and food ran short, so they withdrew from Citium. Sailing off Salamis in Cyprus, they fought the Phoenicians, Cyprians, and Cilicians on land and at sea at the same time. They won both battles and returned home, together with the ships that had come back from Egypt.

5 After this the Lacedaemonians undertook the campaign called the Sacred War. They took control of the sanctuary at Delphi and handed it over to the Delphians. Later, after the Lacedaemonians had left, the Athenians in turn marched there, took control of it, and handed it over to the Phocians.

Chapter 113

1 Some time later, Boeotian exiles were holding Orchomenus, Chaeronea, and certain other places in Boeotia. The Athenians marched against these hostile positions under Tolmides son of Tolmaeus. Their force consisted of a thousand of their own hoplites and contingents from the various allies. They captured Chaeronea, enslaved its people, left a garrison, and began their return march.

2 On their way back, at Coronea, they were attacked by the Boeotian exiles from Orchomenus, along with Locrians, Euboean exiles, and others who shared their views. These forces won the battle, killing some of the Athenians and taking the others alive.

3 The Athenians left all of Boeotia after making a truce that provided for the return of their men.

4 The Boeotian exiles returned home, and they and all the other Boeotians became independent again.

Chapter 114

1 Not long afterward, Euboea revolted against the Athenians. Pericles had already crossed there with an Athenian army when he received news that Megara had revolted, that the Peloponnesians were about to invade Attica, and that the Megarians had killed the Athenian garrison, except for those who escaped to Nisaea. The Megarians had brought in Corinthians, Sicyonians, and Epidaurians to help them revolt. Pericles quickly brought the army back from Euboea.

2 After this, the Peloponnesians invaded Attica as far as Eleusis and Thria and laid waste the land. They were led by Pleistoanax son of Pausanias, king of the Lacedaemonians. They went no farther, but returned home.

3 The Athenians crossed back to Euboea under Pericles and subdued the whole island. They settled terms with the rest of it, but expelled the Hestiaeans and took their land for themselves.

Chapter 115

1 Not long after returning from Euboea, they made a thirty-year truce with the Lacedaemonians and their allies. They gave up Nisaea, Pegae, Troezen, and Achaea, the places they held that belonged to the Peloponnesians.

2 In the sixth year, war broke out between the Samians and Milesians over Priene. The Milesians were getting the worse of the war, so they went to Athens and made strong complaints against the Samians. Some private individuals from Samos itself supported them, since they wanted to change its government.

3 The Athenians therefore sailed to Samos with forty ships and set up a democracy. They took fifty Samian boys and an equal number of men as hostages, and placed them on Lemnos. Then they left a garrison behind and sailed away.

4 Some of the Samians, however, had not stayed, but had fled to the mainland. They made an agreement with the most powerful men in the city and an alliance with Pissuthnes son of Hystaspes, who then governed Sardis. After gathering about seven hundred mercenaries, they crossed to Samos at night.

5 First they rose against the people and gained control of most of them. Then they secretly removed their hostages from Lemnos and revolted. They handed over the Athenian garrison and the officials stationed among them to Pissuthnes, and immediately began preparing an expedition against Miletus. The Byzantines joined them in revolting.

Chapter 116

1 When the Athenians heard, they sailed against Samos with sixty ships. Sixteen were not available for the battle: some had gone toward Caria to watch for the Phoenician fleet, and others to Chios and Lesbos to call for help. With the remaining forty-four ships, commanded by Pericles and nine other generals, the Athenians fought off the island of Tragia against seventy Samian ships. Twenty of the Samian ships were troop transports, and the whole fleet was sailing back from Miletus. The Athenians won.

2 Later, forty ships from Athens and twenty-five from Chios and Lesbos came to reinforce them. They landed, defeated the Samians on land, and besieged the city with three walls, while also blockading it from the sea.

3 Pericles took sixty of the blockading ships and hurried toward Caunus and Caria, because news had come that Phoenician ships were sailing against them. Stesagoras and others had also left Samos with five ships to join the Phoenician fleet.

Chapter 117

1 Meanwhile, the Samians suddenly sailed out and attacked the unprotected camp. They destroyed the ships on guard and defeated those that put out to meet them. For about fourteen days they controlled the sea around their island and brought in and sent out whatever they wanted.

2 When Pericles returned, they were blockaded by the fleet again. Later, more reinforcements arrived from Athens: forty ships under Thucydides, Hagnon, and Phormio, and twenty under Tlepolemus and Anticles. Another thirty came from Chios and Lesbos.

3 The Samians fought one short sea battle. Unable to hold out, they were forced to surrender by the siege in its ninth month. They agreed to pull down their wall, give hostages, hand over their ships, and repay the money spent on the war in scheduled installments. The Byzantines also agreed to be subjects as they had been before.

Chapter 118

1 It was not many years after these events that the troubles involving Corcyra and Potidaea, and the other disputes that led to this war, took place, as I have already described.

2 All these actions by the Greeks against one another and against the non-Greeks took place in roughly fifty years, between Xerxes' withdrawal and the beginning of this war. During that time, the Athenians tightened their control over their empire and greatly increased their own power. The Lacedaemonians knew this was happening, but did little to stop it and remained inactive most of the time. They had never been quick to go to war unless forced to, and they were also held back to some extent by wars of their own. At last Athenian power was plainly growing, and the Athenians began interfering with their alliance. Then the Lacedaemonians felt they could no longer tolerate it. They decided they must act with all their energy and, if possible, destroy Athenian strength by starting this war.

3 The Lacedaemonians themselves had decided that the truce had been broken and that the Athenians were in the wrong. They sent to Delphi to ask the god whether it would be better for them to go to war. His answer, it is said, was that they would win if they fought with all their strength. He also said that he would help them, whether they called on him or not.

Chapter 119

1 They summoned the allies again, intending to put to a vote the question of going to war. Envoys arrived from the allied states, and a meeting was held. The other speakers said what they wished; most accused the Athenians and called for war. The Corinthians had already approached each city separately to ask it to vote for war. They feared Potidaea would be destroyed before help came. They were present at this meeting too, and came forward last to speak as follows.

Chapter 120

1 “Fellow allies, we can no longer accuse the Lacedaemonians of failing to vote for war themselves. They have done so and have now brought us together for that purpose. Leaders must deal with their own interests on the same terms as everyone else, but look ahead to protect our common interests, just as in other matters everyone gives them special honors.

2 “Those of us who have already had dealings with the Athenians need no lessons in guarding against them. But those who live farther inland, away from trade routes, should understand this: unless they defend the people on the coast, they will have more difficulty getting their crops down to the sea and obtaining in return the goods the sea supplies to the mainland. They must not misjudge what is being said now as though it did not concern them. They should expect that, if they abandon the coast, the danger may one day reach them too. This discussion concerns their interests no less than ours.

3 “That is why they must not hesitate to exchange peace for war. Sensible men stay at peace when no one wrongs them. Brave men go to war when wronged and make peace again when a good opportunity comes. They must not get carried away by success in war, or put up with injustice because they enjoy a peaceful life.

4 “A man who hesitates because he enjoys his comforts could very soon lose the very pleasures that make him hesitate, if he does nothing. And a man who takes success in war too far has not considered how unreliable the confidence is that carries him away.

5 “Many badly planned actions have succeeded because the enemy's judgment was even worse. Still more plans that seemed well thought out have ended in shameful failure. No one carries out a plan with quite the confidence he felt when thinking it through. We form our opinions in safety, but fear makes us fall short when we act.

Chapter 121

1 “We are now starting a war because we have been wronged and have substantial grounds for complaint. Once we have defended ourselves against the Athenians, we will end it at the right time.

2 “We have many reasons to expect victory. First, we have the advantage in numbers and military experience. Second, we all obey the orders we receive in the same way.

3 “Their strength lies in their fleet, but we will equip one ourselves from the resources each of us already has and from the funds at Delphi and Olympia. By taking out a loan, we can offer higher pay and draw away the foreign sailors in their crews. Athenian power depends more on hired men than on their own people. Ours is less exposed to that danger, since its strength lies more in men than in money.

4 “A single victory at sea will probably defeat them completely. If they hold out, we too will have more time to practice naval warfare. Once we have brought our skill up to their level, our courage will surely give us the advantage. They cannot learn the quality we possess by nature, but we can overcome their advantage in expertise through practice.

5 “We will contribute money to meet these needs. It would be shameful if their allies never tired of paying to maintain their own slavery, while we refused to spend money to punish our enemies and secure our own survival at the same time. We must also keep them from taking that money from us and using it to do us harm.

Chapter 122

1 “We also have other ways to fight this war. We can encourage their allies to revolt, which would above all deprive them of the revenues that support their power. We can establish a fortified position in their country, and do other things no one can foresee now. War very rarely follows a fixed plan. It usually develops its own methods to meet whatever happens. A man who handles it calmly stands more securely. Losing his temper does nothing to make him less likely to fail.

2 “Remember, too, that if each of us were merely disputing a boundary with an equally strong neighbor, we could bear it. But the Athenians are a match for all of us together, and much stronger than any single city. Unless we resist them with one purpose, as a united body, as separate peoples, and as individual cities, our divisions will let them conquer us without trouble. And everyone must understand, however terrible it may sound, that defeat brings nothing less than outright slavery.

3 “Even to consider this as a possibility is disgraceful for the Peloponnese, as is the idea that so many cities should suffer at the hands of one. People would think we deserved our suffering, or that we put up with it through cowardice. We would look worse than our fathers, who freed Greece. We cannot even secure that freedom for ourselves. We let a city establish itself as a tyrant, yet think it right to overthrow individual rulers within a single city.

4 “We cannot see how such conduct escapes one of three very great failings: poor judgment, weakness, or neglect. Surely you have not avoided these only to turn to contempt for your enemy, which has harmed so many people. It has brought so many down that it has acquired the opposite name: stupidity.

Chapter 123

1 “Why spend more time blaming past actions than is useful for the present? We must work hard for the future by dealing with our current troubles. It is your inherited tradition to win distinction through hard work. Do not change your habits just because you may now have a little more wealth and freedom of action. It is not right to lose through plenty what you gained in poverty. Instead, go to war confidently. There are many grounds for confidence. The god has advised it and has himself promised to help. All the rest of Greece will join the struggle too, some out of fear and others for their own benefit.

2 “You will not be the first to break the truce. Even the god considers it broken, since he tells you to go to war. Rather, you will be defending a truce that has been violated. It is not those who defend themselves who break a truce, but those who attack first.

Chapter 124

1 “So you have good grounds for war on every side, and we all join in giving you this advice. Shared interests are the strongest basis for trust, for cities as well as individuals. Do not delay in helping the Potidaeans, who are Dorians under siege by Ionians, although the situation used to be the reverse. Do not delay in winning back freedom for the others. We cannot keep waiting while some are already being harmed and others face the same fate before long, if people learn that we met but did not dare to defend ourselves.

2 “Fellow allies, recognize that necessity has brought you to this point, and that this advice is the best. Vote for war. Do not fear the immediate danger; look instead to the longer-lasting peace that will come from it. War makes peace more secure. Refusing to fight because you want a quiet life does not give you the same safety.

3 “Recognize that the city which has established itself as a tyrant in Greece threatens all of us alike. It already rules some and intends to rule the others. Let us attack it and force it to submit. Then we can live in safety from now on and free the Greeks who are now enslaved.” That was what the Corinthians said.

Chapter 125

1 After hearing everyone's opinion, the Lacedaemonians called on all the allies present to vote in turn, large and small cities alike. The majority voted for war.

2 They had made their decision, but they were not prepared and could not act immediately. They agreed that each state should provide what was needed, without delay. Still, it took them not quite a year to make the necessary preparations before they invaded Attica and openly began the war.

Chapter 126

1 During this time they sent envoys to Athens to present complaints. If the Athenians refused any of their demands, they wanted the strongest possible justification for going to war.

2 First, the Lacedaemonians sent envoys ordering the Athenians to drive out those under the goddess's curse. The curse had arisen in the following way.

3 Long ago there was an Athenian named Cylon, an Olympic victor from a noble family and a man of influence. He had married the daughter of Theagenes, a Megarian who was tyrant of Megara at the time.

4 When Cylon consulted the god at Delphi, the answer told him to seize the Athenian Acropolis during the greatest festival of Zeus.

5 He obtained a force from Theagenes and persuaded his friends to join him. When the Olympic festival in the Peloponnese came around, he seized the Acropolis, intending to become tyrant. He thought this was the greatest festival of Zeus and that it had a particular connection with him because he had won at Olympia.

6 He did not consider further whether the greatest festival meant one in Attica or somewhere else, and the oracle had not made this clear. The Athenians too have a festival called the Diasia, their greatest festival of Zeus the Kindly, held outside the city. The whole population makes sacrifices there, with many offerings that are not animals but pure offerings of the local kind. Cylon thought he understood correctly and went ahead with his attempt.

7 When the Athenians heard, they all came in from the countryside to resist him and his followers. They surrounded them and began a siege.

8 As time passed, the Athenians grew tired of the siege, and most went away. They left the nine archons in charge of the guard, with full authority to settle the whole matter as they thought best. At that time the nine archons handled most public business.

9 Cylon's followers, who were under siege, were in a bad condition because they lacked food and water.

10 Cylon and his brother escaped. The others were in great distress, and some were even dying of hunger. They sat down as suppliants at the altar on the Acropolis.

11 The Athenians assigned to guard them saw that they were dying in the sanctuary. They persuaded them to leave on a promise to do them no harm, then led them away and killed them. They even killed some who sat down at the altars of the Revered Goddesses on the way. From then on, both the killers and their descendants were called men under a curse and offenders against the goddess.

12 The Athenians expelled these cursed men. Later, Cleomenes the Lacedaemonian also expelled them, with the help of an Athenian faction. They drove out the living, dug up the bones of the dead, and threw them out too. The exiles eventually returned, however, and their descendants are still in the city.

Chapter 127

1 This was the curse the Lacedaemonians demanded that the Athenians remove. They claimed that their first concern was to obtain justice for the gods. But they knew that Pericles son of Xanthippus was connected with the curse through his mother. They thought that if he were expelled, they could get what they wanted from the Athenians more easily.

2 They did not really expect him to be expelled. Rather, they expected to discredit him in the eyes of the city, by making it seem that the war would be partly due to the curse upon him.

3 He was the most powerful man of his time and directed public policy. He opposed the Lacedaemonians in everything, would not let the Athenians give way, and urged them toward war.

Chapter 128

1 The Athenians in turn demanded that the Lacedaemonians drive out those responsible for the curse from Taenarum. The Lacedaemonians had once made some Helots who had taken refuge in Poseidon's sanctuary [at Taenarum] leave it, then led them away and killed them. They themselves believe that this was why the great earthquake struck Sparta.

2 The Athenians also demanded that they remove the curse connected with the goddess of the Bronze House. It had arisen as follows.

3 When Pausanias the Lacedaemonian was first recalled by the Spartans from his command in the Hellespont, they put him on trial and acquitted him of wrongdoing. He was not sent out again officially. But he took a trireme from Hermione on his own initiative and returned to the Hellespont without the Lacedaemonians' approval. His stated purpose was to fight in the Greek war. His real purpose was to negotiate with the king, as he had tried to do on the first occasion, because he wanted to rule Greece.

4 He first did the king a favor, and began the whole undertaking, in the following way.

5 On his earlier visit, after leaving Cyprus, he had captured Byzantium. The Medes held it, and some of the king's relatives and other connections were captured there. Pausanias secretly sent these prisoners back to the king without the other allies' knowledge. His official account was that they had escaped from him.

6 He did this with the help of Gongylus of Eretria, to whom he had entrusted both Byzantium and the prisoners. He also sent Gongylus to carry a letter to the king. Its contents, as later discovered, were these:

7 “Pausanias, the commander of Sparta, sends these men back to you, wishing to do you a favor. He captured them in war. I propose, if you agree, to marry your daughter and bring Sparta and the rest of Greece under your control. I believe I can accomplish this if I make my plans together with you. If any of this pleases you, send a trusted man to the coast. Through him we will conduct our discussions from now on.”

Chapter 129

1 That was the letter's message. Xerxes was pleased with it and sent Artabazus son of Pharnaces to the coast. He ordered him to take over the province of Dascylitis, replacing its previous governor, Megabates. He also entrusted him with a reply to Pausanias, telling him to send it on to Byzantium as quickly as possible and show Pausanias the seal. If Pausanias gave him any instructions about the king's affairs, he was to carry them out as effectively and faithfully as possible.

2 Artabazus arrived, carried out the other instructions he had been given, and sent on the letter.

3 The reply said: “King Xerxes says this to Pausanias. The favor you have done me by bringing the men safely across the sea from Byzantium will be recorded forever in our royal house. I am also pleased with your proposals. Let neither night nor day stop you or make you give up carrying out any of your promises to me. Do not be held back by the expense in gold or silver, or by the size of an army you may need anywhere. I have sent you Artabazus, a good man. Work confidently with him on my affairs and yours, in whatever way will give both of us the finest and best results.”

Chapter 130

1 Pausanias received this letter. The Greeks already held him in high regard because of his command at Plataea. Now his pride grew much greater, and he could no longer live in the usual way. He went out from Byzantium wearing Median clothes. Medes and Egyptians served as his bodyguards when he traveled through Thrace. He had his meals served in the Persian style. He could not keep his intentions to himself. Small actions gave advance signs of the much larger things he planned to do later.

2 He made himself hard to approach. He treated everyone alike with such a harsh temper that no one could come near him. This was one of the main reasons why the allies switched to the Athenians.

Chapter 131

1 When the Lacedaemonians learned of this, they recalled him the first time for these very reasons. Later, he sailed out a second time in the ship from Hermione, without their orders, and was clearly behaving in the same way. The Athenians besieged him in Byzantium and forced him out. But he did not return to Sparta. He settled at Colonae in the Troad, and reports reached the Lacedaemonians that he was making deals with the non-Greeks and staying there for no good purpose. At that point they delayed no longer. The ephors sent a herald with an official dispatch. They told him not to fall behind the herald on the journey back. Otherwise, the Spartans declared war on him.

2 He wanted to avoid suspicion as much as possible, and he trusted that money would clear him of the accusation. So he returned to Sparta for the second time. At first the ephors put him in prison. They have the authority to do this even to the king. Later he arranged his release and offered to stand trial before anyone who wished to prove the charges against him.

Chapter 132

1 The Spartans had no clear evidence. Neither his enemies nor the community as a whole had anything they could firmly rely on to punish a man of royal birth who was then holding office. He was acting as regent for his cousin Pleistarchus, the son of Leonidas, who was king but still young.

2 But his disregard for the law and his imitation of the non-Greeks gave them many reasons to suspect that he did not want to be on an equal footing with those around him. They examined the rest of his conduct to see whether he had departed anywhere from established customs. They also looked at the time when he had claimed the right to have this couplet inscribed in his own name on the tripod at Delphi. The Greeks had dedicated it as the first offering from the spoils taken from the Medes: / After destroying the army of the Medes as leader of the Greeks, / Pausanias dedicated this memorial to Phoebus.

3 At the time, the Lacedaemonians immediately chiseled this couplet off the tripod. They replaced it with the names of all the cities that had helped defeat the non-Greeks and had set up the offering. Even then, Pausanias' action was thought wrong. Now that he had reached his present position, it seemed much more clearly to have been an action in keeping with his current intentions.

4 They also learned that he was making some sort of deal with the Helots, and this was true. He promised them freedom and citizenship if they joined him in a revolt and helped him carry out his whole plan.

5 Even so, they would not trust even some of the Helots who informed against him enough to take any drastic action. They followed their usual practice in dealing with their own people: they did not rush to make an irreversible decision about a Spartan without evidence that could not be disputed. At last, as the story goes, an informer came forward. He was a man from Argilus who was about to carry Pausanias' latest letters to Artabazus for the King. He had once been Pausanias' boy lover and was deeply trusted by him. He became afraid when it occurred to him that none of the messengers sent before him had ever returned. He made a copy of the seal so that Pausanias would not notice anything if his suspicion proved wrong or if Pausanias asked to change something in the letter. Then he opened the letters. In them he found what he had suspected: an added order that he too should be killed.

Chapter 133

1 When he showed them the letters, the ephors were more convinced. But they still wanted to hear Pausanias say something with their own ears. By arrangement, the man went to Taenarum to seek sanctuary. He set up a hut with two compartments divided by a partition and hid some of the ephors inside. Pausanias came to him and asked why he had sought sanctuary. The ephors heard everything clearly. The man accused Pausanias over what he had written about him and explained the other details one by one. He said that he had never exposed Pausanias to danger while carrying out his business with the King, yet he had been chosen to die just like most of the messengers. Pausanias admitted these very things. He urged the man not to be angry about what had happened, gave him a pledge that he would be safe if he left the sanctuary, and asked him to set off as quickly as possible and not hold up their plans.

Chapter 134

1 After hearing the facts for themselves, the ephors left for the time being. Now that they knew for certain, they set about arresting him in the city. The story is that they were about to arrest him in the street when he saw the face of one of the ephors coming toward him and understood why he was coming. Another ephor, out of goodwill, gave him a discreet nod as a warning. Pausanias ran to the sanctuary of Athena of the Bronze House and reached it first. The sacred enclosure was nearby. He went into a small building belonging to the sanctuary, so that he would not have to suffer out in the open, and stayed there quietly.

2 At first his pursuers were too late to catch him. Afterward they took the roof off the building. They watched the doors until they had him shut inside, then walled them up. They kept watch outside and starved him out.

3 When they realized that he was about to die where he was, inside the building, they brought him out of the sanctuary while he was still breathing. He died as soon as they had brought him out.

4 They were going to throw him into the Caeadas pit [where they threw criminals]. Then they decided to bury him somewhere nearby. Later the god at Delphi told the Lacedaemonians through an oracle to move his grave to the place where he had died. He now lies in the ground in front of the sacred enclosure, as inscribed pillars show. The god also told them that their action had brought religious pollution on them, and that they must give two bodies in place of one to Athena of the Bronze House. They made two bronze statues of men and dedicated them in place of Pausanias.

Chapter 135

1 Since the god himself had judged the act to have caused religious pollution, the Athenians demanded in return that the Lacedaemonians remove it.

2 The Lacedaemonians sent envoys to the Athenians and accused Themistocles as well of involvement in Pausanias' dealings with the Medes. They based this on what they found in the evidence against Pausanias, and demanded that Themistocles receive the same punishment.

3 The Athenians agreed. Themistocles happened to have been ostracized and was living at Argos, though he also visited other parts of the Peloponnese. The Lacedaemonians were ready to join in the pursuit. The Athenians sent men with them under orders to arrest him wherever they found him.

Chapter 136

1 Themistocles learned of this in advance and fled from the Peloponnese to Corcyra. He had done favors for its people. But the Corcyraeans said that they were afraid to keep him, since this would make enemies of the Lacedaemonians and Athenians. They took him across to the mainland opposite.

2 The men assigned to pursue him followed reports of where he was going. With no way out of his difficulties, he was forced to take shelter with Admetus, the king of the Molossians, who was not friendly toward him.

3 Admetus happened to be away from home. Themistocles appealed to his wife for protection. She instructed him to take their child and sit down at the hearth.

4 Admetus returned not long afterward. Themistocles told him who he was. He asked Admetus not to punish him now that he was a fugitive, even if he had once opposed a request Admetus had made to the Athenians. He was now in a much weaker position and would suffer at Admetus' hands. It was honorable to take revenge on equals when both sides stood on equal terms. Besides, he had only opposed Admetus over some request, not over saving his life. But if Admetus handed him over, he would be taking away his chance to stay alive. He explained who was pursuing him and on what charge.

Chapter 137

1 After hearing him, Admetus raised him from the hearth along with his own son, whom Themistocles had been holding as he sat there. This was the strongest form of appeal for protection. Not long afterward, the Lacedaemonians and Athenians arrived. They argued at length, but Admetus would not hand him over. Themistocles wanted to go to the King, so Admetus sent him overland to the other sea, to Pydna, which belonged to Alexander.

2 There he found a merchant ship about to leave for Ionia and went aboard. A storm drove it toward the Athenian force besieging Naxos. No one on the ship knew who he was. In fear, he told the shipowner his identity and why he was in flight. He said that unless the man saved him, he would say that the shipowner had taken money to bring him on board. The safe course was to let no one leave the ship until they could sail again. If the man obeyed, Themistocles would remember to repay him properly. The shipowner did as he asked. He kept the ship anchored offshore beyond the Athenian camp for a day and a night, and afterward reached Ephesus.

3 Themistocles rewarded him with a gift of money. Later he received money from his friends in Athens and the funds he had left for safekeeping in Argos. He traveled inland with one of the Persians from the coast and sent a letter to King Artaxerxes, the son of Xerxes, who had recently become king.

4 The letter said: “I, Themistocles, have come to you. I did more harm to your house than any other Greek while I was forced to defend myself against your father's invasion. But I did it much greater good when I was safe and he was again in danger during his retreat. You owe me a favor.” Here he mentioned his advance warning from Salamis about the retreat, and his role in preventing the destruction of the bridges at that time, a role he falsely claimed for himself. “Now I have come with the power to do you great good. The Greeks are pursuing me because of my friendship with you. I want to wait a year and then explain to you in person why I have come.”

Chapter 138

1 The King, it is said, was impressed by his thinking and told him to do this. During the period of waiting, Themistocles learned as much as he could of the Persian language and the customs of the country.

2 When he came to the King after the year was over, he gained greater influence with him than any Greek had ever had. This was partly because of his existing reputation and the hope he held out that he would bring the Greeks under the King's rule. Above all, it was because experience showed the King how intelligent he was.

3 Themistocles gave the clearest possible proof of the power of natural ability. In this respect he deserved more admiration than anyone else. His understanding was his own. He had not developed it through either earlier education or later study. With very little time to think, he was the best judge of what needed to be done at once. He was also the best at predicting what would happen far into the future. He could explain the matters he was handling, and even in unfamiliar matters he could still form an adequate judgment. No one was better at seeing in advance whether things would turn out well or badly, while the outcome was still hidden. In short, through natural ability and with little preparation, he was better than anyone at finding the right response on the spot.

4 He fell ill and died. Some also say that he deliberately poisoned himself because he thought it impossible to fulfill his promises to the King.

5 There is a memorial to him in the marketplace of Magnesia in Asia. He governed that district. The King had given him Magnesia for his bread, which brought him fifty talents a year; Lampsacus for his wine, since it was considered the richest wine-producing place of that time; and Myus for food to go with his bread.

6 His relatives say that, at his request, they brought his bones home and buried them in Attica without the Athenians' knowledge. It was not lawful to bury him there, since he was an exile on a charge of treason. This was how the lives of Pausanias the Lacedaemonian and Themistocles the Athenian ended. They had been the most distinguished Greeks of their time.

Chapter 139

1 Such were the demands that the Lacedaemonians made on their first embassy, and the counterdemands they received, about expelling those under a religious curse. On later visits to Athens they demanded that the Athenians withdraw from Potidaea and let Aegina govern itself. Above all, they stated very clearly that there would be no war if the Athenians repealed the decree about the Megarians. This decree barred the Megarians from using the harbors in the Athenian empire and the marketplace in Attica.

2 The Athenians refused the other demands and would not repeal the decree. They accused the Megarians of farming sacred land and land whose boundaries had not been settled, and of sheltering runaway slaves.

3 Finally the last envoys from Lacedaemon arrived: Ramphias, Melesippus, and Agesander. They said nothing of their usual earlier demands, but only this: “The Lacedaemonians want peace. There can be peace if you let the Greeks govern themselves.” The Athenians held an assembly and invited proposals for debate among themselves. They decided to consider all the issues together and give a single reply.

4 Many speakers came forward and spoke on both sides. Some argued for war. Others said that the decree should not stand in the way of peace and should be repealed. Then Pericles, the son of Xanthippus, came forward. He was the leading Athenian at that time, the most capable in both speech and action. He gave the following advice.

Chapter 140

1 “Athenians, I hold to the same view as always: we must not give in to the Peloponnesians. I know that people do not act in a war with the same enthusiasm they felt when they were persuaded to undertake it. Their views change with events. Even now, though, I can see that I must give much the same advice as before. Those of you who accept it should support our common decisions even if something goes wrong. Otherwise, you should not claim a share in the wisdom of our decisions when we succeed. Events can take a course as unpredictable as people's intentions. That is why we usually blame chance for anything that happens against our expectations.

2 “The Lacedaemonians were clearly plotting against us before, and they are doing so now more than ever. Our agreement says that each side must offer and accept arbitration of its disputes with the other, and that each should keep what it has. Yet they have never asked for arbitration, and they refuse it when we offer it. They want to settle their complaints through war rather than discussion. They now come to us giving orders, not simply making accusations.

3 “They tell us to withdraw from Potidaea, let Aegina govern itself, and repeal the decree about the Megarians. These latest envoys also demand that we let the Greeks govern themselves.

4 “None of you should think that we would be going to war over a small matter if we refused to repeal the Megarian decree. They put this at the front of their demands, saying that there would be no war if it were repealed. Do not leave yourselves with any reason to blame yourselves later for having gone to war over a trivial matter.

5 “This small matter contains the whole test and proof of your determination. If you give way to them on it, they will immediately order you to do something more important, because they will think you obeyed this order out of fear. But if you firmly refuse, you will make it clear that they must deal with you more as equals.

Chapter 141

1 “Make up your minds right now. Either obey before you suffer any harm, or go to war, which I think is the better course. If we do go to war, we must not give way over either a major or a minor demand, or hold on to our possessions in fear. When an equal orders a neighbor to meet a claim before arbitration, the largest claim and the smallest both amount to the same enslavement.

2 “Now listen to the details of the war and the resources on each side. You will see that we will be no weaker than they are.

3 “The Peloponnesians work their own farms. They have no money, either as individuals or as a community. They also have no experience of long wars or wars overseas. Their poverty means that they only make short attacks on one another.

4 “People in that position cannot often send out either fleets with full crews or land armies. They would have to be away from their own property and pay their own expenses at the same time. Besides, they would be cut off from the sea.

5 “Wars are sustained by financial reserves more than by taxes imposed under pressure. People who work their own farms are more ready to fight with their bodies than with their money. They trust that they may survive the dangers, but they cannot be sure that they will not spend all their money before the end. This is especially true if, as is likely, the war lasts longer than they expect.

6 “The Peloponnesians and their allies can stand up to all the Greeks in a single battle. But they cannot fight a war against a power organized differently from their own. They have no single council that can put a decision into effect quickly. All have an equal vote, but they come from different peoples, and each presses its own interests. The usual result is that nothing gets finished.

7 “Some want above all to take revenge on an enemy. Others want to keep damage to their own property to a minimum. They meet only at long intervals, then spend only a small part of their time considering common business. Most of it goes on their own concerns. Each thinks that his own neglect will do no harm, and that someone else will take care to look ahead on his behalf. Because everyone separately thinks the same thing, they fail to notice that their common interests are being ruined as a whole.

Chapter 142

1 “Most importantly, their lack of money will hold them back. They will be slow to find it and will keep delaying. But opportunities in war do not wait.

2 “Nor do we need to fear either their building a fortified position against us or their navy.

3 “It is difficult even in peacetime to build a city that can match another. It is much harder in enemy territory, especially when we would have fortified positions against them that were no less strong.

4 “If they build a fort, raids and people deserting to them might damage part of our land. But it will not be enough to stop us from sailing to their country and building fortified positions against them, or defending ourselves with our ships, where our strength lies.

5 “Our experience at sea has given us more knowledge of warfare on land than their experience on land has given them of warfare at sea.

6 “And they will not find it easy to acquire skill at sea.

7 “Even you, who have practiced it ever since the Persian Wars, have not yet fully mastered it. How could men who farm rather than sail achieve anything worthwhile? On top of that, we will not even let them practice, since we will always be stationed against them with many ships.

8 “If only a few ships were stationed against them, they might risk an attack, letting their greater numbers give them confidence despite their lack of skill. But a large fleet will keep them shut in and inactive. Without practice, they will become less skilled and, for that very reason, more hesitant.

9 “Seamanship is a skill like any other. It cannot be practiced as a sideline whenever there is a spare moment. In fact, it leaves no room for any other sideline.

Chapter 143

1 “Suppose they even used the money at Olympia or Delphi and tried to lure away the foreigners in our crews with higher pay. This would be dangerous if we and our resident foreigners could not go aboard ourselves and match them. But we can do that. Most importantly, our citizens supply more and better helmsmen and other skilled crew members than all the rest of Hellas.

2 “No foreign sailor would accept the risk of exile from his own country and fight on their side with poorer chances of success, just for a few days of high pay.

3 “That, or something close to it, is how I see the Peloponnesians' position. Our own position is free of the weaknesses I have criticized in theirs. We also have other great advantages that they are far from matching.

4 “If they march into our country, we will sail against theirs. Destroying part of the Peloponnese will not have the same effect as destroying all of Attica. They cannot get other land to replace it without fighting. But we have plenty of land, both on islands and on the mainland.

5 “Control of the sea is a great advantage. Think about it: if we were islanders, who would be harder to conquer? Even now, we must think as nearly as possible as if we were. We should give up our land and houses, but keep watch over the sea and the city. We must not get angry over our property and fight a land battle with the Peloponnesians, who far outnumber us. Even if we win, we will have to fight just as many again. If we lose, we will also lose our control over the allies, the source of our strength. They will not stay quiet if we can no longer send armies against them. We should grieve over the loss of people, not houses and land. Property does not acquire people; people acquire property. If I thought I could persuade you, I would tell you to go out and destroy it yourselves. That would show the Peloponnesians that you will not obey them for the sake of this property.

Chapter 144

1 “I have many other reasons to expect that we will win, provided you are willing not to expand our empire while we are at war, or take on additional dangers of our own choosing. I am more afraid of our own mistakes than of our enemies' plans.

2 “But these matters will be explained in another speech, as events unfold. For now, let us send the envoys away with this reply. We will let the Megarians use our marketplace and harbors if the Lacedaemonians also stop expelling us and our allies as foreigners. Neither practice is forbidden by the treaty. We will let the cities govern themselves if they were self-governing when we made the treaty. We will do so when the Lacedaemonians also allow their own cities to govern themselves, not in a way that suits themselves [the Lacedaemonians], but as each city wishes. We are willing to submit to arbitration under the agreement. We will not start a war, but we will defend ourselves against those who do. This reply is both fair and fitting for our city.

3 “We must realize that war is necessary. The more willingly we accept it, the less fiercely our enemies will press us. We must also realize that the greatest dangers bring the greatest honors, both to a city and to an individual.

4 “Our fathers stood up to the Medes. They did not start with resources as great as ours. They even abandoned what they had. They drove back the non-Greeks more through judgment than through luck, and more through courage than through strength. They brought our resources to their present level. We must not fall short of them. We must resist our enemies in every way and try to pass on what we have to those who come after us without any loss.”

Chapter 145

1 This was what Pericles said. The Athenians thought that his advice was best for them and voted as he urged. They answered the Lacedaemonians in line with his proposal, both on each point as he had explained it and on the overall issue. They would do nothing under orders, but they were ready to settle the complaints by arbitration under the treaty, on fair and equal terms. The envoys went home, and no further embassies were sent after that.

Chapter 146

1 These were the accusations and disputes on both sides before the war. They began with the events at Epidamnus and Corcyra. Even while these disputes continued, the two sides still mixed with one another and visited each other without heralds to arrange it, though not without suspicion. What was happening was breaking down the treaty and giving grounds for war.

Book 2

Chapter 1

1 ἄρχεται δὲ ὁ πόλεμος ἐνθένδε ἤδη Ἀθηναίων καὶ Πελοποννησίων καὶ τῶν ἑκατέροις ξυμμάχων, ἐν ᾧ οὔτε ἐπεμείγνυντο ἔτι ἀκηρυκτεὶ παρ᾽ ἀλλήλους καταστάντες τε ξυνεχῶς ἐπολέμουν· γέγραπται δὲ ἑξῆς ὡς ἕκαστα ἐγίγνετο κατὰ θέρος καὶ χειμῶνα.

Chapter 2

1 τέσσαρα μὲν γὰρ καὶ δέκα ἔτη ἐνέμειναν αἱ τριακοντούτεις σπονδαὶ αἳ ἐγένοντο μετ’ Εὐβοίας ἅλωσιν· τῷ δὲ πέμπτῳ καὶ δεκάτῳ ἔτει, ἐπὶ Χρυσίδος ἐν Ἄργει τότε πεντήκοντα δυοῖν δέοντα ἔτη ἱερωμένης καὶ Αἰνησίου ἐφόρου ἐν Σπάρτῃ καὶ Πυθοδώρου ἔτι δύο μῆνας ἄρχοντος Ἀθηναίοις, μετὰ τὴν ἐν Ποτειδαίᾳ μάχην μηνὶ ἕκτῳ καὶ ἅμα ἦρι ἀρχομένῳ Θηβαίων ἄνδρες ὀλίγῳ πλείους τριακοσίων (ἡγοῦντο δὲ αὐτῶν βοιωταρχοῦντες Πυθάγγελός τε ὁ Φυλείδου καὶ Διέμπορος ὁ Ὀνητορίδου) ἐσῆλθον περὶ πρῶτον ὕπνον ξὺν ὅπλοις ἐς Πλάταιαν τῆς Βοιωτίας οὖσαν Ἀθηναίων ξυμμαχίδα.

2 ἐπηγάγοντο δὲ καὶ ἀνέῳξαν τὰς πύλας Πλαταιῶν ἄνδρες, Ναυκλείδης τε καὶ οἱ μετ’ αὐτοῦ, βουλόμενοι ἰδίας ἕνεκα δυνάμεως ἄνδρας τε τῶν πολιτῶν τοὺς σφίσιν ὑπεναντίους διαφθεῖραι καὶ τὴν πόλιν Θηβαίοις προσποιῆσαι.

3 ἔπραξαν δὲ ταῦτα δι’ Εὐρυμάχου τοῦ Λεοντιάδου, ἀνδρὸς Θηβαίων δυνατωτάτου. προϊδόντες γὰρ οἱ Θηβαῖοι ὅτι ἔσοιτο ὁ πόλεμος ἐβούλοντο τὴν Πλάταιαν αἰεὶ σφίσι διάφορον οὖσαν ἔτι ἐν εἰρήνῃ τε καὶ τοῦ πολέμου μήπω φανεροῦ καθεστῶτος προκαταλαβεῖν. ᾗ καὶ ῥᾷον ἔλαθον ἐσελθόντες, φυλακῆς οὐ προκαθεστηκυίας.

4 θέμενοι δὲ ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν τὰ ὅπλα τοῖς μὲν ἐπαγαγομένοις οὐκ ἐπείθοντο ὥστε εὐθὺς ἔργου ἔχεσθαι καὶ ἰέναι ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας τῶν ἐχθρῶν, γνώμην δ’ ἐποιοῦντο κηρύγμασί τε χρήσασθαι ἐπιτηδείοις καὶ ἐς ξύμβασιν μᾶλλον καὶ φιλίαν τὴν πόλιν ἀγαγεῖν (καὶ ἀνεῖπεν ὁ κῆρυξ, εἴ τις βούλεται κατὰ τὰ πάτρια τῶν πάντων Βοιωτῶν ξυμμαχεῖν, τίθεσθαι παρ᾽ αὑτοὺς τὰ ὅπλα), νομίζοντες σφίσι ῥᾳδίως τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ προσχωρήσειν τὴν πόλιν.

Chapter 3

1 οἱ δὲ Πλαταιῆς ὡς ᾔσθοντο ἔνδον τε ὄντας τοὺς Θηβαίους καὶ ἐξαπιναίως κατειλημμένην τὴν πόλιν, καταδείσαντες καὶ νομίσαντες πολλῷ πλείους ἐσεληλυθέναι (οὐ γὰρ ἑώρων ἐν τῇ νυκτί) πρὸς ξύμβασιν ἐχώρησαν καὶ τοὺς λόγους δεξάμενοι ἡσύχαζον, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐς οὐδένα οὐδὲν ἐνεωτέριζον.

2 πράσσοντες δέ πως ταῦτα κατενόησαν οὐ πολλοὺς τοὺς Θηβαίους ὄντας καὶ ἐνόμισαν ἐπιθέμενοι ῥᾳδίως κρατήσειν· τῷ γὰρ πλήθει τῶν Πλαταιῶν οὐ βουλομένῳ ἦν τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀφίστασθαι.

3 ἐδόκει οὖν ἐπιχειρητέα εἶναι, καὶ ξυνελέγοντο διορύσσοντες τοὺς κοινοὺς τοίχους παρ᾽ ἀλλήλους, ὅπως μὴ διὰ τῶν ὁδῶν φανεροὶ ὦσιν ἰόντες, ἁμάξας τε ἄνευ τῶν ὑποζυγίων ἐς τὰς ὁδοὺς καθίστασαν, ἵνα ἀντὶ τείχους ᾖ, καὶ τἆλλα ἐξήρτυον ᾗ ἕκαστον ἐφαίνετο πρὸς τὰ παρόντα ξύμφορον ἔσεσθαι.

4 ἐπεὶ δὲ ὡς ἐκ τῶν δυνατῶν ἑτοῖμα ἦν, φυλάξαντες ἔτι νύκτα καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ περίορθρον ἐχώρουν ἐκ τῶν οἰκιῶν ἐπ’ αὐτούς, ὅπως μὴ κατὰ φῶς θαρσαλεωτέροις οὖσι προσφέροιντο καὶ σφίσιν ἐκ τοῦ ἴσου γίγνωνται, ἀλλ’ ἐν νυκτὶ φοβερώτεροι ὄντες ἥσσους ὦσι τῆς σφετέρας ἐμπειρίας τῆς κατὰ τὴν πόλιν. προσέβαλόν τε εὐθὺς καὶ ἐς χεῖρας ᾖσαν κατὰ τάχος.

Chapter 4

1 οἱ δ’ ὡς ἔγνωσαν ἐξηπατημένοι, ξυνεστρέφοντό τε ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς καὶ τὰς προσβολὰς ᾗ προσπίπτοιεν ἀπεωθοῦντο.

2 καὶ δὶς μὲν ἢ τρὶς ἀπεκρούσαντο, ἔπειτα πολλῷ θορύβῳ αὐτῶν τε προσβαλόντων καὶ τῶν γυναικῶν καὶ τῶν οἰκετῶν ἅμα ἀπὸ τῶν οἰκιῶν κραυγῇ τε καὶ ὀλολυγῇ χρωμένων λίθοις τε καὶ κεράμῳ βαλλόντων, καὶ ὑετοῦ ἅμα διὰ νυκτὸς πολλοῦ ἐπιγενομένου, ἐφοβήθησαν καὶ τραπόμενοι ἔφευγον διὰ τῆς πόλεως, ἄπειροι μὲν ὄντες οἱ πλείους ἐν σκότῳ καὶ πηλῷ τῶν διόδων ᾗ χρὴ σωθῆναι (καὶ γὰρ τελευτῶντος τοῦ μηνὸς τὰ γιγνόμενα ἦν), ἐμπείρους δὲ ἔχοντες τοὺς διώκοντας τοῦ μὴ ἐκφεύγειν, ὥστε διεφθείροντο οἱ πολλοί.

3 τῶν δὲ Πλαταιῶν τις τὰς πύλας ᾗ ἐσῆλθον καὶ αἵπερ ἦσαν μόναι ἀνεῳγμέναι ἔκλῃσε στυρακίῳ ἀκοντίου ἀντὶ βαλάνου χρησάμενος ἐς τὸν μοχλόν, ὥστε μηδὲ ταύτῃ ἔξοδον ἔτι εἶναι.

4 διωκόμενοι δὲ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν οἱ μέν τινες αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἀναβάντες ἔρριψαν ἐς τὸ ἔξω σφᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ διεφθάρησαν οἱ πλείους, οἱ δὲ κατὰ πύλας ἐρήμους γυναικὸς δούσης πέλεκυν λαθόντες καὶ διακόψαντες τὸν μοχλὸν ἐξῆλθον οὐ πολλοί (αἴσθησις γὰρ ταχεῖα ἐπεγένετο), ἄλλοι δὲ ἄλλῃ τῆς πόλεως σποράδες ἀπώλλυντο.

5 τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον καὶ ὅσον μάλιστα ἦν ξυνεστραμμένον ἐσπίπτουσιν ἐς οἴκημα μέγα, ὃ ἦν τοῦ τείχους καὶ αἱ θύραι ἀνεῳγμέναι ἔτυχον αὐτοῦ, οἰόμενοι πύλας τὰς θύρας τοῦ οἰκήματος εἶναι καὶ ἄντικρυς δίοδον ἐς τὸ ἔξω.

6 ὁρῶντες δὲ αὐτοὺς οἱ Πλαταιῆς ἀπειλημμένους ἐβουλεύοντο εἴτε κατακαύσωσιν ὥσπερ ἔχουσιν, ἐμπρήσαντες τὸ οἴκημα, εἴτε τι ἄλλο χρήσωνται.

7 τέλος δὲ οὗτοί τε καὶ ὅσοι ἄλλοι τῶν Θηβαίων περιῆσαν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν πλανώμενοι, ξυνέβησαν τοῖς Πλαταιεῦσι παραδοῦναι σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ τὰ ὅπλα χρήσασθαι ὅτι ἂν βούλωνται.

8 οἱ μὲν δὴ ἐν τῇ Πλαταίᾳ οὕτως ἐπεπράγεσαν·

Chapter 5

1 οἱ δ’ ἄλλοι Θηβαῖοι, οὓς ἔδει ἔτι τῆς νυκτὸς παραγενέσθαι πανστρατιᾷ, εἴ τι ἄρα μὴ προχωροίη τοῖς ἐσεληλυθόσι, τῆς ἀγγελίας ἅμα καθ’ ὁδὸν αὐτοῖς ῥηθείσης περὶ τῶν γεγενημένων ἐπεβοήθουν.

2 ἀπέχει δὲ ἡ Πλάταια τῶν Θηβῶν σταδίους ἑβδομήκοντα, καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ τὸ γενόμενον τῆς νυκτὸς ἐποίησε βραδύτερον αὐτοὺς ἐλθεῖν· ὁ γὰρ Ἀσωπὸς ποταμὸς ἐρρύη μέγας καὶ οὐ ῥᾳδίως διαβατὸς ἦν.

3 πορευόμενοί τε ἐν ὑετῷ καὶ τὸν ποταμὸν μόλις διαβάντες ὕστερον παρεγένοντο, ἤδη τῶν ἀνδρῶν τῶν μὲν διεφθαρμένων, τῶν δὲ ζώντων ἐχομένων.

4 ὡς δ’ ᾔσθοντο οἱ Θηβαῖοι τὸ γεγενημένον, ἐπεβούλευον τοῖς ἔξω τῆς πόλεως τῶν Πλαταιῶν· ἦσαν γὰρ καὶ ἄνθρωποι κατὰ τοὺς ἀγροὺς καὶ κατασκευή, οἷα ἀπροσδοκήτου κακοῦ ἐν εἰρήνῃ γενομένου· ἐβούλοντο γὰρ σφίσιν, εἴ τινα λάβοιεν, ὑπάρχειν ἀντὶ τῶν ἔνδον, ἢν ἄρα τύχωσί τινες ἐζωγρημένοι. καὶ οἱ μὲν ταῦτα διενοοῦντο,

5 οἱ δὲ Πλαταιῆς ἔτι διαβουλευομένων αὐτῶν ὑποτοπήσαντες τοιοῦτόν τι ἔσεσθαι καὶ δείσαντες περὶ τοῖς ἔξω κήρυκα ἐξέπεμψαν παρὰ τοὺς Θηβαίους, λέγοντες ὅτι οὔτε τὰ πεποιημένα ὅσια δράσειαν ἐν σπονδαῖς σφῶν πειράσαντες καταλαβεῖν τὴν πόλιν, τά τε ἔξω ἔλεγον αὐτοῖς μὴ ἀδικεῖν· εἰ δὲ μή, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἔφασαν αὐτῶν τοὺς ἄνδρας ἀποκτενεῖν οὓς ἔχουσι ζῶντας· ἀναχωρησάντων δὲ πάλιν ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἀποδώσειν αὐτοῖς τοὺς ἄνδρας.

6 Θηβαῖοι μὲν ταῦτα λέγουσι καὶ ἐπομόσαι φασὶν αὐτούς· Πλαταιῆς δ’ οὐχ ὁμολογοῦσι τοὺς ἄνδρας εὐθὺς ὑποσχέσθαι ἀποδώσειν, ἀλλὰ λόγων πρῶτον γενομένων ἤν τι ξυμβαίνωσι, καὶ ἐπομόσαι οὔ φασιν.

7 ἐκ δ’ οὖν τῆς γῆς ἀνεχώρησαν οἱ Θηβαῖοι οὐδὲν ἀδικήσαντες· οἱ δὲ Πλαταιῆς ἐπειδὴ τὰ ἐκ τῆς χώρας κατὰ τάχος ἐσεκομίσαντο, ἀπέκτειναν τοὺς ἄνδρας εὐθύς. ἦσαν δὲ ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν οἱ ληφθέντες, καὶ Εὐρύμαχος εἷς αὐτῶν ἦν, πρὸς ὃν ἔπραξαν οἱ προδιδόντες.

Chapter 6

1 τοῦτο δὲ ποιήσαντες ἔς τε τὰς Ἀθήνας ἄγγελον ἔπεμπον καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς ὑποσπόνδους ἀπέδοσαν τοῖς Θηβαίοις, τά τε ἐν τῇ πόλει καθίσταντο πρὸς τὰ παρόντα ᾗ ἐδόκει αὐτοῖς.

2 τοῖς δ’ Ἀθηναίοις ἠγγέλθη εὐθὺς τὰ περὶ τῶν Πλαταιῶν γεγενημένα, καὶ Βοιωτῶν τε παραχρῆμα ξυνέλαβον ὅσοι ἦσαν ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ καὶ ἐς τὴν Πλάταιαν ἔπεμψαν κήρυκα, κελεύοντες εἰπεῖν μηδὲν νεώτερον ποιεῖν περὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν οὓς ἔχουσι Θηβαίων, πρὶν ἄν τι καὶ αὐτοὶ βουλεύσωσι περὶ αὐτῶν·

3 οὐ γὰρ ἠγγέλθη αὐτοῖς ὅτι τεθνηκότες εἶεν. ἅμα γὰρ τῇ ἐσόδῳ γιγνομένῃ τῶν Θηβαίων ὁ πρῶτος ἄγγελος ἐξῄει, ὁ δὲ δεύτερος ἄρτι νενικημένων τε καὶ ξυνειλημμένων· καὶ τῶν ὕστερον οὐδὲν ᾔδεσαν. οὕτω δὴ οὐκ εἰδότες οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐπέστελλον· ὁ δὲ κῆρυξ ἀφικόμενος ηὗρε τοὺς ἄνδρας διεφθαρμένους.

4 καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι στρατεύσαντες ἐς Πλάταιαν σῖτόν τε ἐσήγαγον καὶ φρουροὺς ἐγκατέλιπον, τῶν τε ἀνθρώπων τοὺς ἀχρειοτάτους ξὺν γυναιξὶ καὶ παισὶν ἐξεκόμισαν.

Chapter 7

1 γεγενημένου δὲ τοῦ ἐν Πλαταιαῖς ἔργου καὶ λελυμένων λαμπρῶς τῶν σπονδῶν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι παρεσκευάζοντο ὡς πολεμήσοντες, παρεσκευάζοντο δὲ καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι, πρεσβείας τε μέλλοντες πέμπειν παρὰ βασιλέα καὶ ἄλλοσε πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους, εἴ ποθέν τινα ὠφελίαν ἤλπιζον ἑκάτεροι προσλήψεσθαι, πόλεις τε ξυμμαχίδας ποιούμενοι ὅσαι ἦσαν ἐκτὸς τῆς ἑαυτῶν δυνάμεως.

2 καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις μὲν πρὸς ταῖς αὐτοῦ ὑπαρχούσαις ἐξ Ἰταλίας καὶ Σικελίας τοῖς τἀκείνων ἑλομένοις ναῦς ἐπετάχθη ποιεῖσθαι κατὰ μέγεθος τῶν πόλεων, ὡς ἐς τὸν πάντα ἀριθμὸν πεντακοσίων νεῶν ἐσομένων, καὶ ἀργύριον ῥητὸν ἑτοιμάζειν, τά τε ἄλλα ἡσυχάζοντας καὶ Ἀθηναίους δεχομένους μιᾷ νηὶ ἕως ἂν ταῦτα παρασκευασθῇ.

3 Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ τήν τε ὑπάρχουσαν ξυμμαχίαν ἐξήταζον καὶ ἐς τὰ περὶ Πελοπόννησον μᾶλλον χωρία ἐπρεσβεύοντο, Κέρκυραν καὶ Κεφαλληνίαν καὶ Ἀκαρνᾶνας καὶ Ζάκυνθον, ὁρῶντες, εἰ σφίσι φίλια ταῦτ’ εἴη βεβαίως, πέριξ τὴν Πελοπόννησον καταπολεμήσοντες.

Chapter 8

1 ὀλίγον τε ἐπενόουν οὐδὲν ἀμφότεροι, ἀλλ’ ἔρρωντο ἐς τὸν πόλεμον οὐκ ἀπεικότως· ἀρχόμενοι γὰρ πάντες ὀξύτερον ἀντιλαμβάνονται, τότε δὲ καὶ νεότης πολλὴ μὲν οὖσα ἐν τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ, πολλὴ δ’ ἐν ταῖς Ἀθήναις οὐκ ἀκουσίως ὑπὸ ἀπειρίας ἥπτετο τοῦ πολέμου, ἥ τε ἄλλη Ἑλλὰς ἅπασα μετέωρος ἦν ξυνιουσῶν τῶν πρώτων πόλεων.

2 καὶ πολλὰ μὲν λόγια ἐλέγετο, πολλὰ δὲ χρησμολόγοι ᾖδον ἔν τε τοῖς μέλλουσι πολεμήσειν καὶ ἐν ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν.

3 ἔτι δὲ Δῆλος ἐκινήθη ὀλίγον πρὸ τούτων, πρότερον οὔπω σεισθεῖσα ἀφ’ οὗ Ἕλληνες μέμνηνται· ἐλέγετο δὲ καὶ ἐδόκει ἐπὶ τοῖς μέλλουσι γενήσεσθαι σημῆναι. εἴ τέ τι ἄλλο τοιουτότροπον ξυνέβη γενέσθαι, πάντα ἀνεζητεῖτο.

4 ἡ δὲ εὔνοια παρὰ πολὺ ἐποίει τῶν ἀνθρώπων μᾶλλον ἐς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, ἄλλως τε καὶ προειπόντων ὅτι τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐλευθεροῦσιν. ἔρρωτό τε πᾶς καὶ ἰδιώτης καὶ πόλις εἴ τι δύναιτο καὶ λόγῳ καὶ ἔργῳ ξυνεπιλαμβάνειν αὐτοῖς· ἐν τούτῳ τε κεκωλῦσθαι ἐδόκει ἑκάστῳ τὰ πράγματα ᾧ μή τις αὐτὸς παρέσται.

5 οὕτως 〈ἐν〉 ὀργῇ εἶχον οἱ πλείους τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, οἱ μὲν τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀπολυθῆναι βουλόμενοι, οἱ δὲ μὴ ἀρχθῶσι φοβούμενοι.

Chapter 9

1 παρασκευῇ μὲν οὖν καὶ γνώμῃ τοιαύτῃ ὥρμηντο, πόλεις δὲ ἑκάτεροι τάσδε ἔχοντες ξυμμάχους ἐς τὸν πόλεμον καθίσταντο.

2 Λακεδαιμονίων μὲν οἵδε ξύμμαχοι· Πελοποννήσιοι μὲν οἱ ἐντὸς Ἰσθμοῦ πάντες πλὴν Ἀργείων καὶ Ἀχαιῶν (τούτοις δὲ ἐς ἀμφοτέρους φιλία ἦν· Πελληνῆς δὲ Ἀχαιῶν μόνοι ξυνεπολέμουν τὸ πρῶτον, ἔπειτα δὲ ὕστερον καὶ ἅπαντες), ἔξω δὲ Πελοποννήσου Μεγαρῆς, Βοιωτοί, Λοκροί, Φωκῆς, Ἀμπρακιῶται, Λευκάδιοι, Ἀνακτόριοι.

3 τούτων ναυτικὸν παρείχοντο Κορίνθιοι, Μεγαρῆς, Σικυώνιοι, Πελληνῆς, Ἠλεῖοι, Ἀμπρακιῶται, Λευκάδιοι, ἱππέας δὲ Βοιωτοί, Φωκῆς, Λοκροί· αἱ δ’ ἄλλαι πόλεις πεζὸν παρεῖχον. αὕτη μὲν Λακεδαιμονίων ξυμμαχία·

4 Ἀθηναίων δὲ Χῖοι, Λέσβιοι, Πλαταιῆς, Μεσσήνιοι οἱ ἐν Ναυπάκτῳ, Ἀκαρνάνων οἱ πλείους, Κερκυραῖοι, Ζακύνθιοι, καὶ ἄλλαι πόλεις αἱ ὑποτελεῖς οὖσαι ἐν ἔθνεσι τοσοῖσδε, Καρία ἡ ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ, Δωριῆς Καρσὶ πρόσοικοι, Ἰωνία, Ἑλλήσποντος, τὰ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης, νῆσοι ὅσαι ἐντὸς Πελοποννήσου καὶ Κρήτης πρὸς ἥλιον ἀνίσχοντα, πᾶσαι αἱ Κυκλάδες πλὴν Μήλου καὶ Θήρας.

5 τούτων ναυτικὸν παρείχοντο Χῖοι, Λέσβιοι, Κερκυραῖοι, οἱ δ’ ἄλλοι πεζὸν καὶ χρήματα.

6 ξυμμαχία μὲν αὕτη ἑκατέρων καὶ παρασκευὴ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἦν.

Chapter 10

1 οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι μετὰ τὰ ἐν Πλαταιαῖς εὐθὺς περιήγγελλον κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον καὶ τὴν ἔξω ξυμμαχίδα στρατιὰν παρασκευάζεσθαι ταῖς πόλεσι τά τε ἐπιτήδεια οἷα εἰκὸς ἐπὶ ἔξοδον ἔκδημον ἔχειν, ὡς ἐσβαλοῦντες ἐς τὴν Ἀττικήν.

2 ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἑκάστοις ἑτοῖμα γίγνοιτο, κατὰ τὸν χρόνον τὸν εἰρημένον ξυνῇσαν τὰ δύο μέρη ἀπὸ πόλεως ἑκάστης ἐς τὸν Ἰσθμόν.

3 καὶ ἐπειδὴ πᾶν τὸ στράτευμα ξυνειλεγμένον ἦν, Ἀρχίδαμος ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, ὅσπερ ἡγεῖτο τῆς ἐξόδου ταύτης, ξυγκαλέσας τοὺς στρατηγοὺς τῶν πόλεων πασῶν καὶ τοὺς μάλιστα ἐν τέλει καὶ ἀξιολογωτάτους παρῄνει τοιάδε.

Chapter 11

1 ‘ἄνδρες Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ ξύμμαχοι, καὶ οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν πολλὰς στρατείας καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ Πελοποννήσῳ καὶ ἔξω ἐποιήσαντο, καὶ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν οἱ πρεσβύτεροι οὐκ ἄπειροι πολέμων εἰσίν· ὅμως δὲ τῆσδε οὔπω μείζονα παρασκευὴν ἔχοντες ἐξήλθομεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐπὶ πόλιν δυνατωτάτην νῦν ἐρχόμεθα καὶ αὐτοὶ πλεῖστοι καὶ ἄριστοι στρατεύοντες.

2 δίκαιον οὖν ἡμᾶς μήτε τῶν πατέρων χείρους φαίνεσθαι μήτε ἡμῶν αὐτῶν τῆς δόξης ἐνδεεστέρους. ἡ γὰρ Ἑλλὰς πᾶσα τῇδε τῇ ὁρμῇ ἐπῆρται καὶ προσέχει τὴν γνώμην, εὔνοιαν ἔχουσα διὰ τὸ Ἀθηναίων ἔχθος πρᾶξαι ἡμᾶς ἃ ἐπινοοῦμεν.

3 οὔκουν χρή, εἴ τῳ καὶ δοκοῦμεν πλήθει ἐπιέναι καὶ ἀσφάλεια πολλὴ εἶναι μὴ ἂν ἐλθεῖν τοὺς ἐναντίους ἡμῖν διὰ μάχης, τούτων ἕνεκα ἀμελέστερόν τι παρεσκευασμένους χωρεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πόλεως ἑκάστης ἡγεμόνα καὶ στρατιώτην τὸ καθ’ αὑτὸν αἰεὶ προσδέχεσθαι ἐς κίνδυνόν τινα ἥξειν.

4 ἄδηλα γὰρ τὰ τῶν πολέμων, καὶ ἐξ ὀλίγου τὰ πολλὰ καὶ δι’ ὀργῆς αἱ ἐπιχειρήσεις γίγνονται· πολλάκις τε τὸ ἔλασσον πλῆθος δεδιὸς ἄμεινον ἠμύνατο τοὺς πλέονας διὰ τὸ καταφρονοῦντας ἀπαρασκεύους γενέσθαι.

5 χρὴ δὲ αἰεὶ ἐν τῇ πολεμίᾳ τῇ μὲν γνώμῃ θαρσαλέους στρατεύειν, τῷ δ’ ἔργῳ δεδιότας παρεσκευάσθαι· οὕτω γὰρ πρός τε τὸ ἐπιέναι τοῖς ἐναντίοις εὐψυχότατοι ἂν εἶεν πρός τε τὸ ἐπιχειρεῖσθαι ἀσφαλέστατοι.

6 ἡμεῖς δὲ οὐδ’ ἐπὶ ἀδύνατον ἀμύνεσθαι οὕτω πόλιν ἐρχόμεθα, ἀλλὰ τοῖς πᾶσιν ἄριστα παρεσκευασμένην, ὥστε χρὴ καὶ πάνυ ἐλπίζειν διὰ μάχης ἰέναι αὐτούς, εἰ μὴ καὶ νῦν ὥρμηνται ἐν ᾧ οὔπω πάρεσμεν, ἀλλ’ ὅταν ἐν τῇ γῇ ὁρῶσιν ἡμᾶς δῃοῦντάς τε καὶ τἀκείνων φθείροντας.

7 πᾶσι γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ὄμμασι καὶ ἐν τῷ παραυτίκα ὁρᾶν πάσχοντάς τι ἄηθες ὀργὴ προσπίπτει· καὶ οἱ λογισμῷ ἐλάχιστα χρώμενοι θυμῷ πλεῖστα ἐς ἔργον καθίστανται.

8 Ἀθηναίους δὲ καὶ πλέον τι τῶν ἄλλων εἰκὸς τοῦτο δρᾶσαι, οἳ ἄρχειν τε τῶν ἄλλων ἀξιοῦσι καὶ ἐπιόντες τὴν τῶν πέλας δῃοῦν μᾶλλον ἢ τὴν αὑτῶν ὁρᾶν.

9 ὡς οὖν ἐπὶ τοσαύτην πόλιν στρατεύοντες καὶ μεγίστην δόξαν οἰσόμενοι τοῖς τε προγόνοις καὶ ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς ἐπ’ ἀμφότερα ἐκ τῶν ἀποβαινόντων, ἕπεσθ’ ὅπῃ ἄν τις ἡγῆται, κόσμον καὶ φυλακὴν περὶ παντὸς ποιούμενοι καὶ τὰ παραγγελλόμενα ὀξέως δεχόμενοι· κάλλιστον γὰρ τόδε καὶ ἀσφαλέστατον, πολλοὺς ὄντας ἑνὶ κόσμῳ χρωμένους φαίνεσθαι.’

Chapter 12

1 τοσαῦτα εἰπὼν καὶ διαλύσας τὸν ξύλλογον ὁ Ἀρχίδαμος Μελήσιππον πρῶτον ἀποστέλλει ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας τὸν Διακρίτου ἄνδρα Σπαρτιάτην, εἴ τι ἄρα μᾶλλον ἐνδοῖεν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ὁρῶντες σφᾶς ἤδη ἐν ὁδῷ ὄντας.

2 οἱ δὲ οὐ προσεδέξαντο αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν πόλιν οὐδ’ ἐπὶ τὸ κοινόν· ἦν γὰρ Περικλέους γνώμη πρότερον νενικηκυῖα κήρυκα καὶ πρεσβείαν μὴ προσδέχεσθαι Λακεδαιμονίων ἐξεστρατευμένων· ἀποπέμπουσιν οὖν αὐτὸν πρὶν ἀκοῦσαι καὶ ἐκέλευον ἐκτὸς ὅρων εἶναι αὐθημερόν, τό τε λοιπὸν ἀναχωρήσαντας ἐπὶ τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν, ἤν τι βούλωνται, πρεσβεύεσθαι. ξυμπέμπουσί τε τῷ Μελησίππῳ ἀγωγούς, ὅπως μηδενὶ ξυγγένηται.

3 ὁ δ’ ἐπειδὴ ἐπὶ τοῖς ὁρίοις ἐγένετο καὶ ἔμελλε διαλύσεσθαι, τοσόνδε εἰπὼν ἐπορεύετο ὅτι ‘ἥδε ἡ ἡμέρα τοῖς Ἕλλησι μεγάλων κακῶν ἄρξει.’

4 ὡς δὲ ἀφίκετο ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ ἔγνω ὁ Ἀρχίδαμος ὅτι οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι οὐδέν πω ἐνδώσουσιν, οὕτω δὴ ἄρας τῷ στρατῷ προυχώρει ἐς τὴν γῆν αὐτῶν.

5 Βοιωτοὶ δὲ μέρος μὲν τὸ σφέτερον καὶ τοὺς ἱππέας παρείχοντο Πελοποννησίοις ξυστρατεύειν, τοῖς δὲ λειπομένοις ἐς Πλάταιαν ἐλθόντες τὴν γῆν ἐδῄουν.

Chapter 13

1 ἔτι δὲ τῶν Πελοποννησίων ξυλλεγομένων τε ἐς τὸν Ἰσθμὸν καὶ ἐν ὁδῷ ὄντων, πρὶν ἐσβαλεῖν ἐς τὴν Ἀττικήν, Περικλῆς ὁ Ξανθίππου στρατηγὸς ὢν Ἀθηναίων δέκατος αὐτός, ὡς ἔγνω τὴν ἐσβολὴν ἐσομένην, ὑποτοπήσας, ὅτι Ἀρχίδαμος αὐτῷ ξένος ὢν ἐτύγχανε, μὴ πολλάκις ἢ αὐτὸς ἰδίᾳ βουλόμενος χαρίζεσθαι τοὺς ἀγροὺς αὐτοῦ παραλίπῃ καὶ μὴ δῃώσῃ, ἢ καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων κελευσάντων ἐπὶ διαβολῇ τῇ ἑαυτοῦ γένηται τοῦτο, ὥσπερ καὶ τὰ ἄγη ἐλαύνειν προεῖπον ἕνεκα ἐκείνου, προηγόρευε τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ ὅτι Ἀρχίδαμος μέν οἱ ξένος εἴη, οὐ μέντοι ἐπὶ κακῷ γε τῆς πόλεως γένοιτο, τοὺς δὲ ἀγροὺς τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ καὶ οἰκίας ἢν ἄρα μὴ δῃώσωσιν οἱ πολέμιοι ὥσπερ καὶ τὰ τῶν ἄλλων, ἀφίησιν αὐτὰ δημόσια εἶναι καὶ μηδεμίαν οἱ ὑποψίαν κατὰ ταῦτα γίγνεσθαι.

2 παρῄνει δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν παρόντων ἅπερ καὶ πρότερον, παρασκευάζεσθαί τε ἐς τὸν πόλεμον καὶ τὰ ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν ἐσκομίζεσθαι, ἔς τε μάχην μὴ ἐπεξιέναι, ἀλλὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐσελθόντας φυλάσσειν, καὶ τὸ ναυτικόν, ᾗπερ ἰσχύουσιν, ἐξαρτύεσθαι, τά τε τῶν ξυμμάχων διὰ χειρὸς ἔχειν, λέγων τὴν ἰσχὺν αὐτοῖς ἀπὸ τούτων εἶναι τῶν χρημάτων τῆς προσόδου, τὰ δὲ πολλὰ τοῦ πολέμου γνώμῃ καὶ χρημάτων περιουσίᾳ κρατεῖσθαι.

3 θαρσεῖν τε ἐκέλευε προσιόντων μὲν ἑξακοσίων ταλάντων ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ φόρου κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ἀπὸ τῶν ξυμμάχων τῇ πόλει ἄνευ τῆς ἄλλης προσόδου, ὑπαρχόντων δὲ ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλει ἔτι τότε ἀργυρίου ἐπισήμου ἑξακισχιλίων ταλάντων (τὰ γὰρ πλεῖστα τριακοσίων ἀποδέοντα μύρια ἐγένετο, ἀφ’ ὧν ἔς τε τὰ προπύλαια τῆς ἀκροπόλεως καὶ τἆλλα οἰκοδομήματα καὶ ἐς Ποτείδαιαν ἀπανηλώθη),

4 χωρὶς δὲ χρυσίου ἀσήμου καὶ ἀργυρίου ἔν τε ἀναθήμασιν ἰδίοις καὶ δημοσίοις καὶ ὅσα ἱερὰ σκεύη περί τε τὰς πομπὰς καὶ τοὺς ἀγῶνας καὶ σκῦλα Μηδικὰ καὶ εἴ τι τοιουτότροπον, οὐκ ἐλάσσονος [ἦν] ἢ πεντακοσίων ταλάντων.

5 ἔτι δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ἱερῶν προσετίθει χρήματα οὐκ ὀλίγα, οἷς χρήσεσθαι αὐτούς, καὶ ἢν πάνυ ἐξείργωνται πάντων, καὶ αὐτῆς τῆς θεοῦ τοῖς περικειμένοις χρυσίοις· ἀπέφαινε δ’ ἔχον τὸ ἄγαλμα τεσσαράκοντα τάλαντα σταθμὸν χρυσίου ἀπέφθου, καὶ περιαιρετὸν εἶναι ἅπαν. χρησαμένους τε ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ ἔφη χρῆναι μὴ ἐλάσσω ἀντικαταστῆσαι πάλιν.

6 χρήμασι μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἐθάρσυνεν αὐτούς, ὁπλίτας δὲ τρισχιλίους καὶ μυρίους εἶναι ἄνευ τῶν ἐν τοῖς φρουρίοις καὶ τῶν παρ’ ἔπαλξιν ἑξακισχιλίων καὶ μυρίων.

7 τοσοῦτοι γὰρ ἐφύλασσον τὸ πρῶτον ὁπότε οἱ πολέμιοι ἐσβάλοιεν, ἀπό τε τῶν πρεσβυτάτων καὶ τῶν νεωτάτων, καὶ μετοίκων ὅσοι ὁπλῖται ἦσαν. τοῦ τε γὰρ Φαληρικοῦ τείχους στάδιοι ἦσαν πέντε καὶ τριάκοντα πρὸς τὸν κύκλον τοῦ ἄστεως, καὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦ κύκλου τὸ φυλασσόμενον τρεῖς καὶ τεσσαράκοντα (ἔστι δὲ αὐτοῦ ὃ καὶ ἀφύλακτον ἦν, τὸ μεταξὺ τοῦ τε μακροῦ καὶ τοῦ Φαληρικοῦ), τὰ δὲ μακρὰ τείχη πρὸς τὸν Πειραιᾶ τεσσαράκοντα σταδίων, ὧν τὸ ἔξωθεν ἐτηρεῖτο· καὶ τοῦ Πειραιῶς ξὺν Μουνιχίᾳ ἑξήκοντα μὲν σταδίων ὁ ἅπας περίβολος, τὸ δ’ ἐν φυλακῇ ὂν ἥμισυ τούτου.

8 ἱππέας δὲ ἀπέφαινε διακοσίους καὶ χιλίους ξὺν ἱπποτοξόταις, ἑξακοσίους δὲ καὶ χιλίους τοξότας, καὶ τριήρεις τὰς πλωίμους τριακοσίας.

9 ταῦτα γὰρ ὑπῆρχεν Ἀθηναίοις καὶ οὐκ ἐλάσσω ἕκαστα τούτων, ὅτε ἡ ἐσβολὴ τὸ πρῶτον ἔμελλε Πελοποννησίων ἔσεσθαι καὶ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον καθίσταντο. ἔλεγε δὲ καὶ ἄλλα οἷάπερ εἰώθει Περικλῆς ἐς ἀπόδειξιν τοῦ περιέσεσθαι τῷ πολέμῳ.

Chapter 14

1 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀκούσαντες ἀνεπείθοντό τε καὶ ἐσεκομίζοντο ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν παῖδας καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ τὴν ἄλλην κατασκευὴν ᾗ κατ’ οἶκον ἐχρῶντο, καὶ αὐτῶν τῶν οἰκιῶν καθαιροῦντες τὴν ξύλωσιν· πρόβατα δὲ καὶ ὑποζύγια ἐς τὴν Εὔβοιαν διεπέμψαντο καὶ ἐς τὰς νήσους τὰς ἐπικειμένας.

2 χαλεπῶς δὲ αὐτοῖς διὰ τὸ αἰεὶ εἰωθέναι τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς διαιτᾶσθαι ἡ ἀνάστασις ἐγίγνετο.

Chapter 15

1 ξυνεβεβήκει δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ πάνυ ἀρχαίου ἑτέρων μᾶλλον Ἀθηναίοις τοῦτο. ἐπὶ γὰρ Κέκροπος καὶ τῶν πρώτων βασιλέων ἡ Ἀττικὴ ἐς Θησέα αἰεὶ κατὰ πόλεις ᾠκεῖτο πρυτανεῖά τε ἐχούσας καὶ ἄρχοντας, καὶ ὁπότε μή τι δείσειαν, οὐ ξυνῇσαν βουλευσόμενοι ὡς τὸν βασιλέα, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοὶ ἕκαστοι ἐπολίτευον καὶ ἐβουλεύοντο· καί τινες καὶ ἐπολέμησάν ποτε αὐτῶν, ὥσπερ καὶ Ἐλευσίνιοι μετ’ Εὐμόλπου πρὸς Ἐρεχθέα.

2 ἐπειδὴ δὲ Θησεὺς ἐβασίλευσε, γενόμενος μετὰ τοῦ ξυνετοῦ καὶ δυνατὸς τά τε ἄλλα διεκόσμησε τὴν χώραν καὶ καταλύσας τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων τά τε βουλευτήρια καὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐς τὴν νῦν πόλιν οὖσαν, ἓν βουλευτήριον ἀποδείξας καὶ πρυτανεῖον, ξυνῴκισε πάντας, καὶ νεμομένους τὰ αὑτῶν ἑκάστους ἅπερ καὶ πρὸ τοῦ ἠνάγκασε μιᾷ πόλει ταύτῃ χρῆσθαι, ἣ ἁπάντων ἤδη ξυντελούντων ἐς αὐτὴν μεγάλη γενομένη παρεδόθη ὑπὸ Θησέως τοῖς ἔπειτα· καὶ ξυνοίκια ἐξ ἐκείνου Ἀθηναῖοι ἔτι καὶ νῦν τῇ θεῷ ἑορτὴν δημοτελῆ ποιοῦσιν.

3 τὸ δὲ πρὸ τοῦ ἡ ἀκρόπολις ἡ νῦν οὖσα πόλις ἦν, καὶ τὸ ὑπ’ αὐτὴν πρὸς νότον μάλιστα τετραμμένον.

4 τεκμήριον δέ· τὰ γὰρ ἱερὰ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ἀκροπόλει † καὶ ἄλλων θεῶν ἐστὶ καὶ τὰ ἔξω πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος τῆς πόλεως μᾶλλον ἵδρυται, τό τε τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Ὀλυμπίου καὶ τὸ Πύθιον καὶ τὸ τῆς Γῆς καὶ τὸ 〈τοῦ〉 ἐν Λίμναις Διονύσου, ᾧ τὰ ἀρχαιότερα Διονύσια [τῇ δωδεκάτῃ] ποιεῖται ἐν μηνὶ Ἀνθεστηριῶνι, ὥσπερ καὶ οἱ ἀπ’ Ἀθηναίων Ἴωνες ἔτι καὶ νῦν νομίζουσιν. ἵδρυται δὲ καὶ ἄλλα ἱερὰ ταύτῃ ἀρχαῖα.

5 καὶ τῇ κρήνῃ τῇ νῦν μὲν τῶν τυράννων οὕτω σκευασάντων Ἐννεακρούνῳ καλουμένῃ, τὸ δὲ πάλαι φανερῶν τῶν πηγῶν οὐσῶν Καλλιρρόῃ ὠνομασμένῃ, ἐκεῖνοί τε ἐγγὺς οὔσῃ τὰ πλείστου ἄξια ἐχρῶντο, καὶ νῦν ἔτι ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀρχαίου πρό τε γαμικῶν καὶ ἐς ἄλλα τῶν ἱερῶν νομίζεται τῷ ὕδατι χρῆσθαι·

6 καλεῖται δὲ διὰ τὴν παλαιὰν ταύτῃ κατοίκησιν καὶ ἡ ἀκρόπολις μέχρι τοῦδε ἔτι ὑπ᾽ Ἀθηναίων πόλις.

Chapter 16

1 τῇ τε οὖν ἐπὶ πολὺ κατὰ τὴν χώραν αὐτονόμῳ οἰκήσει μετεῖχον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, καὶ ἐπειδὴ ξυνῳκίσθησαν, διὰ τὸ ἔθος ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς ὅμως οἱ πλείους τῶν τε ἀρχαίων καὶ τῶν ὕστερον μέχρι τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου γενόμενοί τε καὶ οἰκήσαντες οὐ ῥᾳδίως πανοικεσίᾳ τὰς μεταναστάσεις ἐποιοῦντο, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἄρτι ἀνειληφότες τὰς κατασκευὰς μετὰ τὰ Μηδικά·

2 ἐβαρύνοντο δὲ καὶ χαλεπῶς ἔφερον οἰκίας τε καταλείποντες καὶ ἱερὰ ἃ διὰ παντὸς ἦν αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῆς κατὰ τὸ ἀρχαῖον πολιτείας πάτρια δίαιτάν τε μέλλοντες μεταβάλλειν καὶ οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ πόλιν τὴν αὑτοῦ ἀπολείπων ἕκαστος.

Chapter 17

1 ἐπειδή τε ἀφίκοντο ἐς τὸ ἄστυ, ὀλίγοις μέν τισιν ὑπῆρχον οἰκήσεις καὶ παρὰ φίλων τινὰς ἢ οἰκείων καταφυγή, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ τά τε ἐρῆμα τῆς πόλεως ᾤκησαν καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ καὶ τὰ ἡρῷα πάντα πλὴν τῆς ἀκροπόλεως καὶ τοῦ Ἐλευσινίου καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο βεβαίως κλῃστὸν ἦν· τό τε Πελαργικὸν καλούμενον τὸ ὑπὸ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν, ὃ καὶ ἐπάρατόν τε ἦν μὴ οἰκεῖν καί τι καὶ Πυθικοῦ μαντείου ἀκροτελεύτιον τοιόνδε διεκώλυε, λέγον ὡς ‘τὸ Πελαργικὸν ἀργὸν ἄμεινον,’ ὅμως ὑπὸ τῆς παραχρῆμα ἀνάγκης ἐξῳκήθη.

2 καί μοι δοκεῖ τὸ μαντεῖον τοὐναντίον ξυμβῆναι ἢ προσεδέχοντο· οὐ γὰρ διὰ τὴν παράνομον ἐνοίκησιν αἱ ξυμφοραὶ γενέσθαι τῇ πόλει, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἡ ἀνάγκη τῆς οἰκήσεως, ὃν οὐκ ὀνομάζον τὸ μαντεῖον προῄδει μὴ ἐπ’ ἀγαθῷ ποτὲ αὐτὸ κατοικισθησόμενον.

3 κατεσκευάσαντο δὲ καὶ ἐν τοῖς πύργοις τῶν τειχῶν πολλοὶ καὶ ὡς ἕκαστός που ἐδύνατο· οὐ γὰρ ἐχώρησε ξυνελθόντας αὐτοὺς ἡ πόλις, ἀλλ’ ὕστερον δὴ τά τε μακρὰ τείχη ᾤκησαν κατανειμάμενοι καὶ τοῦ Πειραιῶς τὰ πολλά.

4 ἅμα δὲ καὶ τῶν πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἥπτοντο, ξυμμάχους τε ἀγείροντες καὶ τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ ἑκατὸν νεῶν ἐπίπλουν ἐξαρτύοντες.

5 καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐν τούτῳ παρασκευῆς ἦσαν.

Chapter 18

1 ὁ δὲ στρατὸς τῶν Πελοποννησίων προϊὼν ἀφίκετο τῆς Ἀττικῆς ἐς Οἰνόην πρῶτον, ᾗπερ ἔμελλον ἐσβαλεῖν. καὶ ὡς ἐκαθέζοντο, προσβολὰς παρεσκευάζοντο τῷ τείχει ποιησόμενοι μηχαναῖς τε καὶ ἄλλῳ τρόπῳ·

2 ἡ γὰρ Οἰνόη οὖσα ἐν μεθορίοις τῆς Ἀττικῆς καὶ Βοιωτίας ἐτετείχιστο, καὶ αὐτῷ φρουρίῳ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐχρῶντο ὁπότε πόλεμος καταλάβοι. τάς τε οὖν προσβολὰς ηὐτρεπίζοντο καὶ ἄλλως ἐνδιέτριψαν χρόνον περὶ αὐτήν.

3 αἰτίαν τε οὐκ ἐλαχίστην Ἀρχίδαμος ἔλαβεν ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ, δοκῶν καὶ ἐν τῇ ξυναγωγῇ τοῦ πολέμου μαλακὸς εἶναι καὶ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐπιτήδειος, οὐ παραινῶν προθύμως πολεμεῖν· ἐπειδή τε ξυνελέγετο ὁ στρατός, ἥ τε ἐν τῷ Ἰσθμῷ ἐπιμονὴ γενομένη καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἄλλην πορείαν ἡ σχολαιότης διέβαλεν αὐτόν, μάλιστα δὲ ἡ ἐν τῇ Οἰνόῃ ἐπίσχεσις.

4 οἱ γὰρ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐσεκομίζοντο ἐν τῷ χρόνῳ τούτῳ, καὶ ἐδόκουν οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι ἐπελθόντες ἂν διὰ τάχους πάντα ἔτι ἔξω καταλαβεῖν, εἰ μὴ διὰ τὴν ἐκείνου μέλλησιν.

5 ἐν τοιαύτῃ μὲν ὀργῇ ὁ στρατὸς τὸν Ἀρχίδαμον ἐν τῇ καθέδρᾳ εἶχεν. ὁ δὲ προσδεχόμενος, ὡς λέγεται, τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τῆς γῆς ἔτι ἀκεραίου οὔσης ἐνδώσειν τι καὶ κατοκνήσειν περιιδεῖν αὐτὴν τμηθεῖσαν, ἀνεῖχεν.

Chapter 19

1 ἐπειδὴ μέντοι προσβαλόντες τῇ Οἰνόῃ καὶ πᾶσαν ἰδέαν πειράσαντες οὐκ ἐδύναντο ἑλεῖν, οἵ τε Ἀθηναῖοι οὐδὲν ἐπεκηρυκεύοντο, οὕτω δὴ ὁρμήσαντες ἀπ’ αὐτῆς μετὰ τὰ ἐν Πλαταίᾳ [τῶν ἐσελθόντων Θηβαίων] γενόμενα ἡμέρᾳ ὀγδοηκοστῇ μάλιστα, θέρους καὶ τοῦ σίτου ἀκμάζοντος, ἐσέβαλον ἐς τὴν Ἀττικήν· ἡγεῖτο δὲ Ἀρχίδαμος ὁ Ζευξιδάμου, Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεύς.

2 καὶ καθεζόμενοι ἔτεμνον πρῶτον μὲν Ἐλευσῖνα καὶ τὸ Θριάσιον πεδίον καὶ τροπήν τινα τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἱππέων περὶ τοὺς Ῥείτους καλουμένους ἐποιήσαντο· ἔπειτα προυχώρουν ἐν δεξιᾷ ἔχοντες τὸ Αἰγάλεων ὄρος διὰ Κρωπιᾶς, ἕως ἀφίκοντο ἐς Ἀχαρνάς, χωρίον μέγιστον τῆς Ἀττικῆς τῶν δήμων καλουμένων, καὶ καθεζόμενοι ἐς αὐτὸ στρατόπεδόν τε ἐποιήσαντο χρόνον τε πολὺν ἐμμείναντες ἔτεμνον.

Chapter 20

1 γνώμῃ δὲ τοιᾷδε λέγεται τὸν Ἀρχίδαμον περί τε τὰς Ἀχαρνὰς ὡς ἐς μάχην ταξάμενον μεῖναι καὶ ἐς τὸ πεδίον ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἐσβολῇ οὐ καταβῆναι·

2 τοὺς γὰρ Ἀθηναίους ἤλπιζεν, ἀκμάζοντάς τε νεότητι πολλῇ καὶ παρεσκευασμένους ἐς πόλεμον ὡς οὔπω πρότερον, ἴσως ἂν ἐπεξελθεῖν καὶ τὴν γῆν οὐκ ἂν περιιδεῖν τμηθῆναι.

3 ἐπειδὴ οὖν αὐτῷ ἐς Ἐλευσῖνα καὶ τὸ Θριάσιον πεδίον οὐκ ἀπήντησαν, πεῖραν ἐποιεῖτο περὶ τὰς Ἀχαρνὰς καθήμενος εἰ ἐπεξίασιν·

4 ἅμα μὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ ὁ χῶρος ἐπιτήδειος ἐφαίνετο ἐνστρατοπεδεῦσαι, ἅμα δὲ καὶ οἱ Ἀχαρνῆς μέγα μέρος ὄντες τῆς πόλεως (τρισχίλιοι γὰρ ὁπλῖται ἐγένοντο) οὐ περιόψεσθαι ἐδόκουν τὰ σφέτερα διαφθαρέντα, ἀλλ’ ὁρμήσειν καὶ τοὺς πάντας ἐς μάχην. εἴ τε καὶ μὴ ἐπεξέλθοιεν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἐσβολῇ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἀδεέστερον ἤδη ἐς τὸ ὕστερον τό τε πεδίον τεμεῖν καὶ πρὸς αὐτὴν τὴν πόλιν χωρήσεσθαι· τοὺς γὰρ Ἀχαρνέας ἐστερημένους τῶν σφετέρων οὐχ ὁμοίως προθύμους ἔσεσθαι ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν ἄλλων κινδυνεύειν, στάσιν δ’ ἐνέσεσθαι τῇ γνώμῃ.

5 τοιαύτῃ μὲν διανοίᾳ ὁ Ἀρχίδαμος περὶ τὰς Ἀχαρνὰς ἦν.

Chapter 21

1 Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ μέχρι μὲν οὗ περὶ Ἐλευσῖνα καὶ τὸ Θριάσιον πεδίον ὁ στρατὸς ἦν, καί τινα ἐλπίδα εἶχον ἐς τὸ ἐγγυτέρω αὐτοὺς μὴ προϊέναι, μεμνημένοι καὶ Πλειστοάνακτα τὸν Παυσανίου Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλέα, ὅτε ἐσβαλὼν τῆς Ἀττικῆς ἐς Ἐλευσῖνα καὶ Θριῶζε στρατῷ Πελοποννησίων πρὸ τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου τέσσαρσι καὶ δέκα ἔτεσιν ἀνεχώρησε πάλιν ἐς τὸ πλέον οὐκέτι προελθών (δι’ ὃ δὴ καὶ ἡ φυγὴ αὐτῷ ἐγένετο ἐκ Σπάρτης δόξαντι χρήμασι πεισθῆναι [τὴν ἀναχώρησιν])·

2 ἐπειδὴ δὲ περὶ Ἀχαρνὰς εἶδον τὸν στρατὸν ἑξήκοντα σταδίους τῆς πόλεως ἀπέχοντα, οὐκέτι ἀνασχετὸν ἐποιοῦντο, ἀλλ’ αὐτοῖς, ὡς εἰκός, γῆς τεμνομένης ἐν τῷ ἐμφανεῖ, ὃ οὔπω ἑοράκεσαν οἵ γε νεώτεροι, οὐδ’ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι πλὴν τὰ Μηδικά, δεινὸν ἐφαίνετο καὶ ἐδόκει τοῖς τε ἄλλοις καὶ μάλιστα τῇ νεότητι ἐπεξιέναι καὶ μὴ περιορᾶν.

3 κατὰ ξυστάσεις τε γιγνόμενοι ἐν πολλῇ ἔριδι ἦσαν, οἱ μὲν κελεύοντες ἐπεξιέναι, οἱ δέ τινες οὐκ ἐῶντες. χρησμολόγοι τε ᾖδον χρησμοὺς παντοίους, ὧν ἀκροᾶσθαι ὡς ἕκαστος ὥρμητο. οἵ τε Ἀχαρνῆς οἰόμενοι παρὰ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς οὐκ ἐλαχίστην μοῖραν εἶναι Ἀθηναίων, ὡς αὐτῶν ἡ γῆ ἐτέμνετο, ἐνῆγον τὴν ἔξοδον μάλιστα. παντί τε τρόπῳ ἀνηρέθιστο ἡ πόλις, καὶ τὸν Περικλέα ἐν ὀργῇ εἶχον, καὶ ὧν παρῄνεσε πρότερον ἐμέμνηντο οὐδέν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκάκιζον ὅτι στρατηγὸς ὢν οὐκ ἐπεξάγοι, αἴτιόν τε σφίσιν ἐνόμιζον πάντων ὧν ἔπασχον.

Chapter 22

1 Περικλῆς δὲ ὁρῶν μὲν αὐτοὺς πρὸς τὸ παρὸν χαλεπαίνοντας καὶ οὐ τὰ ἄριστα φρονοῦντας, πιστεύων δὲ ὀρθῶς γιγνώσκειν περὶ τοῦ μὴ ἐπεξιέναι, ἐκκλησίαν τε οὐκ ἐποίει αὐτῶν οὐδὲ ξύλλογον οὐδένα, τοῦ μὴ ὀργῇ τι μᾶλλον ἢ γνώμῃ ξυνελθόντας ἐξαμαρτεῖν, τήν τε πόλιν ἐφύλασσε καὶ δι’ ἡσυχίας μάλιστα ὅσον ἐδύνατο εἶχεν.

2 ἱππέας μέντοι ἐξέπεμπεν αἰεὶ τοῦ μὴ προδρόμους ἀπὸ τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐσπίπτοντας ἐς τοὺς ἀγροὺς τοὺς ἐγγὺς τῆς πόλεως κακουργεῖν· καὶ ἱππομαχία τις ἐγένετο βραχεῖα ἐν Φρυγίοις τῶν τε Ἀθηναίων τέλει ἑνὶ τῶν ἱππέων καὶ Θεσσαλοῖς μετ’ αὐτῶν πρὸς τοὺς Βοιωτῶν ἱππέας, ἐν ᾗ οὐκ ἔλασσον ἔσχον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Θεσσαλοί, μέχρι οὗ προσβοηθησάντων τοῖς Βοιωτοῖς τῶν ὁπλιτῶν τροπὴ ἐγένετο αὐτῶν καὶ ἀπέθανον τῶν Θεσσαλῶν καὶ Ἀθηναίων οὐ πολλοί· ἀνείλοντο μέντοι αὐτοὺς αὐθημερὸν ἀσπόνδους.

3 καὶ οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι τροπαῖον τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἔστησαν. ἡ δὲ βοήθεια αὕτη τῶν Θεσσαλῶν κατὰ τὸ παλαιὸν ξυμμαχικὸν ἐγένετο τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, καὶ ἀφίκοντο παρ’ αὐτοὺς Λαρισαῖοι, Φαρσάλιοι, [Παράσιοι], Κραννώνιοι, Πυράσιοι, Γυρτώνιοι, Φεραῖοι. ἡγοῦντο δὲ αὐτῶν ἐκ μὲν Λαρίσης Πολυμήδης καὶ Ἀριστόνους, ἀπὸ τῆς στάσεως ἑκάτερος, ἐκ δὲ Φαρσάλου Μένων· ἦσαν δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων κατὰ πόλεις ἄρχοντες.

Chapter 23

1 οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι, ἐπειδὴ οὐκ ἐπεξῇσαν αὐτοῖς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐς μάχην, ἄραντες ἐκ τῶν Ἀχαρνῶν ἐδῄουν τῶν δήμων τινὰς ἄλλους τῶν μεταξὺ Πάρνηθος καὶ Βριλησσοῦ ὄρους.

2 ὄντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐν τῇ γῇ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀπέστειλαν τὰς ἑκατὸν ναῦς περὶ Πελοπόννησον ἅσπερ παρεσκευάζοντο καὶ χιλίους ὁπλίτας ἐπ’ αὐτῶν καὶ τοξότας τετρακοσίους· ἐστρατήγει δὲ Καρκίνος τε ὁ Ξενοτίμου καὶ Πρωτέας ὁ Ἐπικλέους καὶ Σωκράτης ὁ Ἀντιγένους.

3 καὶ οἱ μὲν ἄραντες τῇ παρασκευῇ ταύτῃ περιέπλεον, οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι χρόνον ἐμμείναντες ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ ὅσου εἶχον τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἀνεχώρησαν διὰ Βοιωτῶν, οὐχ ᾗπερ ἐσέβαλον· παριόντες δὲ Ὠρωπὸν τὴν γῆν τὴν Γραϊκὴν καλουμένην, ἣν νέμονται Ὠρώπιοι Ἀθηναίων ὑπήκοοι, ἐδῄωσαν. ἀφικόμενοι δὲ ἐς Πελοπόννησον διελύθησαν κατὰ πόλεις ἕκαστοι.

Chapter 24

1 ἀναχωρησάντων δὲ αὐτῶν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι φυλακὰς κατεστήσαντο κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν, ὥσπερ δὴ ἔμελλον διὰ παντὸς τοῦ πολέμου φυλάξειν· καὶ χίλια τάλαντα ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλει χρημάτων ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς ἐξαίρετα ποιησαμένοις χωρὶς θέσθαι καὶ μὴ ἀναλοῦν, ἀλλ’ ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων πολεμεῖν· ἢν δέ τις εἴπῃ ἢ ἐπιψηφίσῃ κινεῖν τὰ χρήματα ταῦτα ἐς ἄλλο τι, ἢν μὴ οἱ πολέμιοι νηίτῃ στρατῷ ἐπιπλέωσι τῇ πόλει καὶ δέῃ ἀμύνασθαι, θάνατον ζημίαν ἐπέθεντο.

2 τριήρεις τε μετ’ αὐτῶν ἐξαιρέτους ἑκατὸν ἐποιήσαντο κατὰ τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ἕκαστον τὰς βελτίστας, καὶ τριηράρχους αὐταῖς, ὧν μὴ χρῆσθαι μηδεμιᾷ ἐς ἄλλο τι ἢ μετὰ τῶν χρημάτων περὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ κινδύνου, ἢν δέῃ.

Chapter 25

1 οἱ δ’ ἐν ταῖς ἑκατὸν ναυσὶ περὶ Πελοπόννησον Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Κερκυραῖοι μετ’ αὐτῶν πεντήκοντα ναυσὶ προσβεβοηθηκότες καὶ ἄλλοι τινὲς τῶν ἐκεῖ ξυμμάχων ἄλλα τε ἐκάκουν περιπλέοντες καὶ ἐς Μεθώνην τῆς Λακωνικῆς ἀποβάντες τῷ τείχει προσέβαλον ὄντι ἀσθενεῖ καὶ ἀνθρώπων οὐκ ἐνόντων.

2 ἔτυχε δὲ περὶ τοὺς χώρους τούτους Βρασίδας ὁ Τέλλιδος ἀνὴρ Σπαρτιάτης φρουρὰν ἔχων, καὶ αἰσθόμενος ἐβοήθει τοῖς ἐν τῷ χωρίῳ μετὰ ὁπλιτῶν ἑκατόν. διαδραμὼν δὲ τὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατόπεδον ἐσκεδασμένον κατὰ τὴν χώραν καὶ πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος τετραμμένον ἐσπίπτει ἐς τὴν Μεθώνην καὶ ὀλίγους τινὰς ἐν τῇ ἐσδρομῇ ἀπολέσας τῶν μεθ’ αὑτοῦ τήν τε πόλιν περιεποίησε καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου τοῦ τολμήματος πρῶτος τῶν κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἐπῃνέθη ἐν Σπάρτῃ.

3 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι ἄραντες παρέπλεον, καὶ σχόντες τῆς Ἠλείας ἐς Φειὰν ἐδῄουν τὴν γῆν ἐπὶ δύο ἡμέρας καὶ προσβοηθήσαντας τῶν ἐκ τῆς κοίλης Ἤλιδος τριακοσίους λογάδας καὶ τῶν αὐτόθεν ἐκ τῆς περιοικίδος Ἠλείων μάχῃ ἐκράτησαν.

4 ἀνέμου δὲ κατιόντος μεγάλου χειμαζόμενοι ἐν ἀλιμένῳ χωρίῳ, οἱ μὲν πολλοὶ ἐπέβησαν ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς καὶ περιέπλεον τὸν Ἰχθῦν καλούμενον τὴν ἄκραν ἐς τὸν ἐν τῇ Φειᾷ λιμένα, οἱ δὲ Μεσσήνιοι ἐν τούτῳ καὶ ἄλλοι τινὲς οἱ οὐ δυνάμενοι ἐπιβῆναι κατὰ γῆν χωρήσαντες τὴν Φειὰν αἱροῦσιν.

5 καὶ ὕστερον αἵ τε νῆες περιπλεύσασαι ἀναλαμβάνουσιν αὐτοὺς καὶ ἐξανάγονται ἐκλιπόντες Φειάν, καὶ τῶν Ἠλείων ἡ πολλὴ ἤδη στρατιὰ προσεβεβοηθήκει. παραπλεύσαντες δὲ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐπὶ ἄλλα χωρία ἐδῄουν.

Chapter 26

1 ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον τοῦτον Ἀθηναῖοι τριάκοντα ναῦς ἐξέπεμψαν περὶ τὴν Λοκρίδα καὶ Εὐβοίας ἅμα φυλακήν· ἐστρατήγει δὲ αὐτῶν Κλεόπομπος ὁ Κλεινίου.

2 καὶ ἀποβάσεις ποιησάμενος τῆς τε παραθαλασσίου ἔστιν ἃ ἐδῄωσε καὶ Θρόνιον εἷλεν, ὁμήρους τε ἔλαβεν αὐτῶν, καὶ ἐν Ἀλόπῃ τοὺς βοηθήσαντας Λοκρῶν μάχῃ ἐκράτησεν.

Chapter 27

1 ἀνέστησαν δὲ καὶ Αἰγινήτας τῷ αὐτῷ θέρει τούτῳ ἐξ Αἰγίνης Ἀθηναῖοι, αὐτούς τε καὶ παῖδας καὶ γυναῖκας, ἐπικαλέσαντες οὐχ ἥκιστα τοῦ πολέμου σφίσιν αἰτίους εἶναι· καὶ τὴν Αἴγιναν ἀσφαλέστερον ἐφαίνετο τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ ἐπικειμένην αὑτῶν πέμψαντας ἐποίκους ἔχειν. καὶ ἐξέπεμψαν ὕστερον οὐ πολλῷ ἐς αὐτὴν τοὺς οἰκήτορας.

2 ἐκπεσοῦσι δὲ τοῖς Αἰγινήταις οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἔδοσαν Θυρέαν οἰκεῖν καὶ τὴν γῆν νέμεσθαι, κατά τε τὸ Ἀθηναίων διάφορον καὶ ὅτι σφῶν εὐεργέται ἦσαν ὑπὸ τὸν σεισμὸν καὶ τῶν Εἱλώτων τὴν ἐπανάστασιν. ἡ δὲ Θυρεᾶτις γῆ μεθορία τῆς Ἀργείας καὶ Λακωνικῆς ἐστίν, ἐπὶ θάλασσαν καθήκουσα. καὶ οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν ἐνταῦθα ᾤκησαν, οἱ δ’ ἐσπάρησαν κατὰ τὴν ἄλλην Ἑλλάδα.

Chapter 28

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ θέρους νουμηνίᾳ κατὰ σελήνην, ὥσπερ καὶ μόνον δοκεῖ εἶναι γίγνεσθαι δυνατόν, ὁ ἥλιος ἐξέλιπε μετὰ μεσημβρίαν καὶ πάλιν ἀνεπληρώθη, γενόμενος μηνοειδὴς καὶ ἀστέρων τινῶν ἐκφανέντων.

Chapter 29

1 καὶ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ θέρει Νυμφόδωρον τὸν Πύθεω ἄνδρα Ἀβδηρίτην, οὗ εἶχε τὴν ἀδελφὴν Σιτάλκης, δυνάμενον παρ’ αὐτῷ μέγα οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι πρότερον πολέμιον νομίζοντες πρόξενον ἐποιήσαντο καὶ μετεπέμψαντο, βουλόμενοι Σιτάλκην σφίσι τὸν Τήρεω, Θρᾳκῶν βασιλέα, ξύμμαχον γενέσθαι.

2 ὁ δὲ Τήρης οὗτος ὁ τοῦ Σιτάλκου πατὴρ πρῶτος Ὀδρύσαις τὴν μεγάλην βασιλείαν ἐπὶ πλέον τῆς ἄλλης Θρᾴκης ἐποίησεν· πολὺ γὰρ μέρος καὶ αὐτόνομόν ἐστι Θρᾳκῶν.

3 Τηρεῖ δὲ τῷ Πρόκνην τὴν Πανδίονος ἀπ’ Ἀθηνῶν σχόντι γυναῖκα προσήκει ὁ Τήρης οὗτος οὐδέν, οὐδὲ τῆς αὐτῆς Θρᾴκης ἐγένοντο, ἀλλ’ ὁ μὲν ἐν Δαυλίᾳ τῆς Φωκίδος νῦν καλουμένης γῆς [ὁ Τηρεὺς] ᾤκει, τότε ὑπὸ Θρᾳκῶν οἰκουμένης, καὶ τὸ ἔργον τὸ περὶ τὸν Ἴτυν αἱ γυναῖκες ἐν τῇ γῇ ταύτῃ ἔπραξαν (πολλοῖς δὲ καὶ τῶν ποιητῶν ἐν ἀηδόνος μνήμῃ Δαυλιὰς ἡ ὄρνις ἐπωνόμασται), εἰκός τε καὶ τὸ κῆδος Πανδίονα ξυνάψασθαι τῆς θυγατρὸς διὰ τοσούτου ἐπ’ ὠφελίᾳ τῇ πρὸς ἀλλήλους μᾶλλον ἢ διὰ πολλῶν ἡμερῶν ἐς Ὀδρύσας ὁδοῦ. Τήρης δὲ οὐδὲ τὸ αὐτὸ ὄνομα ἔχων βασιλεύς [τε] πρῶτος ἐν κράτει Ὀδρυσῶν ἐγένετο.

4 οὗ δὴ ὄντα τὸν Σιτάλκην οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ξύμμαχον ἐποιοῦντο, βουλόμενοι σφίσι τὰ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης χωρία καὶ Περδίκκαν ξυνεξελεῖν αὐτόν.

5 ἐλθών τε ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας ὁ Νυμφόδωρος τήν τε τοῦ Σιτάλκου ξυμμαχίαν ἐποίησε καὶ Σάδοκον τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ Ἀθηναῖον τόν τε ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης πόλεμον ὑπεδέχετο καταλύσειν· πείσειν γὰρ Σιτάλκην πέμπειν στρατιὰν Θρᾳκίαν Ἀθηναίοις ἱππέων τε καὶ πελταστῶν.

6 ξυνεβίβασε δὲ καὶ τὸν Περδίκκαν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις καὶ Θέρμην αὐτῷ ἔπεισεν ἀποδοῦναι· ξυνεστράτευσέ τε εὐθὺς Περδίκκας ἐπὶ Χαλκιδέας μετὰ Ἀθηναίων καὶ Φορμίωνος.

7 οὕτω μὲν Σιτάλκης τε ὁ Τήρεω Θρᾳκῶν βασιλεὺς ξύμμαχος ἐγένετο Ἀθηναίοις καὶ Περδίκκας ὁ Ἀλεξάνδρου Μακεδόνων βασιλεύς.

Chapter 30

1 οἱ δ’ ἐν ταῖς ἑκατὸν ναυσὶν Ἀθηναῖοι ἔτι ὄντες περὶ Πελοπόννησον Σόλλιόν τε Κορινθίων πόλισμα αἱροῦσι καὶ παραδιδόασι Παλαιρεῦσιν Ἀκαρνάνων μόνοις τὴν γῆν καὶ πόλιν νέμεσθαι· καὶ Ἀστακόν, ἧς Εὔαρχος ἐτυράννει, λαβόντες κατὰ κράτος καὶ ἐξελάσαντες αὐτὸν τὸ χωρίον ἐς τὴν ξυμμαχίαν προσεποιήσαντο.

2 ἐπί τε Κεφαλληνίαν τὴν νῆσον προσπλεύσαντες προσηγάγοντο ἄνευ μάχης· κεῖται δὲ ἡ Κεφαλληνία κατὰ Ἀκαρνανίαν καὶ Λευκάδα τετράπολις οὖσα, Παλῆς, Κράνιοι, Σαμαῖοι, Προνναῖοι. ὕστερον δ’ οὐ πολλῷ ἀνεχώρησαν αἱ νῆες ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας.

Chapter 31

1 περὶ δὲ τὸ φθινόπωρον τοῦ θέρους τούτου Ἀθηναῖοι πανδημεί, αὐτοὶ καὶ οἱ μέτοικοι, ἐσέβαλον ἐς τὴν Μεγαρίδα Περικλέους τοῦ Ξανθίππου στρατηγοῦντος. καὶ οἱ περὶ Πελοπόννησον Ἀθηναῖοι ἐν ταῖς ἑκατὸν ναυσίν (ἔτυχον γὰρ ἤδη ἐν Αἰγίνῃ ὄντες ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀνακομιζόμενοι) ὡς ᾔσθοντο τοὺς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως πανστρατιᾷ ἐν Μεγάροις ὄντας, ἔπλευσαν παρ’ αὐτοὺς καὶ ξυνεμείχθησαν.

2 στρατόπεδόν τε μέγιστον δὴ τοῦτο ἁθρόον Ἀθηναίων ἐγένετο, ἀκμαζούσης ἔτι τῆς πόλεως καὶ οὔπω νενοσηκυίας· μυρίων γὰρ ὁπλιτῶν οὐκ ἐλάσσους ἦσαν αὐτοὶ Ἀθηναῖοι (χωρὶς δὲ αὐτοῖς οἱ ἐν Ποτειδαίᾳ τρισχίλιοι ἦσαν), μέτοικοι δὲ ξυνεσέβαλον οὐκ ἐλάσσους τρισχιλίων ὁπλιτῶν, χωρὶς δὲ ὁ ἄλλος ὅμιλος ψιλῶν οὐκ ὀλίγος. δῃώσαντες δὲ τὰ πολλὰ τῆς γῆς ἀνεχώρησαν.

3 ἐγένοντο δὲ καὶ ἄλλαι ὕστερον ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ κατὰ ἔτος ἕκαστον ἐσβολαὶ Ἀθηναίων ἐς τὴν Μεγαρίδα καὶ ἱππέων καὶ πανστρατιᾷ, μέχρι οὗ Νίσαια ἑάλω ὑπ’ Ἀθηναίων.

Chapter 32

1 ἐτειχίσθη δὲ καὶ Ἀταλάντη ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων φρούριον τοῦ θέρους τούτου τελευτῶντος, ἡ ἐπὶ Λοκροῖς τοῖς Ὀπουντίοις νῆσος ἐρήμη πρότερον οὖσα, τοῦ μὴ λῃστὰς ἐκπλέοντας ἐξ Ὀποῦντος καὶ τῆς ἄλλης Λοκρίδος κακουργεῖν τὴν Εὔβοιαν. ταῦτα μὲν ἐν τῷ θέρει τούτῳ μετὰ τὴν Πελοποννησίων ἐκ τῆς Ἀττικῆς ἀναχώρησιν ἐγένετο.

Chapter 33

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος Εὔαρχος ὁ Ἀκαρνὰν βουλόμενος ἐς τὴν Ἀστακὸν κατελθεῖν πείθει Κορινθίους τεσσαράκοντα ναυσὶ καὶ πεντακοσίοις καὶ χιλίοις ὁπλίταις ἑαυτὸν κατάγειν πλεύσαντας, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπικούρους τινὰς προσεμισθώσατο· ἦρχον δὲ τῆς στρατιᾶς Εὐφαμίδας τε ὁ Ἀριστωνύμου καὶ Τιμόξενος ὁ Τιμοκράτους καὶ Εὔμαχος ὁ Χρύσιδος.

2 καὶ πλεύσαντες κατήγαγον· καὶ τῆς ἄλλης Ἀκαρνανίας τῆς περὶ θάλασσαν ἔστιν ἃ χωρία βουλόμενοι προσποιήσασθαι καὶ πειραθέντες, ὡς οὐκ ἐδύναντο, ἀπέπλεον ἐπ’ οἴκου.

3 σχόντες δ’ ἐν τῷ παράπλῳ ἐς Κεφαλληνίαν καὶ ἀπόβασιν ποιησάμενοι ἐς τὴν Κρανίων γῆν, ἀπατηθέντες ὑπ’ αὐτῶν ἐξ ὁμολογίας τινὸς ἄνδρας τε ἀποβάλλουσι σφῶν αὐτῶν, ἐπιθεμένων ἀπροσδοκήτοις τῶν Κρανίων, καὶ βιαιότερον ἀναγαγόμενοι ἐκομίσθησαν ἐπ’ οἴκου.

Chapter 34

1 ἐν δὲ τῷ αὐτῷ χειμῶνι Ἀθηναῖοι τῷ πατρίῳ νόμῳ χρώμενοι δημοσίᾳ ταφὰς ἐποιήσαντο τῶν ἐν τῷδε τῷ πολέμῳ πρώτων ἀποθανόντων τρόπῳ τοιῷδε.

2 τὰ μὲν ὀστᾶ προτίθενται τῶν ἀπογενομένων πρότριτα σκηνὴν ποιήσαντες, καὶ ἐπιφέρει τῷ αὑτοῦ ἕκαστος ἤν τι βούληται·

3 ἐπειδὰν δὲ ἡ ἐκφορὰ ᾖ, λάρνακας κυπαρισσίνας ἄγουσιν ἅμαξαι, φυλῆς ἑκάστης μίαν· ἔνεστι δὲ τὰ ὀστᾶ ἧς ἕκαστος ἦν φυλῆς. μία δὲ κλίνη κενὴ φέρεται ἐστρωμένη τῶν ἀφανῶν, οἳ ἂν μὴ εὑρεθῶσιν ἐς ἀναίρεσιν.

4 ξυνεκφέρει δὲ ὁ βουλόμενος καὶ ἀστῶν καὶ ξένων, καὶ γυναῖκες πάρεισιν αἱ προσήκουσαι ἐπὶ τὸν τάφον ὀλοφυρόμεναι.

5 τιθέασιν οὖν ἐς τὸ δημόσιον σῆμα, ὅ ἐστιν ἐπὶ τοῦ καλλίστου προαστείου τῆς πόλεως, καὶ αἰεὶ ἐν αὐτῷ θάπτουσι τοὺς ἐκ τῶν πολέμων, πλήν γε τοὺς ἐν Μαραθῶνι· ἐκείνων δὲ διαπρεπῆ τὴν ἀρετὴν κρίναντες αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸν τάφον ἐποίησαν.

6 ἐπειδὰν δὲ κρύψωσι γῇ, ἀνὴρ ᾑρημένος ὑπὸ τῆς πόλεως, ὃς ἂν γνώμῃ τε δοκῇ μὴ ἀξύνετος εἶναι καὶ ἀξιώσει προήκῃ, λέγει ἐπ’ αὐτοῖς ἔπαινον τὸν πρέποντα· μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ἀπέρχονται.

7 ὧδε μὲν θάπτουσιν· καὶ διὰ παντὸς τοῦ πολέμου, ὁπότε ξυμβαίη αὐτοῖς, ἐχρῶντο τῷ νόμῳ.

8 ἐπὶ δ’ οὖν τοῖς πρώτοις τοῖσδε Περικλῆς ὁ Ξανθίππου ᾑρέθη λέγειν. καὶ ἐπειδὴ καιρὸς ἐλάμβανε, προελθὼν ἀπὸ τοῦ σήματος ἐπὶ βῆμα ὑψηλὸν πεποιημένον, ὅπως ἀκούοιτο ὡς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τοῦ ὁμίλου, ἔλεγε τοιάδε.

Chapter 35

1 ‘οἱ μὲν πολλοὶ τῶν ἐνθάδε ἤδη εἰρηκότων ἐπαινοῦσι τὸν προσθέντα τῷ νόμῳ τὸν λόγον τόνδε, ὡς καλὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐκ τῶν πολέμων θαπτομένοις ἀγορεύεσθαι αὐτόν. ἐμοὶ δὲ ἀρκοῦν ἂν ἐδόκει εἶναι ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν ἔργῳ γενομένων ἔργῳ καὶ δηλοῦσθαι τὰς τιμάς, οἷα καὶ νῦν περὶ τὸν τάφον τόνδε δημοσίᾳ παρασκευασθέντα ὁρᾶτε, καὶ μὴ ἐν ἑνὶ ἀνδρὶ πολλῶν ἀρετὰς κινδυνεύεσθαι εὖ τε καὶ χεῖρον εἰπόντι πιστευθῆναι.

2 χαλεπὸν γὰρ τὸ μετρίως εἰπεῖν ἐν ᾧ μόλις καὶ ἡ δόκησις τῆς ἀληθείας βεβαιοῦται. ὅ τε γὰρ ξυνειδὼς καὶ εὔνους ἀκροατὴς τάχ’ ἄν τι ἐνδεεστέρως πρὸς ἃ βούλεταί τε καὶ ἐπίσταται νομίσειε δηλοῦσθαι, ὅ τε ἄπειρος ἔστιν ἃ καὶ πλεονάζεσθαι, διὰ φθόνον, εἴ τι ὑπὲρ τὴν αὑτοῦ φύσιν ἀκούοι. μέχρι γὰρ τοῦδε ἀνεκτοὶ οἱ ἔπαινοί εἰσι περὶ ἑτέρων λεγόμενοι, ἐς ὅσον ἂν καὶ αὐτὸς ἕκαστος οἴηται ἱκανὸς εἶναι δρᾶσαί τι ὧν ἤκουσεν· τῷ δὲ ὑπερβάλλοντι αὐτῶν φθονοῦντες ἤδη καὶ ἀπιστοῦσιν.

3 ἐπειδὴ δὲ τοῖς πάλαι οὕτως ἐδοκιμάσθη ταῦτα καλῶς ἔχειν, χρὴ καὶ ἐμὲ ἑπόμενον τῷ νόμῳ πειρᾶσθαι ὑμῶν τῆς ἑκάστου βουλήσεώς τε καὶ δόξης τυχεῖν ὡς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον.

Chapter 36

1 ‘ἄρξομαι δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν προγόνων πρῶτον· δίκαιον γὰρ αὐτοῖς καὶ πρέπον δὲ ἅμα ἐν τῷ τοιῷδε τὴν τιμὴν ταύτην τῆς μνήμης δίδοσθαι. τὴν γὰρ χώραν οἱ αὐτοὶ αἰεὶ οἰκοῦντες διαδοχῇ τῶν ἐπιγιγνομένων μέχρι τοῦδε ἐλευθέραν δι’ ἀρετὴν παρέδοσαν.

2 καὶ ἐκεῖνοί τε ἄξιοι ἐπαίνου καὶ ἔτι μᾶλλον οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν· κτησάμενοι γὰρ πρὸς οἷς ἐδέξαντο ὅσην ἔχομεν ἀρχὴν οὐκ ἀπόνως ἡμῖν τοῖς νῦν προσκατέλιπον.

3 τὰ δὲ πλείω αὐτῆς αὐτοὶ ἡμεῖς οἵδε οἱ νῦν ἔτι ὄντες μάλιστα ἐν τῇ καθεστηκυίᾳ ἡλικίᾳ ἐπηυξήσαμεν καὶ τὴν πόλιν τοῖς πᾶσι παρεσκευάσαμεν καὶ ἐς πόλεμον καὶ ἐς εἰρήνην αὐταρκεστάτην.

4 ὧν ἐγὼ τὰ μὲν κατὰ πολέμους ἔργα, οἷς ἕκαστα ἐκτήθη, ἢ εἴ τι αὐτοὶ ἢ οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν βάρβαρον ἢ Ἕλληνα πολέμιον ἐπιόντα προθύμως ἠμυνάμεθα, μακρηγορεῖν ἐν εἰδόσιν οὐ βουλόμενος ἐάσω· ἀπὸ δὲ οἵας τε ἐπιτηδεύσεως ἤλθομεν ἐπ’ αὐτὰ καὶ μεθ’ οἵας πολιτείας καὶ τρόπων ἐξ οἵων μεγάλα ἐγένετο, ταῦτα δηλώσας πρῶτον εἶμι καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν τῶνδε ἔπαινον, νομίζων ἐπί τε τῷ παρόντι οὐκ ἂν ἀπρεπῆ λεχθῆναι αὐτὰ καὶ τὸν πάντα ὅμιλον καὶ ἀστῶν καὶ ξένων ξύμφορον εἶναι ἐπακοῦσαι αὐτῶν.

Chapter 37

1 ‘χρώμεθα γὰρ πολιτείᾳ οὐ ζηλούσῃ τοὺς τῶν πέλας νόμους, παράδειγμα δὲ μᾶλλον αὐτοὶ ὄντες τισὶν ἢ μιμούμενοι ἑτέρους. καὶ ὄνομα μὲν διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐς ὀλίγους ἀλλ’ ἐς πλείονας οἰκεῖν δημοκρατία κέκληται· μέτεστι δὲ κατὰ μὲν τοὺς νόμους πρὸς τὰ ἴδια διάφορα πᾶσι τὸ ἴσον, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἀξίωσιν, ὡς ἕκαστος ἔν τῳ εὐδοκιμεῖ, οὐκ ἀπὸ μέρους τὸ πλέον ἐς τὰ κοινὰ ἢ ἀπ’ ἀρετῆς προτιμᾶται, οὐδ’ αὖ κατὰ πενίαν, ἔχων γέ τι ἀγαθὸν δρᾶσαι τὴν πόλιν, ἀξιώματος ἀφανείᾳ κεκώλυται.

2 ἐλευθέρως δὲ τά τε πρὸς τὸ κοινὸν πολιτεύομεν καὶ ἐς τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐπιτηδευμάτων ὑποψίαν, οὐ δι’ ὀργῆς τὸν πέλας, εἰ καθ’ ἡδονήν τι δρᾷ, ἔχοντες, οὐδὲ ἀζημίους μέν, λυπηρὰς δὲ τῇ ὄψει ἀχθηδόνας προστιθέμενοι.

3 ἀνεπαχθῶς δὲ τὰ ἴδια προσομιλοῦντες τὰ δημόσια διὰ δέος μάλιστα οὐ παρανομοῦμεν, τῶν τε αἰεὶ ἐν ἀρχῇ ὄντων ἀκροάσει καὶ τῶν νόμων, καὶ μάλιστα αὐτῶν ὅσοι τε ἐπ’ ὠφελίᾳ τῶν ἀδικουμένων κεῖνται καὶ ὅσοι ἄγραφοι ὄντες αἰσχύνην ὁμολογουμένην φέρουσιν.

Chapter 38

1 ‘καὶ μὴν καὶ τῶν πόνων πλείστας ἀναπαύλας τῇ γνώμῃ ἐπορισάμεθα, ἀγῶσι μέν γε καὶ θυσίαις διετησίοις νομίζοντες, ἰδίαις δὲ κατασκευαῖς εὐπρεπέσιν, ὧν καθ’ ἡμέραν ἡ τέρψις τὸ λυπηρὸν ἐκπλήσσει.

2 ἐπεσέρχεται δὲ διὰ μέγεθος τῆς πόλεως ἐκ πάσης γῆς τὰ πάντα, καὶ ξυμβαίνει ἡμῖν μηδὲν οἰκειοτέρᾳ τῇ ἀπολαύσει τὰ αὐτοῦ ἀγαθὰ γιγνόμενα καρποῦσθαι ἢ καὶ τὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων.

Chapter 39

1 ‘διαφέρομεν δὲ καὶ ταῖς τῶν πολεμικῶν μελέταις τῶν ἐναντίων τοῖσδε. τήν τε γὰρ πόλιν κοινὴν παρέχομεν, καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν ὅτε ξενηλασίαις ἀπείργομέν τινα ἢ μαθήματος ἢ θεάματος, ὃ μὴ κρυφθὲν ἄν τις τῶν πολεμίων ἰδὼν ὠφεληθείη, πιστεύοντες οὐ ταῖς παρασκευαῖς τὸ πλέον καὶ ἀπάταις ἢ τῷ ἀφ’ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ἐς τὰ ἔργα εὐψύχῳ· καὶ ἐν ταῖς παιδείαις οἱ μὲν ἐπιπόνῳ ἀσκήσει εὐθὺς νέοι ὄντες τὸ ἀνδρεῖον μετέρχονται, ἡμεῖς δὲ ἀνειμένως διαιτώμενοι οὐδὲν ἧσσον ἐπὶ τοὺς ἰσοπαλεῖς κινδύνους χωροῦμεν.

2 τεκμήριον δέ· οὔτε γὰρ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καθ’ ἑαυτούς, μεθ’ ἁπάντων δὲ ἐς τὴν γῆν ἡμῶν στρατεύουσι, τήν τε τῶν πέλας αὐτοὶ ἐπελθόντες οὐ χαλεπῶς ἐν τῇ ἀλλοτρίᾳ τοὺς περὶ τῶν οἰκείων ἀμυνομένους μαχόμενοι τὰ πλείω κρατοῦμεν.

3 ἁθρόᾳ τε τῇ δυνάμει ἡμῶν οὐδείς πω πολέμιος ἐνέτυχε διὰ τὴν τοῦ ναυτικοῦ τε ἅμα ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ τὴν ἐν τῇ γῇ ἐπὶ πολλὰ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ἐπίπεμψιν· ἢν δέ που μορίῳ τινὶ προσμείξωσι, κρατήσαντές τέ τινας ἡμῶν πάντας αὐχοῦσιν ἀπεῶσθαι καὶ νικηθέντες ὑφ᾽ ἁπάντων ἡσσῆσθαι.

4 καίτοι εἰ ῥᾳθυμίᾳ μᾶλλον ἢ πόνων μελέτῃ καὶ μὴ μετὰ νόμων τὸ πλέον ἢ τρόπων ἀνδρείας ἐθέλομεν κινδυνεύειν, περιγίγνεται ἡμῖν τοῖς τε μέλλουσιν ἀλγεινοῖς μὴ προκάμνειν, καὶ ἐς αὐτὰ ἐλθοῦσι μὴ ἀτολμοτέρους τῶν αἰεὶ μοχθούντων φαίνεσθαι, καὶ ἔν τε τούτοις τὴν πόλιν ἀξίαν εἶναι θαυμάζεσθαι καὶ ἔτι ἐν ἄλλοις.

Chapter 40

1 ‘φιλοκαλοῦμέν τε γὰρ μετ’ εὐτελείας καὶ φιλοσοφοῦμεν ἄνευ μαλακίας· πλούτῳ τε ἔργου μᾶλλον καιρῷ ἢ λόγου κόμπῳ χρώμεθα, καὶ τὸ πένεσθαι οὐχ ὁμολογεῖν τινὶ αἰσχρόν, ἀλλὰ μὴ διαφεύγειν ἔργῳ αἴσχιον.

2 ἔνι τε τοῖς αὐτοῖς οἰκείων ἅμα καὶ πολιτικῶν ἐπιμέλεια, καὶ ἑτέροις πρὸς ἔργα τετραμμένοις τὰ πολιτικὰ μὴ ἐνδεῶς γνῶναι· μόνοι γὰρ τόν τε μηδὲν τῶνδε μετέχοντα οὐκ ἀπράγμονα, ἀλλ’ ἀχρεῖον νομίζομεν, καὶ οἱ αὐτοὶ ἤτοι κρίνομέν γε ἢ ἐνθυμούμεθα ὀρθῶς τὰ πράγματα, οὐ τοὺς λόγους τοῖς ἔργοις βλάβην ἡγούμενοι, ἀλλὰ μὴ προδιδαχθῆναι μᾶλλον λόγῳ πρότερον ἢ ἐπὶ ἃ δεῖ ἔργῳ ἐλθεῖν.

3 διαφερόντως γὰρ δὴ καὶ τόδε ἔχομεν ὥστε τολμᾶν τε οἱ αὐτοὶ μάλιστα καὶ περὶ ὧν ἐπιχειρήσομεν ἐκλογίζεσθαι· ὃ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀμαθία μὲν θράσος, λογισμὸς δὲ ὄκνον φέρει. κράτιστοι δ’ ἂν τὴν ψυχὴν δικαίως κριθεῖεν οἱ τά τε δεινὰ καὶ ἡδέα σαφέστατα γιγνώσκοντες καὶ διὰ ταῦτα μὴ ἀποτρεπόμενοι ἐκ τῶν κινδύνων.

4 καὶ τὰ ἐς ἀρετὴν ἐνηντιώμεθα τοῖς πολλοῖς· οὐ γὰρ πάσχοντες εὖ, ἀλλὰ δρῶντες κτώμεθα τοὺς φίλους. βεβαιότερος δὲ ὁ δράσας τὴν χάριν ὥστε ὀφειλομένην δι’ εὐνοίας ᾧ δέδωκε σῴζειν· ὁ δὲ ἀντοφείλων ἀμβλύτερος, εἰδὼς οὐκ ἐς χάριν, ἀλλ’ ἐς ὀφείλημα τὴν ἀρετὴν ἀποδώσων.

5 καὶ μόνοι οὐ τοῦ ξυμφέροντος μᾶλλον λογισμῷ ἢ τῆς ἐλευθερίας τῷ πιστῷ ἀδεῶς τινὰ ὠφελοῦμεν.

Chapter 41

1 ‘ξυνελών τε λέγω τήν τε πᾶσαν πόλιν τῆς Ἑλλάδος παίδευσιν εἶναι καὶ καθ’ ἕκαστον δοκεῖν ἄν μοι τὸν αὐτὸν ἄνδρα παρ’ ἡμῶν ἐπὶ πλεῖστ᾽ ἂν εἴδη καὶ μετὰ χαρίτων μάλιστ’ ἂν εὐτραπέλως τὸ σῶμα αὔταρκες παρέχεσθαι.

2 καὶ ὡς οὐ λόγων ἐν τῷ παρόντι κόμπος τάδε μᾶλλον ἢ ἔργων ἐστὶν ἀλήθεια, αὐτὴ ἡ δύναμις τῆς πόλεως, ἣν ἀπὸ τῶνδε τῶν τρόπων ἐκτησάμεθα, σημαίνει.

3 μόνη γὰρ τῶν νῦν ἀκοῆς κρείσσων ἐς πεῖραν ἔρχεται, καὶ μόνη οὔτε τῷ πολεμίῳ ἐπελθόντι ἀγανάκτησιν ἔχει ὑφ’ οἵων κακοπαθεῖ οὔτε τῷ ὑπηκόῳ κατάμεμψιν ὡς οὐχ ὑπ’ ἀξίων ἄρχεται.

4 μετὰ μεγάλων δὲ σημείων καὶ οὐ δή τοι ἀμάρτυρόν γε τὴν δύναμιν παρασχόμενοι τοῖς τε νῦν καὶ τοῖς ἔπειτα θαυμασθησόμεθα, καὶ οὐδὲν προσδεόμενοι οὔτε Ὁμήρου ἐπαινέτου οὔτε ὅστις ἔπεσι μὲν τὸ αὐτίκα τέρψει, τῶν δ’ ἔργων τὴν ὑπόνοιαν ἡ ἀλήθεια βλάψει, ἀλλὰ πᾶσαν μὲν θάλασσαν καὶ γῆν ἐσβατὸν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ τόλμῃ καταναγκάσαντες γενέσθαι, πανταχοῦ δὲ μνημεῖα κακῶν τε κἀγαθῶν ἀίδια ξυγκατοικίσαντες.

5 περὶ τοιαύτης οὖν πόλεως οἵδε τε γενναίως δικαιοῦντες μὴ ἀφαιρεθῆναι αὐτὴν μαχόμενοι ἐτελεύτησαν, καὶ τῶν λειπομένων πάντα τινὰ εἰκὸς ἐθέλειν ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς κάμνειν.

Chapter 42

1 ‘δι’ ὃ δὴ καὶ ἐμήκυνα τὰ περὶ τῆς πόλεως, διδασκαλίαν τε ποιούμενος μὴ περὶ ἴσου ἡμῖν εἶναι τὸν ἀγῶνα καὶ οἷς τῶνδε μηδὲν ὑπάρχει ὁμοίως, καὶ τὴν εὐλογίαν ἅμα ἐφ’ οἷς νῦν λέγω φανερὰν σημείοις καθιστάς.

2 καὶ εἴρηται αὐτῆς τὰ μέγιστα· ἃ γὰρ τὴν πόλιν ὕμνησα, αἱ τῶνδε καὶ τῶν τοιῶνδε ἀρεταὶ ἐκόσμησαν, καὶ οὐκ ἂν πολλοῖς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἰσόρροπος ὥσπερ τῶνδε ὁ λόγος τῶν ἔργων φανείη. δοκεῖ δέ μοι δηλοῦν ἀνδρὸς ἀρετὴν πρώτη τε μηνύουσα καὶ τελευταία βεβαιοῦσα ἡ νῦν τῶνδε καταστροφή.

3 καὶ γὰρ τοῖς τἆλλα χείροσι δίκαιον τὴν ἐς τοὺς πολέμους ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος ἀνδραγαθίαν προτίθεσθαι· ἀγαθῷ γὰρ κακὸν ἀφανίσαντες κοινῶς μᾶλλον ὠφέλησαν ἢ ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων ἔβλαψαν.

4 τῶνδε δὲ οὔτε πλούτου τις τὴν ἔτι ἀπόλαυσιν προτιμήσας ἐμαλακίσθη οὔτε πενίας ἐλπίδι, ὡς κἂν ἔτι διαφυγὼν αὐτὴν πλουτήσειεν, ἀναβολὴν τοῦ δεινοῦ ἐποιήσατο· τὴν δὲ τῶν ἐναντίων τιμωρίαν ποθεινοτέραν αὐτῶν λαβόντες καὶ κινδύνων ἅμα τόνδε κάλλιστον νομίσαντες ἐβουλήθησαν μετ’ αὐτοῦ τοὺς μὲν τιμωρεῖσθαι, τῶν δὲ ἐφίεσθαι, ἐλπίδι μὲν τὸ ἀφανὲς τοῦ κατορθώσειν ἐπιτρέψαντες, ἔργῳ δὲ περὶ τοῦ ἤδη ὁρωμένου σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἀξιοῦντες πεποιθέναι, καὶ ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ ἀμύνεσθαι καὶ παθεῖν μᾶλλον ἡγησάμενοι ἢ [τὸ] ἐνδόντες σῴζεσθαι, τὸ μὲν αἰσχρὸν τοῦ λόγου ἔφυγον, τὸ δ’ ἔργον τῷ σώματι ὑπέμειναν καὶ δι’ ἐλαχίστου καιροῦ τύχης ἅμα ἀκμῇ τῆς δόξης μᾶλλον ἢ τοῦ δέους ἀπηλλάγησαν.

Chapter 43

1 ‘καὶ οἵδε μὲν προσηκόντως τῇ πόλει τοιοίδε ἐγένοντο· τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς χρὴ ἀσφαλεστέραν μὲν εὔχεσθαι, ἀτολμοτέραν δὲ μηδὲν ἀξιοῦν τὴν ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους διάνοιαν ἔχειν, σκοποῦντας μὴ λόγῳ μόνῳ τὴν ὠφελίαν, ἣν ἄν τις πρὸς οὐδὲν χεῖρον αὐτοὺς ὑμᾶς εἰδότας μηκύνοι, λέγων ὅσα ἐν τῷ τοὺς πολεμίους ἀμύνεσθαι ἀγαθὰ ἔνεστιν, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον τὴν τῆς πόλεως δύναμιν καθ’ ἡμέραν ἔργῳ θεωμένους καὶ ἐραστὰς γιγνομένους αὐτῆς, καὶ ὅταν ὑμῖν μεγάλη δόξῃ εἶναι,ἐνθυμουμένους ὅτι τολμῶντες καὶ γιγνώσκοντες τὰ δέοντα καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἔργοις αἰσχυνόμενοι ἄνδρες αὐτὰ ἐκτήσαντο, καὶ ὁπότε καὶ πείρᾳ του σφαλεῖεν, οὐκ οὖν καὶ τὴν πόλιν γε τῆς σφετέρας ἀρετῆς ἀξιοῦντες στερίσκειν, κάλλιστον δὲ ἔρανον αὐτῇ προϊέμενοι.

2 κοινῇ γὰρ τὰ σώματα διδόντες ἰδίᾳ τὸν ἀγήρων ἔπαινον ἐλάμβανον καὶ τὸν τάφον ἐπισημότατον, οὐκ ἐν ᾧ κεῖνται μᾶλλον, ἀλλ’ ἐν ᾧ ἡ δόξα αὐτῶν παρὰ τῷ ἐντυχόντι αἰεὶ καὶ λόγου καὶ ἔργου καιρῷ αἰείμνηστος καταλείπεται.

3 ἀνδρῶν γὰρ ἐπιφανῶν πᾶσα γῆ τάφος, καὶ οὐ στηλῶν μόνον ἐν τῇ οἰκείᾳ σημαίνει ἐπιγραφή, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τῇ μὴ προσηκούσῃ ἄγραφος μνήμη παρ’ ἑκάστῳ τῆς γνώμης μᾶλλον ἢ τοῦ ἔργου ἐνδιαιτᾶται.

4 οὓς νῦν ὑμεῖς ζηλώσαντες καὶ τὸ εὔδαιμον τὸ ἐλεύθερον, τὸ δ’ ἐλεύθερον τὸ εὔψυχον κρίναντες μὴ περιορᾶσθε τοὺς πολεμικοὺς κινδύνους.

5 οὐ γὰρ οἱ κακοπραγοῦντες δικαιότερον ἀφειδοῖεν ἂν τοῦ βίου, οἷς ἐλπὶς οὐκ ἔστιν ἀγαθοῦ, ἀλλ’ οἷς ἡ ἐναντία μεταβολὴ ἐν τῷ ζῆν ἔτι κινδυνεύεται καὶ ἐν οἷς μάλιστα μεγάλα τὰ διαφέροντα, ἤν τι πταίσωσιν.

6 ἀλγεινοτέρα γὰρ ἀνδρί γε φρόνημα ἔχοντι ἡ μετὰ τοῦ [ἐν τῷ] μαλακισθῆναι κάκωσις ἢ ὁ μετὰ ῥώμης καὶ κοινῆς ἐλπίδος ἅμα γιγνόμενος ἀναίσθητος θάνατος.

Chapter 44

1 ‘δι’ ὅπερ καὶ τοὺς τῶνδε νῦν τοκέας, ὅσοι πάρεστε, οὐκ ὀλοφύρομαι μᾶλλον ἢ παραμυθήσομαι. ἐν πολυτρόποις γὰρ ξυμφοραῖς ἐπίστανται τραφέντες· τὸ δ’ εὐτυχές, οἳ ἂν τῆς εὐπρεπεστάτης λάχωσιν, ὥσπερ οἵδε μὲν νῦν, τελευτῆς, ὑμεῖς δὲ λύπης, καὶ οἷς ἐνευδαιμονῆσαί τε ὁ βίος ὁμοίως καὶ ἐντελευτῆσαι ξυνεμετρήθη.

2 χαλεπὸν μὲν οὖν οἶδα πείθειν ὄν, ὧν καὶ πολλάκις ἕξετε ὑπομνήματα ἐν ἄλλων εὐτυχίαις, αἷς ποτὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἠγάλλεσθε· καὶ λύπη οὐχ ὧν ἄν τις μὴ πειρασάμενος ἀγαθῶν στερίσκηται, ἀλλ’ οὗ ἂν ἐθὰς γενόμενος ἀφαιρεθῇ.

3 καρτερεῖν δὲ χρὴ καὶ ἄλλων παίδων ἐλπίδι,οἷς ἔτι ἡλικία τέκνωσιν ποιεῖσθαι· ἰδίᾳ τε γὰρ τῶν οὐκ ὄντων λήθη οἱ ἐπιγιγνόμενοί τισιν ἔσονται, καὶ τῇ πόλει διχόθεν, ἔκ τε τοῦ μὴ ἐρημοῦσθαι καὶ ἀσφαλείᾳ, ξυνοίσει· οὐ γὰρ οἷόν τε ἴσον τι ἢ δίκαιον βουλεύεσθαι οἳ ἂν μὴ καὶ παῖδας ἐκ τοῦ ὁμοίου παραβαλλόμενοι κινδυνεύωσιν.

4 ὅσοι δ’ αὖ παρηβήκατε, τόν τε πλέονα κέρδος ὃν ηὐτυχεῖτε βίον ἡγεῖσθε καὶ τόνδε βραχὺν ἔσεσθαι, καὶ τῇ τῶνδε εὐκλείᾳ κουφίζεσθε. τὸ γὰρ φιλότιμον ἀγήρων μόνον, καὶ οὐκ ἐν τῷ ἀχρείῳ τῆς ἡλικίας τὸ κερδαίνειν, ὥσπερ τινές φασι, μᾶλλον τέρπει, ἀλλὰ τὸ τιμᾶσθαι.

Chapter 45

1 παισὶ δ’ αὖ ὅσοι τῶνδε πάρεστε ἢ ἀδελφοῖς ὁρῶ μέγαν τὸν ἀγῶνα (τὸν γὰρ οὐκ ὄντα ἅπας εἴωθεν ἐπαινεῖν), καὶ μόλις ἂν καθ’ ὑπερβολὴν ἀρετῆς οὐχ ὁμοῖοι, ἀλλ’ ὀλίγῳ χείρους κριθεῖτε. φθόνος γὰρ τοῖς ζῶσι πρὸς τὸ ἀντίπαλον, τὸ δὲ μὴ ἐμποδὼν ἀνανταγωνίστῳ εὐνοίᾳ τετίμηται.

2 εἰ δέ με δεῖ καὶ γυναικείας τι ἀρετῆς, ὅσαι νῦν ἐν χηρείᾳ ἔσονται, μνησθῆναι, βραχείᾳ παραινέσει ἅπαν σημανῶ. τῆς τε γὰρ ὑπαρχούσης φύσεως μὴ χείροσι γενέσθαι ὑμῖν μεγάλη ἡ δόξα καὶ ἧς ἂν ἐπ’ ἐλάχιστον ἀρετῆς πέρι ἢ ψόγου ἐν τοῖς ἄρσεσι κλέος ᾖ.

Chapter 46

1 ‘εἴρηται καὶ ἐμοὶ λόγῳ κατὰ τὸν νόμον ὅσα εἶχον πρόσφορα, καὶ ἔργῳ οἱ θαπτόμενοι τὰ μὲν ἤδη κεκόσμηνται, τὰ δὲ αὐτῶν τοὺς παῖδας τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦδε δημοσίᾳ ἡ πόλις μέχρι ἥβης θρέψει, ὠφέλιμον στέφανον τοῖσδέ τε καὶ τοῖς λειπομένοις τῶν τοιῶνδε ἀγώνων προτιθεῖσα· ἆθλα γὰρ οἷς κεῖται ἀρετῆς μέγιστα, τοῖς δὲ καὶ ἄνδρες ἄριστοι πολιτεύουσιν.

2 νῦν δὲ ἀπολοφυράμενοι ὃν προσήκει ἑκάστῳ ἄπιτε.’

Chapter 47

1 τοιόσδε μὲν ὁ τάφος ἐγένετο ἐν τῷ χειμῶνι τούτῳ· καὶ διελθόντος αὐτοῦ πρῶτον ἔτος τοῦ πολέμου τοῦδε ἐτελεύτα.

2 τοῦ δὲ θέρους εὐθὺς ἀρχομένου Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι τὰ δύο μέρη ὥσπερ καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἐσέβαλον ἐς τὴν Ἀττικήν (ἡγεῖτο δὲ Ἀρχίδαμος ὁ Ζευξιδάμου Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεύς), καὶ καθεζόμενοι ἐδῄουν τὴν γῆν.

3 καὶ ὄντων αὐτῶν οὐ πολλάς πω ἡμέρας ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ ἡ νόσος πρῶτον ἤρξατο γενέσθαι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, λεγόμενον μὲν καὶ πρότερον πολλαχόσε ἐγκατασκῆψαι καὶ περὶ Λῆμνον καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις χωρίοις, οὐ μέντοι τοσοῦτός γε λοιμὸς οὐδὲ φθορὰ οὕτως ἀνθρώπων οὐδαμοῦ ἐμνημονεύετο γενέσθαι.

4 οὔτε γὰρ ἰατροὶ ἤρκουν τὸ πρῶτον θεραπεύοντες ἀγνοίᾳ, ἀλλ’ αὐτοὶ μάλιστα ἔθνῃσκον ὅσῳ καὶ μάλιστα προσῇσαν, οὔτε ἄλλη ἀνθρωπεία τέχνη οὐδεμία· ὅσα τε πρὸς ἱεροῖς ἱκέτευσαν ἢ μαντείοις καὶ τοῖς τοιούτοις ἐχρήσαντο, πάντα ἀνωφελῆ ἦν, τελευτῶντές τε αὐτῶν ἀπέστησαν ὑπὸ τοῦ κακοῦ νικώμενοι.

Chapter 48

1 ἤρξατο δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον, ὡς λέγεται, ἐξ Αἰθιοπίας τῆς ὑπὲρ Αἰγύπτου, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ ἐς Αἴγυπτον καὶ Λιβύην κατέβη καὶ ἐς τὴν βασιλέως γῆν τὴν πολλήν.

2 ἐς δὲ τὴν Ἀθηναίων πόλιν ἐξαπιναίως ἐσέπεσε, καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἐν τῷ Πειραιεῖ ἥψατο τῶν ἀνθρώπων, ὥστε καὶ ἐλέχθη ὑπ’ αὐτῶν ὡς οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι φάρμακα ἐσβεβλήκοιεν ἐς τὰ φρέατα· κρῆναι γὰρ οὔπω ἦσαν αὐτόθι. ὕστερον δὲ καὶ ἐς τὴν ἄνω πόλιν ἀφίκετο, καὶ ἔθνῃσκον πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἤδη.

3 λεγέτω μὲν οὖν περὶ αὐτοῦ ὡς ἕκαστος γιγνώσκει καὶ ἰατρὸς καὶ ἰδιώτης, ἀφ’ ὅτου εἰκὸς ἦν γενέσθαι αὐτό, καὶ τὰς αἰτίας ἅστινας νομίζει τοσαύτης μεταβολῆς ἱκανὰς εἶναι δύναμιν ἐς τὸ μεταστῆσαι σχεῖν· ἐγὼ δὲ οἷόν τε ἐγίγνετο λέξω, καὶ ἀφ’ ὧν ἄν τις σκοπῶν, εἴ ποτε καὶ αὖθις ἐπιπέσοι, μάλιστ’ ἂν ἔχοι τι προειδὼς μὴ ἀγνοεῖν, ταῦτα δηλώσω αὐτός τε νοσήσας καὶ αὐτὸς ἰδὼν ἄλλους πάσχοντας.

Chapter 49

1 τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἔτος, ὡς ὡμολογεῖτο, ἐκ πάντων μάλιστα δὴ ἐκεῖνο ἄνοσον ἐς τὰς ἄλλας ἀσθενείας ἐτύγχανεν ὄν· εἰ δέ τις καὶ προύκαμνέ τι, ἐς τοῦτο πάντα ἀπεκρίθη.

2 τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἀπ’ οὐδεμιᾶς προφάσεως, ἀλλ’ ἐξαίφνης ὑγιεῖς ὄντας πρῶτον μὲν τῆς κεφαλῆς θέρμαι ἰσχυραὶ καὶ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἐρυθήματα καὶ φλόγωσις ἐλάμβανε, καὶ τὰ ἐντός, ἥ τε φάρυγξ καὶ ἡ γλῶσσα, εὐθὺς αἱματώδη ἦν καὶ πνεῦμα ἄτοπον καὶ δυσῶδες ἠφίει·

3 ἔπειτα ἐξ αὐτῶν πταρμὸς καὶ βράγχος ἐπεγίγνετο, καὶ ἐν οὐ πολλῷ χρόνῳ κατέβαινεν ἐς τὰ στήθη ὁ πόνος μετὰ βηχὸς ἰσχυροῦ· καὶ ὁπότε ἐς τὴν καρδίαν στηρίξειεν, ἀνέστρεφέ τε αὐτὴν καὶ ἀποκαθάρσεις χολῆς πᾶσαι ὅσαι ὑπὸ ἰατρῶν ὠνομασμέναι εἰσὶν ἐπῇσαν, καὶ αὗται μετὰ ταλαιπωρίας μεγάλης.

4 λύγξ τε τοῖς πλέοσιν ἐνέπιπτε κενή, σπασμὸν ἐνδιδοῦσα ἰσχυρόν, τοῖς μὲν μετὰ ταῦτα λωφήσαντα, τοῖς δὲ καὶ πολλῷ ὕστερον.

5 καὶ τὸ μὲν ἔξωθεν ἁπτομένῳ σῶμα οὔτ’ ἄγαν θερμὸν ἦν οὔτε χλωρόν, ἀλλ’ ὑπέρυθρον, πελιτνόν, φλυκταίναις μικραῖς καὶ ἕλκεσιν ἐξηνθηκός· τὰ δὲ ἐντὸς οὕτως ἐκάετο ὥστε μήτε τῶν πάνυ λεπτῶν ἱματίων καὶ σινδόνων τὰς ἐπιβολὰς μηδ’ ἄλλο τι ἢ γυμνοὶ ἀνέχεσθαι, ἥδιστά τε ἂν ἐς ὕδωρ ψυχρὸν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ῥίπτειν. καὶ πολλοὶ τοῦτο τῶν ἠμελημένων ἀνθρώπων καὶ ἔδρασαν ἐς φρέατα, τῇ δίψῃ ἀπαύστῳ ξυνεχόμενοι· καὶ ἐν τῷ ὁμοίῳ καθειστήκει τό τε πλέον καὶ ἔλασσον ποτόν.

6 καὶ ἡ ἀπορία τοῦ μὴ ἡσυχάζειν καὶ ἡ ἀγρυπνία ἐπέκειτο διὰ παντός. καὶ τὸ σῶμα, ὅσονπερ χρόνον καὶ ἡ νόσος ἀκμάζοι, οὐκ ἐμαραίνετο, ἀλλ’ ἀντεῖχε παρὰ δόξαν τῇ ταλαιπωρίᾳ, ὥστε ἢ διεφθείροντο οἱ πλεῖστοι ἐναταῖοι καὶ ἑβδομαῖοι ὑπὸ τοῦ ἐντὸς καύματος, ἔτι ἔχοντές τι δυνάμεως, ἢ εἰ διαφύγοιεν, ἐπικατιόντος τοῦ νοσήματος ἐς τὴν κοιλίαν καὶ ἑλκώσεώς τε αὐτῇ ἰσχυρᾶς ἐγγιγνομένης καὶ διαρροίας ἅμα ἀκράτου ἐπιπιπτούσης οἱ πολλοὶ ὕστερον δι’ αὐτὴν ἀσθενείᾳ διεφθείροντο.

7 διεξῄει γὰρ διὰ παντὸς τοῦ σώματος ἄνωθεν ἀρξάμενον τὸ ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ πρῶτον ἱδρυθὲν κακόν, καὶ εἴ τις ἐκ τῶν μεγίστων περιγένοιτο, τῶν γε ἀκρωτηρίων ἀντίληψις αὐτοῦ ἐπεσήμαινεν.

8 κατέσκηπτε γὰρ ἐς αἰδοῖα καὶ ἐς ἄκρας χεῖρας καὶ πόδας, καὶ πολλοὶ στερισκόμενοι τούτων διέφευγον, εἰσὶ δ’ οἳ καὶ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν. τοὺς δὲ καὶ λήθη ἐλάμβανε παραυτίκα ἀναστάντας τῶν πάντων ὁμοίως, καὶ ἠγνόησαν σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους.

Chapter 50

1 γενόμενον γὰρ κρεῖσσον λόγου τὸ εἶδος τῆς νόσου τά τε ἄλλα χαλεπωτέρως ἢ κατὰ τὴν ἀνθρωπείαν φύσιν προσέπιπτεν ἑκάστῳ καὶ ἐν τῷδε ἐδήλωσε μάλιστα ἄλλο τι ὂν ἢ τῶν ξυντρόφων τι· τὰ γὰρ ὄρνεα καὶ τετράποδα ὅσα ἀνθρώπων ἅπτεται, πολλῶν ἀτάφων γιγνομένων ἢ οὐ προσῄει ἢ γευσάμενα διεφθείρετο.

2 τεκμήριον δέ· τῶν μὲν τοιούτων ὀρνίθων ἐπίλειψις σαφὴς ἐγένετο, καὶ οὐχ ἑωρῶντο οὔτε ἄλλως οὔτε περὶ τοιοῦτον οὐδέν· οἱ δὲ κύνες μᾶλλον αἴσθησιν παρεῖχον τοῦ ἀποβαίνοντος διὰ τὸ ξυνδιαιτᾶσθαι.

Chapter 51

1 τὸ μὲν οὖν νόσημα, πολλὰ καὶ ἄλλα παραλιπόντι ἀτοπίας, ὡς ἑκάστῳ ἐτύγχανέ τι διαφερόντως ἑτέρῳ πρὸς ἕτερον γιγνόμενον, τοιοῦτον ἦν ἐπὶ πᾶν τὴν ἰδέαν. καὶ ἄλλο παρελύπει κατ’ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον οὐδὲν τῶν εἰωθότων· ὃ δὲ καὶ γένοιτο, ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα.

2 ἔθνῃσκον δὲ οἱ μὲν ἀμελείᾳ, οἱ δὲ καὶ πάνυ θεραπευόμενοι. ἕν τε οὐδὲ ἓν κατέστη ἴαμα ὡς εἰπεῖν ὅτι χρῆν προσφέροντας ὠφελεῖν· τὸ γάρ τῳ ξυνενεγκὸν ἄλλον τοῦτο ἔβλαπτεν.

3 σῶμά τε αὔταρκες ὂν οὐδὲν διεφάνη πρὸς αὐτὸ ἰσχύος πέρι ἢ ἀσθενείας, ἀλλὰ πάντα ξυνῄρει καὶ τὰ πάσῃ διαίτῃ θεραπευόμενα.

4 δεινότατον δὲ παντὸς ἦν τοῦ κακοῦ ἥ τε ἀθυμία ὁπότε τις αἴσθοιτο κάμνων (πρὸς γὰρ τὸ ἀνέλπιστον εὐθὺς τραπόμενοι τῇ γνώμῃ πολλῷ μᾶλλον προΐεντο σφᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ οὐκ ἀντεῖχον), καὶ ὅτι ἕτερος ἀφ’ ἑτέρου θεραπείας ἀναπιμπλάμενοι ὥσπερ τὰ πρόβατα ἔθνῃσκον· καὶ τὸν πλεῖστον φθόρον τοῦτο ἐνεποίει.

5 εἴτε γὰρ μὴ ᾽θέλοιεν δεδιότες ἀλλήλοις προσιέναι, ἀπώλλυντο ἐρῆμοι, καὶ οἰκίαι πολλαὶ ἐκενώθησαν ἀπορίᾳ τοῦ θεραπεύσοντος· εἴτε προσίοιεν, διεφθείροντο, καὶ μάλιστα οἱ ἀρετῆς τι μεταποιούμενοι· αἰσχύνῃ γὰρ ἠφείδουν σφῶν αὐτῶν ἐσιόντες παρὰ τοὺς φίλους, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὰς ὀλοφύρσεις τῶν ἀπογιγνομένων τελευτῶντες καὶ οἱ οἰκεῖοι ἐξέκαμνον ὑπὸ τοῦ πολλοῦ κακοῦ νικώμενοι.

6 ἐπὶ πλέον δ’ ὅμως οἱ διαπεφευγότες τόν τε θνῄσκοντα καὶ τὸν πονούμενον ᾠκτίζοντο διὰ τὸ προειδέναι τε καὶ αὐτοὶ ἤδη ἐν τῷ θαρσαλέῳ εἶναι· δὶς γὰρ τὸν αὐτόν, ὥστε καὶ κτείνειν, οὐκ ἐπελάμβανεν. καὶ ἐμακαρίζοντό τε ὑπὸ τῶν ἄλλων, καὶ αὐτοὶ τῷ παραχρῆμα περιχαρεῖ καὶ ἐς τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον ἐλπίδος τι εἶχον κούφης μηδ’ ἂν ὑπ’ ἄλλου νοσήματός ποτε ἔτι διαφθαρῆναι.

Chapter 52

1 ἐπίεσε δ’ αὐτοὺς μᾶλλον πρὸς τῷ ὑπάρχοντι πόνῳ καὶ ἡ ξυγκομιδὴ ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν ἐς τὸ ἄστυ, καὶ οὐχ ἧσσον τοὺς ἐπελθόντας.

2 οἰκιῶν γὰρ οὐχ ὑπαρχουσῶν, ἀλλ’ ἐν καλύβαις πνιγηραῖς ὥρᾳ ἔτους διαιτωμένων ὁ φθόρος ἐγίγνετο οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ νεκροὶ ἐπ’ ἀλλήλοις ἀποθνῄσκοντες ἔκειντο καὶ ἐν ταῖς ὁδοῖς ἐκαλινδοῦντο καὶ περὶ τὰς κρήνας ἁπάσας ἡμιθνῆτες τοῦ ὕδατος ἐπιθυμίᾳ.

3 τά τε ἱερὰ ἐν οἷς ἐσκήνηντο νεκρῶν πλέα ἦν, αὐτοῦ ἐναποθνῃσκόντων· ὑπερβιαζομένου γὰρ τοῦ κακοῦ οἱ ἄνθρωποι, οὐκ ἔχοντες ὅτι γένωνται, ἐς ὀλιγωρίαν ἐτράποντο καὶ ἱερῶν καὶ ὁσίων ὁμοίως.

4 νόμοι τε πάντες ξυνεταράχθησαν οἷς ἐχρῶντο πρότερον περὶ τὰς ταφάς, ἔθαπτον δὲ ὡς ἕκαστος ἐδύνατο. καὶ πολλοὶ ἐς ἀναισχύντους θήκας ἐτράποντο σπάνει τῶν ἐπιτηδείων διὰ τὸ συχνοὺς ἤδη προτεθνάναι σφίσιν· ἐπὶ πυρὰς γὰρ ἀλλοτρίας φθάσαντες τοὺς νήσαντας οἱ μὲν ἐπιθέντες τὸν ἑαυτῶν νεκρὸν ὑφῆπτον, οἱ δὲ καιομένου ἄλλου ἐπιβαλόντες ἄνωθεν ὃν φέροιεν ἀπῇσαν.

Chapter 53

1 πρῶτόν τε ἦρξε καὶ ἐς τἆλλα τῇ πόλει ἐπὶ πλέον ἀνομίας τὸ νόσημα. ῥᾷον γὰρ ἐτόλμα τις ἃ πρότερον ἀπεκρύπτετο μὴ καθ’ ἡδονὴν ποιεῖν, ἀγχίστροφον τὴν μεταβολὴν ὁρῶντες τῶν τε εὐδαιμόνων καὶ αἰφνιδίως θνῃσκόντων καὶ τῶν οὐδὲν πρότερον κεκτημένων, εὐθὺς δὲ τἀκείνων ἐχόντων.

2 ὥστε ταχείας τὰς ἐπαυρέσεις καὶ πρὸς τὸ τερπνὸν ἠξίουν ποιεῖσθαι, ἐφήμερα τά τε σώματα καὶ τὰ χρήματα ὁμοίως ἡγούμενοι.

3 καὶ τὸ μὲν προσταλαιπωρεῖν τῷ δόξαντι καλῷ οὐδεὶς πρόθυμος ἦν, ἄδηλον νομίζων εἰ πρὶν ἐπ’ αὐτὸ ἐλθεῖν διαφθαρήσεται· ὅτι δὲ ἤδη τε ἡδὺ πανταχόθεν τε ἐς αὐτὸ κερδαλέον, τοῦτο καὶ καλὸν καὶ χρήσιμον κατέστη.

4 θεῶν δὲ φόβος ἢ ἀνθρώπων νόμος οὐδεὶς ἀπεῖργε, τὸ μὲν κρίνοντες ἐν ὁμοίῳ καὶ σέβειν καὶ μὴ ἐκ τοῦ πάντας ὁρᾶν ἐν ἴσῳ ἀπολλυμένους, τῶν δὲ ἁμαρτημάτων οὐδεὶς ἐλπίζων μέχρι τοῦ δίκην γενέσθαι βιοὺς ἂν τὴν τιμωρίαν ἀντιδοῦναι, πολὺ δὲ μείζω τὴν ἤδη κατεψηφισμένην σφῶν ἐπικρεμασθῆναι, ἣν πρὶν ἐμπεσεῖν εἰκὸς εἶναι τοῦ βίου τι ἀπολαῦσαι.

Chapter 54

1 τοιούτῳ μὲν πάθει οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι περιπεσόντες ἐπιέζοντο, ἀνθρώπων τ’ ἔνδον θνῃσκόντων καὶ γῆς ἔξω δῃουμένης.

2 ἐν δὲ τῷ κακῷ οἷα εἰκὸς ἀνεμνήσθησαν καὶ τοῦδε τοῦ ἔπους, φάσκοντες οἱ πρεσβύτεροι πάλαι ᾄδεσθαι / ‘ἥξει Δωριακὸς πόλεμος καὶ λοιμὸς ἅμ’ αὐτῷ.’

3 ἐγένετο μὲν οὖν ἔρις τοῖς ἀνθρώποις μὴ λοιμὸν ὠνομάσθαι ἐν τῷ ἔπει ὑπὸ τῶν παλαιῶν, ἀλλὰ λιμόν, ἐνίκησε δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος εἰκότως λοιμὸν εἰρῆσθαι· οἱ γὰρ ἄνθρωποι πρὸς ἃ ἔπασχον τὴν μνήμην ἐποιοῦντο. ἢν δέ γε οἶμαί ποτε ἄλλος πόλεμος καταλάβῃ Δωρικὸς τοῦδε ὕστερος καὶ ξυμβῇ γενέσθαι λιμόν, κατὰ τὸ εἰκὸς οὕτως ᾄσονται.

4 μνήμη δὲ ἐγένετο καὶ τοῦ Λακεδαιμονίων χρηστηρίου τοῖς εἰδόσιν, ὅτε ἐπερωτῶσιν αὐτοῖς τὸν θεὸν εἰ χρὴ πολεμεῖν ἀνεῖλε κατὰ κράτος πολεμοῦσι νίκην ἔσεσθαι, καὶ αὐτὸς ἔφη ξυλλήψεσθαι.

5 περὶ μὲν οὖν τοῦ χρηστηρίου τὰ γιγνόμενα ᾔκαζον ὁμοῖα εἶναι· ἐσβεβληκότων δὲ τῶν Πελοποννησίων ἡ νόσος ἤρξατο εὐθύς, καὶ ἐς μὲν Πελοπόννησον οὐκ ἐσῆλθεν, ὅτι καὶ ἄξιον εἰπεῖν, ἐπενείματο δὲ Ἀθήνας μὲν μάλιστα, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων χωρίων τὰ πολυανθρωπότατα. ταῦτα μὲν τὰ κατὰ τὴν νόσον γενόμενα.

Chapter 55

1 οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι ἐπειδὴ ἔτεμον τὸ πεδίον, παρῆλθον ἐς τὴν Πάραλον γῆν καλουμένην μέχρι Λαυρείου, οὗ τὰ ἀργύρεια μέταλλά ἐστιν Ἀθηναίοις. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἔτεμον ταύτην ᾗ πρὸς Πελοπόννησον ὁρᾷ, ἔπειτα δὲ τὴν πρὸς Εὔβοιάν τε καὶ Ἄνδρον τετραμμένην.

2 Περικλῆς δὲ στρατηγὸς ὢν καὶ τότε περὶ μὲν τοῦ μὴ ἐπεξιέναι τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τὴν αὐτὴν γνώμην εἶχεν ὥσπερ καὶ ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ ἐσβολῇ.

Chapter 56

1 ἔτι δ’ αὐτῶν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ ὄντων, πρὶν ἐς τὴν παραλίαν ἐλθεῖν, ἑκατὸν νεῶν ἐπίπλουν τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ παρεσκευάζετο, καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἑτοῖμα ἦν, ἀνήγετο.

2 ἦγε δ’ ἐπὶ τῶν νεῶν ὁπλίτας Ἀθηναίων τετρακισχιλίους καὶ ἱππέας τριακοσίους ἐν ναυσὶν ἱππαγωγοῖς πρῶτον τότε ἐκ τῶν παλαιῶν νεῶν ποιηθείσαις· ξυνεστρατεύοντο δὲ καὶ Χῖοι καὶ Λέσβιοι πεντήκοντα ναυσίν.

3 ὅτε δὲ ἀνήγετο ἡ στρατιὰ αὕτη Ἀθηναίων, Πελοποννησίους κατέλιπον τῆς Ἀττικῆς ὄντας ἐν τῇ παραλίᾳ.

4 ἀφικόμενοι δὲ ἐς Ἐπίδαυρον τῆς Πελοποννήσου ἔτεμον τῆς γῆς τὴν πολλήν, καὶ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν προσβαλόντες ἐς ἐλπίδα μὲν ἦλθον τοῦ ἑλεῖν, οὐ μέντοι προυχώρησέ γε.

5 ἀναγαγόμενοι δὲ ἐκ τῆς Ἐπιδαύρου ἔτεμον τήν τε Τροιζηνίδα γῆν καὶ Ἁλιάδα καὶ Ἑρμιονίδα· ἔστι δὲ ταῦτα πάντα ἐπιθαλάσσια τῆς Πελοποννήσου.

6 ἄραντες δὲ ἀπ’ αὐτῶν ἀφίκοντο ἐς Πρασιὰς τῆς Λακωνικῆς πόλισμα ἐπιθαλάσσιον, καὶ τῆς τε γῆς ἔτεμον καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ πόλισμα εἷλον καὶ ἐπόρθησαν. ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσαντες ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀνεχώρησαν. τοὺς δὲ Πελοποννησίους οὐκέτι κατέλαβον ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ ὄντας, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνακεχωρηκότας.

Chapter 57

1 ὅσον δὲ χρόνον οἵ τε Πελοποννήσιοι ἦσαν ἐν τῇ γῇ τῇ Ἀθηναίων καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐστράτευον ἐπὶ τῶν νεῶν, ἡ νόσος ἔν τε τῇ στρατιᾷ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἔφθειρε καὶ ἐν τῇ πόλει, ὥστε καὶ ἐλέχθη τοὺς Πελοποννησίους δείσαντας τὸ νόσημα, ὡς ἐπυνθάνοντο τῶν αὐτομόλων ὅτι ἐν τῇ πόλει εἴη καὶ θάπτοντας ἅμα ᾐσθάνοντο, θᾶσσον ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἐξελθεῖν.

2 τῇ δὲ ἐσβολῇ ταύτῃ πλεῖστόν τε χρόνον ἐνέμειναν καὶ τὴν γῆν πᾶσαν ἔτεμον· ἡμέρας γὰρ τεσσαράκοντα μάλιστα ἐν τῇ γῇ τῇ Ἀττικῇ ἐγένοντο.

Chapter 58

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ θέρους Ἅγνων ὁ Νικίου καὶ Κλεόπομπος ὁ Κλεινίου, ξυστράτηγοι ὄντες Περικλέους, λαβόντες τὴν στρατιὰν ᾗπερ ἐκεῖνος ἐχρήσατο ἐστράτευσαν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ Χαλκιδέας τοὺς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης καὶ Ποτείδαιαν ἔτι πολιορκουμένην, ἀφικόμενοι δὲ μηχανάς τε τῇ Ποτειδαίᾳ προσέφερον καὶ παντὶ τρόπῳ ἐπειρῶντο ἑλεῖν.

2 προυχώρει δὲ αὐτοῖς οὔτε ἡ αἵρεσις τῆς πόλεως οὔτε τἆλλα τῆς παρασκευῆς ἀξίως· ἐπιγενομένη γὰρ ἡ νόσος ἐνταῦθα δὴ πάνυ ἐπίεσε τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, φθείρουσα τὴν στρατιάν, ὥστε καὶ τοὺς προτέρους στρατιώτας νοσῆσαι τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀπὸ τῆς ξὺν Ἅγνωνι στρατιᾶς, ἐν τῷ πρὸ τοῦ χρόνῳ ὑγιαίνοντας. Φορμίων δὲ καὶ οἱ ἑξακόσιοι καὶ χίλιοι οὐκέτι ἦσαν περὶ Χαλκιδέας.

3 ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἅγνων ἀνεχώρησε ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας, ἀπὸ τετρακισχιλίων ὁπλιτῶν χιλίους καὶ πεντήκοντα τῇ νόσῳ ἀπολέσας ἐν τεσσαράκοντα μάλιστα ἡμέραις· οἱ δὲ πρότεροι στρατιῶται κατὰ χώραν μένοντες ἐπολιόρκουν τὴν Ποτείδαιαν.

Chapter 59

1 μετὰ δὲ τὴν δευτέραν ἐσβολὴν τῶν Πελοποννησίων οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ὡς ἥ τε γῆ αὐτῶν ἐτέτμητο τὸ δεύτερον καὶ ἡ νόσος ἐπέκειτο ἅμα καὶ ὁ πόλεμος, ἠλλοίωντο τὰς γνώμας,

2 καὶ τὸν μὲν Περικλέα ἐν αἰτίᾳ εἶχον ὡς πείσαντα σφᾶς πολεμεῖν καὶ δι’ ἐκεῖνον ταῖς ξυμφοραῖς περιπεπτωκότες,πρὸς δὲ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ὥρμηντο ξυγχωρεῖν· καὶ πρέσβεις τινὰς πέμψαντες ὡς αὐτοὺς ἄπρακτοι ἐγένοντο. πανταχόθεν τε τῇ γνώμῃ ἄποροι καθεστηκότες ἐνέκειντο τῷ Περικλεῖ.

3 ὁ δὲ ὁρῶν αὐτοὺς πρὸς τὰ παρόντα χαλεπαίνοντας καὶ πάντα ποιοῦντας ἅπερ αὐτὸς ἤλπιζε, ξύλλογον ποιήσας (ἔτι δ’ ἐστρατήγει) ἐβούλετο θαρσῦναί τε καὶ ἀπαγαγὼν τὸ ὀργιζόμενον τῆς γνώμης πρὸς τὸ ἠπιώτερον καὶ ἀδεέστερον καταστῆσαι· παρελθὼν δὲ ἔλεξε τοιάδε.

Chapter 60

1 ‘καὶ προσδεχομένῳ μοι τὰ τῆς ὀργῆς ὑμῶν ἔς με γεγένηται (αἰσθάνομαι γὰρ τὰς αἰτίας) καὶ ἐκκλησίαν τούτου ἕνεκα ξυνήγαγον, ὅπως ὑπομνήσω καὶ μέμψωμαι εἴ τι μὴ ὀρθῶς ἢ ἐμοὶ χαλεπαίνετε ἢ ταῖς ξυμφοραῖς εἴκετε.

2 ἐγὼ γὰρ ἡγοῦμαι πόλιν πλείω ξύμπασαν ὀρθουμένην ὠφελεῖν τοὺς ἰδιώτας ἢ καθ’ ἕκαστον τῶν πολιτῶν εὐπραγοῦσαν, ἁθρόαν δὲ σφαλλομένην.

3 καλῶς μὲν γὰρ φερόμενος ἀνὴρ τὸ καθ’ ἑαυτὸν διαφθειρομένης τῆς πατρίδος οὐδὲν ἧσσον ξυναπόλλυται, κακοτυχῶν δὲ ἐν εὐτυχούσῃ πολλῷ μᾶλλον διασῴζεται.

4 ὁπότε οὖν πόλις μὲν τὰς ἰδίας ξυμφορὰς οἵα τε φέρειν, εἷς δ’ ἕκαστος τὰς ἐκείνης ἀδύνατος, πῶς οὐ χρὴ πάντας ἀμύνειν αὐτῇ, καὶ μὴ ὃ νῦν ὑμεῖς δρᾶτε· ταῖς κατ’ οἶκον κακοπραγίαις ἐκπεπληγμένοι τοῦ κοινοῦ τῆς σωτηρίας ἀφίεσθε, καὶ ἐμέ τε τὸν παραινέσαντα πολεμεῖν καὶ ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς οἳ ξυνέγνωτε δι’ αἰτίας ἔχετε.

5 καίτοι ἐμοὶ τοιούτῳ ἀνδρὶ ὀργίζεσθε ὃς οὐδενὸς ἥσσων οἴομαι εἶναι γνῶναί τε τὰ δέοντα καὶ ἑρμηνεῦσαι ταῦτα, φιλόπολίς τε καὶ χρημάτων κρείσσων.

6 ὅ τε γὰρ γνοὺς καὶ μὴ σαφῶς διδάξας ἐν ἴσῳ καὶ εἰ μὴ ἐνεθυμήθη· ὅ τε ἔχων ἀμφότερα, τῇ δὲ πόλει δύσνους, οὐκ ἂν ὁμοίως τι οἰκείως φράζοι· προσόντος δὲ καὶ τοῦδε, χρήμασι δὲ νικωμένου, τὰ ξύμπαντα τούτου ἑνὸς ἂν πωλοῖτο.

7 ὥστ’ εἴ μοι καὶ μέσως ἡγούμενοι μᾶλλον ἑτέρων προσεῖναι αὐτὰ πολεμεῖν ἐπείσθητε, οὐκ ἂν εἰκότως νῦν τοῦ γε ἀδικεῖν αἰτίαν φεροίμην.

Chapter 61

1 ‘καὶ γὰρ οἷς μὲν αἵρεσις γεγένηται τἆλλα εὐτυχοῦσι, πολλὴ ἄνοια πολεμῆσαι· εἰ δ’ ἀναγκαῖον ἦν ἢ εἴξαντας εὐθὺς τοῖς πέλας ὑπακοῦσαι ἢ κινδυνεύσαντας περιγενέσθαι, ὁ φυγὼν τὸν κίνδυνον τοῦ ὑποστάντος μεμπτότερος.

2 καὶ ἐγὼ μὲν ὁ αὐτός εἰμι καὶ οὐκ ἐξίσταμαι· ὑμεῖς δὲ μεταβάλλετε, ἐπειδὴ ξυνέβη ὑμῖν πεισθῆναι μὲν ἀκεραίοις, μεταμέλειν δὲ κακουμένοις, καὶ τὸν ἐμὸν λόγον ἐν τῷ ὑμετέρῳ ἀσθενεῖ τῆς γνώμης μὴ ὀρθὸν φαίνεσθαι, διότι τὸ μὲν λυποῦν ἔχει ἤδη τὴν αἴσθησιν ἑκάστῳ, τῆς δὲ ὠφελίας ἄπεστιν ἔτι ἡ δήλωσις ἅπασι, καὶ μεταβολῆς μεγάλης, καὶ ταύτης ἐξ ὀλίγου, ἐμπεσούσης ταπεινὴ ὑμῶν ἡ διάνοια ἐγκαρτερεῖν ἃ ἔγνωτε.

3 δουλοῖ γὰρ φρόνημα τὸ αἰφνίδιον καὶ ἀπροσδόκητον καὶ τὸ πλείστῳ παραλόγῳ ξυμβαῖνον· ὃ ὑμῖν πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις οὐχ ἥκιστα καὶ κατὰ τὴν νόσον γεγένηται.

4 ὅμως δὲ πόλιν μεγάλην οἰκοῦντας καὶ ἐν ἤθεσιν ἀντιπάλοις αὐτῇ τεθραμμένους χρεὼν καὶ ξυμφοραῖς ταῖς μεγίσταις ἐθέλειν ὑφίστασθαι καὶ τὴν ἀξίωσιν μὴ ἀφανίζειν (ἐν ἴσῳ γὰρ οἱ ἄνθρωποι δικαιοῦσι τῆς τε ὑπαρχούσης δόξης αἰτιᾶσθαι ὅστις μαλακίᾳ ἐλλείπει καὶ τῆς μὴ προσηκούσης μισεῖν τὸν θρασύτητι ὀρεγόμενον), ἀπαλγήσαντας δὲ τὰ ἴδια τοῦ κοινοῦ τῆς σωτηρίας ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι.

Chapter 62

1 ‘τὸν δὲ πόνον τὸν κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον, μὴ γένηταί τε πολὺς καὶ οὐδὲν μᾶλλον περιγενώμεθα, ἀρκείτω μὲν ὑμῖν καὶ ἐκεῖνα ἐν οἷς ἄλλοτε πολλάκις γε δὴ ἀπέδειξα οὐκ ὀρθῶς αὐτὸν ὑποπτευόμενον, δηλώσω δὲ καὶ τόδε, ὅ μοι δοκεῖτε οὔτ᾽ αὐτοὶ πώποτε ἐνθυμηθῆναι ὑπάρχον ὑμῖν μεγέθους πέρι ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν οὔτ’ ἐγὼ ἐν τοῖς πρὶν λόγοις· οὐδ’ ἂν νῦν ἐχρησάμην κομπωδεστέραν ἔχοντι τὴν προσποίησιν, εἰ μὴ καταπεπληγμένους ὑμᾶς παρὰ τὸ εἰκὸς ἑώρων.

2 οἴεσθε μὲν γὰρ τῶν ξυμμάχων μόνων ἄρχειν, ἐγὼ δὲ ἀποφαίνω δύο μερῶν τῶν ἐς χρῆσιν φανερῶν, γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης, τοῦ ἑτέρου ὑμᾶς παντὸς κυριωτάτους ὄντας, ἐφ’ ὅσον τε νῦν νέμεσθε καὶ ἢν ἐπὶ πλέον βουληθῆτε· καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν ὅστις τῇ ὑπαρχούσῃ παρασκευῇ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ πλέοντας ὑμᾶς οὔτε βασιλεὺς οὔτε ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἔθνος τῶν ἐν τῷ παρόντι κωλύσει.

3 ὥστε οὐ κατὰ τὴν τῶν οἰκιῶν καὶ τῆς γῆς χρείαν, ὧν μεγάλων νομίζετε ἐστερῆσθαι, αὕτη ἡ δύναμις φαίνεται· οὐδ’ εἰκὸς χαλεπῶς φέρειν αὐτῶν μᾶλλον ἢ οὐ κηπίον καὶ ἐγκαλλώπισμα πλούτου πρὸς ταύτην νομίσαντας ὀλιγωρῆσαι, καὶ γνῶναι ἐλευθερίαν μέν, ἢν ἀντιλαμβανόμενοι αὐτῆς διασώσωμεν, ῥᾳδίως ταῦτα ἀναληψομένην, ἄλλων δὲ ὑπακούσασι καὶ τὰ προκεκτημένα φιλεῖν ἐλασσοῦσθαι, τῶν τε πατέρων μὴ χείρους κατ’ ἀμφότερα φανῆναι, οἳ μετὰ πόνων καὶ οὐ παρ’ ἄλλων δεξάμενοι κατέσχον τε καὶ προσέτι διασώσαντες παρέδοσαν ὑμῖν αὐτά (αἴσχιον δὲ ἔχοντας ἀφαιρεθῆναι ἢ κτωμένους ἀτυχῆσαι), ἰέναι δὲ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ὁμόσε μὴ φρονήματι μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ καταφρονήματι.

4 αὔχημα μὲν γὰρ καὶ ἀπὸ ἀμαθίας εὐτυχοῦς καὶ δειλῷ τινὶ ἐγγίγνεται, καταφρόνησις δὲ ὃς ἂν καὶ γνώμῃ πιστεύῃ τῶν ἐναντίων προύχειν, ὃ ἡμῖν ὑπάρχει.

5 καὶ τὴν τόλμαν ἀπὸ τῆς ὁμοίας τύχης ἡ ξύνεσις ἐκ τοῦ ὑπέρφρονος ἐχυρωτέραν παρέχεται, ἐλπίδι τε ἧσσον πιστεύει, ἧς ἐν τῷ ἀπόρῳ ἡ ἰσχύς, γνώμῃ δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων, ἧς βεβαιοτέρα ἡ πρόνοια.

Chapter 63

1 τῆς τε πόλεως ὑμᾶς εἰκὸς τῷ τιμωμένῳ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἄρχειν, ᾧπερ ἅπαντες ἀγάλλεσθε, βοηθεῖν, καὶ μὴ φεύγειν τοὺς πόνους ἢ μηδὲ τὰς τιμὰς διώκειν· μηδὲ νομίσαι περὶ ἑνὸς μόνου, δουλείας ἀντ’ ἐλευθερίας, ἀγωνίζεσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀρχῆς στερήσεως καὶ κινδύνου ὧν ἐν τῇ ἀρχῇ ἀπήχθεσθε.

2 ἧς οὐδ’ ἐκστῆναι ἔτι ὑμῖν ἔστιν, εἴ τις καὶ τόδε ἐν τῷ παρόντι δεδιὼς ἀπραγμοσύνῃ ἀνδραγαθίζεται· ὡς τυραννίδα γὰρ ἤδη ἔχετε αὐτήν, ἣν λαβεῖν μὲν ἄδικον δοκεῖ εἶναι, ἀφεῖναι δὲ ἐπικίνδυνον.

3 τάχιστ’ ἄν τε πόλιν οἱ τοιοῦτοι ἑτέρους τε πείσαντες ἀπολέσειαν καὶ εἴ που ἐπὶ σφῶν αὐτῶν αὐτόνομοι οἰκήσειαν· τὸ γὰρ ἄπραγμον οὐ σῴζεται μὴ μετὰ τοῦ δραστηρίου τεταγμένον, οὐδὲ ἐν ἀρχούσῃ πόλει ξυμφέρει, ἀλλ’ ἐν ὑπηκόῳ, ἀσφαλῶς δουλεύειν.

Chapter 64

1 ‘ὑμεῖς δὲ μήτε ὑπὸ τῶν τοιῶνδε πολιτῶν παράγεσθε μήτε ἐμὲ δι’ ὀργῆς ἔχετε, ᾧ καὶ αὐτοὶ ξυνδιέγνωτε πολεμεῖν, εἰ καὶ ἐπελθόντες οἱ ἐναντίοι ἔδρασαν ἅπερ εἰκὸς ἦν μὴ ἐθελησάντων ὑμῶν ὑπακούειν, ἐπιγεγένηταί τε πέρα ὧν προσεδεχόμεθα ἡ νόσος ἥδε, πρᾶγμα μόνον δὴ τῶν πάντων ἐλπίδος κρεῖσσον γεγενημένον. καὶ δι’ αὐτὴν οἶδ’ ὅτι μέρος τι μᾶλλον ἔτι μισοῦμαι, οὐ δικαίως, εἰ μὴ καὶ ὅταν παρὰ λόγον τι εὖ πράξητε ἐμοὶ ἀναθήσετε.

2 φέρειν δὲ χρὴ τά τε δαιμόνια ἀναγκαίως τά τε ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἀνδρείως· ταῦτα γὰρ ἐν ἔθει τῇδε τῇ πόλει πρότερόν τε ἦν νῦν τε μὴ ἐν ὑμῖν κωλυθῇ.

3 γνῶτε δὲ ὄνομα μέγιστον αὐτὴν ἔχουσαν ἐν ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις διὰ τὸ ταῖς ξυμφοραῖς μὴ εἴκειν, πλεῖστα δὲ σώματα καὶ πόνους ἀνηλωκέναι πολέμῳ, καὶ δύναμιν μεγίστην δὴ μέχρι τοῦδε κεκτημένην, ἧς ἐς ἀΐδιον τοῖς ἐπιγιγνομένοις, ἢν καὶ νῦν ὑπενδῶμέν ποτε (πάντα γὰρ πέφυκε καὶ ἐλασσοῦσθαι), μνήμη καταλελείψεται, Ἑλλήνων τε ὅτι Ἕλληνες πλείστων δὴ ἤρξαμεν, καὶ πολέμοις μεγίστοις ἀντέσχομεν πρός τε ξύμπαντας καὶ καθ’ ἑκάστους, πόλιν τε τοῖς πᾶσιν εὐπορωτάτην καὶ μεγίστην ᾠκήσαμεν.

4 καίτοι ταῦτα ὁ μὲν ἀπράγμων μέμψαιτ’ ἄν, ὁ δὲ δρᾶν τι καὶ αὐτὸς βουλόμενος ζηλώσει· εἰ δέ τις μὴ κέκτηται, φθονήσει.

5 τὸ δὲ μισεῖσθαι καὶ λυπηροὺς εἶναι ἐν τῷ παρόντι πᾶσι μὲν ὑπῆρξε δὴ ὅσοι ἕτεροι ἑτέρων ἠξίωσαν ἄρχειν· ὅστις δὲ ἐπὶ μεγίστοις τὸ ἐπίφθονον λαμβάνει, ὀρθῶς βουλεύεται. μῖσος μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἐπὶ πολὺ ἀντέχει, ἡ δὲ παραυτίκα τε λαμπρότης καὶ ἐς τὸ ἔπειτα δόξα αἰείμνηστος καταλείπεται.

6 ὑμεῖς δὲ ἔς τε τὸ μέλλον καλὸν προγνόντες ἔς τε τὸ αὐτίκα μὴ αἰσχρὸν τῷ ἤδη προθύμῳ ἀμφότερα κτήσασθε, καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις μήτε ἐπικηρυκεύεσθε μήτε ἔνδηλοι ἔστε τοῖς παροῦσι πόνοις βαρυνόμενοι, ὡς οἵτινες πρὸς τὰς ξυμφορὰς γνώμῃ μὲν ἥκιστα λυποῦνται, ἔργῳ δὲ μάλιστα ἀντέχουσιν, οὗτοι καὶ πόλεων καὶ ἰδιωτῶν κράτιστοί εἰσιν.’

Chapter 65

1 τοιαῦτα ὁ Περικλῆς λέγων ἐπειρᾶτο τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τῆς τε ἐς αὑτὸν ὀργῆς παραλύειν καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν παρόντων δεινῶν ἀπάγειν τὴν γνώμην.

2 οἱ δὲ δημοσίᾳ μὲν τοῖς λόγοις ἀνεπείθοντο καὶ οὔτε πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἔτι ἔπεμπον ἔς τε τὸν πόλεμον μᾶλλον ὥρμηντο, ἰδίᾳ δὲ τοῖς παθήμασιν ἐλυποῦντο, ὁ μὲν δῆμος ὅτι ἀπ’ ἐλασσόνων ὁρμώμενος ἐστέρητο καὶ τούτων, οἱ δὲ δυνατοὶ καλὰ κτήματα κατὰ τὴν χώραν οἰκοδομίαις τε καὶ πολυτελέσι κατασκευαῖς ἀπολωλεκότες, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, πόλεμον ἀντ’ εἰρήνης ἔχοντες.

3 οὐ μέντοι πρότερόν γε οἱ ξύμπαντες ἐπαύσαντο ἐν ὀργῇ ἔχοντες αὐτὸν πρὶν ἐζημίωσαν χρήμασιν.

4 ὕστερον δ’ αὖθις οὐ πολλῷ, ὅπερ φιλεῖ ὅμιλος ποιεῖν, στρατηγὸν εἵλοντο καὶ πάντα τὰ πράγματα ἐπέτρεψαν, ὧν μὲν περὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα ἕκαστος ἤλγει ἀμβλύτεροι ἤδη ὄντες, ὧν δὲ ἡ ξύμπασα πόλις προσεδεῖτο πλείστου ἄξιον νομίζοντες εἶναι.

5 ὅσον τε γὰρ χρόνον προύστη τῆς πόλεως ἐν τῇ εἰρήνῃ, μετρίως ἐξηγεῖτο καὶ ἀσφαλῶς διεφύλαξεν αὐτήν, καὶ ἐγένετο ἐπ’ ἐκείνου μεγίστη, ἐπειδή τε ὁ πόλεμος κατέστη, ὁ δὲ φαίνεται καὶ ἐν τούτῳ προγνοὺς τὴν δύναμιν.

6 ἐπεβίω δὲ δύο ἔτη καὶ ἓξ μῆνας· καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἀπέθανεν, ἐπὶ πλέον ἔτι ἐγνώσθη ἡ πρόνοια αὐτοῦ ἡ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον.

7 ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἡσυχάζοντάς τε καὶ τὸ ναυτικὸν θεραπεύοντας καὶ ἀρχὴν μὴ ἐπικτωμένους ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ μηδὲ τῇ πόλει κινδυνεύοντας ἔφη περιέσεσθαι· οἱ δὲ ταῦτά τε πάντα ἐς τοὐναντίον ἔπραξαν καὶ ἄλλα ἔξω τοῦ πολέμου δοκοῦντα εἶναι κατὰ τὰς ἰδίας φιλοτιμίας καὶ ἴδια κέρδη κακῶς ἔς τε σφᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἐπολίτευσαν, ἃ κατορθούμενα μὲν τοῖς ἰδιώταις τιμὴ καὶ ὠφελία μᾶλλον ἦν, σφαλέντα δὲ τῇ πόλει ἐς τὸν πόλεμον βλάβη καθίστατο.

8 αἴτιον δ’ ἦν ὅτι ἐκεῖνος μὲν δυνατὸς ὢν τῷ τε ἀξιώματι καὶ τῇ γνώμῃ χρημάτων τε διαφανῶς ἀδωρότατος γενόμενος κατεῖχε τὸ πλῆθος ἐλευθέρως, καὶ οὐκ ἤγετο μᾶλλον ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἢ αὐτὸς ἦγε, διὰ τὸ μὴ κτώμενος ἐξ οὐ προσηκόντων τὴν δύναμιν πρὸς ἡδονήν τι λέγειν, ἀλλ’ ἔχων ἐπ’ ἀξιώσει καὶ πρὸς ὀργήν τι ἀντειπεῖν.

9 ὁπότε γοῦν αἴσθοιτό τι αὐτοὺς παρὰ καιρὸν ὕβρει θαρσοῦντας, λέγων κατέπλησσεν ἐπὶ τὸ φοβεῖσθαι, καὶ δεδιότας αὖ ἀλόγως ἀντικαθίστη πάλιν ἐπὶ τὸ θαρσεῖν. ἐγίγνετό τε λόγῳ μὲν δημοκρατία, ἔργῳ δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ πρώτου ἀνδρὸς ἀρχή.

10 οἱ δὲ ὕστερον ἴσοι μᾶλλον αὐτοὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὄντες καὶ ὀρεγόμενοι τοῦ πρῶτος ἕκαστος γίγνεσθαι ἐτράποντο καθ’ ἡδονὰς τῷ δήμῳ καὶ τὰ πράγματα ἐνδιδόναι.

11 ἐξ ὧν ἄλλα τε πολλά, ὡς ἐν μεγάλῃ πόλει καὶ ἀρχὴν ἐχούσῃ, ἡμαρτήθη καὶ ὁ ἐς Σικελίαν πλοῦς, ὃς οὐ τοσοῦτον γνώμης ἁμάρτημα ἦν πρὸς οὓς ἐπῇσαν, ὅσον οἱ ἐκπέμψαντες οὐ τὰ πρόσφορα τοῖς οἰχομένοις ἐπιγιγνώσκοντες, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὰς ἰδίας διαβολὰς περὶ τῆς τοῦ δήμου προστασίας τά τε ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἀμβλύτερα ἐποίουν καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν πόλιν πρῶτον ἐν ἀλλήλοις ἐταράχθησαν.

12 σφαλέντες δὲ ἐν Σικελίᾳ ἄλλῃ τε παρασκευῇ καὶ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ τῷ πλέονι μορίῳ καὶ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἤδη ἐν στάσει ὄντες ὅμως † τρία † μὲν ἔτη ἀντεῖχον τοῖς τε πρότερον ὑπάρχουσι πολεμίοις καὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ Σικελίας μετ’ αὐτῶν, καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων ἔτι τοῖς πλέοσιν ἀφεστηκόσι, Κύρῳ τε ὕστερον βασιλέως παιδὶ προσγενομένῳ, ὃς παρεῖχε χρήματα Πελοποννησίοις ἐς τὸ ναυτικόν, καὶ οὐ πρότερον ἐνέδοσαν ἢ αὐτοὶ ἐν σφίσι κατὰ τὰς ἰδίας διαφορὰς περιπεσόντες ἐσφάλησαν.

13 τοσοῦτον τῷ Περικλεῖ ἐπερίσσευσε τότε ἀφ’ ὧν αὐτὸς προέγνω καὶ πάνυ ἂν ῥᾳδίως περιγενέσθαι τὴν πόλιν Πελοποννησίων αὐτῶν τῷ πολέμῳ.

Chapter 66

1 οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι τοῦ αὐτοῦ θέρους ἐστράτευσαν ναυσὶν ἑκατὸν ἐς Ζάκυνθον τὴν νῆσον, ἣ κεῖται ἀντιπέρας Ἤλιδος· εἰσὶ δὲ Ἀχαιῶν τῶν ἐκ Πελοποννήσου ἄποικοι καὶ Ἀθηναίοις ξυνεμάχουν.

2 ἐπέπλεον δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων χίλιοι ὁπλῖται καὶ Κνῆμος Σπαρτιάτης ναύαρχος. ἀποβάντες δὲ ἐς τὴν γῆν ἐδῄωσαν τὰ πολλά. καὶ ἐπειδὴ οὐ ξυνεχώρουν, ἀπέπλευσαν ἐπ’ οἴκου.

Chapter 67

1 καὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ θέρους τελευτῶντος Ἀριστεὺς Κορίνθιος καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων πρέσβεις Ἀνήριστος καὶ Νικόλαος καὶ Πρατόδαμος καὶ Τεγεάτης Τιμαγόρας καὶ Ἀργεῖος ἰδίᾳ Πόλλις, πορευόμενοι ἐς τὴν Ἀσίαν ὡς βασιλέα, εἴ πως πείσειαν αὐτὸν χρήματά τε παρασχεῖν καὶ ξυμπολεμεῖν, ἀφικνοῦνται ὡς Σιτάλκην πρῶτον τὸν Τήρεω ἐς Θρᾴκην, βουλόμενοι πεῖσαί τε αὐτόν, εἰ δύναιντο, μεταστάντα τῆς Ἀθηναίων ξυμμαχίας στρατεῦσαι ἐπὶ τὴν Ποτείδαιαν, οὗ ἦν στράτευμα τῶν Ἀθηναίων πολιορκοῦν, καὶ ᾗπερ ὥρμηντο, δι’ ἐκείνου πορευθῆναι πέραν τοῦ Ἑλλησπόντου ὡς Φαρνάκην τὸν Φαρναβάζου, ὃς αὐτοὺς ἔμελλεν ὡς βασιλέα ἀναπέμψειν.

2 παρατυχόντες δὲ Ἀθηναίων πρέσβεις Λέαρχος Καλλιμάχου καὶ Ἀμεινιάδης Φιλήμονος παρὰ τῷ Σιτάλκῃ πείθουσι τὸν Σάδοκον τὸν γεγενημένον Ἀθηναῖον, Σιτάλκου υἱόν, τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐγχειρίσαι σφίσιν, ὅπως μὴ διαβάντες ὡς βασιλέα τὴν ἐκείνου πόλιν τὸ μέρος βλάψωσιν.

3 ὁ δὲ πεισθεὶς πορευομένους αὐτοὺς διὰ τῆς Θρᾴκης ἐπὶ τὸ πλοῖον ᾧ ἔμελλον τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον περαιώσειν, πρὶν ἐσβαίνειν ξυλλαμβάνει, ἄλλους ξυμπέμψας μετὰ τοῦ Λεάρχου καὶ Ἀμεινιάδου, καὶ ἐκέλευσεν ἐκείνοις παραδοῦναι· οἱ δὲ λαβόντες ἐκόμισαν ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας.

4 ἀφικομένων δὲ αὐτῶν δείσαντες οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὸν Ἀριστέα μὴ αὖθις σφᾶς ἔτι πλείω κακουργῇ διαφυγών, ὅτι καὶ πρὸ τούτων τὰ τῆς Ποτειδαίας καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης πάντα ἐφαίνετο πράξας, ἀκρίτους καὶ βουλομένους ἔστιν ἃ εἰπεῖν αὐθημερὸν ἀπέκτειναν πάντας καὶ ἐς φάραγγα ἐσέβαλον, δικαιοῦντες τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἀμύνεσθαι οἷσπερ καὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ὑπῆρξαν, τοὺς ἐμπόρους οὓς ἔλαβον Ἀθηναίων καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων ἐν ὁλκάσι περὶ Πελοπόννησον πλέοντας ἀποκτείναντες καὶ ἐς φάραγγας ἐσβαλόντες. πάντας γὰρ δὴ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς τοῦ πολέμου Λακεδαιμόνιοι ὅσους λάβοιεν ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ ὡς πολεμίους διέφθειρον, καὶ τοὺς μετὰ Ἀθηναίων ξυμπολεμοῦντας καὶ τοὺς μηδὲ μεθ’ ἑτέρων.

Chapter 68

1 κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους, τοῦ θέρους τελευτῶντος, καὶ Ἀμπρακιῶται αὐτοί τε καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων πολλοὺς ἀναστήσαντες ἐστράτευσαν ἐπ’ Ἄργος τὸ Ἀμφιλοχικὸν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην Ἀμφιλοχίαν.

2 ἔχθρα δὲ πρὸς τοὺς Ἀργείους ἀπὸ τοῦδε αὐτοῖς ἤρξατο πρῶτον γενέσθαι.

3 Ἄργος τὸ Ἀμφιλοχικὸν καὶ Ἀμφιλοχίαν τὴν ἄλλην ἔκτισε μὲν μετὰ τὰ Τρωικὰ οἴκαδε ἀναχωρήσας καὶ οὐκ ἀρεσκόμενος τῇ ἐν Ἄργει καταστάσει Ἀμφίλοχος ὁ Ἀμφιάρεω ἐν τῷ Ἀμπρακικῷ κόλπῳ, ὁμώνυμον τῇ ἑαυτοῦ πατρίδι Ἄργος ὀνομάσας

4 (καὶ ἦν ἡ πόλις αὕτη μεγίστη τῆς Ἀμφιλοχίας καὶ τοὺς δυνατωτάτους εἶχεν οἰκήτορας),

5 ὑπὸ ξυμφορῶν δὲ πολλαῖς γενεαῖς ὕστερον πιεζόμενοι Ἀμπρακιώτας ὁμόρους ὄντας τῇ Ἀμφιλοχικῇ ξυνοίκους ἐπηγάγοντο, καὶ ἡλληνίσθησαν τὴν νῦν γλῶσσαν τότε πρῶτον ἀπὸ τῶν Ἀμπρακιωτῶν ξυνοικησάντων· οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι Ἀμφίλοχοι βάρβαροί εἰσιν.

6 ἐκβάλλουσιν οὖν τοὺς Ἀργείους οἱ Ἀμπρακιῶται χρόνῳ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἴσχουσι τὴν πόλιν.

7 οἱ δ’ Ἀμφίλοχοι γενομένου τούτου διδόασιν ἑαυτοὺς Ἀκαρνᾶσι, καὶ προσπαρακαλέσαντες ἀμφότεροι Ἀθηναίους, οἳ αὐτοῖς Φορμίωνά τε στρατηγὸν ἔπεμψαν καὶ ναῦς τριάκοντα, ἀφικομένου [δὲ] τοῦ Φορμίωνος αἱροῦσι κατὰ κράτος Ἄργος καὶ τοὺς Ἀμπρακιώτας ἠνδραπόδισαν, κοινῇ τε ᾤκισαν αὐτὸ Ἀμφίλοχοι καὶ Ἀκαρνᾶνες.

8 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ἡ ξυμμαχία πρῶτον ἐγένετο Ἀθηναίοις καὶ Ἀκαρνᾶσιν.

9 οἱ δὲ Ἀμπρακιῶται τὴν μὲν ἔχθραν ἐς τοὺς Ἀργείους ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀνδραποδισμοῦ σφῶν αὐτῶν πρῶτον ἐποιήσαντο, ὕστερον δὲ ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τήνδε τὴν στρατείαν ποιοῦνται αὑτῶν τε καὶ Χαόνων καὶ ἄλλων τινῶν τῶν πλησιοχώρων βαρβάρων· ἐλθόντες τε πρὸς τὸ Ἄργος τῆς μὲν χώρας ἐκράτουν, τὴν δὲ πόλιν ὡς οὐκ ἐδύναντο ἑλεῖν προσβαλόντες, ἀπεχώρησαν ἐπ’ οἴκου καὶ διελύθησαν κατὰ ἔθνη. τοσαῦτα μὲν ἐν τῷ θέρει ἐγένετο.

Chapter 69

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος Ἀθηναῖοι ναῦς ἔστειλαν εἴκοσι μὲν περὶ Πελοπόννησον καὶ Φορμίωνα στρατηγόν, ὃς ὁρμώμενος ἐκ Ναυπάκτου φυλακὴν εἶχε μήτ’ ἐκπλεῖν ἐκ Κορίνθου καὶ τοῦ Κρισαίου κόλπου μηδένα μήτ’ ἐσπλεῖν, ἑτέρας δὲ ἓξ ἐπὶ Καρίας καὶ Λυκίας καὶ Μελήσανδρον στρατηγόν, ὅπως ταῦτά τε ἀργυρολογῶσι καὶ τὸ λῃστικὸν τῶν Πελοποννησίων μὴ ἐῶσιν αὐτόθεν ὁρμώμενον βλάπτειν τὸν πλοῦν τῶν ὁλκάδων τῶν ἀπὸ Φασήλιδος καὶ Φοινίκης καὶ τῆς ἐκεῖθεν ἠπείρου.

2 ἀναβὰς δὲ στρατιᾷ Ἀθηναίων τε τῶν ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων ἐς τὴν Λυκίαν ὁ Μελήσανδρος ἀποθνῄσκει καὶ τῆς στρατιᾶς μέρος τι διέφθειρε νικηθεὶς μάχῃ.

Chapter 70

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος οἱ Ποτειδεᾶται ἐπειδὴ οὐκέτι ἐδύναντο πολιορκούμενοι ἀντέχειν, ἀλλ’ αἵ τε ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἐσβολαὶ Πελοποννησίων οὐδὲν μᾶλλον ἀπανίστασαν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ὅ τε σῖτος ἐπελελοίπει, καὶ ἄλλα τε πολλὰ ἐπεγεγένητο αὐτόθι ἤδη βρώσεως πέρι ἀναγκαίας καί τινες καὶ ἀλλήλων ἐγέγευντο, οὕτω δὴ λόγους προσφέρουσι περὶ ξυμβάσεως τοῖς στρατηγοῖς τῶν Ἀθηναίων τοῖς ἐπὶ σφίσι τεταγμένοις, Ξενοφῶντί τε τῷ Εὐριπίδου καὶ Ἑστιοδώρῳ τῷ Ἀριστοκλείδου καὶ Φανομάχῳ τῷ Καλλιμάχου.

2 οἱ δὲ προσεδέξαντο, ὁρῶντες μὲν τῆς στρατιᾶς τὴν ταλαιπωρίαν ἐν χωρίῳ χειμερινῷ, ἀνηλωκυίας δὲ ἤδη τῆς πόλεως δισχίλια τάλαντα ἐς τὴν πολιορκίαν.

3 ἐπὶ τοῖσδε οὖν ξυνέβησαν, ἐξελθεῖν αὐτοὺς καὶ παῖδας καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ τοὺς ἐπικούρους ξὺν ἑνὶ ἱματίῳ, γυναῖκας δὲ ξὺν δυοῖν, καὶ ἀργύριόν τι ῥητὸν ἔχοντας ἐφόδιον.

4 καὶ οἱ μὲν ὑπόσπονδοι ἐξῆλθον ἔς τε τὴν Χαλκιδικὴν καὶ ᾗ ἕκαστος ἐδύνατο· Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ τούς τε στρατηγοὺς ἐπῃτιάσαντο ὅτι ἄνευ αὐτῶν ξυνέβησαν (ἐνόμιζον γὰρ ἂν κρατῆσαι τῆς πόλεως ᾗ ἐβούλοντο), καὶ ὕστερον ἐποίκους ἔπεμψαν ἑαυτῶν ἐς τὴν Ποτείδαιαν καὶ κατῴκισαν. ταῦτα μὲν ἐν τῷ χειμῶνι ἐγένετο, καὶ [τὸ] δεύτερον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα τῷ πολέμῳ τῷδε ὃν Θουκυδίδης ξυνέγραψεν.

Chapter 71

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου θέρους οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἐς μὲν τὴν Ἀττικὴν οὐκ ἐσέβαλον, ἐστράτευσαν δὲ ἐπὶ Πλάταιαν· ἡγεῖτο δὲ Ἀρχίδαμος ὁ Ζευξιδάμου Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεύς. καὶ καθίσας τὸν στρατὸν ἔμελλε δῃώσειν τὴν γῆν· οἱ δὲ Πλαταιῆς εὐθὺς πρέσβεις πέμψαντες πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔλεγον τοιάδε·

2 ‘Ἀρχίδαμε καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, οὐ δίκαια ποιεῖτε οὐδ’ ἄξια οὔτε ὑμῶν οὔτε πατέρων ὧν ἐστέ, ἐς γῆν τὴν Πλαταιῶν στρατεύοντες. Παυσανίας γὰρ ὁ Κλεομβρότου Λακεδαιμόνιος ἐλευθερώσας τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἀπὸ τῶν Μήδων μετὰ Ἑλλήνων τῶν ἐθελησάντων ξυνάρασθαι τὸν κίνδυνον τῆς μάχης ἣ παρ’ ἡμῖν ἐγένετο, θύσας ἐν τῇ Πλαταιῶν ἀγορᾷ ἱερὰ Διὶ ἐλευθερίῳ καὶ ξυγκαλέσας πάντας τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἀπεδίδου Πλαταιεῦσι γῆν καὶ πόλιν τὴν σφετέραν ἔχοντας αὐτονόμους οἰκεῖν, στρατεῦσαί τε μηδένα ποτὲ ἀδίκως ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς μηδ’ ἐπὶ δουλείᾳ· εἰ δὲ μή, ἀμύνειν τοὺς παρόντας ξυμμάχους κατὰ δύναμιν.

3 τάδε μὲν ἡμῖν πατέρες οἱ ὑμέτεροι ἔδοσαν ἀρετῆς ἕνεκα καὶ προθυμίας τῆς ἐν ἐκείνοις τοῖς κινδύνοις γενομένης, ὑμεῖς δὲ τἀναντία δρᾶτε· μετὰ γὰρ Θηβαίων τῶν ἡμῖν ἐχθίστων ἐπὶ δουλείᾳ τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ ἥκετε.

4 μάρτυρας δὲ θεοὺς τούς τε ὁρκίους τότε γενομένους ποιούμενοι καὶ τοὺς ὑμετέρους πατρῴους καὶ ἡμετέρους ἐγχωρίους, λέγομεν ὑμῖν γῆν τὴν Πλαταιίδα μὴ ἀδικεῖν μηδὲ παραβαίνειν τοὺς ὅρκους, ἐᾶν δὲ οἰκεῖν αὐτονόμους καθάπερ Παυσανίας ἐδικαίωσεν.’

Chapter 72

1 τοσαῦτα εἰπόντων τῶν Πλαταιῶν Ἀρχίδαμος ὑπολαβὼν εἶπεν· ‘δίκαια λέγετε, ὦ ἄνδρες Πλαταιῆς, ἢν ποιῆτε ὁμοῖα τοῖς λόγοις. καθάπερ γὰρ Παυσανίας ὑμῖν παρέδωκεν, αὐτοί τε αὐτονομεῖσθε καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ξυνελευθεροῦτε, ὅσοι μετασχόντες τῶν τότε κινδύνων ὑμῖν τε ξυνώμοσαν καὶ εἰσὶ νῦν ὑπ’ Ἀθηναίοις, παρασκευή τε τοσήδε καὶ πόλεμος γεγένηται αὐτῶν ἕνεκα καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐλευθερώσεως. ἧς μάλιστα μὲν μετασχόντες καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐμμείνατε τοῖς ὅρκοις· εἰ δὲ μή, ἅπερ καὶ πρότερον ἤδη προυκαλεσάμεθα, ἡσυχίαν ἄγετε νεμόμενοι τὰ ὑμέτερα αὐτῶν, καὶ ἔστε μηδὲ μεθ’ ἑτέρων, δέχεσθε δὲ ἀμφοτέρους φίλους, ἐπὶ πολέμῳ δὲ μηδετέρους. καὶ τάδε ἡμῖν ἀρκέσει.’

2 ὁ μὲν Ἀρχίδαμος τοσαῦτα εἶπεν· οἱ δὲ Πλαταιῶν πρέσβεις ἀκούσαντες ταῦτα ἐσῆλθον ἐς τὴν πόλιν, καὶ τῷ πλήθει τὰ ῥηθέντα κοινώσαντες ἀπεκρίναντο αὐτῷ ὅτι ἀδύνατα σφίσιν εἴη ποιεῖν ἃ προκαλεῖται ἄνευ Ἀθηναίων (παῖδες γὰρ σφῶν καὶ γυναῖκες παρ’ ἐκείνοις εἶεν), δεδιέναι δὲ καὶ περὶ τῇ πάσῃ πόλει μὴ ἐκείνων ἀποχωρησάντων Ἀθηναῖοι ἐλθόντες σφίσιν οὐκ ἐπιτρέπωσιν, ἢ Θηβαῖοι, ὡς ἔνορκοι ὄντες κατὰ τὸ ἀμφοτέρους δέχεσθαι, αὖθις σφῶν τὴν πόλιν πειράσωσι καταλαβεῖν.

3 ὁ δὲ θαρσύνων αὐτοὺς πρὸς ταῦτα ἔφη· ‘ὑμεῖς δὲ πόλιν μὲν καὶ οἰκίας ἡμῖν παράδοτε τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, καὶ γῆς ὅρους ἀποδείξατε καὶ δένδρα ἀριθμῷ τὰ ὑμέτερα καὶ ἄλλο εἴ τι δυνατὸν ἐς ἀριθμὸν ἐλθεῖν· αὐτοὶ δὲ μεταχωρήσατε ὅποι βούλεσθε, ἕως ἂν ὁ πόλεμος ᾖ· ἐπειδὰν δὲ παρέλθῃ, ἀποδώσομεν ὑμῖν ἃ ἂν παραλάβωμεν. μέχρι δὲ τοῦδε ἕξομεν παρακαταθήκην, ἐργαζόμενοι καὶ φορὰν φέροντες ἣ ἂν ὑμῖν μέλλῃ ἱκανὴ ἔσεσθαι.’

Chapter 73

1 οἱ δ’ ἀκούσαντες ἐσῆλθον αὖθις ἐς τὴν πόλιν, καὶ βουλευσάμενοι μετὰ τοῦ πλήθους ἔλεξαν ὅτι βούλονται ἃ προκαλεῖται Ἀθηναίοις κοινῶσαι πρῶτον, καὶ ἢν πείθωσιν αὐτούς, ποιεῖν ταῦτα· μέχρι δὲ τούτου σπείσασθαι σφίσιν ἐκέλευον καὶ τὴν γῆν μὴ δῃοῦν. ὁ δὲ ἡμέρας τε ἐσπείσατο ἐν αἷς εἰκὸς ἦν κομισθῆναι, καὶ τὴν γῆν οὐκ ἔτεμνεν.

2 ἐλθόντες δὲ οἱ [Πλαταιῆς] πρέσβεις ὡς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους καὶ βουλευσάμενοι μετ’ αὐτῶν πάλιν ἦλθον ἀπαγγέλλοντες τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει τοιάδε·

3 ‘οὔτ’ ἐν τῷ πρὸ τοῦ χρόνῳ, ὦ ἄνδρες Πλαταιῆς, ἀφ’ οὗ ξύμμαχοι ἐγενόμεθα, Ἀθηναῖοί φασιν ἐν οὐδενὶ ὑμᾶς προέσθαι ἀδικουμένους οὔτε νῦν περιόψεσθαι, βοηθήσειν δὲ κατὰ δύναμιν. ἐπισκήπτουσί τε ὑμῖν πρὸς τῶν ὅρκων οὓς οἱ πατέρες ὤμοσαν μηδὲν νεωτερίζειν περὶ τὴν ξυμμαχίαν.’

Chapter 74

1 τοιαῦτα τῶν πρέσβεων ἀπαγγειλάντων οἱ Πλαταιῆς ἐβουλεύσαντο Ἀθηναίους μὴ προδιδόναι, ἀλλ’ ἀνέχεσθαι καὶ γῆν τεμνομένην, εἰ δεῖ, ὁρῶντας καὶ ἄλλο πάσχοντας ὅτι ἂν ξυμβαίνῃ· ἐξελθεῖν τε μηδένα ἔτι, ἀλλ’ ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους ἀποκρίνασθαι ὅτι ἀδύνατα σφίσι ποιεῖν ἐστὶν ἃ Λακεδαιμόνιοι προκαλοῦνται.

2 ὡς δὲ ἀπεκρίναντο, ἐντεῦθεν δὴ πρῶτον μὲν ἐς ἐπιμαρτυρίαν καὶ θεῶν καὶ ἡρώων τῶν ἐγχωρίων Ἀρχίδαμος ὁ βασιλεὺς κατέστη, λέγων ὧδε· ‘θεοὶ ὅσοι γῆν τὴν Πλαταιίδα ἔχετε καὶ ἥρωες, ξυνίστορές ἐστε ὅτι οὔτε τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀδίκως, ἐκλιπόντων δὲ τῶνδε προτέρων τὸ ξυνώμοτον, ἐπὶ γῆν τήνδε ἤλθομεν, ἐν ᾗ οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν εὐξάμενοι ὑμῖν Μήδων ἐκράτησαν καὶ παρέσχετε αὐτὴν εὐμενῆ ἐναγωνίσασθαι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, οὔτε νῦν, ἤν τι ποιῶμεν, ἀδικήσομεν· προκαλεσάμενοι γὰρ πολλὰ καὶ εἰκότα οὐ τυγχάνομεν. ξυγγνώμονες δὲ ἔστε τῆς μὲν ἀδικίας κολάζεσθαι τοῖς ὑπάρχουσι προτέροις, τῆς δὲ τιμωρίας τυγχάνειν τοῖς ἐπιφέρουσι νομίμως.’

Chapter 75

1 τοσαῦτα ἐπιθειάσας καθίστη ἐς πόλεμον τὸν στρατόν, καὶ πρῶτον μὲν περιεσταύρωσαν αὐτοὺς τοῖς δένδρεσιν ἃ ἔκοψαν, τοῦ μηδένα ἐπεξιέναι, ἔπειτα χῶμα ἔχουν πρὸς τὴν πόλιν, ἐλπίζοντες ταχίστην αἵρεσιν ἔσεσθαι αὐτῶν στρατεύματος τοσούτου ἐργαζομένου.

2 ξύλα μὲν οὖν τέμνοντες ἐκ τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος παρῳκοδόμουν ἑκατέρωθεν, φορμηδὸν ἀντὶ τοίχων τιθέντες, ὅπως μὴ διαχέοιτο ἐπὶ πολὺ τὸ χῶμα· ἐφόρουν δὲ ὕλην ἐς αὐτὸ καὶ λίθους καὶ γῆν καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο ἁνύτειν μέλλοι ἐπιβαλλόμενον.

3 ἡμέρας δὲ ἔχουν † ἑβδομήκοντα † καὶ νύκτας ξυνεχῶς, διῃρημένοι κατ’ ἀναπαύλας, ὥστε τοὺς μὲν φέρειν, τοὺς δὲ ὕπνον τε καὶ σῖτον αἱρεῖσθαι· Λακεδαιμονίων τε οἱ ξεναγοὶ ἑκάστης πόλεως ξυνεφεστῶτες ἠνάγκαζον ἐς τὸ ἔργον.

4 οἱ δὲ Πλαταιῆς ὁρῶντες τὸ χῶμα αἰρόμενον, ξύλινον τεῖχος ξυνθέντες καὶ ἐπιστήσαντες τῷ ἑαυτῶν τείχει ᾗ προσεχοῦτο, ἐσῳκοδόμουν ἐς αὐτὸ πλίνθους ἐκ τῶν ἐγγὺς οἰκιῶν καθαιροῦντες.

5 ξύνδεσμος δ’ ἦν αὐτοῖς τὰ ξύλα, τοῦ μὴ ὑψηλὸν γιγνόμενον ἀσθενὲς εἶναι τὸ οἰκοδόμημα, καὶ προκαλύμματα εἶχε δέρσεις καὶ διφθέρας, ὥστε τοὺς ἐργαζομένους καὶ τὰ ξύλα μήτε πυρφόροις οἰστοῖς βάλλεσθαι ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ τε εἶναι.

6 ᾔρετο δὲ τὸ ὕψος τοῦ τείχους μέγα, καὶ τὸ χῶμα οὐ σχολαίτερον ἀντανῄει αὐτῷ. καὶ οἱ Πλαταιῆς τοιόνδε τι ἐπινοοῦσιν· διελόντες τοῦ τείχους ᾗ προσέπιπτε τὸ χῶμα ἐσεφόρουν τὴν γῆν.

Chapter 76

1 οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι αἰσθόμενοι ἐν ταρσοῖς καλάμου πηλὸν ἐνίλλοντες ἐσέβαλλον ἐς τὸ διῃρημένον, ὅπως μὴ διαχεόμενον ὥσπερ ἡ γῆ φοροῖτο.

2 οἱ δὲ ταύτῃ ἀποκλῃόμενοι τοῦτο μὲν ἐπέσχον, ὑπόνομον δὲ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ὀρύξαντες καὶ ξυντεκμηράμενοι ὑπὸ τὸ χῶμα ὑφεῖλκον αὖθις παρὰ σφᾶς τὸν χοῦν· καὶ ἐλάνθανον ἐπὶ πολὺ τοὺς ἔξω, ὥστε ἐπιβάλλοντας ἧσσον ἁνύτειν ὑπαγομένου αὐτοῖς κάτωθεν τοῦ χώματος καὶ ἱζάνοντος αἰεὶ ἐπὶ τὸ κενούμενον.

3 δεδιότες δὲ μὴ οὐδ’ οὕτω δύνωνται ὀλίγοι πρὸς πολλοὺς ἀντέχειν, προσεπεξηῦρον τόδε· τὸ μὲν μέγα οἰκοδόμημα ἐπαύσαντο ἐργαζόμενοι τὸ κατὰ τὸ χῶμα, ἔνθεν δὲ καὶ ἔνθεν αὐτοῦ ἀρξάμενοι ἀπὸ τοῦ βραχέος τείχους ἐκ τοῦ ἐντὸς μηνοειδὲς ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐσῳκοδόμουν, ὅπως, εἰ τὸ μέγα τεῖχος ἁλίσκοιτο, τοῦτ’ ἀντέχοι, καὶ δέοι τοὺς ἐναντίους αὖθις πρὸς αὐτὸ χοῦν καὶ προχωροῦντας ἔσω διπλάσιόν τε πόνον ἔχειν καὶ ἐν ἀμφιβόλῳ μᾶλλον γίγνεσθαι.

4 ἅμα δὲ τῇ χώσει καὶ μηχανὰς προσῆγον οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι τῇ πόλει, μίαν μὲν ἣ τοῦ μεγάλου οἰκοδομήματος κατὰ τὸ χῶμα προσαχθεῖσα ἐπὶ μέγα τε κατέσεισε καὶ τοὺς Πλαταιᾶς ἐφόβησεν, ἄλλας δὲ ἄλλῃ τοῦ τείχους, ἃς βρόχους τε περιβάλλοντες ἀνέκλων οἱ Πλαταιῆς, καὶ δοκοὺς μεγάλας ἀρτήσαντες ἁλύσεσι μακραῖς σιδηραῖς ἀπὸ τῆς τομῆς ἑκατέρωθεν ἀπὸ κεραιῶν δύο ἐπικεκλιμένων καὶ ὑπερτεινουσῶν ὑπὲρ τοῦ τείχους ἀνελκύσαντες ἐγκαρσίας, ὁπότε προσπεσεῖσθαί πῃ μέλλοι ἡ μηχανή, ἀφίεσαν τὴν δοκὸν χαλαραῖς ταῖς ἁλύσεσι καὶ οὐ διὰ χειρὸς ἔχοντες, ἡ δὲ ῥύμῃ ἐμπίπτουσα ἀπεκαύλιζε τὸ προῦχον τῆς ἐμβολῆς.

Chapter 77

1 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι, ὡς αἵ τε μηχαναὶ οὐδὲν ὠφέλουν καὶ τῷ χώματι τὸ ἀντιτείχισμα ἐγίγνετο, νομίσαντες ἄπορον εἶναι ἀπὸ τῶν παρόντων δεινῶν ἑλεῖν τὴν πόλιν πρὸς τὴν περιτείχισιν παρεσκευάζοντο.

2 πρότερον δὲ πυρὶ ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς πειρᾶσαι εἰ δύναιντο πνεύματος γενομένου ἐπιφλέξαι τὴν πόλιν οὖσαν οὐ μεγάλην· πᾶσαν γὰρ δὴ ἰδέαν ἐπενόουν, εἴ πως σφίσιν ἄνευ δαπάνης καὶ πολιορκίας προσαχθείη.

3 φοροῦντες δὲ ὕλης φακέλους παρέβαλον ἀπὸ τοῦ χώματος ἐς τὸ μεταξὺ πρῶτον τοῦ τείχους καὶ τῆς προσχώσεως, ταχὺ δὲ πλήρους γενομένου διὰ πολυχειρίαν ἐπιπαρένησαν καὶ τῆς ἄλλης πόλεως ὅσον ἐδύναντο ἀπὸ τοῦ μετεώρου πλεῖστον ἐπισχεῖν, ἐμβαλόντες δὲ πῦρ ξὺν θείῳ καὶ πίσσῃ ἧψαν τὴν ὕλην.

4 καὶ ἐγένετο φλὸξ τοσαύτη ὅσην οὐδείς πω ἔς γε ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον χειροποίητον εἶδεν· ἤδη γὰρ ἐν ὄρεσιν ὕλη τριφθεῖσα ὑπ’ ἀνέμων πρὸς αὑτὴν ἀπὸ ταὐτομάτου πῦρ καὶ φλόγα ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἀνῆκεν.

5 τοῦτο δὲ μέγα τε ἦν καὶ τοὺς Πλαταιᾶς τἆλλα διαφυγόντας ἐλαχίστου ἐδέησε διαφθεῖραι· ἐντὸς γὰρ πολλοῦ χωρίου τῆς πόλεως οὐκ ἦν πελάσαι, πνεῦμά τε εἰ ἐπεγένετο αὐτῇ ἐπίφορον, ὅπερ καὶ ἤλπιζον οἱ ἐναντίοι, οὐκ ἂν διέφυγον.

6 νῦν δὲ καὶ τόδε λέγεται ξυμβῆναι, ὕδωρ [ἐξ οὐρανοῦ] πολὺ καὶ βροντὰς γενομένας σβέσαι τὴν φλόγα καὶ οὕτω παυσθῆναι τὸν κίνδυνον.

Chapter 78

1 οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι ἐπειδὴ καὶ τούτου διήμαρτον, μέρος μέν τι καταλιπόντες τοῦ στρατοῦ, τὸ δὲ πλέον ἀφέντες περιετείχιζον τὴν πόλιν κύκλῳ, διελόμενοι κατὰ πόλεις τὸ χωρίον· τάφρος δὲ ἐντός τε ἦν καὶ ἔξωθεν ἐξ ἧς ἐπλινθεύσαντο.

2 καὶ ἐπειδὴ πᾶν ἐξείργαστο περὶ ἀρκτούρου ἐπιτολάς, καταλιπόντες φυλακὰς τοῦ ἡμίσεος τείχους (τὸ δὲ ἥμισυ Βοιωτοὶ ἐφύλασσον) ἀνεχώρησαν τῷ στρατῷ καὶ διελύθησαν κατὰ πόλεις.

3 Πλαταιῆς δὲ παῖδας μὲν καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ τοὺς πρεσβυτάτους τε καὶ πλῆθος τὸ ἀχρεῖον τῶν ἀνθρώπων πρότερον ἐκκεκομισμένοι ἦσαν ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας, αὐτοὶ δὲ ἐπολιορκοῦντο ἐγκαταλελειμμένοι τετρακόσιοι, Ἀθηναίων δὲ ὀγδοήκοντα, γυναῖκες δὲ δέκα καὶ ἑκατὸν σιτοποιοί.

4 τοσοῦτοι ἦσαν οἱ ξύμπαντες ὅτε ἐς τὴν πολιορκίαν καθίσταντο, καὶ ἄλλος οὐδεὶς ἦν ἐν τῷ τείχει οὔτε δοῦλος οὔτ’ ἐλεύθερος. τοιαύτη μὲν ἡ Πλαταιῶν πολιορκία κατεσκευάσθη.

Chapter 79

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ θέρους καὶ ἅμα τῇ τῶν Πλαταιῶν ἐπιστρατείᾳ Ἀθηναῖοι δισχιλίοις ὁπλίταις ἑαυτῶν καὶ ἱππεῦσι διακοσίοις ἐπεστράτευσαν ἐπὶ Χαλκιδέας τοὺς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης καὶ Βοττιαίους ἀκμάζοντος τοῦ σίτου· ἐστρατήγει δὲ Ξενοφῶν ὁ Εὐριπίδου τρίτος αὐτός.

2 ἐλθόντες δὲ ὑπὸ Σπάρτωλον τὴν Βοττικὴν τὸν σῖτον διέφθειραν. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ προσχωρήσειν ἡ πόλις ὑπό τινων ἔνδοθεν πρασσόντων. προσπεμψάντων δὲ ἐς Ὄλυνθον τῶν οὐ ταὐτὰ βουλομένων ὁπλῖταί τε ἦλθον καὶ στρατιὰ ἐς φυλακήν· ἧς ἐπεξελθούσης ἐκ τῆς Σπαρτώλου ἐς μάχην καθίστανται οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ὑπ’ αὐτῇ τῇ πόλει.

3 καὶ οἱ μὲν ὁπλῖται τῶν Χαλκιδέων καὶ ἐπίκουροί τινες μετ’ αὐτῶν νικῶνται ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ ἀναχωροῦσιν ἐς τὴν Σπάρτωλον, οἱ δὲ ἱππῆς τῶν Χαλκιδέων καὶ ψιλοὶ νικῶσι τοὺς τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἱππέας καὶ ψιλούς·

4 εἶχον δέ τινας οὐ πολλοὺς πελταστὰς ἐκ τῆς Κρουσίδος γῆς καλουμένης. ἄρτι δὲ τῆς μάχης γεγενημένης ἐπιβοηθοῦσιν ἄλλοι πελτασταὶ ἐκ τῆς Ὀλύνθου.

5 καὶ οἱ ἐκ τῆς Σπαρτώλου ψιλοὶ ὡς εἶδον, θαρσήσαντες τοῖς τε προσγιγνομένοις καὶ ὅτι πρότερον οὐχ ἥσσηντο, ἐπιτίθενται αὖθις μετὰ τῶν Χαλκιδέων ἱππέων καὶ τῶν προσβοηθησάντων τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις· καὶ ἀναχωροῦσι πρὸς τὰς δύο τάξεις ἃς κατέλιπον παρὰ τοῖς σκευοφόροις.

6 καὶ ὁπότε μὲν ἐπίοιεν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἐνεδίδοσαν, ἀναχωροῦσι δ’ ἐνέκειντο καὶ ἐσηκόντιζον. οἵ τε ἱππῆς τῶν Χαλκιδέων προσιππεύοντες ᾗ δοκοίη προσέβαλλον, καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα φοβήσαντες ἔτρεψαν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους καὶ ἐπεδίωξαν ἐπὶ πολύ.

7 καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι ἐς τὴν Ποτείδαιαν καταφεύγουσι, καὶ ὕστερον τοὺς νεκροὺς ὑποσπόνδους κομισάμενοι ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας ἀναχωροῦσι τῷ περιόντι τοῦ στρατοῦ· ἀπέθανον δὲ αὐτῶν τριάκοντα καὶ τετρακόσιοι καὶ οἱ στρατηγοὶ πάντες. οἱ δὲ Χαλκιδῆς καὶ Βοττιαῖοι τροπαῖόν τε ἔστησαν καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς τοὺς αὑτῶν ἀνελόμενοι διελύθησαν κατὰ πόλεις.

Chapter 80

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ θέρους, οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον τούτων, Ἀμπρακιῶται καὶ Χάονες βουλόμενοι Ἀκαρνανίαν τὴν πᾶσαν καταστρέψασθαι καὶ Ἀθηναίων ἀποστῆσαι πείθουσι Λακεδαιμονίους ναυτικόν τε παρασκευάσασθαι ἐκ τῆς ξυμμαχίδος καὶ ὁπλίτας χιλίους πέμψαι ἐπ’ Ἀκαρνανίαν, λέγοντες ὅτι, ἢν ναυσὶ καὶ πεζῷ ἅμα μετὰ σφῶν ἔλθωσιν, ἀδυνάτων ὄντων ξυμβοηθεῖν τῶν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης Ἀκαρνάνων ῥᾳδίως Ἀκαρνανίαν σχόντες καὶ τῆς Ζακύνθου καὶ Κεφαλληνίας κρατήσουσι, καὶ ὁ περίπλους οὐκέτι ἔσοιτο Ἀθηναίοις ὁμοίως περὶ Πελοπόννησον· ἐλπίδα δ’ εἶναι καὶ Ναύπακτον λαβεῖν.

2 οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πεισθέντες Κνῆμον μὲν ναύαρχον ἔτι ὄντα καὶ τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἐπὶ ναυσὶν ὀλίγαις εὐθὺς πέμπουσι, τῷ δὲ ναυτικῷ περιήγγειλαν παρασκευασαμένῳ ὡς τάχιστα πλεῖν ἐς Λευκάδα.

3 ἦσαν δὲ Κορίνθιοι ξυμπροθυμούμενοι μάλιστα τοῖς Ἀμπρακιώταις ἀποίκοις οὖσιν. καὶ τὸ μὲν ναυτικὸν ἔκ τε Κορίνθου καὶ Σικυῶνος καὶ τῶν ταύτῃ χωρίων ἐν παρασκευῇ ἦν, τὸ δ᾽ ἐκ Λευκάδος καὶ Ἀνακτορίου καὶ Ἀμπρακίας πρότερον ἀφικόμενον ἐν Λευκάδι περιέμενεν.

4 Κνῆμος δὲ καὶ οἱ μετ’ αὐτοῦ χίλιοι ὁπλῖται ἐπειδὴ ἐπεραιώθησαν λαθόντες Φορμίωνα, ὃς ἦρχε τῶν εἴκοσι νεῶν τῶν Ἀττικῶν αἳ περὶ Ναύπακτον ἐφρούρουν, εὐθὺς παρεσκευάζοντο τὴν κατὰ γῆν στρατείαν.

5 καὶ αὐτῷ παρῆσαν Ἑλλήνων μὲν Ἀμπρακιῶται καὶ Λευκάδιοι καὶ Ἀνακτόριοι καὶ οὓς αὐτὸς ἔχων ἦλθε χίλιοι Πελοποννησίων, βάρβαροι δὲ Χάονες χίλιοι ἀβασίλευτοι, ὧν ἡγοῦντο ἐπετησίῳ προστατείᾳ ἐκ τοῦ ἀρχικοῦ γένους Φώτιος καὶ Νικάνωρ. ξυνεστρατεύοντο δὲ μετὰ Χαόνων καὶ Θεσπρωτοὶ ἀβασίλευτοι.

6 Μολοσσοὺς δὲ ἦγε καὶ Ἀτιντᾶνας Σαβύλινθος ἐπίτροπος ὢν Θάρυπος τοῦ βασιλέως ἔτι παιδὸς ὄντος, καὶ Παραυαίους Ὄροιδος βασιλεύων. Ὀρέσται δὲ χίλιοι, ὧν ἐβασίλευεν Ἀντίοχος, μετὰ Παραυαίων ξυνεστρατεύοντο Ὀροίδῳ Ἀντιόχου ἐπιτρέψαντος.

7 ἔπεμψε δὲ καὶ Περδίκκας κρύφα τῶν Ἀθηναίων χιλίους Μακεδόνων, οἳ ὕστερον ἦλθον.

8 τούτῳ τῷ στρατῷ ἐπορεύετο Κνῆμος οὐ περιμείνας τὸ ἀπὸ Κορίνθου ναυτικόν, καὶ διὰ τῆς Ἀργείας ἰόντες Λιμναίαν, κώμην ἀτείχιστον, ἐπόρθησαν. ἀφικνοῦνταί τε ἐπὶ Στράτον, πόλιν μεγίστην τῆς Ἀκαρνανίας, νομίζοντες, εἰ ταύτην πρώτην λάβοιεν, ῥᾳδίως σφίσι τἆλλα προσχωρήσειν.

Chapter 81

1 Ἀκαρνᾶνες δὲ αἰσθόμενοι κατά τε γῆν πολλὴν στρατιὰν ἐσβεβληκυῖαν ἔκ τε θαλάσσης ναυσὶν ἅμα τοὺς πολεμίους παρεσομένους, οὔτε ξυνεβοήθουν ἐφύλασσόν τε τὰ αὑτῶν ἕκαστοι, παρά τε Φορμίωνα ἔπεμπον κελεύοντες ἀμύνειν· ὁ δὲ ἀδύνατος ἔφη εἶναι ναυτικοῦ ἐκ Κορίνθου μέλλοντος ἐκπλεῖν Ναύπακτον ἐρήμην ἀπολιπεῖν.

2 οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι τρία τέλη ποιήσαντες σφῶν αὐτῶν ἐχώρουν πρὸς τὴν τῶν Στρατίων πόλιν, ὅπως ἐγγὺς στρατοπεδευσάμενοι, εἰ μὴ λόγοις πείθοιεν, ἔργῳ πειρῷντο τοῦ τείχους.

3 καὶ μέσον μὲν ἔχοντες προσῇσαν Χάονες καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι βάρβαροι, ἐκ δεξιᾶς δ’ αὐτῶν Λευκάδιοι καὶ Ἀνακτόριοι καὶ οἱ μετὰ τούτων, ἐν ἀριστερᾷ δὲ Κνῆμος καὶ οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ Ἀμπρακιῶται· διεῖχον δὲ πολὺ ἀπ’ ἀλλήλων καὶ ἔστιν ὅτε οὐδὲ ἑωρῶντο.

4 καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἕλληνες τεταγμένοι τε προσῇσαν καὶ διὰ φυλακῆς ἔχοντες, ἕως ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο ἐν ἐπιτηδείῳ· οἱ δὲ Χάονες σφίσι τε αὐτοῖς πιστεύοντες καὶ ἀξιούμενοι ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκείνῃ ἠπειρωτῶν μαχιμώτατοι εἶναι οὔτε ἐπέσχον τὸ στρατόπεδον καταλαβεῖν, χωρήσαντές τε ῥύμῃ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων βαρβάρων ἐνόμισαν αὐτοβοεὶ ἂν τὴν πόλιν ἑλεῖν καὶ αὑτῶν τὸ ἔργον γενέσθαι.

5 γνόντες δ’ αὐτοὺς οἱ Στράτιοι ἔτι προσιόντας καὶ ἡγησάμενοι, μεμονωμένων εἰ κρατήσειαν, οὐκ ἂν ἔτι σφίσι τοὺς Ἕλληνας ὁμοίως προσελθεῖν, προλοχίζουσι δὴ τὰ περὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐνέδραις, καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐγγὺς ἦσαν, ἔκ τε τῆς πόλεως ὁμόσε χωρήσαντες καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἐνεδρῶν προσπίπτουσιν.

6 καὶ ἐς φόβον καταστάντων διαφθείρονταί τε πολλοὶ τῶν Χαόνων, καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι βάρβαροι ὡς εἶδον αὐτοὺς ἐνδόντας, οὐκέτι ὑπέμειναν, ἀλλ’ ἐς φυγὴν κατέστησαν.

7 τῶν δὲ Ἑλληνικῶν στρατοπέδων οὐδέτερον ᾔσθετο τῆς μάχης διὰ τὸ πολὺ προελθεῖν αὐτοὺς καὶ στρατόπεδον οἰηθῆναι καταληψομένους ἐπείγεσθαι.

8 ἐπεὶ δ’ ἐνέκειντο φεύγοντες οἱ βάρβαροι, ἀνελάμβανόν τε αὐτοὺς καὶ ξυναγαγόντες τὰ στρατόπεδα ἡσύχαζον αὐτοῦ τὴν ἡμέραν, ἐς χεῖρας μὲν οὐκ ἰόντων σφίσι τῶν Στρατίων διὰ τὸ μήπω τοὺς ἄλλους Ἀκαρνᾶνας ξυμβεβοηθηκέναι, ἄπωθεν δὲ σφενδονώντων καὶ ἐς ἀπορίαν καθιστάντων· οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἄνευ ὅπλων κινηθῆναι. δοκοῦσι δὲ οἱ Ἀκαρνᾶνες κράτιστοι εἶναι τοῦτο ποιεῖν.

Chapter 82

1 ἐπειδὴ δὲ νὺξ ἐγένετο, ἀναχωρήσας ὁ Κνῆμος τῇ στρατιᾷ κατὰ τάχος ἐπὶ τὸν Ἄναπον ποταμόν, ὃς ἀπέχει σταδίους ὀγδοήκοντα Στράτου, τούς τε νεκροὺς κομίζεται τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ὑποσπόνδους, καὶ Οἰνιαδῶν ξυμπαραγενομένων κατὰ φιλίαν ἀναχωρεῖ παρ’ αὐτοὺς πρὶν τὴν ξυμβοήθειαν ἐλθεῖν. κἀκεῖθεν ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀπῆλθον ἕκαστοι. οἱ δὲ Στράτιοι τροπαῖον ἔστησαν τῆς μάχης τῆς πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους.

Chapter 83

1 τὸ δ’ ἐκ τῆς Κορίνθου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ξυμμάχων τῶν ἐκ τοῦ Κρισαίου κόλπου ναυτικόν, ὃ ἔδει παραγενέσθαι τῷ Κνήμῳ, ὅπως μὴ ξυμβοηθῶσιν οἱ ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἄνω Ἀκαρνᾶνες, οὐ παραγίγνεται, ἀλλ’ ἠναγκάσθησαν περὶ τὰς αὐτὰς ἡμέρας τῆς ἐν Στράτῳ μάχης ναυμαχῆσαι πρὸς Φορμίωνα καὶ τὰς εἴκοσι ναῦς τῶν Ἀθηναίων αἳ ἐφρούρουν ἐν Ναυπάκτῳ.

2 ὁ γὰρ Φορμίων παραπλέοντας αὐτοὺς ἔξω τοῦ κόλπου ἐτήρει, βουλόμενος ἐν τῇ εὐρυχωρίᾳ ἐπιθέσθαι.

3 οἱ δὲ Κορίνθιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἔπλεον μὲν οὐχ ὡς ἐπὶ ναυμαχίᾳ, ἀλλὰ στρατιωτικώτερον παρεσκευασμένοι ἐς τὴν Ἀκαρνανίαν καὶ οὐκ ἂν οἰόμενοι πρὸς ἑπτὰ καὶ τεσσαράκοντα ναῦς τὰς σφετέρας τολμῆσαι τοὺς Ἀθηναίους εἴκοσι ταῖς ἑαυτῶν ναυμαχίαν ποιήσασθαι· ἐπειδὴ μέντοι ἀντιπαραπλέοντάς τε ἑώρων αὐτούς, παρὰ γῆν σφῶν κομιζομένων, καὶ ἐκ Πατρῶν τῆς Ἀχαΐας πρὸς τὴν ἀντιπέρας ἤπειρον διαβάλλοντες ἐπ’ Ἀκαρνανίας κατεῖδον τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἀπὸ τῆς Χαλκίδος καὶ τοῦ Εὐήνου ποταμοῦ προσπλέοντας σφίσι καὶ οὐκ ἔλαθον νυκτὸς ἀφορμισάμενοι, οὕτω δὴ ἀναγκάζονται ναυμαχεῖν κατὰ μέσον τὸν πορθμόν.

4 στρατηγοὶ δὲ ἦσαν μὲν καὶ κατὰ πόλεις ἑκάστων οἳ παρεσκευάζοντο, Κορινθίων δὲ Μαχάων καὶ Ἰσοκράτης καὶ Ἀγαθαρχίδας.

5 καὶ οἱ μὲν Πελοποννήσιοι ἐτάξαντο κύκλον τῶν νεῶν ὡς μέγιστον οἷοί τ’ ἦσαν μὴ διδόντες διέκπλουν, τὰς πρῴρας μὲν ἔξω, ἔσω δὲ τὰς πρύμνας, καὶ τά τε λεπτὰ πλοῖα ἃ ξυνέπλει ἐντὸς ποιοῦνται καὶ πέντε ναῦς τὰς ἄριστα πλεούσας, ὅπως ἐκπλέοιεν διὰ βραχέος παραγιγνόμενοι, εἴ πῃ προσπίπτοιεν οἱ ἐναντίοι.

Chapter 84

1 οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι κατὰ μίαν ναῦν τεταγμένοι περιέπλεον αὐτοὺς κύκλῳ καὶ ξυνῆγον ἐς ὀλίγον, ἐν χρῷ αἰεὶ παραπλέοντες καὶ δόκησιν παρέχοντες αὐτίκα ἐμβαλεῖν· προείρητο δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ Φορμίωνος μὴ ἐπιχειρεῖν πρὶν ἂν αὐτὸς σημήνῃ.

2 ἤλπιζε γὰρ αὐτῶν οὐ μενεῖν τὴν τάξιν, ὥσπερ ἐν γῇ πεζήν, ἀλλὰ ξυμπεσεῖσθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλας τὰς ναῦς καὶ τὰ πλοῖα ταραχὴν παρέξειν, εἴ τ’ ἐκπνεύσειεν ἐκ τοῦ κόλπου τὸ πνεῦμα, ὅπερ ἀναμένων τε περιέπλει καὶ εἰώθει γίγνεσθαι ἐπὶ τὴν ἕω, οὐδένα χρόνον ἡσυχάσειν αὐτούς· καὶ τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν ἐφ’ ἑαυτῷ τε ἐνόμιζεν εἶναι, ὁπόταν βούληται, τῶν νεῶν ἄμεινον πλεουσῶν, καὶ τότε καλλίστην γίγνεσθαι.

3 ὡς δὲ τό τε πνεῦμα κατῄει καὶ αἱ νῆες ἐν ὀλίγῳ ἤδη οὖσαι ὑπ’ ἀμφοτέρων, τοῦ τε ἀνέμου τῶν τε πλοίων, ἅμα προσκειμένων ἐταράσσοντο, καὶ ναῦς τε νηὶ προσέπιπτε καὶ τοῖς κοντοῖς διεωθοῦντο, βοῇ τε χρώμενοι καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀντιφυλακῇ τε καὶ λοιδορίᾳ οὐδὲν κατήκουον οὔτε τῶν παραγγελλομένων οὔτε τῶν κελευστῶν, καὶ τὰς κώπας ἀδύνατοι ὄντες ἐν κλύδωνι ἀναφέρειν ἄνθρωποι ἄπειροι τοῖς κυβερνήταις ἀπειθεστέρας τὰς ναῦς παρεῖχον, τότε δὴ κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον σημαίνει, καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι προσπεσόντες πρῶτον μὲν καταδύουσι τῶν στρατηγίδων νεῶν μίαν, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ᾗ χωρήσειαν διέφθειρον, καὶ κατέστησαν ἐς ἀλκὴν μὲν μηδένα τρέπεσθαι αὐτῶν ὑπὸ τῆς ταραχῆς, φεύγειν δὲ ἐς Πάτρας καὶ Δύμην τῆς Ἀχαΐας.

4 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι καταδιώξαντες καὶ ναῦς δώδεκα λαβόντες τούς τε ἄνδρας ἐξ αὐτῶν τοὺς πλείστους ἀνελόμενοι ἐς Μολύκρειον ἀπέπλεον, καὶ τροπαῖον στήσαντες ἐπὶ τῷ Ῥίῳ καὶ ναῦν ἀναθέντες τῷ Ποσειδῶνι ἀνεχώρησαν ἐς Ναύπακτον.

5 παρέπλευσαν δὲ καὶ οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι εὐθὺς ταῖς περιλοίποις τῶν νεῶν ἐκ τῆς Δύμης καὶ Πατρῶν ἐς Κυλλήνην τὸ Ἠλείων ἐπίνειον· καὶ ἀπὸ Λευκάδος Κνῆμος καὶ αἱ ἐκείνων νῆες, ἃς ἔδει ταύταις ξυμμεῖξαι, ἀφικνοῦνται μετὰ τὴν ἐν Στράτῳ μάχην ἐς τὴν Κυλλήνην.

Chapter 85

1 πέμπουσι δὲ καὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τῷ Κνήμῳ ξυμβούλους ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς Τιμοκράτη καὶ Βρασίδαν καὶ Λυκόφρονα, κελεύοντες ἄλλην ναυμαχίαν βελτίω παρασκευάζεσθαι καὶ μὴ ὑπ’ ὀλίγων νεῶν εἴργεσθαι τῆς θαλάσσης.

2 ἐδόκει γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἄλλως τε καὶ πρῶτον ναυμαχίας πειρασαμένοις πολὺς ὁ παράλογος εἶναι, καὶ οὐ τοσούτῳ ᾤοντο σφῶν τὸ ναυτικὸν λείπεσθαι, γεγενῆσθαι δέ τινα μαλακίαν, οὐκ ἀντιτιθέντες τὴν Ἀθηναίων ἐκ πολλοῦ ἐμπειρίαν τῆς σφετέρας δι’ ὀλίγου μελέτης. ὀργῇ οὖν ἀπέστελλον.

3 οἱ δὲ ἀφικόμενοι μετὰ τοῦ Κνήμου ναῦς τε προσπεριήγγειλαν κατὰ πόλεις καὶ τὰς προϋπαρχούσας ἐξηρτύοντο ὡς ἐπὶ ναυμαχίαν.

4 πέμπει δὲ καὶ ὁ Φορμίων ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας τήν τε παρασκευὴν αὐτῶν ἀγγελοῦντας καὶ περὶ τῆς ναυμαχίας ἣν ἐνίκησαν φράσοντας, καὶ κελεύων αὑτῷ ναῦς ὅτι πλείστας διὰ τάχους ἀποστεῖλαι, ὡς καθ’ ἡμέραν ἑκάστην ἐλπίδος οὔσης αἰεὶ ναυμαχήσειν.

5 οἱ δὲ ἀποπέμπουσιν εἴκοσι ναῦς αὐτῷ, τῷ δὲ κομίζοντι αὐτὰς προσεπέστειλαν ἐς Κρήτην πρῶτον ἀφικέσθαι. Νικίας γὰρ Κρὴς Γορτύνιος πρόξενος ὢν πείθει αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ Κυδωνίαν πλεῦσαι, φάσκων προσποιήσειν αὐτὴν οὖσαν πολεμίαν· ἐπῆγε δὲ Πολιχνίταις χαριζόμενος ὁμόροις τῶν Κυδωνιατῶν.

6 καὶ ὁ μὲν λαβὼν τὰς ναῦς ᾤχετο ἐς Κρήτην, καὶ μετὰ τῶν Πολιχνιτῶν ἐδῄου τὴν γῆν τῶν Κυδωνιατῶν, καὶ ὑπ’ ἀνέμων καὶ ἀπλοίας ἐνδιέτριψεν οὐκ ὀλίγον χρόνον·

Chapter 86

1 οἱ δ’ ἐν τῇ Κυλλήνῃ Πελοποννήσιοι, ἐν τούτῳ ἐν ᾧ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι περὶ Κρήτην κατείχοντο, παρεσκευασμένοι ὡς ἐπὶ ναυμαχίαν παρέπλευσαν ἐς Πάνορμον τὸν Ἀχαϊκόν, οὗπερ αὐτοῖς ὁ κατὰ γῆν στρατὸς τῶν Πελοποννησίων προσεβεβοηθήκει.

2 παρέπλευσε δὲ καὶ ὁ Φορμίων ἐπὶ τὸ Ῥίον τὸ Μολυκρικὸν καὶ ὡρμίσατο ἔξω αὐτοῦ ναυσὶν εἴκοσιν, αἷσπερ καὶ ἐναυμάχησεν.

3 ἦν δὲ τοῦτο μὲν τὸ Ῥίον φίλιον τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, τὸ δ’ ἕτερον Ῥίον ἐστὶν ἀντιπέρας, τὸ ἐν τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ· διέχετον δὲ ἀπ’ ἀλλήλων σταδίους μάλιστα ἑπτὰ τῆς θαλάσσης, τοῦ δὲ Κρισαίου κόλπου στόμα τοῦτό ἐστιν.

4 ἐπὶ οὖν τῷ Ῥίῳ τῷ Ἀχαϊκῷ οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι, ἀπέχοντι οὐ πολὺ τοῦ Πανόρμου, ἐν ᾧ αὐτοῖς ὁ πεζὸς ἦν, ὡρμίσαντο καὶ αὐτοὶ ναυσὶν ἑπτὰ καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα, ἐπειδὴ καὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους εἶδον.

5 καὶ ἐπὶ μὲν ἓξ ἢ ἑπτὰ ἡμέρας ἀνθώρμουν ἀλλήλοις μελετῶντές τε καὶ παρασκευαζόμενοι τὴν ναυμαχίαν, γνώμην ἔχοντες οἱ μὲν μὴ ἐκπλεῖν ἔξω τῶν Ῥίων ἐς τὴν εὐρυχωρίαν, φοβούμενοι τὸ πρότερον πάθος, οἱ δὲ μὴ ἐσπλεῖν ἐς τὰ στενά, νομίζοντες πρὸς ἐκείνων εἶναι τὴν ἐν ὀλίγῳ ναυμαχίαν.

6 ἔπειτα ὁ Κνῆμος καὶ ὁ Βρασίδας καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι τῶν Πελοποννησίων στρατηγοί, βουλόμενοι ἐν τάχει τὴν ναυμαχίαν ποιῆσαι πρίν τι καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐπιβοηθῆσαι, ξυνεκάλεσαν τοὺς στρατιώτας πρῶτον, καὶ ὁρῶντες αὐτῶν τοὺς πολλοὺς διὰ τὴν προτέραν ἧσσαν φοβουμένους καὶ οὐ προθύμους ὄντας παρεκελεύσαντο καὶ ἔλεξαν τοιάδε.

Chapter 87

1 ‘ἡ μὲν γενομένη ναυμαχία, ὦ ἄνδρες Πελοποννήσιοι, εἴ τις ἄρα δι’ αὐτὴν ὑμῶν φοβεῖται τὴν μέλλουσαν, οὐχὶ δικαίαν ἔχει τέκμαρσιν τὸ ἐκφοβῆσαι.

2 τῇ τε γὰρ παρασκευῇ ἐνδεὴς ἐγένετο, ὥσπερ ἴστε, καὶ οὐχὶ ἐς ναυμαχίαν μᾶλλον ἢ ἐπὶ στρατείαν ἐπλέομεν· ξυνέβη δὲ καὶ τὰ ἀπὸ τῆς τύχης οὐκ ὀλίγα ἐναντιωθῆναι, καί πού τι καὶ ἡ ἀπειρία πρῶτον ναυμαχοῦντας ἔσφηλεν.

3 ὥστε οὐ κατὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν κακίαν τὸ ἡσσᾶσθαι προσεγένετο, οὐδὲ δίκαιον τῆς γνώμης τὸ μὴ κατὰ κράτος νικηθέν, ἔχον δέ τινα ἐν αὑτῷ ἀντιλογίαν, τῆς γε ξυμφορᾶς τῷ ἀποβάντι ἀμβλύνεσθαι, νομίσαι δὲ ταῖς μὲν τύχαις ἐνδέχεσθαι σφάλλεσθαι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους,ταῖς δὲ γνώμαις τοὺς αὐτοὺς αἰεὶ ὀρθῶς ἀνδρείους εἶναι, καὶ μὴ ἀπειρίαν τοῦ ἀνδρείου παρόντος προβαλλομένους εἰκότως ἂν ἔν τινι κακοὺς γενέσθαι.

4 ὑμῶν δὲ οὐδ’ ἡ ἀπειρία τοσοῦτον λείπεται ὅσον τόλμῃ προύχετε· τῶνδε δὲ ἡ ἐπιστήμη, ἣν μάλιστα φοβεῖσθε, ἀνδρείαν μὲν ἔχουσα καὶ μνήμην ἕξει ἐν τῷ δεινῷ ἐπιτελεῖν ἃ ἔμαθεν, ἄνευ δὲ εὐψυχίας οὐδεμία τέχνη πρὸς τοὺς κινδύνους ἰσχύει. φόβος γὰρ μνήμην ἐκπλήσσει, τέχνη δὲ ἄνευ ἀλκῆς οὐδὲν ὠφελεῖ.

5 πρὸς μὲν οὖν τὸ ἐμπειρότερον αὐτῶν τὸ τολμηρότερον ἀντιτάξασθε, πρὸς δὲ τὸ διὰ τὴν ἧσσαν δεδιέναι τὸ ἀπαράσκευοι τότε τυχεῖν.

6 περιγίγνεται δὲ ὑμῖν πλῆθός τε νεῶν καὶ πρὸς τῇ γῇ οἰκείᾳ οὔσῃ ὁπλιτῶν παρόντων ναυμαχεῖν· τὰ δὲ πολλὰ τῶν πλεόνων καὶ ἄμεινον παρεσκευασμένων τὸ κράτος ἐστίν.

7 ὥστε οὐδὲ καθ’ ἓν εὑρίσκομεν εἰκότως ἂν ἡμᾶς σφαλλομένους· καὶ ὅσα ἡμάρτομεν πρότερον, νῦν αὐτὰ ταῦτα προσγενόμενα διδασκαλίαν παρέξει.

8 θαρσοῦντες οὖν καὶ κυβερνῆται καὶ ναῦται τὸ καθ’ ἑαυτὸν ἕκαστος ἕπεσθε, χώραν μὴ προλείποντες ᾗ ἄν τις προσταχθῇ.

9 τῶν δὲ πρότερον ἡγεμόνων οὐ χεῖρον τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν ἡμεῖς παρασκευάσομεν, καὶ οὐκ ἐνδώσομεν πρόφασιν οὐδενὶ κακῷ γενέσθαι· ἢν δέ τις ἄρα καὶ βουληθῇ, κολασθήσεται τῇ πρεπούσῃ ζημίᾳ, οἱ δὲ ἀγαθοὶ τιμήσονται τοῖς προσήκουσιν ἄθλοις τῆς ἀρετῆς.’

Chapter 88

1 τοιαῦτα μὲν τοῖς Πελοποννησίοις οἱ ἄρχοντες παρεκελεύσαντο. ὁ δὲ Φορμίων δεδιὼς καὶ αὐτὸς τὴν τῶν στρατιωτῶν ὀρρωδίαν καὶ αἰσθόμενος ὅτι τὸ πλῆθος τῶν νεῶν κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ξυνιστάμενοι ἐφοβοῦντο, ἐβούλετο ξυγκαλέσας θαρσῦναί τε καὶ παραίνεσιν ἐν τῷ παρόντι ποιήσασθαι.

2 πρότερον μὲν γὰρ αἰεὶ αὐτοῖς ἔλεγε καὶ προπαρεσκεύαζε τὰς γνώμας ὡς οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς πλῆθος νεῶν τοσοῦτον, ἢν ἐπιπλέῃ, ὅτι οὐχ ὑπομενετέον ἐστί, καὶ οἱ στρατιῶται ἐκ πολλοῦ ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς τὴν ἀξίωσιν ταύτην εἰλήφεσαν, μηδένα ὄχλον Ἀθηναῖοι ὄντες Πελοποννησίων νεῶν ὑποχωρεῖν·

3 τότε δὲ πρὸς τὴν παροῦσαν ὄψιν ὁρῶν αὐτοὺς ἀθυμοῦντας ἐβούλετο ὑπόμνησιν ποιήσασθαι τοῦ θαρσεῖν, καὶ ξυγκαλέσας τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἔλεγε τοιάδε.

Chapter 89

1 ‘ὁρῶν ὑμᾶς, ὦ ἄνδρες στρατιῶται, πεφοβημένους τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐναντίων ξυνεκάλεσα, οὐκ ἀξιῶν τὰ μὴ δεινὰ ἐν ὀρρωδίᾳ ἔχειν.

2 οὗτοι γὰρ πρῶτον μὲν διὰ τὸ προνενικῆσθαι καὶ μηδ’ αὐτοὶ οἴεσθαι ὁμοῖοι ἡμῖν εἶναι τὸ πλῆθος τῶν νεῶν καὶ οὐκ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσου παρεσκευάσαντο· ἔπειτα ᾧ μάλιστα πιστεύοντες προσέρχονται, ὡς προσῆκον σφίσιν ἀνδρείοις εἶναι, οὐ δι’ ἄλλο τι θαρσοῦσιν ἢ διὰ τὴν ἐν τῷ πεζῷ ἐμπειρίαν τὰ πλείω κατορθοῦντες, καὶ οἴονται σφίσι καὶ ἐν τῷ ναυτικῷ ποιήσειν τὸ αὐτό.

3 τὸ δ’ ἐκ τοῦ δικαίου ἡμῖν μᾶλλον νῦν περιέσται, εἴπερ καὶ τούτοις ἐν ἐκείνῳ, ἐπεὶ εὐψυχίᾳ γε οὐδὲν προφέρουσι, τῷ δὲ ἑκάτεροί τι εἶναι ἐμπειρότεροι θρασύτεροί ἐσμεν.

4 Λακεδαιμόνιοί τε ἡγούμενοι αὐτῶν διὰ τὴν σφετέραν δόξαν ἄκοντας προσάγουσι τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐς τὸν κίνδυνον, ἐπεὶ οὐκ ἄν ποτε ἐνεχείρησαν ἡσσηθέντες παρὰ πολὺ αὖθις ναυμαχεῖν.

5 μὴ δὴ αὐτῶν τὴν τόλμαν δείσητε. πολὺ δὲ ὑμεῖς ἐκείνοις πλείω φόβον παρέχετε καὶ πιστότερον κατά τε τὸ προνενικηκέναι καὶ ὅτι οὐκ ἂν ἡγοῦνται μὴ μέλλοντάς τι ἄξιον τοῦ παρὰ πολὺ πράξειν ἀνθίστασθαι ὑμᾶς.

6 ἀντίπαλοι μὲν γὰρ οἱ πλείους, ὥσπερ οὗτοι, τῇ δυνάμει τὸ πλέον πίσυνοι ἢ τῇ γνώμῃ ἐπέρχονται· οἱ δὲ ἐκ πολλῷ ὑποδεεστέρων, καὶ ἅμα οὐκ ἀναγκαζόμενοι, μέγα τι τῆς διανοίας τὸ βέβαιον ἔχοντες ἀντιτολμῶσιν. ἃ λογιζόμενοι οὗτοι τῷ οὐκ εἰκότι πλέον πεφόβηνται ἡμᾶς ἢ τῇ κατὰ λόγον παρασκευῇ.

7 πολλὰ δὲ καὶ στρατόπεδα ἤδη ἔπεσεν ὑπ’ ἐλασσόνων τῇ ἀπειρίᾳ, ἔστι δὲ ἃ καὶ τῇ ἀτολμίᾳ· ὧν οὐδετέρου ἡμεῖς νῦν μετέχομεν.

8 τὸν δὲ ἀγῶνα οὐκ ἐν τῷ κόλπῳ ἑκὼν εἶναι ποιήσομαι οὐδ’ ἐσπλεύσομαι ἐς αὐτόν. ὁρῶ γὰρ ὅτι πρὸς πολλὰς ναῦς ἀνεπιστήμονας ὀλίγαις ναυσὶν ἐμπείροις καὶ ἄμεινον πλεούσαις ἡ στενοχωρία οὐ ξυμφέρει. οὔτε γὰρ ἂν ἐπιπλεύσειέ τις ὡς χρὴ ἐς ἐμβολήν, μὴ ἔχων τὴν πρόσοψιν τῶν πολεμίων ἐκ πολλοῦ, οὔτ’ ἂν ἀποχωρήσειεν ἐν δέοντι πιεζόμενος· διέκπλοι τε οὐκ εἰσὶν οὐδ’ ἀναστροφαί, ἅπερ νεῶν ἄμεινον πλεουσῶν ἔργα ἐστίν, ἀλλὰ ἀνάγκη ἂν εἴη τὴν ναυμαχίαν πεζομαχίαν καθίστασθαι, καὶ ἐν τούτῳ αἱ πλείους νῆες κρείσσους γίγνονται.

9 τούτων μὲν οὖν ἐγὼ ἕξω τὴν πρόνοιαν κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν· ὑμεῖς δὲ εὔτακτοι παρὰ ταῖς ναυσὶ μένοντες τά τε παραγγελλόμενα ὀξέως δέχεσθε, ἄλλως τε καὶ δι’ ὀλίγου τῆς ἐφορμήσεως οὔσης, καὶ ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ κόσμον καὶ σιγὴν περὶ πλείστου ἡγεῖσθε, ὃ ἔς τε τὰ πολλὰ τῶν πολεμίων ξυμφέρει καὶ ναυμαχίᾳ οὐχ ἥκιστα, ἀμύνεσθέ τε τούσδε ἀξίως τῶν προειργασμένων.

10 ὁ δὲ ἀγὼν μέγας ὑμῖν, ἢ καταλῦσαι Πελοποννησίων τὴν ἐλπίδα τοῦ ναυτικοῦ ἢ ἐγγυτέρω καταστῆσαι Ἀθηναίοις τὸν φόβον περὶ τῆς θαλάσσης.

11 ἀναμιμνῄσκω δ’ αὖ ὑμᾶς ὅτι νενικήκατε αὐτῶν τοὺς πολλούς· ἡσσημένων δὲ ἀνδρῶν οὐκ ἐθέλουσιν αἱ γνῶμαι πρὸς τοὺς αὐτοὺς κινδύνους ὁμοῖαι εἶναι.’

Chapter 90

1 τοιαῦτα δὲ καὶ ὁ Φορμίων παρεκελεύσατο. οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι, ἐπειδὴ αὐτοῖς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι οὐκ ἐπέπλεον ἐς τὸν κόλπον καὶ τὰ στενά, βουλόμενοι ἄκοντας ἔσω προαγαγεῖν αὐτούς, ἀναγαγόμενοι ἅμα ἕῳ ἔπλεον, ἐπὶ τεσσάρων ταξάμενοι τὰς ναῦς ἐπὶ τὴν ἑαυτῶν γῆν, ἔσω ἐπὶ τοῦ κόλπου, δεξιῷ κέρᾳ ἡγουμένῳ, ὥσπερ καὶ ὥρμουν·

2 ἐπὶ δ’ αὐτῷ εἴκοσιν ἔταξαν τὰς ἄριστα πλεούσας, ὅπως, εἰ ἄρα νομίσας ἐπὶ τὴν Ναύπακτον αὐτοὺς πλεῖν ὁ Φορμίων καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπιβοηθῶν ταύτῃ παραπλέοι, μὴ διαφύγοιεν πλέοντα τὸν ἐπίπλουν σφῶν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἔξω τοῦ ἑαυτῶν κέρως, ἀλλ’ αὗται αἱ νῆες περικλῄσειαν.

3 ὁ δέ, ὅπερ ἐκεῖνοι προσεδέχοντο, φοβηθεὶς περὶ τῷ χωρίῳ ἐρήμῳ ὄντι, ὡς ἑώρα ἀναγομένους αὐτούς, ἄκων καὶ κατὰ σπουδὴν ἐμβιβάσας ἔπλει παρὰ τὴν γῆν· καὶ ὁ πεζὸς ἅμα τῶν Μεσσηνίων παρεβοήθει.

4 ἰδόντες δὲ οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι κατὰ μίαν ἐπὶ κέρως παραπλέοντας καὶ ἤδη ὄντας ἐντὸς τοῦ κόλπου τε καὶ πρὸς τῇ γῇ, ὅπερ ἐβούλοντο μάλιστα, ἀπὸ σημείου ἑνὸς ἄφνω ἐπιστρέψαντες τὰς ναῦς μετωπηδὸν ἔπλεον, ὡς εἶχε τάχους ἕκαστος, ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, καὶ ἤλπιζον πάσας τὰς ναῦς ἀπολήψεσθαι.

5 τῶν δὲ ἕνδεκα μέν τινες αἵπερ ἡγοῦντο ὑπεκφεύγουσι τὸ κέρας τῶν Πελοποννησίων καὶ τὴν ἐπιστροφὴν ἐς τὴν εὐρυχωρίαν· τὰς δ’ ἄλλας ἐπικαταλαβόντες ἐξέωσάν τε πρὸς τὴν γῆν ὑποφευγούσας καὶ διέφθειραν, ἄνδρας τε τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀπέκτειναν ὅσοι μὴ ἐξένευσαν αὐτῶν.

6 καὶ τῶν νεῶν τινὰς ἀναδούμενοι εἷλκον κενάς (μίαν δὲ αὐτοῖς ἀνδράσιν εἷλον ἤδη), τὰς δέ τινας οἱ Μεσσήνιοι παραβοηθήσαντες καὶ ἐπεσβαίνοντες ξὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ ἐπιβάντες ἀπὸ τῶν καταστρωμάτων μαχόμενοι ἀφείλοντο ἑλκομένας ἤδη.

Chapter 91

1 ταύτῃ μὲν οὖν οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι ἐκράτουν τε καὶ διέφθειραν τὰς Ἀττικὰς ναῦς· αἱ δὲ εἴκοσι νῆες αὐτῶν αἱ ἀπὸ τοῦ δεξιοῦ κέρως ἐδίωκον τὰς ἕνδεκα ναῦς τῶν Ἀθηναίων αἵπερ ὑπεξέφυγον τὴν ἐπιστροφὴν ἐς τὴν εὐρυχωρίαν. καὶ φθάνουσιν αὐτοὺς πλὴν μιᾶς νεὼς προκαταφυγοῦσαι ἐς τὴν Ναύπακτον, καὶ σχοῦσαι ἀντίπρῳροι κατὰ τὸ Ἀπολλώνιον παρεσκευάζοντο ἀμυνούμενοι, ἢν ἐς τὴν γῆν ἐπὶ σφᾶς πλέωσιν.

2 οἱ δὲ παραγενόμενοι ὕστερον ἐπαιάνιζόν τε ἅμα πλέοντες ὡς νενικηκότες, καὶ τὴν μίαν ναῦν τῶν Ἀθηναίων τὴν ὑπόλοιπον ἐδίωκε Λευκαδία ναῦς μία πολὺ πρὸ τῶν ἄλλων.

3 ἔτυχε δὲ ὁλκὰς ὁρμοῦσα μετέωρος, περὶ ἣν ἡ Ἀττικὴ ναῦς φθάσασα καὶ περιπλεύσασα τῇ Λευκαδίᾳ διωκούσῃ ἐμβάλλει μέσῃ καὶ καταδύει.

4 τοῖς μὲν οὖν Πελοποννησίοις γενομένου τούτου ἀπροσδοκήτου τε καὶ παρὰ λόγον φόβος ἐμπίπτει, καὶ ἅμα ἀτάκτως διώκοντες διὰ τὸ κρατεῖν αἱ μέν τινες τῶν νεῶν καθεῖσαι τὰς κώπας ἐπέστησαν τοῦ πλοῦ, ἀξύμφορον δρῶντες πρὸς τὴν ἐξ ὀλίγου ἀντεφόρμησιν, βουλόμενοι τὰς πλείους περιμεῖναι, αἱ δὲ καὶ ἐς βράχεα ἀπειρίᾳ χωρίων ὤκειλαν.

Chapter 92

1 τοὺς δ’ Ἀθηναίους ἰδόντας ταῦτα γιγνόμενα θάρσος τε ἔλαβε, καὶ ἀπὸ ἑνὸς κελεύσματος ἐμβοήσαντες ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ὥρμησαν. οἱ δὲ διὰ τὰ ὑπάρχοντα ἁμαρτήματα καὶ τὴν παροῦσαν ἀταξίαν ὀλίγον μὲν χρόνον ὑπέμειναν, ἔπειτα δὲ ἐτράποντο ἐς τὸν Πάνορμον, ὅθενπερ ἀνηγάγοντο.

2 ἐπιδιώκοντες δὲ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τάς τε ἐγγὺς οὔσας μάλιστα ναῦς ἔλαβον ἓξ καὶ τὰς ἑαυτῶν ἀφείλοντο, ἃς ἐκεῖνοι πρὸς τῇ γῇ διαφθείραντες τὸ πρῶτον ἀνεδήσαντο· ἄνδρας τε τοὺς μὲν ἀπέκτειναν, τινὰς δὲ καὶ ἐζώγρησαν.

3 ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς Λευκαδίας νεώς, ἣ περὶ τὴν ὁλκάδα κατέδυ, Τιμοκράτης ὁ Λακεδαιμόνιος πλέων, ὡς ἡ ναῦς διεφθείρετο, ἔσφαξεν ἑαυτόν, καὶ ἐξέπεσεν ἐς τὸν Ναυπακτίων λιμένα.

4 ἀναχωρήσαντες δὲ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τροπαῖον ἔστησαν, ὅθεν ἀναγαγόμενοι ἐκράτησαν, καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς καὶ τὰ ναυάγια ὅσα πρὸς τῇ ἑαυτῶν ἦν ἀνείλοντο, καὶ τοῖς ἐναντίοις τὰ ἐκείνων ὑπόσπονδα ἀπέδοσαν.

5 ἔστησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι τροπαῖον ὡς νενικηκότες τῆς τροπῆς, ἃς πρὸς τῇ γῇ διέφθειραν ναῦς· καὶ ἥνπερ ἔλαβον ναῦν, ἀνέθεσαν ἐπὶ τὸ Ῥίον τὸ Ἀχαϊκὸν παρὰ τὸ τροπαῖον.

6 μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα φοβούμενοι τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων βοήθειαν ὑπὸ νύκτα ἐσέπλευσαν ἐς τὸν κόλπον τὸν Κρισαῖον καὶ Κόρινθον ἅπαντες πλὴν Λευκαδίων.

7 καὶ οἱ ἐκ τῆς Κρήτης Ἀθηναῖοι ταῖς εἴκοσι ναυσίν, αἷς ἔδει πρὸ τῆς ναυμαχίας τῷ Φορμίωνι παραγενέσθαι, οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον τῆς ἀναχωρήσεως τῶν νεῶν ἀφικνοῦνται ἐς τὴν Ναύπακτον. καὶ τὸ θέρος ἐτελεύτα.

Chapter 93

1 πρὶν δὲ διαλῦσαι τὸ ἐς Κόρινθόν τε καὶ τὸν Κρισαῖον κόλπον ἀναχωρῆσαν ναυτικόν, ὁ Κνῆμος καὶ ὁ Βρασίδας καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι ἄρχοντες τῶν Πελοποννησίων ἀρχομένου τοῦ χειμῶνος ἐβούλοντο διδαξάντων Μεγαρέων ἀποπειρᾶσαι τοῦ Πειραιῶς τοῦ λιμένος τῶν Ἀθηναίων· ἦν δὲ ἀφύλακτος καὶ ἄκλῃστος εἰκότως διὰ τὸ ἐπικρατεῖν πολὺ τῷ ναυτικῷ.

2 ἐδόκει δὲ λαβόντα τῶν ναυτῶν ἕκαστον τὴν κώπην καὶ τὸ ὑπηρέσιον καὶ τὸν τροπωτῆρα πεζῇ ἰέναι ἐκ Κορίνθου ἐπὶ τὴν πρὸς Ἀθήνας θάλασσαν καὶ ἀφικομένους κατὰ τάχος ἐς Μέγαρα καθελκύσαντας ἐκ Νισαίας τοῦ νεωρίου αὐτῶν τεσσαράκοντα ναῦς, αἳ ἔτυχον αὐτόθι οὖσαι, πλεῦσαι εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ·

3 οὔτε γὰρ ναυτικὸν ἦν προφυλάσσον ἐν αὐτῷ οὐδὲν οὔτε προσδοκία οὐδεμία μὴ ἄν ποτε οἱ πολέμιοι ἐξαπιναίως οὕτως ἐπιπλεύσειαν, ἐπεὶ οὐδ’ ἀπὸ τοῦ προφανοῦς τολμῆσαι ἂν καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν, οὐδ’ εἰ διενοοῦντο, μὴ οὐκ ἂν προαισθέσθαι.

4 ὡς δὲ ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς, καὶ ἐχώρουν εὐθύς· καὶ ἀφικόμενοι νυκτὸς καὶ καθελκύσαντες ἐκ τῆς Νισαίας τὰς ναῦς ἔπλεον ἐπὶ μὲν τὸν Πειραιᾶ οὐκέτι, ὥσπερ διενοοῦντο, καταδείσαντες τὸν κίνδυνον (καί τις καὶ ἄνεμος αὐτοὺς λέγεται κωλῦσαι), ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς Σαλαμῖνος τὸ ἀκρωτήριον τὸ πρὸς Μέγαρα ὁρῶν· καὶ φρούριον ἐπ’ αὐτοῦ ἦν καὶ νεῶν τριῶν φυλακὴ τοῦ μὴ ἐσπλεῖν Μεγαρεῦσι μηδὲ ἐκπλεῖν μηδέν. τῷ τε φρουρίῳ προσέβαλον καὶ τὰς τριήρεις ἀφείλκυσαν κενάς, τήν τε ἄλλην Σαλαμῖνα ἀπροσδοκήτοις ἐπιπεσόντες ἐπόρθουν.

Chapter 94

1 ἐς δὲ τὰς Ἀθήνας φρυκτοί τε ᾔροντο πολέμιοι καὶ ἔκπληξις ἐγένετο οὐδεμιᾶς τῶν κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἐλάσσων. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐν τῷ ἄστει ἐς τὸν Πειραιᾶ ᾤοντο τοὺς πολεμίους ἐσπεπλευκέναι ἤδη, οἱ δ’ ἐν τῷ Πειραιεῖ τήν τε Σαλαμῖνα ᾑρῆσθαι καὶ παρὰ σφᾶς ὅσον οὐκ ἐσπλεῖν αὐτούς· ὅπερ ἄν, εἰ ἐβουλήθησαν μὴ κατοκνῆσαι, ῥᾳδίως ἐγένετο, καὶ οὐκ ἂν ἄνεμος ἐκώλυσεν.

2 βοηθήσαντες δὲ ἅμ’ ἡμέρᾳ πανδημεὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐς τὸν Πειραιᾶ ναῦς τε καθεῖλκον καὶ ἐσβάντες κατὰ σπουδὴν καὶ πολλῷ θορύβῳ ταῖς μὲν ναυσὶν ἐπὶ τὴν Σαλαμῖνα ἔπλεον, τῷ πεζῷ δὲ φυλακὰς τοῦ Πειραιῶς καθίσταντο.

3 οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι ὡς ᾔσθοντο τὴν βοήθειαν, καταδραμόντες τῆς Σαλαμῖνος τὰ πολλὰ καὶ ἀνθρώπους καὶ λείαν λαβόντες καὶ τὰς τρεῖς ναῦς ἐκ τοῦ Βουδόρου τοῦ φρουρίου κατὰ τάχος ἐπὶ τῆς Νισαίας ἀπέπλεον· ἔστι γὰρ ὅτι καὶ αἱ νῆες αὐτοὺς διὰ χρόνου καθελκυσθεῖσαι καὶ οὐδὲν στέγουσαι ἐφόβουν. ἀφικόμενοι δὲ ἐς τὰ Μέγαρα πάλιν ἐπὶ τῆς Κορίνθου ἀπεχώρησαν πεζῇ·

4 οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι οὐκέτι καταλαβόντες πρὸς τῇ Σαλαμῖνι ἀπέπλευσαν καὶ αὐτοί, καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο φυλακὴν ἤδη τοῦ Πειραιῶς μᾶλλον τὸ λοιπὸν ἐποιοῦντο λιμένων τε κλῄσει καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ ἐπιμελείᾳ.

Chapter 95

1 ὑπὸ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους, τοῦ χειμῶνος τούτου ἀρχομένου, Σιτάλκης ὁ Τήρεω Ὀδρύσης Θρᾳκῶν βασιλεὺς ἐστράτευσεν ἐπὶ Περδίκκαν τὸν Ἀλεξάνδρου Μακεδονίας βασιλέα καὶ ἐπὶ Χαλκιδέας τοὺς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης, δύο ὑποσχέσεις τὴν μὲν βουλόμενος ἀναπρᾶξαι, τὴν δὲ αὐτὸς ἀποδοῦναι.

2 ὅ τε γὰρ Περδίκκας αὐτῷ ὑποσχόμενος, εἰ Ἀθηναίοις τε διαλλάξειεν ἑαυτὸν κατ’ ἀρχὰς τῷ πολέμῳ πιεζόμενον καὶ Φίλιππον τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ πολέμιον ὄντα μὴ καταγάγοι ἐπὶ βασιλείᾳ, ἃ ὑπεδέξατο οὐκ ἐπετέλει· τοῖς τε Ἀθηναίοις αὐτὸς ὡμολογήκει, ὅτε τὴν ξυμμαχίαν ἐποιεῖτο, τὸν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης Χαλκιδικὸν πόλεμον καταλύσειν.

3 ἀμφοτέρων οὖν ἕνεκα τὴν ἔφοδον ἐποιεῖτο καὶ τόν τε Φιλίππου υἱὸν Ἀμύνταν ὡς ἐπὶ βασιλείᾳ τῶν Μακεδόνων ἦγε καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων πρέσβεις, οἳ ἔτυχον παρόντες τούτων ἕνεκα, καὶ ἡγεμόνα Ἅγνωνα· ἔδει γὰρ καὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ναυσί τε καὶ στρατιᾷ ὡς πλείστῃ ἐπὶ τοὺς Χαλκιδέας παραγενέσθαι.

Chapter 96

1 ἀνίστησιν οὖν ἐκ τῶν Ὀδρυσῶν ὁρμώμενος πρῶτον μὲν τοὺς ἐντὸς τοῦ Αἵμου τε ὄρους καὶ τῆς Ῥοδόπης Θρᾷκας, ὅσων ἦρχε μέχρι θαλάσσης [ἐς τὸν Εὔξεινόν τε πόντον καὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον], ἔπειτα τοὺς ὑπερβάντι Αἷμον Γέτας καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα μέρη ἐντὸς τοῦ Ἴστρου ποταμοῦ πρὸς θάλασσαν μᾶλλον τὴν τοῦ Εὐξείνου πόντου κατῴκητο· εἰσὶ δ’ οἱ Γέται καὶ οἱ ταύτῃ ὅμοροί τε τοῖς Σκύθαις καὶ ὁμόσκευοι, πάντες ἱπποτοξόται.

2 παρεκάλει δὲ καὶ τῶν ὀρεινῶν Θρᾳκῶν πολλοὺς τῶν αὐτονόμων καὶ μαχαιροφόρων, οἳ Δῖοι καλοῦνται, τὴν Ῥοδόπην οἱ πλεῖστοι οἰκοῦντες· καὶ τοὺς μὲν μισθῷ ἔπειθεν, οἱ δ᾽ ἐθελονταὶ ξυνηκολούθουν.

3 ἀνίστη δὲ καὶ Ἀγριᾶνας καὶ Λαιαίους καὶ ἄλλα ὅσα ἔθνη Παιονικὰ ὧν ἦρχε καὶ ἔσχατοι τῆς ἀρχῆς οὗτοι ἦσαν· μέχρι γὰρ Λαιαίων Παιόνων καὶ τοῦ Στρυμόνος ποταμοῦ, ὃς ἐκ τοῦ Σκόμβρου ὄρους δι’ Ἀγριάνων καὶ Λαιαίων ῥεῖ, [οὗ] ὡρίζετο ἡ ἀρχὴ τὰ πρὸς Παίονας αὐτονόμους ἤδη.

4 τὰ δὲ πρὸς Τριβαλλούς, καὶ τούτους αὐτονόμους, Τρῆρες ὥριζον καὶ Τιλαταῖοι· οἰκοῦσι δ’ οὗτοι πρὸς βορέαν τοῦ Σκόμβρου ὄρους καὶ παρήκουσι πρὸς ἡλίου δύσιν μέχρι τοῦ Ὀσκίου ποταμοῦ. ῥεῖ δ’ οὗτος ἐκ τοῦ ὄρους ὅθενπερ καὶ ὁ Νέστος καὶ ὁ Ἕβρος· ἔστι δὲ ἐρῆμον τὸ ὄρος καὶ μέγα, ἐχόμενον τῆς Ῥοδόπης.

Chapter 97

1 ἐγένετο δὲ ἡ ἀρχὴ ἡ Ὀδρυσῶν μέγεθος ἐπὶ μὲν θάλασσαν καθήκουσα ἀπὸ Ἀβδήρων πόλεως ἐς τὸν Εὔξεινον πόντον μέχρι Ἴστρου ποταμοῦ· αὕτη περίπλους ἐστὶν ἡ γῆ τὰ ξυντομώτατα, ἢν αἰεὶ κατὰ πρύμναν ἱστῆται τὸ πνεῦμα, νηὶ στρογγύλῃ τεσσάρων ἡμερῶν καὶ ἴσων νυκτῶν· ὁδῷ δὲ τὰ ξυντομώτατα ἐξ Ἀβδήρων ἐς Ἴστρον ἀνὴρ εὔζωνος ἑνδεκαταῖος τελεῖ.

2 τὰ μὲν πρὸς θάλασσαν τοσαύτη ἦν, ἐς ἤπειρον δὲ ἀπὸ Βυζαντίου ἐς Λαιαίους καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν Στρυμόνα (ταύτῃ γὰρ διὰ πλείστου ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἄνω ἐγίγνετο) ἡμερῶν ἀνδρὶ εὐζώνῳ τριῶν καὶ δέκα ἁνύσαι.

3 φόρος τε ἐκ πάσης τῆς βαρβάρου καὶ τῶν Ἑλληνίδων πόλεων, ὅσον προσῆξαν ἐπὶ Σεύθου, ὃς ὕστερον Σιτάλκου βασιλεύσας πλεῖστον δὴ ἐποίησε, τετρακοσίων ταλάντων ἀργυρίου μάλιστα δύναμις, ἃ χρυσὸς καὶ ἄργυρος ᾔει· καὶ δῶρα οὐκ ἐλάσσω τούτων χρυσοῦ τε καὶ ἀργύρου προσεφέρετο, χωρὶς δὲ ὅσα ὑφαντά τε καὶ λεῖα καὶ ἡ ἄλλη κατασκευή, καὶ οὐ μόνον αὐτῷ, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς παραδυναστεύουσί τε καὶ γενναίοις Ὀδρυσῶν.

4 κατεστήσαντο γὰρ τοὐναντίον τῆς Περσῶν βασιλείας τὸν νόμον, ὄντα μὲν καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις Θρᾳξί, λαμβάνειν μᾶλλον ἢ διδόναι (καὶ αἴσχιον ἦν αἰτηθέντα μὴ δοῦναι ἢ αἰτήσαντα μὴ τυχεῖν), ὅμως δὲ κατὰ τὸ δύνασθαι ἐπὶ πλέον αὐτῷ ἐχρήσαντο· οὐ γὰρ ἦν πρᾶξαι οὐδὲν μὴ διδόντα δῶρα. ὥστε ἐπὶ μέγα ἡ βασιλεία ἦλθεν ἰσχύος.

5 τῶν γὰρ ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ ὅσαι μεταξὺ τοῦ Ἰονίου κόλπου καὶ τοῦ Εὐξείνου πόντου μεγίστη ἐγένετο χρημάτων προσόδῳ καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ εὐδαιμονίᾳ, ἰσχύι δὲ μάχης καὶ στρατοῦ πλήθει πολὺ δευτέρα μετὰ τὴν Σκυθῶν.

6 ταύτῃ δὲ ἀδύνατα ἐξισοῦσθαι οὐχ ὅτι τὰ ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ, ἀλλ’ οὐδ’ ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ ἔθνος ἓν πρὸς ἓν οὐκ ἔστιν ὅτι δυνατὸν Σκύθαις ὁμογνωμονοῦσι πᾶσιν ἀντιστῆναι. οὐ μὴν οὐδ’ ἐς τὴν ἄλλην εὐβουλίαν καὶ ξύνεσιν περὶ τῶν παρόντων ἐς τὸν βίον ἄλλοις ὁμοιοῦνται.

Chapter 98

1 Σιτάλκης μὲν οὖν χώρας τοσαύτης βασιλεύων παρεσκευάζετο τὸν στρατόν. καὶ ἐπειδὴ αὐτῷ ἑτοῖμα ἦν, ἄρας ἐπορεύετο ἐπὶ τὴν Μακεδονίαν πρῶτον μὲν διὰ τῆς αὑτοῦ ἀρχῆς, ἔπειτα διὰ Κερκίνης ἐρήμου ὄρους, ὅ ἐστι μεθόριον Σιντῶν καὶ Παιόνων· ἐπορεύετο δὲ δι’ αὐτοῦ τῇ ὁδῷ ἣν πρότερον αὐτὸς ἐποιήσατο τεμὼν τὴν ὕλην, ὅτε ἐπὶ Παίονας ἐστράτευσεν.

2 τὸ δὲ ὄρος ἐξ Ὀδρυσῶν διιόντες ἐν δεξιᾷ μὲν εἶχον Παίονας, ἐν ἀριστερᾷ δὲ Σιντοὺς καὶ Μαιδούς. διελθόντες δὲ αὐτὸ ἀφίκοντο ἐς Δόβηρον τὴν Παιονικήν.

3 πορευομένῳ δὲ αὐτῷ ἀπεγίγνετο μὲν οὐδὲν τοῦ στρατοῦ εἰ μή τι νόσῳ, προσεγίγνετο δέ· πολλοὶ γὰρ τῶν αὐτονόμων Θρᾳκῶν ἀπαράκλητοι ἐφ’ ἁρπαγὴν ἠκολούθουν, ὥστε τὸ πᾶν πλῆθος λέγεται οὐκ ἔλασσον πέντε καὶ δέκα μυριάδων γενέσθαι·

4 καὶ τούτου τὸ μὲν πλέον πεζὸν ἦν, τριτημόριον δὲ μάλιστα ἱππικόν. τοῦ δ’ ἱππικοῦ τὸ πλεῖστον αὐτοὶ Ὀδρύσαι παρείχοντο καὶ μετ’ αὐτοὺς Γέται. τοῦ δὲ πεζοῦ οἱ μαχαιροφόροι μαχιμώτατοι μὲν ἦσαν οἱ ἐκ τῆς Ῥοδόπης αὐτόνομοι καταβάντες, ὁ δὲ ἄλλος ὅμιλος ξύμμεικτος πλήθει φοβερώτατος ἠκολούθει.

Chapter 99

1 ξυνηθροίζοντο οὖν ἐν τῇ Δοβήρῳ καὶ παρεσκευάζοντο, ὅπως κατὰ κορυφὴν ἐσβαλοῦσιν ἐς τὴν κάτω Μακεδονίαν, ἧς ὁ Περδίκκας ἦρχεν.

2 τῶν γὰρ Μακεδόνων εἰσὶ καὶ Λυγκησταὶ καὶ Ἐλιμιῶται καὶ ἄλλα ἔθνη ἐπάνωθεν, ἃ ξύμμαχα μέν ἐστι τούτοις καὶ ὑπήκοα, βασιλείας δ’ ἔχει καθ’ αὑτά.

3 τὴν δὲ παρὰ θάλασσαν νῦν Μακεδονίαν Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ Περδίκκου πατὴρ καὶ οἱ πρόγονοι αὐτοῦ, Τημενίδαι τὸ ἀρχαῖον ὄντες ἐξ Ἄργους, πρῶτοι ἐκτήσαντο καὶ ἐβασίλευσαν ἀναστήσαντες μάχῃ ἐκ μὲν Πιερίας Πίερας, οἳ ὕστερον ὑπὸ τὸ Πάγγαιον πέραν Στρυμόνος ᾤκησαν Φάγρητα καὶ ἄλλα χωρία (καὶ ἔτι καὶ νῦν Πιερικὸς κόλπος καλεῖται ἡ ὑπὸ τῷ Παγγαίῳ πρὸς θάλασσαν γῆ), ἐκ δὲ τῆς Βοττίας καλουμένης Βοττιαίους, οἳ νῦν ὅμοροι Χαλκιδέων οἰκοῦσιν·

4 τῆς δὲ Παιονίας παρὰ τὸν Ἀξιὸν ποταμὸν στενήν τινα καθήκουσαν ἄνωθεν μέχρι Πέλλης καὶ θαλάσσης ἐκτήσαντο, καὶ πέραν Ἀξιοῦ μέχρι Στρυμόνος τὴν Μυγδονίαν καλουμένην Ἠδῶνας ἐξελάσαντες νέμονται.

5 ἀνέστησαν δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῆς νῦν Ἐορδίας καλουμένης Ἐορδούς, ὧν οἱ μὲν πολλοὶ ἐφθάρησαν, βραχὺ δέ τι αὐτῶν περὶ Φύσκαν κατῴκηται, καὶ ἐξ Ἀλμωπίας Ἄλμωπας.

6 ἐκράτησαν δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν οἱ Μακεδόνες οὗτοι, ἃ καὶ νῦν ἔτι ἔχουσι, τόν τε Ἀνθεμοῦντα καὶ Κρηστωνίαν καὶ Βισαλτίαν καὶ Μακεδόνων αὐτῶν πολλήν. τὸ δὲ ξύμπαν Μακεδονία καλεῖται, καὶ Περδίκκας Ἀλεξάνδρου βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν ἦν ὅτε Σιτάλκης ἐπῄει.

Chapter 100

1 καὶ οἱ μὲν Μακεδόνες οὗτοι ἐπιόντος πολλοῦ στρατοῦ ἀδύνατοι ὄντες ἀμύνεσθαι ἔς τε τὰ καρτερὰ καὶ τὰ τείχη, ὅσα ἦν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, ἐσεκομίσθησαν.

2 ἦν δὲ οὐ πολλά, ἀλλὰ ὕστερον Ἀρχέλαος ὁ Περδίκκου υἱὸς βασιλεὺς γενόμενος τὰ νῦν ὄντα ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ ᾠκοδόμησε καὶ ὁδοὺς εὐθείας ἔτεμε καὶ τἆλλα διεκόσμησε τά [τε] κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἵπποις καὶ ὅπλοις καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ παρασκευῇ κρείσσονι ἢ ξύμπαντες οἱ ἄλλοι βασιλῆς ὀκτὼ οἱ πρὸ αὐτοῦ γενόμενοι.

3 ὁ δὲ στρατὸς τῶν Θρᾳκῶν ἐκ τῆς Δοβήρου ἐσέβαλε πρῶτον μὲν ἐς τὴν Φιλίππου πρότερον οὖσαν ἀρχήν, καὶ εἷλεν Εἰδομενὴν μὲν κατὰ κράτος, Γορτυνίαν δὲ καὶ Ἀταλάντην καὶ ἄλλα ἄττα χωρία ὁμολογίᾳ διὰ τὴν Ἀμύντου φιλίαν προσχωροῦντα τοῦ Φιλίππου υἱέος παρόντος· Εὐρωπὸν δὲ ἐπολιόρκησαν μέν, ἑλεῖν δὲ οὐκ ἐδύναντο.

4 ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ ἐς τὴν ἄλλην Μακεδονίαν προυχώρει τὴν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ Πέλλης καὶ Κύρρου. ἔσω δὲ τούτων ἐς τὴν Βοττιαίαν καὶ Πιερίαν οὐκ ἀφίκοντο,ἀλλὰ τήν τε Μυγδονίαν καὶ Κρηστωνίαν καὶ Ἀνθεμοῦντα ἐδῄουν.

5 οἱ δὲ Μακεδόνες πεζῷ μὲν οὐδὲ διενοοῦντο ἀμύνεσθαι, ἵππους δὲ προσμεταπεμψάμενοι ἀπὸ τῶν ἄνω ξυμμάχων, ὅπῃ δοκοίη, ὀλίγοι πρὸς πολλοὺς ἐσέβαλλον ἐς τὸ στράτευμα τῶν Θρᾳκῶν. καὶ ᾗ μὲν προσπέσοιεν, οὐδεὶς ὑπέμενεν ἄνδρας ἱππέας τε ἀγαθοὺς καὶ τεθωρακισμένους, ὑπὸ δὲ πλήθους περικλῃόμενοι αὑτοὺς πολλαπλασίῳ τῷ ὁμίλῳ ἐς κίνδυνον καθίστασαν, ὥστε τέλος ἡσυχίαν ἦγον, οὐ νομίζοντες ἱκανοὶ εἶναι πρὸς τὸ πλέον κινδυνεύειν.

Chapter 101

1 ὁ δὲ Σιτάλκης πρός τε τὸν Περδίκκαν λόγους ἐποιεῖτο ὧν ἕνεκα ἐστράτευσε, καὶ ἐπειδὴ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι οὐ παρῆσαν ταῖς ναυσίν, ἀπιστοῦντες αὐτὸν μὴ ἥξειν, δῶρα δὲ καὶ πρέσβεις ἔπεμψαν αὐτῷ, ἔς τε τοὺς Χαλκιδέας καὶ Βοττιαίους μέρος τι τοῦ στρατοῦ πέμπει, καὶ τειχήρεις ποιήσας ἐδῄου τὴν γῆν.

2 καθημένου δ’ αὐτοῦ περὶ τοὺς χώρους τούτους οἱ πρὸς νότον οἰκοῦντες Θεσσαλοὶ καὶ Μάγνητες καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι ὑπήκοοι Θεσσαλῶν καὶ οἱ μέχρι Θερμοπυλῶν Ἕλληνες ἐφοβήθησαν μὴ καὶ ἐπὶ σφᾶς ὁ στρατὸς χωρήσῃ, καὶ ἐν παρασκευῇ ἦσαν.

3 ἐφοβήθησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ πέραν Στρυμόνος πρὸς βορέαν Θρᾷκες, ὅσοι πεδία εἶχον, Παναῖοι καὶ Ὀδόμαντοι καὶ Δρῶοι καὶ Δερσαῖοι· αὐτόνομοι δ’ εἰσὶ πάντες.

4 παρέσχε δὲ λόγον καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς τῶν Ἀθηναίων πολεμίους Ἕλληνας, μὴ ὑπ’ αὐτῶν ἀγόμενοι κατὰ τὸ ξυμμαχικὸν καὶ ἐπὶ σφᾶς χωρήσωσιν.

5 ὁ δὲ τήν τε Χαλκιδικὴν καὶ Βοττικὴν καὶ Μακεδονίαν ἅμα ἐπέχων ἔφθειρε, καὶ ἐπειδὴ αὐτῷ οὐδὲν ἐπράσσετο ὧν ἕνεκα ἐσέβαλε καὶ ἡ στρατιὰ σῖτόν τε οὐκ εἶχεν αὐτῷ καὶ ὑπὸ χειμῶνος ἐταλαιπώρει, ἀναπείθεται ὑπὸ Σεύθου τοῦ Σπαραδόκου, ἀδελφιδοῦ ὄντος καὶ μέγιστον μεθ’ ἑαυτὸν δυναμένου, ὥστ’ ἐν τάχει ἀπελθεῖν. τὸν δὲ Σεύθην κρύφα Περδίκκας ὑποσχόμενος ἀδελφὴν ἑαυτοῦ δώσειν καὶ χρήματα ἐπ’ αὐτῇ προσποιεῖται.

6 καὶ ὁ μὲν πεισθεὶς καὶ μείνας τριάκοντα τὰς πάσας ἡμέρας, τούτων δὲ ὀκτὼ ἐν Χαλκιδεῦσιν, ἀνεχώρησε τῷ στρατῷ κατὰ τάχος ἐπ’ οἴκου· Περδίκκας δὲ ὕστερον Στρατονίκην τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἀδελφὴν δίδωσι Σεύθῃ, ὥσπερ ὑπέσχετο. τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ τὴν Σιτάλκου στρατείαν οὕτως ἐγένετο.

Chapter 102

1 οἱ δὲ ἐν Ναυπάκτῳ Ἀθηναῖοι τοῦ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος, ἐπειδὴ τὸ τῶν Πελοποννησίων ναυτικὸν διελύθη, Φορμίωνος ἡγουμένου ἐστράτευσαν, παραπλεύσαντες ἐπ’ Ἀστακοῦ καὶ ἀποβάντες, ἐς τὴν μεσόγειαν τῆς Ἀκαρνανίας τετρακοσίοις μὲν ὁπλίταις Ἀθηναίων τῶν ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν, τετρακοσίοις δὲ Μεσσηνίων, καὶ ἔκ τε Στράτου καὶ Κορόντων καὶ ἄλλων χωρίων ἄνδρας οὐ δοκοῦντας βεβαίους εἶναι ἐξήλασαν, καὶ Κύνητα τὸν Θεολύτου ἐς Κόροντα καταγαγόντες ἀνεχώρησαν πάλιν ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς.

2 ἐς γὰρ Οἰνιάδας αἰεί ποτε πολεμίους ὄντας μόνους Ἀκαρνάνων οὐκ ἐδόκει δυνατὸν εἶναι χειμῶνος ὄντος στρατεύειν· ὁ γὰρ Ἀχελῷος ποταμὸς ῥέων ἐκ Πίνδου ὄρους διὰ Δολοπίας καὶ Ἀγραίων καὶ Ἀμφιλόχων καὶ διὰ τοῦ Ἀκαρνανικοῦ πεδίου, ἄνωθεν μὲν παρὰ Στράτον πόλιν, ἐς θάλασσαν δ’ ἐξιεὶς παρ’ Οἰνιάδας καὶ τὴν πόλιν αὐτοῖς περιλιμνάζων, ἄπορον ποιεῖ ὑπὸ τοῦ ὕδατος ἐν χειμῶνι στρατεύειν.

3 κεῖνται δὲ καὶ τῶν νήσων τῶν Ἐχινάδων αἱ πολλαὶ καταντικρὺ Οἰνιαδῶν τοῦ Ἀχελῴου τῶν ἐκβολῶν οὐδὲν ἀπέχουσαι, ὥστε μέγας ὢν ὁ ποταμὸς προσχοῖ αἰεὶ καὶ εἰσὶ τῶν νήσων αἳ ἠπείρωνται, ἐλπὶς δὲ καὶ πάσας οὐκ ἐν πολλῷ τινὶ ἂν χρόνῳ τοῦτο παθεῖν·

4 τό τε γὰρ ῥεῦμά ἐστι μέγα καὶ πολὺ καὶ θολερόν, αἵ τε νῆσοι πυκναί, καὶ ἀλλήλαις τῆς προσχώσεως [τῷ μὴ σκεδάννυσθαι] ξύνδεσμοι γίγνονται, παραλλὰξ καὶ οὐ κατὰ στοῖχον κείμεναι, οὐδ’ ἔχουσαι εὐθείας διόδους τοῦ ὕδατος ἐς τὸ πέλαγος.

5 ἐρῆμοι δ’ εἰσὶ καὶ οὐ μεγάλαι. λέγεται δὲ καὶ Ἀλκμέωνι τῷ Ἀμφιάρεω, ὅτε δὴ ἀλᾶσθαι αὐτὸν μετὰ τὸν φόνον τῆς μητρός, τὸν Ἀπόλλω ταύτην τὴν γῆν χρῆσαι οἰκεῖν, ὑπειπόντα οὐκ εἶναι λύσιν τῶν δειμάτων πρὶν ἂν εὑρὼν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ χώρᾳ κατοικίσηται ἥτις ὅτε ἔκτεινε τὴν μητέρα μήπω ὑπὸ ἡλίου ἑωρᾶτο μηδὲ γῆ ἦν, ὡς τῆς γε ἄλλης αὐτῷ μεμιασμένης.

6 ὁ δ’ ἀπορῶν, ὥς φασι, μόλις κατενόησε τὴν πρόσχωσιν ταύτην τοῦ Ἀχελῴου, καὶ ἐδόκει αὐτῷ ἱκανὴ ἂν κεχῶσθαι δίαιτα τῷ σώματι ἀφ’ οὗπερ κτείνας τὴν μητέρα οὐκ ὀλίγον χρόνον ἐπλανᾶτο. καὶ κατοικισθεὶς ἐς τοὺς περὶ Οἰνιάδας τόπους ἐδυνάστευσέ τε καὶ ἀπὸ Ἀκαρνᾶνος παιδὸς ἑαυτοῦ τῆς χώρας τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ἐγκατέλιπεν. τὰ μὲν περὶ Ἀλκμέωνα τοιαῦτα λεγόμενα παρελάβομεν.

Chapter 103

1 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ ὁ Φορμίων ἄραντες ἐκ τῆς Ἀκαρνανίας καὶ ἀφικόμενοι ἐς τὴν Ναύπακτον ἅμα ἦρι κατέπλευσαν ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας, τούς τε ἐλευθέρους τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ἐκ τῶν ναυμαχιῶν ἄγοντες, οἳ ἀνὴρ ἀντ’ ἀνδρὸς ἐλύθησαν, καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἃς εἷλον.

2 καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἐτελεύτα οὗτος, καὶ τρίτον ἔτος τῷ πολέμῳ ἐτελεύτα τῷδε ὃν Θουκυδίδης ξυνέγραψεν.

Chapter 1

1 The war between the Athenians and Peloponnesians and the allies on each side now begins at this point. They no longer had dealings with each other without a herald, and once they had entered the war, they fought continuously. The events are recorded in the order in which they happened, by summer and winter.

Chapter 2

1 The thirty-year truce made after the capture of Euboea had lasted fourteen years. In the fifteenth year, Chrysis had been priestess at Argos for forty-eight years, Aenesias was ephor at Sparta, and Pythodorus still had two months to serve as archon at Athens. In the sixth month after the battle at Potidaea, just as spring began, a little more than three hundred armed Thebans entered Plataea in Boeotia, an ally of Athens, at about the time of the first sleep. Their commanders were the Boeotarchs Pythangelus son of Phyleides and Diemporus son of Onetorides.

2 Some Plataeans—Nauclides and his associates—had invited them in and opened the gates. To increase their own power, they wanted to kill their political opponents among the citizens and bring the city over to Thebes.

3 They arranged this through Eurymachus son of Leontiades, a man of very great influence at Thebes. The Thebans saw that war was coming. They wanted to take control of Plataea, which had always been hostile to them, while it was still peacetime and before war had openly begun. This also made it easier for them to enter unnoticed, since no guard had been posted.

4 They took up a position with their weapons in the marketplace. They did not follow the advice of the men who had brought them in, who wanted them to act at once and attack their enemies' houses. Instead, they decided to make friendly announcements and try to bring the city to an agreement and friendship. The herald announced that anyone who wanted to join the alliance of all the Boeotians on their traditional terms should take his place beside them with his weapons. They thought this would easily bring the city over to their side.

Chapter 3

1 When the Plataeans realized that the Thebans were inside and had suddenly taken control of their city, they were terrified. They thought that far more men had come in, since they could not see in the dark. They moved toward an agreement, accepted the terms, and remained quiet, especially since the Thebans were taking no hostile action against anyone.

2 But while these arrangements were being made, they somehow realized that the Thebans were not numerous. They thought they could easily defeat them if they attacked. Most of the Plataeans did not want to break away from Athens.

3 So they decided to try. They gathered in one another's houses by breaking through the shared walls, to avoid being seen going along the streets. They put wagons in the streets without their draft animals, to serve as barricades. They made all the other preparations that seemed useful in the circumstances.

4 When they were as ready as they could be, they waited for the last darkness just before dawn and came out of the houses to attack. They did not want to face the Thebans in daylight, when the invaders would be more confident and on equal terms with them. In the dark, the Thebans would be more frightened and at a disadvantage against the Plataeans' knowledge of the city. They attacked at once and quickly began fighting at close quarters.

Chapter 4

1 When the Thebans realized they had been tricked, they closed ranks and fought off the attacks wherever they came.

2 They beat them back two or three times. Then the Plataeans attacked with a great uproar, while the women and household slaves on the houses shouted and screamed and threw stones and roof tiles. Heavy rain had also fallen during the night. The Thebans panicked, turned, and fled through the city. In the darkness and mud, most of them did not know which routes would take them to safety. It was the end of the month, too. Their pursuers knew the city and how to prevent them from escaping. As a result, most of them were killed.

3 One of the Plataeans closed the gates they had entered through, the only ones that were open. He used the spike at the butt of a javelin as a pin to secure the bar. They could no longer escape that way either.

4 As they were pursued through the city, some climbed onto the wall and jumped down outside; most of these died. A few escaped through an unguarded gate without being noticed, after a woman gave them an ax and they cut through the bar. But they were soon discovered, so not many got out. Others were scattered around the city and killed.

5 The largest group, which had kept together better than the rest, rushed into a large building adjoining the wall. Its doors happened to be open. They thought these were city gates and that there was a way straight through to the outside.

6 Seeing them trapped, the Plataeans debated whether to set the building on fire and burn them where they were, or deal with them in some other way.

7 In the end, these men and all the other Thebans still alive and wandering through the city agreed to hand themselves and their weapons over to the Plataeans, to do with them whatever they wanted.

8 That was what had happened to the men inside Plataea.

Chapter 5

1 The rest of the Theban army was supposed to arrive in full strength while it was still night, in case anything went wrong for the men who had entered. When news of what had happened reached them on the road, they hurried to help.

2 Plataea is seventy stades from Thebes. The rain that fell during the night slowed their journey. The river Asopus was running high and was difficult to cross.

3 They marched through the rain and crossed the river with difficulty. They arrived too late: some of their men had already been killed and the others were being held alive.

4 When the Thebans learned what had happened, they planned an attack on the Plataeans outside the city. People and property were still in the countryside, since this unexpected disaster had happened in peacetime. If they captured anyone, they wanted to have hostages to exchange for the men inside, in case any had been taken alive. That was their plan.

5 While they were still discussing it, the Plataeans suspected that something like this would happen. Afraid for the people outside, they sent a herald to the Thebans. He said they had acted against divine law by trying to seize the city during a truce, and warned them not to harm anyone or anything outside. Otherwise, the Plataeans said, they too would kill the Theban prisoners they held alive. But if the Thebans withdrew from their territory, they would return the men.

6 That is the Thebans' account. They also say the Plataeans swore to this. The Plataeans deny promising to return the men immediately. They say they would do so only if an agreement was reached after negotiations. They also deny having sworn an oath.

7 In any case, the Thebans withdrew from the territory without doing any damage. As soon as the Plataeans had hurriedly brought in what was in the countryside, they immediately killed the prisoners. There were a hundred and eighty captives. One of them was Eurymachus, with whom the traitors had made their arrangements.

Chapter 6

1 After doing this, they sent a messenger to Athens and returned the dead to the Thebans under a truce. They arranged matters inside the city as they thought best for the situation.

2 The Athenians were told at once what had happened at Plataea. They immediately arrested all the Boeotians in Attica and sent a herald to Plataea. His instructions were to tell the Plataeans to take no further action against their Theban prisoners until the Athenians themselves had considered what to do about them.

3 They had not been told that the men were dead. The first messenger had left as the Thebans were entering, and the second just after their defeat and capture. The Athenians knew nothing of what happened afterward. They sent their instructions in this state of ignorance, and when the herald arrived, he found that the men had been killed.

4 After this, the Athenians sent a force to Plataea, brought in grain, and left a garrison. They evacuated the people least useful for defense, along with the women and children.

Chapter 7

1 After the incident at Plataea, the truce had clearly been broken. The Athenians prepared for war, and the Lacedaemonians and their allies did the same. Both sides planned to send embassies to the King and to non-Greeks elsewhere, wherever they hoped to get help. They also brought into their alliances cities outside their own control.

2 The Lacedaemonians ordered their supporters in Italy and Sicily to build ships in proportion to the size of their cities. These would supplement the ships already available in Greece, bringing the total to five hundred. They also ordered them to have a fixed sum of money ready. Until these preparations were complete, they were otherwise to remain quiet and admit the Athenians if they came with a single ship.

3 The Athenians reviewed their existing alliance and sent embassies especially to the regions around the Peloponnese: Corcyra, Cephallenia, the Acarnanians, and Zacynthus. They saw that, if these were firmly friendly to them, they could attack the Peloponnese from all sides and defeat it.

Chapter 8

1 Neither side had small plans. Both eagerly committed themselves to the war, which was natural: people always take up a new effort with greater energy at the start. There were many young men in both the Peloponnese and Athens, and their lack of experience made them willing to take part in the war. All the rest of Hellas was on edge as the leading cities came into conflict.

2 Many prophecies circulated, and interpreters chanted many oracles, both among those about to fight and in the other cities.

3 Shortly before this, Delos had also been shaken by an earthquake. It had never been shaken before within Greek memory. People said and believed that this was a sign of what was to come. They searched out every other event of the same kind that happened to have occurred.

4 Most people's sympathies were much more strongly with the Lacedaemonians, especially since they had announced that they were freeing Hellas. Every individual and city was eager to give them whatever help they could, in words and in action. Everyone felt the effort was being held back wherever he himself was not taking part.

5 That was how angry most people were with the Athenians. Some wanted to be free of their rule; others feared coming under it.

Chapter 9

1 These were their preparations and attitudes as they set out. Each side entered the war with the following cities as allies.

2 The Lacedaemonians' allies were all the Peloponnesians on their side of the Isthmus except the Argives and Achaeans, who were friendly to both sides. Of the Achaeans, only the people of Pellene fought alongside them at first; later all the Achaeans did. Outside the Peloponnese, their allies were the Megarians, Boeotians, Locrians, Phocians, Ambraciots, Leucadians, and Anactorians.

3 Of these, the Corinthians, Megarians, Sicyonians, people of Pellene, Eleans, Ambraciots, and Leucadians provided naval forces. The Boeotians, Phocians, and Locrians provided cavalry. The other cities provided infantry. This was the Lacedaemonian alliance.

4 The Athenians' allies were the Chians, Lesbians, Plataeans, Messenians at Naupactus, most of the Acarnanians, the Corcyraeans, and the Zacynthians. They also had the tribute-paying cities in the following regions: coastal Caria, the Dorians neighboring the Carians, Ionia, the Hellespont, the regions along the Thracian coast, the islands eastward of the Peloponnese and Crete, and all the Cyclades except Melos and Thera.

5 Of these, the Chians, Lesbians, and Corcyraeans provided naval forces. The others provided infantry and money.

6 These were the alliances and preparations of the two sides for the war.

Chapter 10

1 Immediately after the events at Plataea, the Lacedaemonians sent instructions around the Peloponnese and to their allies outside it. The cities were to prepare their troops and the supplies needed for a campaign abroad, since they intended to invade Attica.

2 As each city was ready, two-thirds of its forces assembled at the Isthmus at the appointed time.

3 When the whole army had gathered, Archidamus, king of the Lacedaemonians and commander of this expedition, called together the generals of all the cities, along with their most important officials and most notable men. He gave them the following advice.

Chapter 11

1 “Peloponnesians and allies, our fathers fought many campaigns, both within the Peloponnese and outside it. The older men among us also have experience of war. Even so, we have never marched out with a greater force than this. We are now advancing against a very powerful city, and our own army is larger and better than ever.

2 “So we must show ourselves to be no worse than our fathers, and live up to our own reputation. All Hellas has been stirred by this expedition and is watching closely. Because of its hatred of the Athenians, it wishes us success in what we plan to do.

3 “Some may think that we are advancing in such numbers that there is little risk of the enemy meeting us in battle. But that must not make us march with any less care in our preparations. Every commander and soldier from every city must always expect that he himself will face some danger.

4 “War is unpredictable. Most attacks begin with little warning, and in a burst of anger. Often a smaller force, because it was afraid, has defended itself more successfully against larger numbers whose contempt for their opponents had left them unprepared.

5 “When campaigning in enemy territory, we must always be confident in our thinking but make our practical preparations as carefully as if we were afraid. That way we will have the most courage when attacking the enemy and the best protection when attacked.

6 “The city we are advancing against is certainly not unable to defend itself. It is very well prepared in every way. So we must fully expect its people to come out and fight. They may not have set themselves to do so now, while we are still absent, but they will when they see us on their land, plundering it and destroying their possessions.

7 “Everyone gets angry at the immediate sight of unusual suffering before his own eyes. The less people use their judgment, the more they let anger drive them into action.

8 “The Athenians are likely to do this even more than others. They think they deserve to rule other people and to invade and destroy their neighbors' land, rather than watch their own being destroyed.

9 “So remember that we are campaigning against a city of such power. Depending on the outcome, we will bring the greatest credit or disgrace to our ancestors and ourselves. Follow wherever you are led. Above everything, maintain discipline and vigilance, and respond quickly to orders. Nothing is better or safer than for a large army to be seen acting under a single discipline.”

Chapter 12

1 After this speech, Archidamus dismissed the meeting. Before doing anything else, he sent Melesippus son of Diacritus, a Spartan, to Athens. He wanted to see whether the Athenians might now make some concession, seeing that his army was already on its way.

2 But the Athenians did not admit him to the city or to their public authorities. Pericles had previously carried a motion that they should receive no herald or embassy once the Lacedaemonians had marched out. So they sent him away without hearing him and ordered him to be outside their borders that same day. In future, if the Lacedaemonians wanted to send an embassy, they must first withdraw to their own territory. They sent escorts with Melesippus to prevent him from meeting anyone.

3 When he reached the border and was about to part from his escorts, he said just this before going on: “This day will mark the beginning of great troubles for the Greeks.”

4 When he returned to the camp and Archidamus learned that the Athenians would still make no concessions, the king broke camp and advanced with his army into their territory.

5 The Boeotians provided their share of troops and their cavalry to campaign with the Peloponnesians. With the men who remained, they went to Plataea and laid waste its land.

Chapter 13

1 While the Peloponnesians were still gathering at the Isthmus and marching, before they invaded Attica, Pericles son of Xanthippus was one of the ten Athenian generals. Once he knew the invasion would happen, he became concerned because Archidamus was a personal friend with whom he exchanged hospitality. Archidamus might spare his farms from destruction as a private favor, or the Lacedaemonians might order this to discredit him. They had already demanded the expulsion of those under religious curses with him in mind. So he told the Athenians in the assembly beforehand that Archidamus was indeed his friend, but that this friendship must do the city no harm. If the enemy did not destroy his farms and houses as they did those of others, he would make them public property. There must be no suspicion of him on this account.

2 His advice about the current situation was the same as before. They should prepare for war and bring in their property from the countryside. They should not march out to fight, but come inside and defend the city. They should fit out the fleet, which was their strength, and keep a firm hold on their allies. He said their power depended on the money coming in from the allies. Success in war depended mainly on sound judgment and a reserve of money.

3 He told them to be confident. Apart from its other income, the city received an average of six hundred talents a year in tribute from the allies. There were still six thousand talents of coined silver on the Acropolis at that time. At its highest, the reserve had reached nine thousand seven hundred talents, but money had been spent from it on the gateways of the Acropolis, the other buildings, and Potidaea.

4 This did not include uncoined gold and silver in private and public offerings, all the sacred equipment used in processions and contests, the spoils taken from the Persians, and other such items. Their value [was] at least five hundred talents.

5 He added the considerable sums in the other sanctuaries, which they could use. If they were completely cut off from all other resources, they could even use the gold covering the goddess herself. He pointed out that the statue carried forty talents by weight of refined gold, all of which could be removed. But if they used it to save themselves, he said, they must replace it afterward with at least as much.

6 That was how he encouraged them about their money. As for hoplites, he said there were thirteen thousand, apart from those in the forts and the sixteen thousand on the battlements.

7 That was the number initially assigned to guard duty whenever the enemy invaded. They came from the oldest and youngest age groups and from the resident foreigners who served as hoplites. The Phaleric wall ran for thirty-five stades to the city's outer wall. The guarded section of that outer wall was forty-three stades long. Part of it was unguarded: the section between the Long Wall and the Phaleric wall. The Long Walls to Piraeus were forty stades long, and only the outer one was guarded. The entire circuit of Piraeus, including Munychia, was sixty stades, and half of this was guarded.

8 He stated that they had twelve hundred cavalry, including mounted archers, sixteen hundred archers, and three hundred seaworthy triremes.

9 These were the resources the Athenians had, with no fewer than the stated amount in each category, when the first Peloponnesian invasion was about to happen and they were entering the war. Pericles also made his other usual arguments to show that they would win the war.

Chapter 14

1 The Athenians listened and accepted his advice. They brought their children, wives, and household belongings in from the countryside. They even took down the woodwork of their houses and brought it in. They sent their livestock and draft animals across to Euboea and the nearby islands.

2 This move was painful for them, because most had always been used to living in the countryside.

Chapter 15

1 From very early times, this had been more characteristic of the Athenians than of other peoples. In the time of Cecrops and the first kings, right down to Theseus, the people of Attica lived in separate towns, each with its own civic hall and officials. Unless some danger arose, they did not meet with the king to deliberate. Each town governed itself and held its own councils. Some even went to war with the kings, as the Eleusinians under Eumolpus once did against Erechtheus.

2 When Theseus became king, he combined intelligence with power. Among his other reforms of the country, he abolished the council houses and governments of the other towns. He established one council house and civic hall in the present city and united everyone under it. Each person continued to occupy his own property as before, but Theseus required them all to use this one city as their political center. With everyone now contributing to it, the city grew great, and Theseus handed it down to those who came after him. From that time to the present, the Athenians have celebrated the Synoecia, a publicly funded festival for the goddess.

3 Before this, the city consisted of what is now the Acropolis and the ground below it, mainly on the southern side.

4 Here is evidence for this. There are sanctuaries of other gods, too, on the Acropolis itself, and the sanctuaries outside it are mostly situated toward this part of the city. These include the sanctuary of Olympian Zeus, the Pythian sanctuary, the sanctuary of Earth, and that of Dionysus in the Marshes. The older Dionysia are celebrated for this god [on the twelfth day] of the month Anthesterion, as is still the custom among the Ionians descended from the Athenians. Other ancient sanctuaries also stand in this area.

5 The fountain now called Enneacrunus, because the tyrants fitted it out in its present form, was formerly called Callirrhoe, when its springs lay open. Because it was nearby, the people of that time used it for their most important needs. From this ancient practice comes the custom, still kept today, of using its water before weddings and for other religious ceremonies.

6 Because the earliest settlement was in this area, the Athenians still call the Acropolis the City to this day.

Chapter 16

1 The Athenians had therefore long lived in independent settlements across the countryside. Even after they were united into one city, most people, in both earlier and later generations down to this war, continued by habit to be born and live in the country. Moving away with their entire households was not easy for them, especially since they had only recently restored their homes and property after the Persian Wars.

2 They were upset and found it hard to leave their houses and the sanctuaries that had always belonged to their families since the old form of government. They faced a change in their way of life. Each person felt that he was leaving nothing less than his own city.

Chapter 17

1 When they reached the city, a few had homes there, and some found shelter with friends or relatives. But most settled in the unoccupied parts of the city and in all the sanctuaries and shrines of heroes, except the Acropolis, the Eleusinium, and any other place securely closed off. They even occupied the so-called Pelargic ground below the Acropolis. A curse forbade anyone to live there, and the last words of an oracle from Delphi also prohibited it, saying, “The Pelargic ground is better left unused.” Yet the pressure of their immediate need made them settle there anyway.

2 In my view, the oracle came true in the opposite way from what people expected. The city did not suffer disasters because the occupation was unlawful. Instead, the war forced people to occupy the ground. Without naming the war, the oracle foresaw that the place would only be settled in bad circumstances.

3 Many also made themselves homes in the towers of the walls and wherever each could find room. The city could not hold them all when they gathered there. Later, they divided up and occupied the space along the Long Walls and much of Piraeus.

4 At the same time, they began their preparations for war. They gathered their allies and fitted out a hundred ships for an attack on the Peloponnese.

5 That was the stage their preparations had reached.

Chapter 18

1 The Peloponnesian army advanced and first reached Oenoe in Attica, at the point where they intended to invade. They camped there and prepared to attack its wall with siege engines and by other means.

2 Oenoe stood on the border between Attica and Boeotia. It had been fortified, and the Athenians used it as a stronghold whenever war broke out. The Peloponnesians therefore prepared their attacks, and also spent time there in other ways.

3 This brought considerable blame on Archidamus. Even while the war was being organized, people thought he was weak and friendly toward the Athenians, since he did not urge war enthusiastically. Once the army was assembling, the delay at the Isthmus and the slow pace of the rest of the march brought him under suspicion. Above all, they objected to the delay at Oenoe.

4 During this time the Athenians were bringing their belongings into the city. The Peloponnesians thought that, if they had advanced quickly, they could have caught everything still outside, but for his hesitation.

5 That was how angry the army was with Archidamus while they remained in camp. But he held back because, it is said, he expected the Athenians to make some concession while their land was still undamaged. He thought they would hesitate to stand by and see it devastated.

Chapter 19

1 However, they attacked Oenoe and tried every method, but could not capture it. The Athenians sent no message through a herald either. So the Peloponnesians finally set out from Oenoe and invaded Attica. This was about eighty days after the events at Plataea [involving the Thebans who had entered it], in summer, when the grain was ripe. Their commander was Archidamus son of Zeuxidamus, king of the Lacedaemonians.

2 They camped and first devastated Eleusis and the Thriasian plain. They also put some Athenian cavalry to flight near the place called the Rheiti. Then they advanced through Cropia, keeping Mount Aegaleos on their right, until they reached Acharnae, the largest of the districts in Attica called demes. They settled there, established a camp, and stayed a long time devastating the land.

Chapter 20

1 The following is said to have been Archidamus's reason for remaining near Acharnae with his troops drawn up for battle, rather than going down into the plain during this invasion.

2 The Athenians had large numbers of young men in their prime and were better prepared for war than ever before. He hoped that they might come out to fight rather than stand by and see their land devastated.

3 Since they had not come to meet him at Eleusis or in the Thriasian plain, he camped near Acharnae to test whether they would come out.

4 For one thing, the place seemed suitable for a camp. For another, the Acharnians formed a large part of the citizen body: they supplied three thousand hoplites. He thought they would not stand by and see their property destroyed, but would push everyone into battle. Even if the Athenians did not come out during this invasion, he would be able to devastate the plain and advance right up to the city with less fear in the future. Once the Acharnians had lost their own property, they would not be as eager to risk themselves for other people's land. Opinion would be divided.

5 These were Archidamus's calculations as he remained near Acharnae.

Chapter 21

1 As long as the army was near Eleusis and in the Thriasian plain, the Athenians still had some hope that it would come no closer. They remembered Pleistoanax son of Pausanias, king of the Lacedaemonians. Fourteen years before this war he had invaded Attica with a Peloponnesian army, reaching Eleusis and Thria, but then withdrew without advancing any farther. This was why he was exiled from Sparta: he was thought to have been bribed [to withdraw].

2 But when they saw the army near Acharnae, sixty stades from the city, they could no longer bear it. Naturally, it seemed terrible to see their land being devastated before their eyes. The younger men had never seen this happen, and the older men had seen it only during the Persian Wars. People generally, and especially the young, wanted to go out rather than stand by and watch.

3 They gathered in groups and argued fiercely. Some urged going out, while others opposed it. Reciters of oracles chanted all kinds of predictions, and people listened according to their own inclinations. The Acharnians believed they made up a very substantial part of the Athenian population. Since it was their land that was being devastated, they pressed hardest for an advance. The city was agitated in every way. People were angry with Pericles and forgot all his earlier advice. They called him a coward for being a general who would not lead them out, and blamed him for everything they were suffering.

Chapter 22

1 Pericles saw that they were angry at the immediate situation and were not thinking in their own best interests. He was also sure he was right not to go out. He therefore called neither an assembly nor any other meeting, to prevent them from coming together and making a mistake through anger rather than judgment. He guarded the city and kept it as quiet as he could.

2 He did, however, keep sending out cavalry to stop advance parties from the enemy army from raiding and damaging the farms near the city. A brief cavalry fight took place at Phrygia between one unit of Athenian cavalry, with Thessalians alongside them, and the Boeotian cavalry. The Athenians and Thessalians held their own until hoplites came to help the Boeotians. They were then routed, and a few Thessalians and Athenians were killed. They recovered the bodies that same day without a truce.

3 The next day the Peloponnesians set up a victory trophy. The Thessalians had come to help the Athenians under their old alliance. The contingents were Larisaeans, Pharsalians, [Parasians], Crannonians, Pyrasians, Gyrtonians, and Pheraeans. Their commanders from Larisa were Polymedes and Aristonous, one from each political faction, and from Pharsalus, Menon. The other cities also had their own commanders.

Chapter 23

1 When the Athenians did not come out to fight them, the Peloponnesians moved away from Acharnae and devastated some other demes between Mount Parnes and Mount Brilessus.

2 While the enemy was still in their territory, the Athenians sent the hundred ships they had been preparing on a voyage around the Peloponnese. On board were a thousand hoplites and four hundred archers. The generals were Carcinus son of Xenotimus, Proteas son of Epicles, and Socrates son of Antigenes.

3 They set out with this force and sailed around the coast. Meanwhile, the Peloponnesians stayed in Attica as long as their supplies lasted, then withdrew through Boeotia, not by the route they had taken in. As they passed Oropus, they devastated the land called Graice, which was occupied by the Oropians, subjects of Athens. When they reached the Peloponnese, they broke up and returned to their own cities.

Chapter 24

1 After their withdrawal, the Athenians established guard posts on land and at sea, intending to maintain them throughout the war. They also decided to set aside a special reserve of a thousand talents from the money on the Acropolis. This was not to be spent; they were to finance the war from their other funds. They made it punishable by death to propose or put to a vote any use of this money, unless an enemy fleet attacked the city and they needed it for their defense.

2 Along with this money, they reserved the hundred best triremes each year and appointed trierarchs for them. None of these ships was to be used for any other purpose, but only with the money against that same danger, if the need arose.

Chapter 25

1 The Athenians sailing around the Peloponnese in the hundred ships were joined by Corcyraeans who had come to help with fifty ships, and by some of the other allies in that region. They damaged various places as they sailed along. They also landed at Methone in Laconia and attacked its wall, which was weak and had no defenders on it.

2 Brasidas son of Tellis, a Spartan, happened to be in that area with a garrison. When he learned what was happening, he went to help the people in the town with a hundred hoplites. The Athenian army was scattered across the countryside and facing the wall. He ran through it and got into Methone, losing only a few of his men as he broke through. He saved the city, and for this bold action he became the first man in this war to receive public praise at Sparta.

3 The Athenians sailed on and put in at Pheia in Elis. They devastated the land for two days and defeated in battle three hundred picked men from Hollow Elis and men from the neighboring district of Elis who had come to help.

4 A strong wind came down and caught them in a storm at a place without a harbor. Most boarded the ships and sailed around the headland called Ichthys to the harbor at Pheia. Meanwhile, the Messenians and some others who had been unable to board went overland and captured Pheia.

5 Later, the ships came around, picked them up, and put out to sea, abandoning Pheia. By then the main army of the Eleans had arrived to help. The Athenians sailed along to other places and devastated them.

Chapter 26

1 At about this same time the Athenians sent out thirty ships to operate along the coast of Locris and also to guard Euboea. Their general was Cleopompus son of Clinias.

2 He made landings and devastated parts of the coast. He also captured Thronium and took hostages from its people, and at Alope he defeated in battle the Locrians who came to help.

Chapter 27

1 That same summer the Athenians also expelled the Aeginetans from Aegina, including their children and wives. They accused them of being among those most responsible for the war against Athens. Since Aegina lay close to the Peloponnese, they also thought it safer to hold it by sending settlers of their own. Not long afterward they sent the settlers there.

2 The Lacedaemonians gave the expelled Aeginetans Thyrea as a place to live and farm. They did this both because of their hostility toward the Athenians and because the Aeginetans had helped them at the time of the earthquake and the Helot uprising. The territory of Thyrea lies on the border between Argive territory and Laconia and extends down to the sea. Some of the Aeginetans settled there; others scattered across the rest of Hellas.

Chapter 28

1 In the same summer, at the new moon—which seems to be the only time this can happen—the sun was eclipsed after noon and then became full again. It had turned into a crescent, and some stars had appeared.

Chapter 29

1 Also that summer, the Athenians appointed Nymphodorus son of Pythes, a man from Abdera, as their official local representative and sent for him. They had previously considered him an enemy. His sister was married to Sitalces, and he had great influence with him. The Athenians wanted Sitalces son of Teres, king of the Thracians, to become their ally.

2 This Teres, Sitalces' father, was the first to establish the great Odrysian kingdom over much of the rest of Thrace. A large part of the Thracian population is independent, however.

3 This Teres has no connection with Tereus, who married Procne, daughter of Pandion, from Athens. Nor did they come from the same part of Thrace. He [Tereus] lived at Daulia, in the land now called Phocis, which was then inhabited by Thracians. It was in this land that the women carried out their deed against Itys. Many poets, too, call the nightingale the Daulian bird when they mention it. It is also reasonable to think that Pandion arranged his daughter's marriage over this distance for their mutual benefit, rather than sending her on a journey of many days to the Odrysians. Teres, whose name is not even the same, was the first king to establish power over the Odrysians.

4 It was his son Sitalces whom the Athenians were making their ally. They wanted his help in conquering the places on the Thracian coast and Perdiccas.

5 Nymphodorus came to Athens, arranged the alliance with Sitalces, and had his son Sadocus made an Athenian citizen. He also promised to bring the war on the Thracian coast to an end. He would persuade Sitalces to send the Athenians a Thracian army of cavalry and light infantry carrying small shields.

6 He also reconciled Perdiccas with the Athenians and persuaded them to return Therme to him. Perdiccas immediately joined the Athenians and Phormio in a campaign against the Chalcidians.

7 In this way both Sitalces son of Teres, king of the Thracians, and Perdiccas son of Alexander, king of the Macedonians, became allies of the Athenians.

Chapter 30

1 The Athenians in the hundred ships were still operating around the Peloponnese. They captured Sollium, a small Corinthian town, and handed over both the land and the town to the Palaereans alone among the Acarnanians, for them to occupy. They also stormed Astacus, where Euarchus ruled as tyrant, drove him out, and brought the place into their alliance.

2 They sailed to the island of Cephallenia and brought it over to their side without a fight. Cephallenia lies opposite Acarnania and Leucas and has four communities: the Palians, Cranians, Samaeans, and Pronnaeans. Not long afterward the ships returned to Athens.

Chapter 31

1 Toward the autumn of that summer, the Athenians invaded Megarian territory with their entire available force, both citizens and resident foreigners. Pericles son of Xanthippus was in command. The Athenians in the hundred ships that had sailed around the Peloponnese happened to be at Aegina on their way home. When they learned that the entire army from the city was in Megarian territory, they sailed over and joined it.

2 This was the largest Athenian army ever assembled in one place. The city was still at full strength and had not yet suffered from the plague. There were at least ten thousand Athenian citizen hoplites, not counting the three thousand at Potidaea. At least three thousand hoplites who were resident foreigners also joined the invasion, besides a considerable force of other, lightly armed troops. They devastated most of the territory and then withdrew.

3 Later in the war the Athenians invaded Megarian territory every year, sometimes with cavalry and sometimes with their whole army, until they captured Nisaea.

Chapter 32

1 At the end of this summer the Athenians also fortified Atalanta as a stronghold. This previously uninhabited island lies off the coast of the Opuntian Locrians. The fortification was intended to stop raiders sailing from Opus and the rest of Locris to damage Euboea. These were the events of this summer after the Peloponnesians withdrew from Attica.

Chapter 33

1 During the following winter, Euarchus the Acarnanian wanted to return to Astacus. He persuaded the Corinthians to sail there with forty ships and fifteen hundred hoplites to restore him. He also hired some mercenaries himself. The commanders of the force were Euphamidas son of Aristonymus, Timoxenus son of Timocrates, and Eumachus son of Chrysis.

2 They sailed over and restored him. They also wanted to gain control of some other places along the coast of Acarnania and made an attempt. When they failed, they sailed for home.

3 On the way they put in at Cephallenia and landed in the territory of the Cranians. The Cranians tricked them with a kind of agreement, then attacked them when they were not expecting it, killing some of their men. They put out to sea in considerable difficulty and went home.

Chapter 34

1 In the same winter, following their ancestral custom, the Athenians held a public funeral for the first men to die in this war. They did it in the following way.

2 They put up a tent and lay out the bones of the dead two days before the funeral. Anyone who wishes brings an offering for his own relative.

3 At the funeral procession, wagons carry cypress coffins, one for each tribe. Each coffin contains the bones of the men who belonged to that tribe. They also carry one empty bier, covered with a cloth, for the missing whose bodies could not be recovered.

4 Anyone who wishes, whether a citizen or a foreigner, joins the procession. The women related to the dead are also present at the tomb, mourning.

5 They place the dead in the public burial ground, which is in the most beautiful suburb of the city. They always bury the war dead there, except those who died at Marathon. They judged those men's courage to be outstanding and gave them a tomb on the battlefield itself.

6 After they have covered the dead with earth, a man chosen by the city gives a speech praising them as they deserve. He must be considered a man of sound judgment and hold a distinguished position. After this, the people leave.

7 This is how they hold the burial, and throughout the war they followed this custom whenever the occasion arose.

8 For these first dead, Pericles son of Xanthippus was chosen to speak. When the time came, he stepped forward from the tomb onto a high platform built so that as many people in the crowd as possible could hear him. He spoke as follows.

Chapter 35

1 “Most of those who have spoken here before have praised the man who added this speech to the funeral custom. They thought it fitting to give such a speech at the burial of men killed in war. My own view is that men who proved their courage through actions could have been sufficiently honored through actions too. You can see such honors in the public arrangements around this tomb today. The courage of many men should not depend for its credibility on whether one man speaks well or badly.

2 “It is hard to speak with the right balance when it is difficult even to establish the audience's belief that one is telling the truth. A listener who knows the facts and is sympathetic may think the account falls short of what he wants and knows to be true. Someone without that experience may think some things are exaggerated, out of envy, if he hears of an achievement beyond his own abilities. People will tolerate praise of others only so far as each thinks he could do something like what he hears described. Anything beyond their own abilities makes them envious, and then they disbelieve it too.

3 “But since earlier generations decided that this was the right practice, I too must follow the custom and try, as far as possible, to meet each of your wishes and expectations.

Chapter 36

1 “I will begin with our ancestors. It is right and appropriate to honor them by remembering them on an occasion like this. The same people have always lived in this land, generation after generation, and through their courage they have handed it down free to the present day.

2 “They deserve praise, and our fathers deserve even more. Besides what they inherited, they acquired the empire we now hold, at the cost of much effort, and passed it on to us who live today.

3 “Most of its expansion has been our own work—the work of the generation still living, most of us now in our mature years. We have also equipped the city with everything it needs to be fully self-sufficient in both war and peace.

4 “I will leave aside the military actions by which these possessions were acquired, and the occasions when we or our fathers eagerly fought off an attack by an enemy, whether non-Greek or Greek. I do not want to speak at length about things you know. Instead, I will first explain the practices that brought us to this position, and the political system and ways of life that made our power great. Then I will go on to praise these men. I think these subjects are appropriate to the occasion and that the whole gathering, citizens and foreigners alike, will benefit from hearing about them.

Chapter 37

1 “Our political system does not copy our neighbors' laws. We are a model for some others rather than imitators of anyone else. It is called a democracy because government is conducted for the many, not the few. In private disputes, everyone has equality under the law. When people are chosen for public responsibilities, what counts is their personal ability and the reputation they have earned in a particular field, not the group they belong to. Nor does poverty stand in the way: anyone who can do something useful for the city is not barred because his social position is obscure.

2 “We act freely in public life, and in daily life we do not keep a suspicious watch on one another. We do not get angry with a neighbor for doing what he enjoys. Nor do we give him looks of disapproval which do no actual harm but are still unpleasant to see.

3 “We do not make life difficult for one another in private. In public affairs, however, respect above all keeps us from breaking the law. We obey those who hold office at any given time and the laws, especially those laid down to protect people who suffer injustice, and those unwritten rules whose violation brings shame that everyone acknowledges.

Chapter 38

1 “We have also provided our minds with plenty of breaks from work. We hold games and sacrifices throughout the year, as our custom requires, and have attractive homes and furnishings. The pleasure these give us each day drives away distress.

2 “The size of our city brings us goods of every kind from every land. As a result, we are as used to enjoying other peoples' products as we are the good things our own country produces.

Chapter 39

1 “We also differ from our opponents in the following ways in our approach to war. We keep our city open to everyone. We never expel foreigners to prevent anyone from learning or seeing things, even when an enemy might benefit from seeing something we have not kept secret. We rely less on preparations and deception than on our own courage when it comes to action. In education, too, our opponents train painfully from their earliest youth in pursuit of courage. We live in a relaxed way, yet face dangers as great as theirs with no less readiness.

2 “Here is the evidence. The Lacedaemonians do not invade our territory on their own, but with all their allies. Yet when we invade our neighbors' territory ourselves, we usually defeat without difficulty, on foreign soil, the people fighting to defend their own homes.

3 “No enemy has yet faced our whole force together. We have to attend to our navy at the same time as we send our own men on many different land operations. But if our enemies meet some part of our force and defeat some of us, they boast of having driven us all back. If they are beaten, they claim that our entire force defeated them.

4 “Yet if we are willing to face danger with an easy way of life rather than constant hard training, and with courage that comes more from our habits than from legal compulsion, we gain an advantage. We do not wear ourselves out in advance over sufferings still to come. And when we face them, we prove no less brave than those who are always working hard. In these respects our city deserves admiration, and in others as well.

Chapter 40

1 “We appreciate beauty without spending too much, and we value thought without becoming soft. We use wealth as a resource for action rather than a reason to boast. Admitting that you are poor is no disgrace here. It is more shameful not to work to escape poverty.

2 “The same people can look after both their own affairs and public business. Even those occupied with their trades have a sound understanding of politics. We alone regard someone who takes no part in these matters not as someone who minds his own business, but as useless. We ourselves either make decisions or think the issues through properly. We do not think discussion gets in the way of action. The real obstacle is going ahead with what must be done without first learning about it through discussion.

3 “We are also different in this: the same people show the greatest daring and carefully calculate what they are going to attempt. For other people, ignorance brings boldness, while thought brings hesitation. Those who understand most clearly both what is frightening and what is pleasant, but do not let that knowledge turn them away from danger, can rightly be judged the strongest in spirit.

4 “We also differ from most people in doing good. We make friends by helping others, not by being helped. The person who has done a favor is the more reliable friend. He keeps showing goodwill to the person he helped, so that the debt of gratitude stays alive. The person who owes the favor is less eager. He knows that when he returns the kindness, he will be paying a debt, not freely doing a favor.

5 “We alone help others without fear, relying less on calculations of advantage than on the confidence that comes with being free.

Chapter 41

1 “To sum up, I say that our whole city is an education for Hellas. I also think that each individual among us can personally meet the widest range of demands with the greatest adaptability and grace.

2 “This is not just boasting for the occasion, but a statement of fact. The city's power itself proves it, power we have gained through these ways of living.

3 “Of all cities today, ours alone proves greater in experience than its reputation suggests. It alone gives an enemy who attacks it no reason to resent the kind of people he suffers at the hands of. Nor does it give a subject any reason to complain that his rulers are unworthy of their power.

4 “We have displayed our power with great proofs, certainly not without evidence. People now and in the future will admire us. We need no Homer to sing our praises, or anyone else whose verses will please people for the moment, only for the truth to damage the impression they give of what we have done. Instead, our daring has forced every sea and land to open to us. Everywhere we have established lasting reminders of the harm and the good we have done.

5 “It was for a city like this that these men fought and died with courage, convinced that it must not be taken from them. Everyone who survives should be willing to bear hardship for it.

Chapter 42

1 “That is why I have spoken at length about the city. I wanted to show that our struggle does not have the same stakes as the struggle of people who enjoy none of these advantages to the same extent. At the same time, I wanted to give clear evidence for my praise of the men I am speaking about now.

2 “Most of that praise has already been given. The qualities for which I praised the city were made its own by the courage of these men and others like them. For few Greeks would words of praise seem as well matched by their deeds as they do for these men. I think that the end these men have now met reveals a man's worth: it may be the first evidence of it, or its final confirmation.

3 “Even when men have fallen short in other ways, it is right to put their courage in fighting for their country first. They have wiped out the bad with the good. They have done more to help the community than they did to harm it through their private conduct.

4 “None of these men became a coward because he valued the continued enjoyment of his wealth more highly. None put off facing danger because he was poor and hoped he might yet escape poverty and become rich. They thought punishing their enemies more desirable than either prospect, and considered this the finest danger they could face. They chose to face it and punish their enemies, letting those other things go. They left the uncertain outcome to hope. But in acting against the danger already before their eyes, they thought it right to trust themselves. They preferred to resist and suffer rather than give in and survive. They escaped a shameful reputation, but endured the reality with their bodies. In the brief moment that decided their fate, they passed away at the height of their glory rather than their fear.

Chapter 43

1 “These men, then, proved themselves worthy of their city. Those who remain should pray to face the enemy more safely, but should be determined to show no less courage. Do not judge its benefits just by listening to an account of them. Someone could speak at length about the advantages of resisting the enemy, but you know them just as well yourselves. Instead, look at the city's power in practice every day and come to love it. Whenever it seems great to you, remember that men won it by daring, by knowing what needed to be done, and by having a sense of shame in their actions. Even when they failed in an attempt, they did not think that this justified depriving the city of their courage. They gave it the finest contribution they could.

2 “They gave their bodies to the community, and each received praise that does not grow old and the most distinguished tomb. That tomb is not so much where they lie as where their fame lives on, always remembered whenever an occasion for speech or action arises.

3 “For outstanding men, the whole earth is a tomb. An inscription on a monument at home is not the only sign of their memory. Even in foreign countries an unwritten memory lives in each person's mind, a memory of their spirit more than of their actions.

4 “Make these men your example. Recognize that happiness depends on freedom, and freedom on courage, and do not hold back from the dangers of war.

5 “It is not those who live in misery, with no hope of anything good, who have the better reason to risk their lives. It is those who may still suffer a change for the worse while they live, and who have the most to lose if they meet with a setback.

6 “For a man with self-respect, the humiliation that comes from acting like a coward is more painful than a death that comes without being felt, while he is strong and shares in the community's hopes.

Chapter 44

1 “That is why I will offer comfort, rather than pity, to the parents of these men who are here today. They know that they have grown up amid all kinds of changes in fortune. The fortunate are those whose lot is the most honorable death, as these men's is now, or the most honorable grief, as yours is. They are those whose allotted lives end at the same point as their happiness.

2 “I know it is hard to persuade you of this. Other people's happiness will often remind you of the happiness you once took pride in yourselves. Grief does not come from missing good things you have never experienced. It comes from losing something you have grown used to.

3 “But those who are still of an age to have children must take strength from the hope of having others. For some of you, children born later will help you forget those who are gone. The city will benefit in two ways: its population will not be depleted, and it will be safer. People cannot take part in decisions on equal and fair terms unless they too have children to expose to the same risks as others.

4 “Those of you who are past that age should count the greater part of your lives, when you were happy, as a gain. Remember that the time left will be short, and find relief in these men's good name. The desire for honor alone does not grow old. When age makes a person no longer useful, it is not making money that gives the greatest pleasure, as some say, but being honored.

Chapter 45

1 “For those of you here who are sons or brothers of these men, I see a great challenge ahead. Everyone tends to praise the dead. Even if you showed exceptional courage, you would scarcely be judged only a little below them, let alone their equals. People envy the living because they are rivals. Someone who no longer stands in their way is honored with goodwill that has no rival to challenge it.

2 “If I must also say something about the qualities of women, for those of you who will now be widows, I can put it all into a short piece of advice. Your great credit will be not to fall below the nature you were born with. And the woman who is least talked about among men, whether for praise or blame, has the greatest credit.

Chapter 46

1 “I too have now said, as the law requires, what I thought appropriate. In practice, the men we are burying have already received part of their honors. For the rest, the city will bring up their children at public expense from now until adulthood. In this way it offers these men and those who survive a useful reward for struggles like these. Where the greatest rewards are offered for courage, the best men are also found as citizens.

2 “Now, after each of you has mourned the person close to you, go home.”

Chapter 47

1 This was the funeral held during that winter. When winter had passed, the first year of this war came to an end.

2 As soon as summer began, the Peloponnesians and their allies invaded Attica with two-thirds of their forces, as they had the first time. Archidamus son of Zeuxidamus, king of the Lacedaemonians, was in command. They set up camp and devastated the land.

3 They had been in Attica only a few days when the disease first began among the Athenians. It was said to have struck in many places before, around Lemnos and elsewhere. But there was no record of a plague this great, or of such a loss of human life, anywhere.

4 At first the doctors could not help, because they were treating it without understanding it. In fact, they died more than anyone else, since they had the most contact with the sick. No other human skill was any use either. All the prayers people offered at sanctuaries, their consultations of oracles, and other such efforts were useless. In the end they gave these up, overwhelmed by the disaster.

Chapter 48

1 It is said to have started in Ethiopia beyond Egypt, then spread down into Egypt and Libya and into much of the King's territory.

2 It struck the Athenians' city suddenly, first affecting people in Piraeus. They even said that the Peloponnesians had put poison in the wells, since there were no fountains there yet. Later it reached the upper city too, and then many more people began to die.

3 Doctors and people without medical training can each give their own opinion about it: what was likely to have caused it, and what causes they think could have been powerful enough to bring about such a great change. I will describe what it was like. I will set out the signs that someone could look for, so that, if it ever strikes again, they would have some advance knowledge and be most likely to recognize it. I had the disease myself and saw other people suffering from it.

Chapter 49

1 Everyone agreed that this particular year was exceptionally free from other illnesses. If anyone already had an illness, it developed into this one.

2 Others were perfectly healthy when, without any apparent cause, they were suddenly struck first by intense heat in the head and redness and inflammation of the eyes. Inside the mouth, the throat and tongue immediately became blood-red, and the breath that came out was abnormal and foul-smelling.

3 Sneezing and hoarseness followed. Before long the pain spread down into the chest, with a severe cough. When it settled in the stomach, it upset it and brought on discharges of bile of every kind named by doctors, all accompanied by great distress.

4 Most people also had dry heaves, which caused violent spasms. For some the spasms eased afterward, but for others only much later.

5 From the outside, the body was neither very hot to the touch nor pale. It was reddish and bruised-looking, covered with an eruption of small blisters and sores. But inside, people burned so fiercely that they could not bear even the lightest clothing or linen coverings. They could bear nothing except being naked, and wanted most of all to throw themselves into cold water. Many who had no one to look after them actually did this, jumping into wells, driven by an unending thirst. Drinking more or less made no difference.

6 They were continually tormented by restlessness and inability to sleep. While the disease was at its height, the body did not waste away, but held out against the suffering surprisingly well. Most died on the ninth or seventh day from the internal burning, while they still had some strength. If they survived this, the disease spread down to the bowels, causing severe ulceration and, at the same time, uncontrollable diarrhea. Most of these died later from the weakness the diarrhea caused.

7 The disease began by settling in the head and then spread from the top through the whole body. Even if someone survived its worst effects, it left its mark by attacking the extremities.

8 It struck the genitals and the ends of the hands and feet. Many survived after losing these parts, and some lost their eyes as well. Others, immediately on recovering, lost all memory. They did not recognize themselves or the people close to them.

Chapter 50

1 The disease was beyond description. In other respects too, it attacked each person with a severity greater than human nature could bear. But this showed most clearly that it was unlike any familiar disease: although many bodies lay unburied, the birds and four-legged animals that feed on human bodies either did not approach them or died after tasting them.

2 There was evidence for this. Such birds visibly disappeared. They were not seen around the bodies or anywhere else. Dogs gave a clearer opportunity to observe what happened, because they lived with people.

Chapter 51

1 That, then, was the general character of the disease. I have left out many other unusual features, since individual cases differed from one another. At that time none of the usual illnesses caused any additional trouble. If one did occur, it ended in this disease.

2 Some died from lack of care, others despite receiving every attention. No single treatment could be identified that was sure to help when given. What helped one person harmed another.

3 No constitution, strong or weak, proved able to resist it. It swept away everyone, even those looked after with every kind of diet and care.

4 The worst features of the whole disaster were the despair people felt when they realized they were ill, and the way they caught the infection from one another while providing care and died like sheep. As soon as their minds turned to hopelessness, they gave up much more readily and made no effort to resist. Infection through caring for others caused the greatest loss of life.

5 If people were afraid and unwilling to visit one another, the sick died alone. Many households were emptied because there was no one to provide care. If people did visit, they died themselves. This happened especially to people who cared about living up to a standard of decency. They felt ashamed not to visit their friends and went in without sparing themselves. In the end even family members grew too exhausted to mourn the dead, overwhelmed by the scale of the disaster.

6 Yet those who had recovered showed more pity for the dying and the suffering. They knew what it was like, and they themselves now felt safe. The disease did not attack the same person twice, at least not fatally. Others called them fortunate. In their immediate joy they themselves even had an unfounded hope that in the future they would never die of any other disease either.

Chapter 52

1 The move from the countryside into the city added to their existing suffering. It bore no less heavily on those who had come in.

2 There were no houses available, and people lived in huts that were stifling in that season of the year. Death came amid complete disorder. As people died, their bodies lay piled on one another. Half-dead people rolled about in the streets and around every fountain, desperate for water.

3 The sanctuaries where they had put up shelters were full of bodies, because people died there. The disaster was too much for them. Not knowing what would become of them, people stopped caring about sacred things or about what was right.

4 All their previous burial customs were thrown into confusion. People buried the dead however they could. Many turned to shameless ways of disposing of bodies, because so many of their own people had already died that they lacked the necessary supplies. Some reached another person's funeral pyre before those who had built it, put their own dead on it, and lit it. Others threw the body they were carrying onto a pyre where another body was already burning, and went away.

Chapter 53

1 The disease also began a greater breakdown of law in other areas of city life. People more readily dared to do openly for pleasure what they had previously kept hidden. They saw how quickly fortunes changed: prosperous people suddenly died, while people who had owned nothing before immediately took over their possessions.

2 So they thought they should enjoy things quickly and for pleasure. They considered their lives and their property equally temporary.

3 No one was willing to put effort into what was thought honorable. They believed it was uncertain whether they would die before reaching their goal. Whatever gave immediate pleasure, and any means of making money to pay for it, came to be considered both honorable and useful.

4 Neither fear of the gods nor human law held them back. They thought worship and the lack of it made no difference, since they saw everyone dying alike. No one expected to live long enough to be brought to trial for his offenses and pay the penalty. They thought a much heavier sentence had already been passed on them and was hanging over them. Before it fell, it seemed reasonable to enjoy something of life.

Chapter 54

1 The Athenians were weighed down by this disaster. People were dying inside the city while their land was being devastated outside it.

2 In their distress, as was natural, they also remembered this verse, which older people said had been sung long before: / “A Dorian war will come, and plague along with it.”

3 People argued that the ancient verse had said “famine,” not “plague.” But at the time the view that it had said “plague” prevailed, as was natural. People shaped their memories to fit what they were suffering. If another Dorian war comes after this one and happens to bring a famine, I think they will probably sing it that way instead.

4 Those who knew of it also remembered the oracle given to the Lacedaemonians. When they asked the god whether they should go to war, he answered that if they fought with all their strength, they would win. He also said that he himself would help them.

5 They thought that what was happening matched the oracle. The disease began as soon as the Peloponnesians invaded. It did not enter the Peloponnese to any extent worth mentioning. It spread above all through Athens, and then through the most heavily populated of the other places. That was what happened with the disease.

Chapter 55

1 After devastating the plain, the Peloponnesians moved into the region called Paralus, as far as Laurium, where the Athenians have their silver mines. First they devastated the part facing the Peloponnese, then the part facing Euboea and Andros.

2 Pericles was still a general. As during the earlier invasion, he held to the view that the Athenians should not go out to fight.

Chapter 56

1 While the enemy were still in the plain, before they reached the coast, he was preparing an expedition of a hundred ships against the Peloponnese. When everything was ready, he put to sea.

2 He took four thousand Athenian hoplites aboard the ships, and three hundred cavalry in horse transports. These had been made for the first time then by converting old ships. Men from Chios and Lesbos also joined the expedition with fifty ships.

3 When this Athenian force sailed, they left the Peloponnesians still in the coastal part of Attica.

4 They reached Epidaurus in the Peloponnese and devastated most of its territory. They attacked the city and had hopes of taking it, but did not succeed.

5 Sailing from Epidaurus, they devastated the territories of Troezen, Halieis, and Hermione. All these places are on the coast of the Peloponnese.

6 They sailed on from there to Prasiae, a small coastal town in Laconia. They devastated its territory and captured and sacked the town itself. After doing this they returned home. By the time they got back, the Peloponnesians had already withdrawn and were no longer in Attica.

Chapter 57

1 Throughout the time when the Peloponnesians were in Athenian territory and the Athenians were campaigning aboard their ships, the disease killed Athenians both in the expeditionary force and in the city. It was even said that the Peloponnesians left the country sooner because they were afraid of the disease. Deserters had told them it was in the city, and they could also see the dead being buried.

2 Yet in this invasion they stayed longer than ever and devastated the whole country. They were in Attica for about forty days.

Chapter 58

1 During the same summer, Hagnon son of Nicias and Cleopompus son of Clinias, who were generals along with Pericles, took the force he had used. They immediately campaigned against the Chalcidians in the Thracian region and against Potidaea, which was still under siege. On arriving, they brought siege engines against Potidaea and tried every way of capturing it.

2 They did not succeed in taking the city, and their other achievements did not match the scale of their preparations either. The disease broke out there and now bore very heavily on the Athenians, destroying their army. Even the Athenian soldiers already there, who had previously been healthy, caught it from the army that came with Hagnon. Phormio and his sixteen hundred men were no longer in the Chalcidian region.

3 Hagnon therefore returned to Athens with the ships. Out of four thousand hoplites, he had lost a thousand and fifty to the disease in about forty days. The soldiers who had been there before stayed in place and continued the siege of Potidaea.

Chapter 59

1 After the second Peloponnesian invasion, the Athenians began to change their minds. Their land had been devastated for a second time, and both the disease and the war were weighing on them at once.

2 They blamed Pericles for persuading them to go to war and held him responsible for the disasters they had suffered. They were eager to reach an agreement with the Lacedaemonians and sent envoys to them, but achieved nothing. With no idea which way to turn, they kept pressing Pericles.

3 He saw that they were angry at their present troubles and were behaving exactly as he had expected. He called a meeting—he was still a general—because he wanted to restore their confidence. He wanted to draw their minds away from anger and make them calmer and less afraid. He came forward and spoke as follows.

Chapter 60

1 “I expected you to turn your anger against me. I understand the reasons for it. That is why I called this assembly: to remind you of certain things and to challenge you if you are wrong either to be angry with me or to give in to your troubles.

2 “I believe that a city doing well as a whole benefits its individual citizens more than a city where each citizen is doing well but the whole community is failing.

3 “A man whose own affairs are going well is still destroyed along with his country if it falls. But a man who is doing badly has a much better chance of coming through safely if his country is successful.

4 “A city can cope with the misfortunes of individuals, but no individual can cope with the city's misfortunes. So surely everyone must defend it, instead of doing what you are doing now. Your troubles at home have overwhelmed you. You are giving up on the safety of the community, and you blame both me, for advising you to go to war, and yourselves, for agreeing to it.

5 “Yet the man you are angry with believes he is as capable as anyone of recognizing what needs to be done and explaining it. I also love my city and cannot be bought.

6 “A man who understands something but cannot explain it clearly is no better off than if he had never thought of it. A man with both abilities, but no loyalty to his city, will not give advice that serves its interests. And even if he is loyal as well, but lets money win him over, he will sell all these qualities for that one thing.

7 “So if you let me persuade you to go to war because you thought I had these qualities even to a moderate degree more than other men, you cannot reasonably blame me now for having done you wrong.

Chapter 61

1 “Of course, it is very foolish to go to war if you have a choice and everything else is going well. But if you have to choose between giving in and immediately submitting to your neighbors, or taking a risk and coming out on top, the man who avoids the risk deserves more blame than the man who faces it.

2 “I am the same man, and I have not changed my position. You are the ones changing. You agreed when you had suffered no harm, but regret it now that you are suffering. My advice looks wrong because your own resolve is weak. Each of you already feels the pain, while the benefits are not yet clear to anyone. A great change has struck you, and struck you suddenly. It has left you too dispirited to stick to your decision.

3 “What is sudden, unexpected, and far beyond anything we could calculate breaks our spirit. That is what has happened to you, above all with the disease, on top of your other troubles.

4 “Still, you live in a great city and have been brought up with habits that match its greatness. You must be willing to face the worst misfortunes and not destroy its standing. People think it equally right to blame someone who is too weak to live up to his established reputation and to hate someone who is bold enough to reach for a reputation he does not deserve. You must put aside the pain of your personal losses and work for the safety of the community.

Chapter 62

1 “You worry that the war will mean a great deal of hardship without bringing us victory. The arguments I have often given before, showing that this fear is mistaken, should be enough. But I will also explain something about the scale of your imperial power that I do not think you have ever considered, and that I have not mentioned in my earlier speeches. I would not bring it up even now, since the claim sounds rather boastful, if I did not see you more frightened than you have reason to be.

2 “You think you rule only your allies. But I say that of the two parts of the world open to human use, land and sea, you are complete masters of one. This holds both for the sea you now use and for any further area you want to reach. With your present naval resources, no one can stop you sailing there—not the King or any other nation that exists today.

3 “So this power cannot be compared with the use you get from your houses and land, whose loss you regard as so great. Instead of taking their loss so hard, you should make little of them. Beside this power, they are only a little garden, an ornament of wealth. Understand that if we hold on to our freedom and keep it safe, it will easily restore these things. But those who submit to others usually find even their previous possessions reduced. Do not fall short of your fathers in either respect. They worked hard to acquire these things, rather than receiving them from others, and kept them safe before handing them on to you. It is more shameful to have something taken away than to fail in an attempt to gain it. Face your enemies not just with confidence, but with a sense that you are better than they are.

4 “Even a coward can become boastful if he is ignorant and has had good luck. But a man looks down on his opponents when his judgment also gives him confidence that he is better than they are. That is our position.

5 “When the chances on each side are equal, an intelligent understanding that we are superior makes our courage more secure. It relies less on hope, which has its strength when there is no other way out, and more on a judgment based on the resources we have. That gives us a more reliable view of what lies ahead.

Chapter 63

1 “You should also defend the honor the city gains from ruling others, which all of you take pride in. You must not avoid the hard work—or else you must stop pursuing the honors too. Nor should you think the struggle concerns just one thing, slavery instead of freedom. It also concerns the loss of your empire and the danger from the hatred you have earned while ruling it.

2 “You can no longer give up that empire, even if someone, frightened by the present situation, wants to play the good citizen by staying out of affairs. By now you hold it like a tyranny. Taking it may seem wrong, but letting it go is dangerous.

3 “People like that would very quickly destroy a city if they persuaded others, or even if they settled somewhere independently on their own. Staying out of affairs is not safe unless active people provide protection. It is not suited to a ruling city, but to a subject city that wants to remain safely enslaved.

Chapter 64

1 “Do not let citizens like these lead you astray. And do not be angry with me: you yourselves joined me in deciding on war. Our enemies invaded and did what we could expect once you refused to submit. On top of what we expected, this disease has come upon us. It is the one thing that has happened entirely beyond our expectations. I know that it has made you hate me somewhat more. That is unfair, unless you also intend to give me the credit when something unexpectedly goes well for you.

2 “We must accept what the gods send as unavoidable and face what our enemies do with courage. This has always been the city's practice. Do not let it end with you.

3 “Understand that our city has the greatest name in all the world because it does not give in to misfortunes. It has spent more lives and effort on war than any other, and has acquired the greatest power known up to now. The memory of that power will remain forever with future generations, even if we should now give way at some point—for everything naturally declines. They will remember that we Greeks ruled over more Greeks than anyone else, that we held out in the greatest wars against them all together and against individual states, and that we lived in a city greater and better supplied with everything than any other.

4 “Someone who stays out of affairs may criticize these achievements. Someone who wants to achieve something himself will try to match them. And anyone who does not possess them will be jealous.

5 “Everyone who has claimed the right to rule others has faced hatred and resentment in their own time. But a man makes the right choice if he accepts that resentment for the greatest goals. Hatred does not last long. The honor gained now, and the fame it brings in the future, leave a memory that lasts forever.

6 “Look ahead to future honor and to avoiding disgrace now. Win both through determined action at once. Do not send heralds to the Lacedaemonians or let them see that your present hardships are weighing you down. Those who let misfortunes distress their judgment least and resist them most firmly in action are the strongest, whether they are cities or individuals.”

Chapter 65

1 With arguments like these, Pericles tried to ease the Athenians' anger against him and turn their thoughts away from their present troubles.

2 In public policy his words persuaded them. They stopped sending envoys to the Lacedaemonians and put more energy into the war. But in their private lives they grieved over their sufferings. Ordinary people had started with less and had lost even that. The wealthy had lost fine country properties, with buildings and costly furnishings. And worst of all, they had war instead of peace.

3 They did not, however, stop being angry with him as a body until they had imposed a fine on him.

4 Not long afterward, as crowds tend to do, they elected him general again and put all their affairs in his hands. By then each man's grief over his private troubles was less intense, and they thought Pericles the most valuable man for meeting the needs of the whole city.

5 For as long as he led the city in peacetime, he guided it with moderation and kept it safe. It was at its greatest under him. And when war broke out, he evidently understood its strength in that situation too.

6 He lived for two years and six months after the war began. After his death, his foresight about the war became still clearer.

7 He had said that they would win if they held back, looked after their navy, did not try to extend their empire during the war, and did not put the city at risk. They did the exact opposite in all these respects. In other matters, apparently unconnected with the war, personal ambition and private gain led them to pursue policies that harmed both themselves and their allies. When these policies succeeded, it was mainly individuals who gained honor and profit. When they failed, they damaged the city's war effort.

8 The reason was that Pericles had power through his standing and intelligence and was clearly beyond being bribed. He could control the people while respecting their freedom. Instead of letting them lead him, he led them. Because he had not gained power by improper means, he did not have to say things to please them. His standing allowed him to speak against them even when this made them angry.

9 Whenever he saw them overconfident and arrogant at the wrong moment, his words brought them down to a state of fear. When they were frightened without reason, he restored their confidence. In name it was a democracy, but in practice it was government by its leading man.

10 His successors were more evenly matched with one another, and each wanted to take first place. So they began handing over the conduct of affairs to the people to please them.

11 This led to many mistakes, as might be expected in a great city with an empire, including the expedition to Sicily. That was not so much a mistake in judging the people they were attacking. The problem was that those who sent the expedition did not go on to make decisions that would help the men abroad. Instead, their personal attacks on one another in the struggle to lead the people weakened the army's efforts. At the same time, their disputes first brought disorder to affairs in the city itself.

12 Even after the disaster in Sicily, where they lost their other military resources and most of their navy, and with civil strife already under way at home, they still held out for three years. They faced their original enemies together with the forces from Sicily, as well as most of their allies, who had now revolted. Later Cyrus, the King's son, also joined the other side and supplied the Peloponnesians with money for their navy. The Athenians did not give in until their private disputes brought them into conflict with one another and caused their downfall.

13 Pericles' assessment at the time allowed such a margin of strength that the city could have won the war against the Peloponnesians alone very easily.

Chapter 66

1 That same summer the Lacedaemonians and their allies sent an expedition of a hundred ships against the island of Zacynthus, which lies opposite Elis. Its inhabitants were colonists from the Achaeans of the Peloponnese and were allies of the Athenians.

2 On board were a thousand Lacedaemonian hoplites and Cnemus, a Spartan, as admiral. They landed and laid waste to most of the country. When the inhabitants refused to come to terms, they sailed home.

Chapter 67

1 As the same summer ended, Aristeus the Corinthian, the Lacedaemonian envoys Aneristus, Nicolaus, and Pratodamus, Timagoras of Tegea, and Pollis, an Argive traveling in a private capacity, were on their way to the King in Asia. They hoped to persuade him to supply money and join the war on their side. First they went to Thrace to visit Sitalces, son of Teres. They wanted, if possible, to persuade him to leave his alliance with Athens and attack Potidaea, where an Athenian army was conducting a siege. They also wanted his help to continue their intended journey across the Hellespont to Pharnaces, son of Pharnabazus, who was to send them on to the King.

2 Two Athenian envoys happened to be with Sitalces: Learchus, son of Callimachus, and Ameiniades, son of Philemon. They persuaded Sitalces' son Sadocus, who had been made an Athenian citizen, to hand the men over to them. They argued that the men must not be allowed to cross over to the King and do what they could to harm his adopted city.

3 Sadocus agreed. As the men were traveling through Thrace to the ship that was to take them across the Hellespont, he had them arrested before they could board. He sent men along with Learchus and Ameiniades and ordered them to hand the prisoners over to those two envoys. The envoys took charge of them and brought them to Athens.

4 When they arrived, the Athenians feared that Aristeus might escape and do them still more harm. He had already clearly been responsible for everything that had happened at Potidaea and in the Thracian region. So that very day they killed all the prisoners without a trial, although they wanted to speak in their own defense, and threw them into a ravine. They claimed the right to retaliate in the same way the Lacedaemonians had acted first. The Lacedaemonians had killed the Athenian and allied merchants they captured sailing in cargo ships around the Peloponnese and had thrown them into ravines. In fact, at the beginning of the war the Lacedaemonians treated everyone they caught at sea as an enemy and killed them, whether they were fighting alongside the Athenians or were on neither side.

Chapter 68

1 At about the same time, as the summer ended, the Ambraciots mobilized many non-Greeks and marched with them against Amphilochian Argos and the rest of Amphilochia.

2 Their hostility toward the Argives first began in the following way.

3 Amphilochus, son of Amphiaraus, founded Amphilochian Argos and settled the rest of Amphilochia on the Ambracian Gulf after the Trojan War. He had returned home but was dissatisfied with the situation in Argos. He called the new city Argos after his own homeland.

4 This was the largest city in Amphilochia, and its inhabitants were the most powerful.

5 Many generations later, the Argives were hard pressed by misfortunes. They invited the Ambraciots, whose territory bordered Amphilochia, to live with them. It was from living with the Ambraciots that they first learned the Greek language they now speak. The other Amphilochians are non-Greeks.

6 In time, however, the Ambraciots drove the Argives out and held the city themselves.

7 After this happened, the Amphilochians placed themselves under the protection of the Acarnanians. Both peoples called in the Athenians, who sent them the general Phormio and thirty ships. When Phormio arrived, they took Argos by force and enslaved the Ambraciots. Amphilochians and Acarnanians then settled there together.

8 It was after this that the Athenians and Acarnanians first became allies.

9 The Ambraciots' hostility toward the Argives began with the enslavement of their own people. Later, during the present war, they mounted this expedition with their own forces, the Chaonians, and some other neighboring non-Greek peoples. They reached Argos and controlled the countryside. But when their assault failed to take the city, they went home, and each people dispersed to its own territory. These were the events of the summer.

Chapter 69

1 The following winter the Athenians sent twenty ships around the Peloponnese under the general Phormio. Based at Naupactus, he kept watch to stop anyone sailing into or out of Corinth and the Crisaean Gulf. They sent six other ships to Caria and Lycia under the general Melesander. These were to collect money in those regions and stop Peloponnesian pirates based there from disrupting the passage of cargo ships from Phaselis, Phoenicia, and the mainland in that area.

2 Melesander took a force of Athenians from the ships, together with allies, inland into Lycia. He was defeated in battle and killed, and lost part of his army.

Chapter 70

1 That same winter the Potidaeans could no longer hold out under siege. The Peloponnesian invasions of Attica had still not made the Athenians withdraw, and their food had run out. Desperate need for food had already driven them to many other extremes, and some had even eaten one another. They now approached the Athenian generals commanding the siege to discuss terms of surrender: Xenophon, son of Euripides, Hestiodorus, son of Aristoclides, and Phanomachus, son of Callimachus.

2 The generals accepted their offer of talks. They could see how their army was suffering in a place exposed to winter weather, and the city had already spent two thousand talents on the siege.

3 They agreed on these terms: the Potidaeans, their children and wives, and the hired soldiers were to leave with one cloak each, except for the women, who could take two. They could also take a fixed amount of money for their journey.

4 They left under the protection of the agreement and went to Chalcidice or wherever each could find a place. The Athenians blamed the generals for making the agreement without consulting them. They thought they could have gained control of the city on whatever terms they wanted. Later they sent settlers from among their own people to live in Potidaea. These were the events of the winter, and the second year of this war, whose history Thucydides wrote, came to an end.

Chapter 71

1 The following summer the Peloponnesians and their allies did not invade Attica. Instead, they marched against Plataea under Archidamus, son of Zeuxidamus, king of the Lacedaemonians. He stationed his army and was about to lay waste to the land when the Plataeans immediately sent envoys to him. They spoke as follows:

2 “Archidamus and Lacedaemonians, by marching against Plataean land you are acting unjustly and in a way unworthy of yourselves and your fathers. Pausanias, son of Cleombrotus, a Lacedaemonian, freed Hellas from the Medes together with the Greeks who were willing to share the dangers of the battle fought here in our country. He then offered sacrifices in the Plataean marketplace to Zeus the Liberator and called all the allies together. He restored the Plataeans' land and city to them, to live there independently. No one was ever to march against them unjustly or to enslave them. If anyone did, the allies present were to defend them as far as they could.

3 “Your fathers gave us these guarantees because of the courage and commitment we showed in those dangers. But you are doing the opposite. You have come with the Thebans, our bitterest enemies, to enslave us.

4 “We call as witnesses the gods who witnessed those oaths, the gods of your ancestors, and the gods of our own country. We tell you not to harm the land of Plataea or break the oaths, but to let us live independently, as Pausanias declared was our right.”

Chapter 72

1 When the Plataeans had finished speaking, Archidamus answered: “What you say is just, Plataeans, if your actions match your words. As Pausanias granted you, live independently yourselves, and help free the others who shared those dangers and joined you in swearing the oaths, but are now subject to the Athenians. This great force has been assembled and this war begun to free them and the others. The best way for you to keep your oaths is to join in that effort. Otherwise, do what we have already invited you to do before: live peacefully, enjoying your own possessions, and take neither side. Receive both sides as friends, but neither for purposes of war. That will be enough for us.”

2 That was what Archidamus said. After hearing him, the Plataean envoys went into the city and reported his words to the people. They then answered that they could not do as he asked without the Athenians' consent, since their children and wives were in Athens. They were also afraid for the whole city. Once the Lacedaemonians had left, the Athenians might come and refuse to allow this arrangement. Or the Thebans might again try to seize their city, claiming that the oath's requirement to admit both sides gave them the right.

3 To reassure them on these points, he said: “Then hand over your city and houses to us Lacedaemonians. Show us the boundaries of your land and count your trees and anything else that can be counted. You yourselves can move wherever you like for as long as the war lasts. Once it is over, we will return whatever we have received. Until then we will hold it in trust, farm the land, and pay you enough of its produce to meet your needs.”

Chapter 73

1 After hearing this, they went back into the city. They consulted the people and said that they wanted first to put his proposal to the Athenians. If they could persuade them, they would do as he asked. They requested a truce in the meantime and asked him not to lay waste to their land. He granted a truce for as many days as the return journey could reasonably take, and did not damage the land.

2 The [Plataean] envoys went to the Athenians and consulted with them. They then returned and gave the people in the city the following report:

3 “Plataeans, the Athenians say that at no time since we became allies have they abandoned you when you were being wronged. They will not stand by now either, but will help you as far as they can. They appeal to the oaths our fathers swore and urge you not to make any change in the alliance.”

Chapter 74

1 After the envoys delivered this report, the Plataeans decided not to betray the Athenians. They would endure seeing their land laid waste, if necessary, and whatever else might happen to them. No one was to go outside again. Instead, they would answer from the wall that they could not do what the Lacedaemonians asked.

2 When they gave this answer, King Archidamus first called on the local gods and heroes to witness his actions. He spoke as follows: “Gods and heroes who protect the land of Plataea, be our witnesses. It was not unjustly that we came here in the first place: these people had already abandoned our sworn agreement. In this land our fathers prayed to you and defeated the Medes, and you made it a friendly place for the Greeks to fight their battle. Nor will we be acting unjustly in anything we do now. We have made many reasonable offers, but without success. Give your approval: let those who first did wrong be punished for it, and let those who lawfully punish them obtain their revenge.”

Chapter 75

1 After calling on the gods in this way, he set the army to work on the attack. First they surrounded the Plataeans with a barrier of stakes made from the trees they had cut down. This was to stop anyone from coming out. Then they began building a mound against the city. With such a large army at work, they expected to capture it very quickly.

2 They cut timber from Cithaeron and built it up on both sides of the mound. They laid it in a crisscross pattern to serve as retaining walls, so that the mound would not spread too far outward. They brought up wood, stones, earth, and anything else that would help them build it up.

3 They kept building for seventy days and nights without a break. They worked in shifts, so that some carried materials while others slept and ate. The Lacedaemonian officers assigned to the contingents from the different cities helped supervise and forced the men to work.

4 When the Plataeans saw the mound rising, they put together a wooden framework. They set it on top of their own wall at the point where the mound was approaching. Inside this framework they built with bricks taken from nearby houses that they pulled down.

5 The timber held the structure together, so that it would not become weak as it grew taller. They covered the front with hides and leather. This protected both the workers and the timber from burning arrows and kept them safe.

6 The wall rose to a great height, but the mound grew just as quickly to match it. Then the Plataeans thought of another plan. They opened a gap in their wall where the mound touched it and began carrying the earth inside.

Chapter 76

1 When the Peloponnesians realized this, they packed clay into reed mats and threw these into the gap. This material would not fall apart and be carried away as the earth had been.

2 Blocked in this way, the Plataeans stopped that work. Instead they dug a tunnel out from the city. They calculated where the mound was and tunneled beneath it, then began drawing its earth back into the city. For a long time the men outside did not notice. As a result, they made less progress as they piled on more material. The base of the mound was being removed, and it kept sinking into the space left underneath.

3 Still, they feared that even this would not allow so few men to hold out against so many. So they devised another measure. They stopped work on the high structure facing the mound. Starting from the lower wall on either side of it, they built a crescent-shaped wall inside the city, curving inward. If the high wall was captured, this new one would hold out. The enemy would have to build another mound against it. As they advanced inside, they would have twice as much work and be more exposed to attack from both sides.

4 While building the mound, the Peloponnesians also brought siege engines against the city. One was moved up along the mound against the high structure. It shook a large part of it and frightened the Plataeans. Other engines attacked other parts of the wall. The Plataeans threw ropes with loops around these and pulled them off course. They also hung large beams from long iron chains attached at each end. These were supported by two poles that leaned out and extended over the wall. They raised each beam crosswise. Whenever an engine was about to strike anywhere, they let the beam drop, allowing the chains to go slack instead of holding it back. The force of the falling beam broke off the projecting head of the ram.

Chapter 77

1 After this, the Peloponnesians found that their engines were doing no good and that the mound was being met with a new defensive wall. They decided that the means of attack they had available would not let them take the city. So they prepared to surround it with a siege wall.

2 First, though, they decided to try fire. The city was not large, and they hoped that a wind might let them burn it down. They were thinking of every possible way to bring it under their control without the expense of a siege.

3 They carried bundles of brushwood up the mound. First they threw them into the space between the mound and the wall. With so many hands at work, this was soon full. Then, from their high position, they piled more brushwood as far into the rest of the city as they could reach. They threw in fire with sulfur and pitch and set the wood alight.

4 The flames were greater than any human-made fire anyone had seen up to that time. There had, of course, been fires in mountain forests where the wind rubbed the wood against itself, making it catch fire naturally and send up flames.

5 This fire was huge. It very nearly killed the Plataeans, who had escaped all the other dangers. A large area inside the city could not be approached. If a wind had risen and driven the fire toward the city, as the enemy hoped, they would not have escaped.

6 As it was, another event is also reported: heavy rain [from the sky] fell, with thunder, putting out the flames and so ending the danger.

Chapter 78

1 When this attempt also failed, the Peloponnesians kept part of the army there and sent most of it away. They built a siege wall all around the city, dividing the ground among the different cities' contingents. There was a ditch on both the inside and the outside. They used the earth from these to make bricks.

2 The whole work was finished about the time when Arcturus rises. They left guards for half the wall—the Boeotians guarded the other half—and withdrew their army. The men dispersed to their own cities.

3 The Plataeans had already sent their children, women, oldest men, and the rest of those who could not help to Athens. Four hundred Plataeans remained to face the siege, along with eighty Athenians and a hundred and ten women to prepare food.

4 That was their total number when the siege began. There was no one else inside the walls, either slave or free. These were the arrangements for the siege of Plataea.

Chapter 79

1 In the same summer, at the time of the expedition against Plataea, the Athenians marched against the Chalcidians in Thrace and the Bottiaeans. They sent two thousand of their own hoplites and two hundred cavalry, when the grain was ripe. Xenophon son of Euripides was in command, with two other generals.

2 They arrived outside Spartolus in Bottiaea and destroyed the grain. It also looked as though the city would come over to them, since some people inside were working for this. But those who opposed them sent a message to Olynthus, and hoplites and other troops came to defend the city. This force came out of Spartolus, and the Athenians fought it just outside the city.

3 The Athenians defeated the Chalcidian hoplites and some mercenaries who were with them. These troops withdrew into Spartolus. But the Chalcidian cavalry and light-armed troops defeated the Athenian cavalry and light-armed troops.

4 The Chalcidians had a small number of troops armed with light shields from the region called Crusis. Just after the battle, more troops of this kind came from Olynthus to help.

5 The light-armed troops from Spartolus saw them arrive. Encouraged by these reinforcements and by the fact that they had not been defeated earlier, they attacked the Athenians again. The Chalcidian cavalry and the newly arrived troops joined them. The Athenians fell back toward the two companies they had left with the baggage carriers.

6 Whenever the Athenians advanced, the enemy gave way. But when the Athenians withdrew, they pressed after them and threw javelins at them. The Chalcidian cavalry also rode up and attacked wherever they saw a chance. They did a great deal to frighten the Athenians, and put them to flight. They pursued them for a long distance.

7 The Athenians took refuge in Potidaea. Later they recovered their dead under a truce and returned to Athens with what was left of their army. They had lost four hundred and thirty men and all their generals. The Chalcidians and Bottiaeans set up a trophy, collected their own dead, and dispersed to their cities.

Chapter 80

1 In the same summer, not long after these events, the Ambraciots and Chaonians wanted to conquer all Acarnania and make it break away from Athens. They persuaded the Lacedaemonians to get a fleet ready from their allies and send a thousand hoplites to Acarnania. They argued that, if the Lacedaemonians joined them in an attack by land and sea at once, the Acarnanians on the coast would be unable to come to help. They could then easily take Acarnania and gain control of Zacynthus and Cephallenia too. The Athenians would no longer find it as easy to sail around the Peloponnese. There was even hope of taking Naupactus.

2 The Lacedaemonians agreed. They immediately sent Cnemus, who was still admiral, and the hoplites in a few ships. They sent orders to the fleet to get ready and sail to Leucas as quickly as possible.

3 The Corinthians were particularly eager to help the Ambraciots, who were their colonists. The fleet from Corinth, Sicyon, and the nearby places was still being prepared. The ships from Leucas, Anactorium, and Ambracia had arrived earlier and were waiting at Leucas.

4 Cnemus and the thousand hoplites with him crossed over without being noticed by Phormio. Phormio commanded the twenty Athenian ships that were keeping watch around Naupactus. As soon as they had crossed, Cnemus and his men began preparing the land expedition.

5 The Greeks with him were Ambraciots, Leucadians, Anactorians, and the thousand Peloponnesians he had brought himself. Among the non-Greeks were a thousand Chaonians, who had no king. Their leaders were Photius and Nicanor, members of the ruling family who held office for the year. The Thesprotians, who also had no king, took part in the expedition alongside the Chaonians.

6 Sabylinthus led the Molossians and Atintanians. He was acting as guardian for their king, Tharyps, who was still a child. Oroedus led the Parauaeans as their king. A thousand Orestae, whose king was Antiochus, served with the Parauaeans under Oroedus, with Antiochus's permission.

7 Perdiccas also sent a thousand Macedonians without the Athenians' knowledge. These arrived later.

8 Cnemus marched with this army without waiting for the fleet from Corinth. As they passed through the Argive territory, they destroyed Limnaea, an unwalled village. They then reached Stratus, the largest city in Acarnania. They thought that, if they took this city first, the rest would easily come over to them.

Chapter 81

1 The Acarnanians learned that a large army had invaded by land and that enemy ships would also be arriving by sea. They did not combine their forces to help, but each community guarded its own territory. They sent to Phormio to ask for help. He said he could not leave Naupactus undefended when a fleet was about to sail from Corinth.

2 The Peloponnesians and their allies divided themselves into three groups and advanced toward the city of Stratus. They meant to camp nearby. If they could not persuade the city to submit, they would try an attack on its wall.

3 The Chaonians and the other non-Greeks advanced in the center. On their right were the Leucadians, Anactorians, and the troops with them. On their left were Cnemus, the Peloponnesians, and the Ambraciots. The groups were far apart, and at times could not even see one another.

4 The Greeks advanced in formation and took precautions until they had made camp in a suitable place. But the Chaonians were confident in themselves. The mainland peoples of that region also considered them the best fighters. They did not wait to occupy a camp. Instead they rushed forward with the other non-Greeks, thinking they could take the city at the first attack and have the achievement all to themselves.

5 The people of Stratus noticed them while they were still approaching. They thought that, if they defeated them while they were on their own, the Greeks would be less ready to advance against the city. So they placed men in ambush around the city in advance. When the enemy came close, they charged out to meet them from the city and attacked from the ambushes as well.

6 The Chaonians panicked, and many were killed. When the other non-Greeks saw them giving way, they did not stand their ground any longer, but fled.

7 Neither of the Greek divisions knew about the battle. The non-Greeks had gone far ahead, and the Greeks thought they were hurrying to occupy a campsite.

8 When the fleeing non-Greeks came rushing toward them, the Greeks took them in. They brought their divisions together and stayed where they were for the day. The people of Stratus did not fight them at close quarters, since the other Acarnanians had not yet come to help. But they fired slingstones from a distance and put them in a difficult position: it was impossible to move without armor. The Acarnanians are considered exceptionally good at using slings.

Chapter 82

1 When night fell, Cnemus quickly withdrew his army to the river Anapus, eighty stades from Stratus. The next day he recovered his dead under a truce. The people of Oeniadae came to join him as friends, and he withdrew to their territory before the Acarnanian reinforcements arrived. From there the different contingents went home. The people of Stratus set up a trophy for the battle against the non-Greeks.

Chapter 83

1 The fleet from Corinth and the other allies in the Crisaean Gulf was supposed to join Cnemus. Its job was to prevent the Acarnanians on the coast from going inland to help. But it never arrived. Instead, at about the same time as the battle at Stratus, it was forced to fight a sea battle against Phormio and the twenty Athenian ships stationed at Naupactus.

2 Phormio was watching for them as they sailed out of the gulf. He wanted to attack them in open water.

3 The Corinthians and their allies had sailed with preparations suited more to a land campaign in Acarnania than to fighting a sea battle. They did not think the Athenians would dare fight their forty-seven ships with just twenty of their own. But as they traveled along the shore, they saw the Athenians sailing on a parallel course. Then, as they crossed from Patrae in Achaea toward the opposite mainland, on their way to Acarnania, they saw the Athenians coming toward them from Chalcis and the river Evenus. They had not escaped notice by setting out at night. So they were forced to fight in the middle of the strait.

4 Each of the cities that had provided ships had its own commanders. The Corinthian commanders were Machaon, Isocrates, and Agatharchidas.

5 The Peloponnesians arranged their ships in the largest circle they could form without leaving a passage for the enemy to sail through. The bows faced outward and the sterns inward. Inside they placed the small craft that had sailed with them, along with their five best-sailing ships. These could come out over a short distance and be on the spot if the enemy attacked anywhere.

Chapter 84

1 The Athenians sailed around them in a circle, in single file. They kept passing close by and made it look as though they were about to ram. In this way they squeezed the enemy into a smaller space. But Phormio had ordered them not to attack until he gave the signal.

2 He expected that the enemy would not keep their formation as an army on land could. Instead, their ships would collide with one another, and the small craft would add to the confusion. If the wind blew out of the gulf, they would not stay steady for a moment. He was sailing around them waiting for this wind, which usually rose toward dawn. Since his ships sailed better, he also thought he could choose when to attack, and that this would be the best moment.

3 The wind came down, and the ships were already crowded into a small space. The wind and the small craft together threw them into confusion. Ships collided, and their crews pushed them apart with poles. The men shouted warnings and insults at one another. In all the noise they could not hear either the orders or the men setting the rowing rhythm. The inexperienced rowers could not lift their oars in the swell, making the ships harder for the helmsmen to control. At just this moment Phormio gave the signal. The Athenians attacked and first sank one of the commanders' ships. Then they destroyed other ships wherever they went. They brought the enemy to such confusion that no one tried to resist. Instead they fled to Patrae and Dyme in Achaea.

4 The Athenians pursued them, captured twelve ships, and picked up most of the men from them. They sailed away to Molycreum, set up a trophy on Rhium, and dedicated a ship to Poseidon. Then they returned to Naupactus.

5 The Peloponnesians immediately sailed along the coast with their remaining ships from Dyme and Patrae to Cyllene, the port of the Eleans. After the battle at Stratus, Cnemus also came to Cyllene from Leucas with the ships from there, which were supposed to have joined this fleet.

Chapter 85

1 The Lacedaemonians also sent Timocrates, Brasidas, and Lycophron to the fleet as advisers to Cnemus. They ordered him to prepare for another sea battle with better results, and not to let so few ships keep him off the sea.

2 The result seemed completely unexpected to them, especially since this was their first experience of a sea battle. They did not think their fleet was so far inferior. They thought there must have been some cowardice. They did not weigh the Athenians' long experience against their own short training. So they sent the advisers in anger.

3 When the advisers arrived, they joined Cnemus in sending orders to the cities for more ships. They also fitted out the ships already there for a sea battle.

4 Phormio also sent messengers to Athens. They were to report the enemy's preparations and describe the sea battle the Athenians had won. He asked for as many ships as possible to be sent to him quickly, since he expected another sea battle on any day.

5 The Athenians sent him twenty ships, but gave their commander an additional order to go to Crete first. Nicias, a Cretan from Gortyn who acted as Athens' local representative, had persuaded them to sail against Cydonia. He said he would bring this hostile city over to them. In fact, he was bringing in the Athenians as a favor to the Polichnitans, who were neighbors of the Cydonians.

6 The commander took the ships and went to Crete. Together with the Polichnitans, he laid waste the Cydonians' land. Winds and conditions that prevented sailing kept him there for a considerable time.

Chapter 86

1 While the Athenians were held up around Crete, the Peloponnesians at Cyllene finished preparing for a sea battle. They sailed along the coast to Panormus in Achaea. A Peloponnesian land army had come there to support them.

2 Phormio also sailed along to Molycrian Rhium. He anchored outside it with the same twenty ships with which he had fought the battle.

3 This Rhium was friendly to the Athenians. The other Rhium, in the Peloponnese, is directly opposite it. About seven stades of sea separate them. This is the entrance to the Crisaean Gulf.

4 So, when the Peloponnesians saw the Athenians, they too anchored at Rhium, on the Achaean side, with seventy-seven ships. This was not far from Panormus, where their infantry were stationed.

5 For six or seven days the two fleets lay at anchor opposite one another, practicing and preparing for battle. The Peloponnesians intended not to sail beyond the two points of Rhium into open water, because they feared a repeat of their earlier disaster. The Athenians intended not to sail into the narrows, because they thought a battle in a confined space would favor the enemy.

6 Then Cnemus, Brasidas, and the other Peloponnesian commanders wanted to fight quickly, before any reinforcements came from Athens. They first called the soldiers together. Seeing that most of them were frightened by the previous defeat and unwilling to fight, they encouraged them with this speech.

Chapter 87

1 “Men of the Peloponnese, if any of you are afraid of the coming sea battle because of the last one, that battle gives you no sound grounds for fear.

2 “As you know, we were inadequately prepared. We were sailing on a military expedition rather than to fight a sea battle. Chance also brought a good many things against us. And perhaps our inexperience contributed to our failure, since it was our first sea battle.

3 “So our defeat was not caused by cowardice on our part. Our determination was not beaten by superior force, and it still has grounds to challenge the result. It should not be weakened by the outcome of that misfortune. We must recognize that people can meet with bad luck, but that the same men should always show courage in their decisions. If they have courage, they have no good reason to act like cowards in any situation and use inexperience as their excuse.

4 “Your lack of experience is not as great as your advantage in boldness. You are most afraid of the enemy's skill. If they have courage, they will also remember how to put what they have learned into practice in danger. Without courage, no skill has strength in the face of danger. Fear drives out memory, and skill without the will to fight is no help at all.

5 “So set your greater boldness against their greater experience. Against the fear caused by your defeat, set the fact that you were unprepared then.

6 “You also have the advantage in numbers of ships. And you will fight close to your own land, with hoplites present. Usually the larger and better-prepared force wins.

7 “So we can find no reason at all why we should expect to fail. The very mistakes we made before will now give us lessons to learn from.

8 “Be confident, then, helmsmen and sailors alike. Each of you must do his own part and follow orders. Do not leave whatever position you are assigned.

9 “We will prepare the attack at least as well as the previous commanders. We will give no one an excuse to act like a coward. If anyone chooses to do so anyway, he will receive the punishment he deserves. Those who fight well will be honored with the rewards their courage deserves.”

Chapter 88

1 This was how the commanders encouraged the Peloponnesians. Phormio, too, was worried about his men's anxiety. He noticed that they were gathering in small groups and showing fear at the number of enemy ships. He wanted to call them together, encourage them, and give them advice for the situation they faced.

2 He had always told them before, and prepared them to believe, that no fleet attacking them could be so large that they must not stand up to it. The men had long accepted this belief among themselves: as Athenians, they would not retreat before any mass of Peloponnesian ships.

3 But now he saw that the sight before them was discouraging them. He wanted to remind them to be confident. So he called the Athenians together and spoke as follows.

Chapter 89

1 “Soldiers, I see that the enemy's numbers have frightened you. That is why I have called you together. I do not think you should be afraid of things that are not dangerous.

2 “First, they have been defeated already. They do not even think they are our equals. That is why they have assembled so many ships instead of meeting us with an equal force. Second, their greatest source of confidence as they approach is their belief that courage is naturally theirs. But their confidence comes only from the fact that their experience in fighting on land usually brings them success. They think it will do the same for them at sea.

3 “But if they have the advantage on land, then by the same reasoning we should have it here. They are no braver than we are. Each side is bolder in the field where it has more experience.

4 “The Lacedaemonians who command them are bringing most of them unwillingly into danger, for the sake of their own reputation. Otherwise, after such a heavy defeat, they would never have tried another sea battle.

5 “So do not be afraid of their boldness. You give them much greater and better-founded reasons to fear you. You have defeated them already. They also believe that you would not stand against them unless you expected to achieve something far out of the ordinary.

6 “When opponents attack with greater numbers, as these men do, they rely more on their strength than on their judgment. But when men with much smaller forces dare to resist, without being forced to do so, they have very firm confidence in their own plans. The enemy understands this. Our unexpected behavior frightens them more than any reasonable estimate of our force would.

7 “Many armies have already fallen to smaller forces through inexperience, and some through lack of courage. We suffer from neither of these weaknesses now.

8 “I will not willingly fight in the gulf or sail into it. I see that a confined space is no help to a few well-handled ships with experienced crews against many ships with inexperienced crews. You cannot approach properly for a ramming attack unless you can see the enemy from a long way off. Nor can you pull back at the right moment if you are hard pressed. There is no room to break through the enemy line or turn back to attack again. These are the maneuvers of ships that handle better. Instead, the sea battle would have to become a battle like one fought on land. In that kind of fighting, the side with more ships has the advantage.

9 “I will take care of these matters as far as I can. You must stay in good order at your ships and respond quickly to commands, especially since the attack will be made from close by. During the fighting, put the greatest value on order and silence. These help in most military operations, and especially in a sea battle. Fight off this enemy in a way worthy of what you have already done.

10 “Much is at stake in this battle for you. You can either end the Peloponnesians' hopes of success at sea, or bring closer the day when the Athenians must fear for their control of the sea.

11 “I remind you again that you have defeated most of these men already. Once men have been beaten, they are not ready to face the same dangers with the same determination.”

Chapter 90

1 Phormio also encouraged his men in this way. The Athenians would not sail into the gulf and its narrow waters, so the Peloponnesians wanted to draw them inside against their will. At dawn they put out to sea and sailed along their own coast into the gulf. Their ships were arranged four abreast, with the right wing leading, just as they had been at anchor.

2 On that wing they placed their twenty fastest ships. Phormio might think they were sailing against Naupactus and sail along the coast himself to defend it. If he did, these ships were to prevent the Athenians from escaping their attack by sailing past the outside of their wing. Instead, they would surround them.

3 Phormio did just what they expected. When he saw them setting out, he was afraid for Naupactus, which was undefended. Reluctantly, he hurried his men aboard and sailed along the coast. The Messenian infantry moved along the shore at the same time to help him.

4 The Peloponnesians saw the Athenian ships sailing in single file, already inside the gulf and close to land. This was exactly what they wanted. At a single signal they suddenly turned their ships and advanced in a line abreast against the Athenians, each ship moving as fast as it could. They hoped to cut off all the Athenian ships.

5 Eleven of the leading Athenian ships slipped past the Peloponnesian wing as it turned and escaped into open water. But the Peloponnesians caught the others as they tried to get away. They drove them against the shore and wrecked them. They killed all the Athenians aboard who did not swim to safety.

6 They attached towlines to some of the empty ships and began pulling them away. They had already captured one with its crew aboard. But the Messenians came to help. They waded into the sea with their weapons, boarded some of the ships already being towed away, and fought from their decks to recover them.

Chapter 91

1 In this part of the battle, then, the Peloponnesians were winning and wrecking the Athenian ships. Meanwhile, their twenty ships from the right wing chased the eleven Athenian ships that had escaped the turn into open water. All but one of these reached Naupactus ahead of their pursuers. They stopped opposite the sanctuary of Apollo, with their bows facing out, and prepared to defend themselves if the enemy sailed in toward them on the shore.

2 The Peloponnesians came up later, singing their battle song as they sailed, as though they had won. One Leucadian ship, far ahead of the rest, was chasing the one Athenian ship left behind.

3 A merchant ship happened to be anchored offshore. The Athenian ship reached it first, sailed around it, and rammed the pursuing Leucadian ship in the middle of its side, sinking it.

4 This unexpected event, so different from what they had counted on, frightened the Peloponnesians. Their success had also led them to pursue without keeping formation. Some ships lowered their oars into the water and stopped, wanting to wait for the larger group. This was a bad move with the enemy so close and able to counterattack. Others ran aground in the shallows because they did not know the waters.

Chapter 92

1 The Athenians took courage when they saw this. At a single command they shouted and charged. Because of their earlier mistakes and their present disorder, the Peloponnesians held out only briefly. Then they turned and fled to Panormus, where they had set out from.

2 The Athenians pursued them and captured the six ships nearest to them. They also recovered their own ships, which the Peloponnesians had wrecked near the shore at the start and attached towlines to. They killed some of the men and took others alive.

3 Timocrates the Lacedaemonian was aboard the Leucadian ship that sank near the merchant ship. As his ship was being destroyed, he killed himself. His body washed into the harbor of Naupactus.

4 The Athenians returned and set up a victory monument at the place they had sailed from to win the battle. They recovered the bodies and wreckage near their own shore. They returned the enemy's dead under a truce.

5 The Peloponnesians also set up a victory monument. They claimed victory for the rout in which they had wrecked the ships near the shore. The ship they had captured they dedicated at Achaean Rhium, beside their monument.

6 After this, they were afraid of the reinforcements coming from Athens. As night fell, all except the Leucadians sailed into the Crisaean Gulf and on to Corinth.

7 Not long after the ships had withdrawn, the Athenians arrived at Naupactus from Crete with the twenty ships that should have joined Phormio before the sea battle. And the summer ended.

Chapter 93

1 At the start of winter, before the fleet that had withdrawn to Corinth and the Crisaean Gulf broke up, Cnemus, Brasidas, and the other Peloponnesian commanders wanted to try an attack on Piraeus, the Athenians' harbor. The Megarians had suggested it. The harbor had no guards and its entrances were not closed off. This was understandable, given the Athenians' great superiority at sea.

2 The plan was for each sailor to take his oar, rowing cushion, and oar strap, and walk from Corinth to the sea on the side facing Athens. They would hurry to Megara and launch forty ships that happened to be in its dockyard at Nisaea. Then they would sail straight for Piraeus.

3 There was no fleet stationed there to keep watch. Nor did anyone expect the enemy ever to make such a sudden attack by sea. They thought the enemy would not dare to attack even openly and with time to prepare. And if the enemy did plan an attack, they were sure they would find out beforehand.

4 Once they had agreed on the plan, they set out immediately. They arrived at night and launched the ships from Nisaea. But they no longer sailed against Piraeus as they had intended. They had become afraid of the danger, and a wind is also said to have held them back. Instead, they sailed against the headland of Salamis that faces Megara. On it stood a fort, with three ships on guard to stop any shipping entering or leaving Megara. They attacked the fort and towed away the empty triremes. They also raided the rest of Salamis, catching its people by surprise.

Chapter 94

1 Fire signals warning of an enemy attack were sent to Athens. The panic was as great as any during the war. People in the city thought the enemy had already sailed into Piraeus. Those in Piraeus thought Salamis had been captured and that the enemy was about to sail into their harbor. This could easily have happened if the enemy had decided not to hold back. No wind would have prevented it.

2 At daybreak the Athenians went with their whole force to help Piraeus. They launched ships and boarded them in a great hurry and confusion. With the ships they sailed to Salamis, while with the infantry they set up guards for Piraeus.

3 When the Peloponnesians learned that help was coming, they quickly sailed back to Nisaea. They had overrun most of Salamis and taken prisoners and plunder, along with the three ships from the fort of Budorum. Another reason for their alarm was the state of their ships. These had not been launched for a long time and leaked badly. After reaching Megara, they returned to Corinth on foot.

4 The Athenians no longer found them at Salamis and sailed back themselves. After this they took greater care to guard Piraeus, closing off the entrances to the harbors and taking other precautions.

Chapter 95

1 At about the same time, as this winter began, Sitalces son of Teres, the Odrysian king of the Thracians, marched against Perdiccas son of Alexander, king of Macedonia, and against the Chalcidians in Thrace. Two promises were involved: he wanted to make Perdiccas keep one and to keep the other himself.

2 At the start of the war Perdiccas had been under pressure. He had promised Sitalces certain things if Sitalces would reconcile him with the Athenians and not restore his brother Philip, who was his enemy, to the throne. But Perdiccas had not kept his promises. Sitalces himself, when he made his alliance with the Athenians, had agreed to end the war with the Chalcidians in Thrace.

3 He made the expedition for both these reasons. He took Philip's son Amyntas with him, intending to make him king of the Macedonians. He also took the Athenian ambassadors who happened to be there on this business, and Hagnon as commander. The Athenians, too, were supposed to bring ships and as large an army as possible against the Chalcidians.

Chapter 96

1 Starting from the Odrysian country, he first called up the Thracians under his rule on this side of Mount Haemus and Rhodope, as far as the sea [to the Euxine Sea and the Hellespont]. Next he called up the Getae beyond Haemus and the people of all the other inhabited districts on this side of the Ister River, toward the Euxine Sea. The Getae and the people of this region border on the Scythians and are equipped in the same way. They are all mounted archers.

2 He also invited many of the independent Thracian mountain people who carry swords and are called Dii. Most of them live on Rhodope. He persuaded some with pay, while others joined him voluntarily.

3 He also called up the Agrianes, the Laeaeans, and all the other Paeonian peoples under his rule. These were at the edge of his kingdom. His rule extended as far as the Laeaean Paeonians and the Strymon River, which flows from Mount Scombrus through the Agrianes and Laeaeans. [Here] his kingdom bordered on the Paeonians who were independent.

4 On the side facing the Triballians, who were also independent, the Treres and Tilataei marked the border. They live north of Mount Scombrus and extend west as far as the Oscius River. This flows from the same mountain as the Nestus and the Hebrus. The mountain is large and uninhabited, and adjoins Rhodope.

Chapter 97

1 Along the coast, the Odrysian kingdom extended from the city of Abdera into the Euxine Sea as far as the Ister River. By the shortest sea route, with the wind always behind it, a merchant ship takes four days and as many nights to sail along this coast. By the shortest land route, a man traveling light completes the journey from Abdera to the Ister in eleven days.

2 That was its extent along the sea. Inland, the journey from Byzantium to the Laeaeans and the Strymon took a man traveling light thirteen days. In that direction the kingdom reached its greatest distance inland from the sea.

3 The tribute from all the non-Greek territory and the Greek cities reached its highest total under Seuthes, who became king after Sitalces and raised it to its greatest amount. It was worth about four hundred talents of silver and was paid in gold and silver. Gifts of gold and silver worth at least as much were also brought in. This was apart from patterned and plain cloth and other goods. The gifts went not only to the king but also to the powerful men around him and the Odrysian nobles.

4 They had established a custom opposite to that of the Persian kingdom: to receive rather than give. The other Thracians also followed this custom. It was more shameful to refuse a request for a gift than to ask for one and not receive it. But the Odrysians used their power to carry the practice further. Nothing could be done without giving gifts. As a result, the kingdom became very powerful.

5 Of all the kingdoms in Europe between the Ionian Gulf and the Euxine Sea, it was the greatest in revenue and general wealth. But in fighting strength and the size of its army, it ranked second, far behind the Scythian kingdom.

6 No kingdom in Europe can equal that one. In fact, not even in Asia is there any single people that could stand up to the Scythians if they all acted together. But in sound judgment generally, and in understanding the practical needs of life, the Scythians do not measure up to other peoples.

Chapter 98

1 Sitalces, then, ruled a country of this size and was preparing his army. When he was ready, he set out for Macedonia, first through his own kingdom and then through Cercine, an uninhabited mountain on the border between the Sinti and the Paeonians. He crossed it by the road he himself had made earlier by cutting through the forest, when he campaigned against the Paeonians.

2 As they crossed the mountain from the Odrysian country, they had the Paeonians on their right and the Sinti and Maedi on their left. After crossing it, they reached Doberus in Paeonia.

3 On his march he lost no troops except through sickness. Instead, it grew. Many of the independent Thracians joined him without being invited, hoping for plunder. The whole force is said to have reached at least a hundred and fifty thousand.

4 Most of this force was infantry, while about a third was cavalry. The Odrysians themselves supplied the largest part of the cavalry, followed by the Getae. The best fighters among the infantry were the sword-carrying independent people who had come down from Rhodope. The rest followed as a mixed crowd, most frightening because of its size.

Chapter 99

1 They gathered at Doberus and prepared to come down from the high ground into lower Macedonia, which Perdiccas ruled.

2 The Macedonians also include the Lyncestians, Elimiotae, and other peoples living higher up. They are allies and subjects of the Macedonians in the lowlands but have their own kings.

3 Alexander, the father of Perdiccas, and his ancestors were the first to acquire and rule what is now coastal Macedonia. They were originally Temenids from Argos. They drove the Pierians out of Pieria by force. The Pierians later settled at Phagres and other places below Mount Pangaeum, across the Strymon. Even now, the coastal land below Pangaeum is called the Pierian Gulf. They also drove the Bottiaeans out of the country called Bottia. The Bottiaeans now live next to the Chalcidians.

4 They also acquired a narrow strip of Paeonia along the Axius River, running down from the interior as far as Pella and the sea. Across the Axius, they drove out the Edonians and now occupy the land called Mygdonia as far as the Strymon.

5 They also drove the Eordi out of what is now called Eordia. Most of them were destroyed, but a small number have settled around Physca. They drove the Almopes out of Almopia as well.

6 These Macedonians also conquered the other peoples whose lands they still hold: Anthemus, Crestonia, Bisaltia, and a large part of the land of the Macedonians themselves. The whole region is called Macedonia. Perdiccas son of Alexander was its king when Sitalces invaded.

Chapter 100

1 These Macedonians could not resist the great army coming against them. They took refuge in the strong positions and fortified places in their country.

2 There were not many of these. Later, when Archelaus son of Perdiccas became king, he built the forts that now exist in the country. He cut straight roads and made other improvements too. For war he provided horses, weapons, and other resources on a greater scale than all eight kings before him put together.

3 The Thracian army advanced from Doberus, first into the territory that had formerly belonged to Philip. It took Idomene by force. Gortynia, Atalanta, and some other places came over by agreement because of their friendship with Philip's son Amyntas, who was present. The Thracians besieged Europus but could not capture it.

4 Then the army advanced into the rest of Macedonia, to the left of Pella and Cyrrhus. It did not go farther in, beyond these places into Bottiaea and Pieria. Instead, it devastated Mygdonia, Crestonia, and Anthemus.

5 The Macedonians did not even consider defending themselves with infantry. But they sent for more cavalry from their allies in the highlands. Small numbers of them then attacked the much larger Thracian army wherever they thought best. Wherever they charged, no one stood against these skilled, armored horsemen. But they were surrounded by superior numbers and put themselves in danger among a crowd many times their size. In the end they stopped fighting. They did not think they were strong enough to risk attacking a larger force.

Chapter 101

1 Sitalces negotiated with Perdiccas about the matters that had brought him to war. The Athenians had not come with their ships, because they had doubted that he would come. Instead, they had sent gifts and ambassadors to him. So he sent part of his army against the Chalcidians and Bottiaeans, forced them to stay behind their walls, and devastated their land.

2 While he remained in this region, the Thessalians and Magnetes to the south, the other subjects of the Thessalians, and the Greeks as far as Thermopylae were afraid that the army might march against them too. They began preparing to defend themselves.

3 The Thracians who held the plains north of the Strymon were also afraid: the Panaeans, Odomanti, Droi, and Dersaeans. They are all independent.

4 The expedition also caused anxious talk among the Greeks who were enemies of Athens. They feared that the Athenians might use their alliance to bring the Thracians against them too.

5 Sitalces continued to occupy and devastate Chalcidice, Bottice, and Macedonia at the same time. But he was achieving none of the aims of his invasion. His army was short of food and suffering from the winter weather. Seuthes son of Sparadocus, his nephew and the most powerful man after him, persuaded him to leave quickly. Perdiccas had secretly won Seuthes over by promising him his sister in marriage, with money as her dowry.

6 Sitalces took his advice. After staying thirty days in all, eight of them among the Chalcidians, he quickly withdrew his army home. Later Perdiccas gave his sister Stratonice to Seuthes, as he had promised. This was how Sitalces' expedition turned out.

Chapter 102

1 During the same winter, after the Peloponnesian fleet had broken up, the Athenians at Naupactus made an expedition under Phormio. They sailed along the coast to Astacus and landed. With four hundred Athenian hoplites from the ships and four hundred Messenians, they marched into the interior of Acarnania. They expelled men thought unreliable from Stratus, Coronta, and other places. After restoring Cynes son of Theolytus to Coronta, they returned to their ships.

2 They did not think it possible to campaign in winter against Oeniadae, the only Acarnanians who had always been their enemies. The Achelous River flows from Mount Pindus through Dolopia, the lands of the Agraeans and Amphilochians, and the Acarnanian plain. In its upper course it passes the city of Stratus, and it enters the sea near Oeniadae. It floods the area around their city, and the water makes a winter campaign impossible.

3 Most of the Echinades islands also lie opposite Oeniadae, very close to the mouths of the Achelous. The river is large and continually deposits silt. Some of the islands have already become part of the mainland, and all of them can be expected to do so before very long.

4 The river is big, carries a great deal of water, and is muddy. The islands are close together and become linked to one another by silt [because they keep it from spreading out]. They lie in staggered positions, not in a straight row, and leave no straight channels for the water to reach the open sea.

5 The islands are uninhabited and small. It is also said that Apollo told Alcmaeon son of Amphiaraus to settle in this land, when he was wandering after killing his mother. Apollo warned him that he would not be free of the things that terrified him until he found and settled in a land that the sun had not yet seen, and that was not yet land, when he killed his mother. All other land was polluted for him.

6 The story says that Alcmaeon was at a loss, but eventually thought of this land deposited by the Achelous. He had been wandering for a long time since killing his mother. It seemed to him that enough land could have built up during that time to give him a place to live. He settled around Oeniadae, became its ruler, and left the country named after his son Acarnan. This is the account of Alcmaeon that has come down to us.

Chapter 103

1 The Athenians and Phormio left Acarnania and returned to Naupactus. At the beginning of spring they sailed back to Athens, bringing the free men among their prisoners from the sea battles and the ships they had captured. The prisoners were exchanged man for man.

2 This winter ended, and the third year of this war, which Thucydides wrote, came to an end.

Book 3

Chapter 1

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου θέρους Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἅμα τῷ σίτῳ ἀκμάζοντι ἐστράτευσαν ἐς τὴν Ἀττικήν· ἡγεῖτο δὲ αὐτῶν Ἀρχίδαμος ὁ Ζευξιδάμου Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεύς.

2 καὶ ἐγκαθεζόμενοι ἐδῄουν τὴν γῆν· καὶ προσβολαί, ὥσπερ εἰώθεσαν, ἐγίγνοντο τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἱππέων ὅπῃ παρείκοι, καὶ τὸν πλεῖστον ὅμιλον τῶν ψιλῶν εἶργον τὸ μὴ προεξιόντας τῶν ὅπλων τὰ ἐγγὺς τῆς πόλεως κακουργεῖν.

3 ἐμμείναντες δὲ χρόνον οὗ εἶχον τὰ σιτία ἀνεχώρησαν καὶ διελύθησαν κατὰ πόλεις.

Chapter 2

1 μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐσβολὴν τῶν Πελοποννησίων εὐθὺς Λέσβος πλὴν Μηθύμνης ἀπέστη ἀπ’ Ἀθηναίων, βουληθέντες μὲν καὶ πρὸ τοῦ πολέμου, ἀλλ’ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι οὐ προσεδέξαντο, ἀναγκασθέντες δὲ καὶ ταύτην τὴν ἀπόστασιν πρότερον ἢ διενοοῦντο ποιήσασθαι.

2 τῶν τε γὰρ λιμένων τὴν χῶσιν καὶ τειχῶν οἰκοδόμησιν καὶ νεῶν ποίησιν ἐπέμενον τελεσθῆναι, καὶ ὅσα ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου ἔδει ἀφικέσθαι, τοξότας τε καὶ σῖτον, καὶ ἃ μεταπεμπόμενοι ἦσαν.

3 Τενέδιοι γὰρ ὄντες αὐτοῖς διάφοροι καὶ Μηθυμναῖοι καὶ αὐτῶν Μυτιληναίων ἰδίᾳ ἄνδρες κατὰ στάσιν, πρόξενοι Ἀθηναίων, μηνυταὶ γίγνονται τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ὅτι ξυνοικίζουσί τε τὴν Λέσβον ἐς τὴν Μυτιλήνην βίᾳ καὶ τὴν παρασκευὴν ἅπασαν μετὰ Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Βοιωτῶν ξυγγενῶν ὄντων ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει ἐπείγονται· καὶ εἰ μή τις προκαταλήψεται ἤδη, στερήσεσθαι αὐτοὺς Λέσβου.

Chapter 3

1 οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι (ἦσαν γὰρ τεταλαιπωρημένοι ὑπό τε τῆς νόσου καὶ τοῦ πολέμου ἄρτι καθισταμένου καὶ ἀκμάζοντος) μέγα μὲν ἔργον ἡγοῦντο εἶναι Λέσβον προσπολεμώσασθαι ναυτικὸν ἔχουσαν καὶ δύναμιν ἀκέραιον, καὶ οὐκ ἀπεδέχοντο τὸ πρῶτον τὰς κατηγορίας, μεῖζον μέρος νέμοντες τῷ μὴ βούλεσθαι ἀληθῆ εἶναι· ἐπειδὴ μέντοι καὶ πέμψαντες πρέσβεις οὐκ ἔπειθον τοὺς Μυτιληναίους τήν τε ξυνοίκισιν καὶ τὴν παρασκευὴν διαλύειν, δείσαντες προκαταλαβεῖν ἐβούλοντο.

2 καὶ πέμπουσιν ἐξαπιναίως τεσσαράκοντα ναῦς αἳ ἔτυχον περὶ Πελοπόννησον παρεσκευασμέναι πλεῖν· Κλεϊππίδης δὲ ὁ Δεινίου τρίτος αὐτὸς ἐστρατήγει.

3 ἐσηγγέλθη γὰρ αὐτοῖς ὡς εἴη Ἀπόλλωνος Μαλόεντος ἔξω τῆς πόλεως ἑορτή, ἐν ᾗ πανδημεὶ Μυτιληναῖοι ἑορτάζουσι, καὶ ἐλπίδα εἶναι ἐπειχθέντας ἐπιπεσεῖν ἄφνω, καὶ ἢν μὲν ξυμβῇ ἡ πεῖρα· εἰ δὲ μή, Μυτιληναίοις εἰπεῖν ναῦς τε παραδοῦναι καὶ τείχη καθελεῖν, μὴ πειθομένων δὲ πολεμεῖν.

4 καὶ αἱ μὲν νῆες ᾤχοντο· τὰς δὲ τῶν Μυτιληναίων δέκα τριήρεις, αἳ ἔτυχον βοηθοὶ παρὰ σφᾶς κατὰ τὸ ξυμμαχικὸν παροῦσαι, κατέσχον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐς φυλακὴν ἐποιήσαντο.

5 τοῖς δὲ Μυτιληναίοις ἀνὴρ ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν διαβὰς ἐς Εὔβοιαν καὶ πεζῇ ἐπὶ Γεραιστὸν ἐλθών, ὁλκάδος ἀναγομένης ἐπιτυχών, πλῷ χρησάμενος καὶ τριταῖος ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν ἐς Μυτιλήνην ἀφικόμενος ἀγγέλλει τὸν ἐπίπλουν.

6 οἱ δὲ οὔτε ἐς τὸν Μαλόεντα ἐξῆλθον, τά τε ἄλλα τῶν τειχῶν καὶ λιμένων περὶ τὰ ἡμιτέλεστα φαρξάμενοι ἐφύλασσον.

Chapter 4

1 καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον καταπλεύσαντες ὡς ἑώρων, ἀπήγγειλαν μὲν οἱ στρατηγοὶ τὰ ἐπεσταλμένα, οὐκ ἐσακουόντων δὲ τῶν Μυτιληναίων ἐς πόλεμον καθίσταντο.

2 ἀπαράσκευοι δὲ οἱ Μυτιληναῖοι καὶ ἐξαίφνης ἀναγκασθέντες πολεμεῖν ἔκπλουν μέν τινα ἐποιήσαντο τῶν νεῶν ὡς ἐπὶ ναυμαχίαν ὀλίγον πρὸ τοῦ λιμένος, ἔπειτα καταδιωχθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀττικῶν νεῶν λόγους ἤδη προσέφερον τοῖς στρατηγοῖς, βουλόμενοι τὰς ναῦς τὸ παραυτίκα, εἰ δύναιντο, ὁμολογίᾳ τινὶ ἐπιεικεῖ ἀποπέμψασθαι.

3 καὶ οἱ στρατηγοὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀπεδέξαντο καὶ αὐτοὶ φοβούμενοι μὴ οὐχ ἱκανοὶ ὦσι Λέσβῳ πάσῃ πολεμεῖν.

4 καὶ ἀνοκωχὴν ποιησάμενοι πέμπουσιν ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας οἱ Μυτιληναῖοι τῶν τε διαβαλλόντων ἕνα, ᾧ μετέμελεν ἤδη, καὶ ἄλλους, εἴ πως πείσειαν τὰς ναῦς ἀπελθεῖν ὡς σφῶν οὐδὲν νεωτεριούντων.

5 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ἀποστέλλουσι καὶ ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα πρέσβεις τριήρει, λαθόντες τὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ναυτικόν, οἳ ὥρμουν ἐν τῇ Μαλέᾳ πρὸς βορέαν τῆς πόλεως· οὐ γὰρ ἐπίστευον τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων προχωρήσειν.

6 καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα ταλαιπώρως διὰ τοῦ πελάγους κομισθέντες αὐτοῖς ἔπρασσον ὅπως τις βοήθεια ἥξει·

Chapter 5

1 οἱ δ’ ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν πρέσβεις ὡς οὐδὲν ἦλθον πράξαντες, ἐς πόλεμον καθίσταντο οἱ Μυτιληναῖοι καὶ ἡ ἄλλη Λέσβος πλὴν Μηθύμνης· οὗτοι δὲ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐβεβοηθήκεσαν, καὶ Ἴμβριοι καὶ Λήμνιοι καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὀλίγοι τινὲς ξυμμάχων.

2 καὶ ἔξοδον μέν τινα πανδημεὶ ἐποιήσαντο οἱ Μυτιληναῖοι ἐπὶ τὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατόπεδον, καὶ μάχη ἐγένετο, ἐν ᾗ οὐκ ἔλασσον ἔχοντες οἱ Μυτιληναῖοι οὔτε ἐπηυλίσαντο οὔτε ἐπίστευσαν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς, ἀλλ’ ἀνεχώρησαν· ἔπειτα οἱ μὲν ἡσύχαζον, ἐκ Πελοποννήσου καὶ μετ’ ἄλλης παρασκευῆς βουλόμενοι εἰ προσγένοιτό τι κινδυνεύειν· καὶ γὰρ αὐτοῖς Μελέας Λάκων ἀφικνεῖται καὶ Ἑρμαιώνδας Θηβαῖος, οἳ προαπεστάλησαν μὲν τῆς ἀποστάσεως, φθάσαι δὲ οὐ δυνάμενοι τὸν τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐπίπλουν κρύφα μετὰ τὴν μάχην ὕστερον ἐσπλέουσι τριήρει, καὶ παρῄνουν πέμπειν τριήρη ἄλλην καὶ πρέσβεις μεθ’ ἑαυτῶν· καὶ ἐκπέμπουσιν.

Chapter 6

1 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι πολὺ ἐπιρρωσθέντες διὰ τὴν τῶν Μυτιληναίων ἡσυχίαν ξυμμάχους τε προσεκάλουν, οἳ πολὺ θᾶσσον παρῆσαν ὁρῶντες οὐδὲν ἰσχυρὸν ἀπὸ τῶν Λεσβίων, καὶ περιορμισάμενοι τὸ πρὸς νότον τῆς πόλεως ἐτείχισαν στρατόπεδα δύο ἑκατέρωθεν τῆς πόλεως, καὶ τοὺς ἐφόρμους ἐπ’ ἀμφοτέροις τοῖς λιμέσιν ἐποιοῦντο.

2 καὶ τῆς μὲν θαλάσσης εἶργον μὴ χρῆσθαι τοὺς Μυτιληναίους, τῆς δὲ γῆς τῆς μὲν ἄλλης ἐκράτουν οἱ Μυτιληναῖοι καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι Λέσβιοι προσβεβοηθηκότες ἤδη, τὸ δὲ περὶ τὰ στρατόπεδα οὐ πολὺ κατεῖχον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ναύσταθμον δὲ μᾶλλον ἦν αὐτοῖς πλοίων καὶ ἀγορὰ ἡ Μαλέα. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ Μυτιλήνην οὕτως ἐπολεμεῖτο.

Chapter 7

1 κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον τοῦ θέρους τούτου Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ περὶ Πελοπόννησον ναῦς ἀπέστειλαν τριάκοντα καὶ Ἀσώπιον τὸν Φορμίωνος στρατηγόν, κελευσάντων Ἀκαρνάνων τῶν Φορμίωνός τινα σφίσι πέμψαι ἢ υἱὸν ἢ ξυγγενῆ ἄρχοντα.

2 καὶ παραπλέουσαι αἱ νῆες τῆς Λακωνικῆς τὰ ἐπιθαλάσσια χωρία ἐπόρθησαν.

3 ἔπειτα τὰς μὲν πλείους ἀποπέμπει τῶν νεῶν πάλιν ἐπ’ οἴκου ὁ Ἀσώπιος, αὐτὸς δ’ ἔχων δώδεκα ἀφικνεῖται ἐς Ναύπακτον, καὶ ὕστερον Ἀκαρνᾶνας ἀναστήσας πανδημεὶ στρατεύει ἐπ᾽ Οἰνιάδας, καὶ ταῖς τε ναυσὶ κατὰ τὸν Ἀχελῷον ἔπλευσε καὶ ὁ κατὰ γῆν στρατὸς ἐδῄου τὴν χώραν.

4 ὡς δ’ οὐ προσεχώρουν, τὸν μὲν πεζὸν ἀφίησιν, αὐτὸς δὲ πλεύσας ἐς Λευκάδα καὶ ἀπόβασιν ἐς Νήρικον ποιησάμενος ἀναχωρῶν διαφθείρεται αὐτός τε καὶ τῆς στρατιᾶς τι μέρος ὑπὸ τῶν αὐτόθεν τε ξυμβοηθησάντων καὶ φρουρῶν τινῶν ὀλίγων.

5 καὶ ὕστερον ὑποσπόνδους τοὺς νεκροὺς ἀποπλεύσαντες οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι παρὰ τῶν Λευκαδίων ἐκομίσαντο.

Chapter 8

1 οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς πρώτης νεὼς ἐκπεμφθέντες Μυτιληναίων πρέσβεις, ὡς αὐτοῖς οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι εἶπον Ὀλυμπίαζε παρεῖναι, ὅπως καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι ξύμμαχοι ἀκούσαντες βουλεύσωνται, ἀφικνοῦνται ἐς τὴν Ὀλυμπίαν· ἦν δὲ Ὀλυμπιὰς ᾗ Δωριεὺς Ῥόδιος τὸ δεύτερον ἐνίκα.

2 καὶ ἐπειδὴ μετὰ τὴν ἑορτὴν κατέστησαν ἐς λόγους, εἶπον τοιάδε.

Chapter 9

1 ‘τὸ μὲν καθεστὸς τοῖς Ἕλλησι νόμιμον, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ ξύμμαχοι, ἴσμεν· τοὺς γὰρ ἀφισταμένους ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις καὶ ξυμμαχίαν τὴν πρὶν ἀπολείποντας οἱ δεξάμενοι, καθ’ ὅσον μὲν ὠφελοῦνται, ἐν ἡδονῇ ἔχουσι, νομίζοντες δὲ εἶναι προδότας τῶν πρὸ τοῦ φίλων χείρους ἡγοῦνται.

2 καὶ οὐκ ἄδικος αὕτη ἡ ἀξίωσίς ἐστιν, εἰ τύχοιεν πρὸς ἀλλήλους οἵ τε ἀφιστάμενοι καὶ ἀφ’ ὧν διακρίνοιντο ἴσοι μὲν τῇ γνώμῃ ὄντες καὶ εὐνοίᾳ, ἀντίπαλοι δὲ τῇ παρασκευῇ καὶ δυνάμει, πρόφασίς τε ἐπιεικὴς μηδεμία ὑπάρχοι τῆς ἀποστάσεως· ὃ ἡμῖν καὶ Ἀθηναίοις οὐκ ἦν.

3 μηδέ τῳ χείρους δόξωμεν εἶναι εἰ ἐν τῇ εἰρήνῃ τιμώμενοι ὑπ’ αὐτῶν ἐν τοῖς δεινοῖς ἀφιστάμεθα.

Chapter 10

1 ‘περὶ γὰρ τοῦ δικαίου καὶ ἀρετῆς πρῶτον ἄλλως τε καὶ ξυμμαχίας δεόμενοι τοὺς λόγους ποιησόμεθα, εἰδότες οὔτε φιλίαν ἰδιώταις βέβαιον γιγνομένην οὔτε κοινωνίαν πόλεσιν ἐς οὐδέν, εἰ μὴ μετ’ ἀρετῆς δοκούσης ἐς ἀλλήλους γίγνοιντο καὶ τἆλλα ὁμοιότροποι εἶεν· ἐν γὰρ τῷ διαλλάσσοντι τῆς γνώμης καὶ αἱ διαφοραὶ τῶν ἔργων καθίστανται.

2 ἡμῖν δὲ καὶ Ἀθηναίοις ξυμμαχία ἐγένετο πρῶτον ἀπολιπόντων μὲν ὑμῶν ἐκ τοῦ Μηδικοῦ πολέμου, παραμεινάντων δὲ ἐκείνων πρὸς τὰ ὑπόλοιπα τῶν ἔργων.

3 ξύμμαχοι μέντοι ἐγενόμεθα οὐκ ἐπὶ καταδουλώσει τῶν Ἑλλήνων Ἀθηναίοις, ἀλλ’ ἐπ᾽ ἐλευθερώσει ἀπὸ τοῦ Μήδου τοῖς Ἕλλησιν.

4 καὶ μέχρι μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσου ἡγοῦντο, προθύμως εἱπόμεθα· ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἑωρῶμεν αὐτοὺς τὴν μὲν τοῦ Μήδου ἔχθραν ἀνιέντας, τὴν δὲ τῶν ξυμμάχων δούλωσιν ἐπαγομένους, οὐκ ἀδεεῖς ἔτι ἦμεν.

5 ἀδύνατοι δὲ ὄντες καθ’ ἓν γενόμενοι διὰ πολυψηφίαν ἀμύνασθαι οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἐδουλώθησαν πλὴν ἡμῶν καὶ Χίων· ἡμεῖς δὲ αὐτόνομοι δὴ ὄντες καὶ ἐλεύθεροι τῷ ὀνόματι ξυνεστρατεύσαμεν.

6 καὶ πιστοὺς οὐκέτι εἴχομεν ἡγεμόνας Ἀθηναίους, παραδείγμασι τοῖς προγιγνομένοις χρώμενοι· οὐ γὰρ εἰκὸς ἦν αὐτοὺς οὓς μὲν μεθ’ ἡμῶν ἐνσπόνδους ἐποιήσαντο καταστρέψασθαι, τοὺς δὲ ὑπολοίπους, εἴ ποτε ἄρα ἐδυνήθησαν, μὴ δρᾶσαι τοῦτο.

Chapter 11

1 καὶ εἰ μὲν αὐτόνομοι ἔτι ἦμεν ἅπαντες, βεβαιότεροι ἂν ἡμῖν ἦσαν μηδὲν νεωτεριεῖν· ὑποχειρίους δὲ ἔχοντες τοὺς πλείους, ἡμῖν δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσου ὁμιλοῦντες, χαλεπώτερον εἰκότως ἔμελλον οἴσειν καὶ πρὸς τὸ πλέον ἤδη εἶκον τοῦ ἡμετέρου ἔτι μόνου ἀντισουμένου, ἄλλως τε καὶ ὅσῳ δυνατώτεροι αὐτοὶ αὑτῶν ἐγίγνοντο καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐρημότεροι.

2 τὸ δὲ ἀντίπαλον δέος μόνον πιστὸν ἐς ξυμμαχίαν· ὁ γὰρ παραβαίνειν τι βουλόμενος τῷ μὴ προύχων ἂν ἐπελθεῖν ἀποτρέπεται.

3 αὐτόνομοί τε ἐλείφθημεν οὐ δι’ ἄλλο τι ἢ ὅσον αὐτοῖς ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν εὐπρεπείᾳ τε λόγου καὶ γνώμης μᾶλλον ἐφόδῳ ἢ ἰσχύος τὰ πράγματα ἐφαίνετο καταληπτά.

4 ἅμα μὲν γὰρ μαρτυρίῳ ἐχρῶντο μὴ ἂν τούς γε ἰσοψήφους ἄκοντας, εἰ μή τι ἠδίκουν οἷς ἐπῇσαν, ξυστρατεύειν· ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ δὲ καὶ τὰ κράτιστα ἐπί τε τοὺς ὑποδεεστέρους πρώτους ξυνεπῆγον καὶ τὰ τελευταῖα λιπόντες τοῦ ἄλλου περιῃρημένου ἀσθενέστερα ἔμελλον ἕξειν.

5 εἰ δὲ ἀφ’ ἡμῶν ἤρξαντο, ἐχόντων ἔτι τῶν πάντων αὐτῶν τε ἰσχὺν καὶ πρὸς ὅτι χρὴ στῆναι, οὐκ ἂν ὁμοίως ἐχειρώσαντο.

6 τό τε ναυτικὸν ἡμῶν παρεῖχέ τινα φόβον μή ποτε καθ’ ἓν γενόμενον ἢ ὑμῖν ἢ ἄλλῳ τῳ προσθέμενον κίνδυνον σφίσι παράσχῃ.

7 τὰ δὲ καὶ ἀπὸ θεραπείας τοῦ τε κοινοῦ αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν αἰεὶ προεστώτων περιεγιγνόμεθα.

8 οὐ μέντοι ἐπὶ πολύ γ’ ἂν ἐδοκοῦμεν δυνηθῆναι, εἰ μὴ ὁ πόλεμος ὅδε κατέστη, παραδείγμασι χρώμενοι τοῖς ἐς τοὺς ἄλλους.

Chapter 12

1 τίς οὖν αὕτη ἢ φιλία ἐγίγνετο ἢ ἐλευθερία πιστή, ἐν ᾗ παρὰ γνώμην ἀλλήλους ὑπεδεχόμεθα, καὶ οἱ μὲν ἡμᾶς ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ δεδιότες ἐθεράπευον, ἡμεῖς δὲ ἐκείνους ἐν τῇ ἡσυχίᾳ τὸ αὐτὸ ἐποιοῦμεν· ὅ τε τοῖς ἄλλοις μάλιστα εὔνοια πίστιν βεβαιοῖ, ἡμῖν τοῦτο ὁ φόβος ἐχυρὸν παρεῖχε, δέει τε τὸ πλέον ἢ φιλίᾳ κατεχόμενοι ξύμμαχοι ἦμεν· καὶ ὁποτέροις θᾶσσον παράσχοι ἀσφάλεια θάρσος,οὗτοι πρότεροί τι καὶ παραβήσεσθαι ἔμελλον.

2 ὥστε εἴ τῳ δοκοῦμεν ἀδικεῖν προαποστάντες διὰ τὴν ἐκείνων μέλλησιν τῶν ἐς ἡμᾶς δεινῶν, αὐτοὶ οὐκ ἀνταναμείναντες σαφῶς εἰδέναι εἴ τι αὐτῶν ἔσται, οὐκ ὀρθῶς σκοπεῖ.

3 εἰ γὰρ δυνατοὶ ἦμεν ἐκ τοῦ ἴσου καὶ ἀντεπιβουλεῦσαι καὶ ἀντιμελλῆσαι, τί ἔδει ἡμᾶς ἐκ τοῦ ὁμοίου ἐπ’ ἐκείνοις εἶναι; ἐπ’ ἐκείνοις δὲ ὄντος αἰεὶ τοῦ ἐπιχειρεῖν καὶ ἐφ’ ἡμῖν εἶναι δεῖ τὸ προαμύνασθαι.

Chapter 13

1 ‘τοιαύτας ἔχοντες προφάσεις καὶ αἰτίας, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ ξύμμαχοι, ἀπέστημεν, σαφεῖς μὲν τοῖς ἀκούουσι γνῶναι ὡς εἰκότως ἐδράσαμεν, ἱκανὰς δὲ ἡμᾶς ἐκφοβῆσαι καὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειάν τινα τρέψαι, βουλομένους μὲν καὶ πάλαι, ὅτε ἔτι ἐν τῇ εἰρήνῃ ἐπέμψαμεν ὡς ὑμᾶς περὶ ἀποστάσεως, ὑμῶν δὲ οὐ προσδεξαμένων κωλυθέντας· νῦν δὲ ἐπειδὴ Βοιωτοὶ προυκαλέσαντο εὐθὺς ὑπηκούσαμεν, καὶ ἐνομίζομεν ἀποστήσεσθαι διπλῆν ἀπόστασιν, ἀπό τε τῶν Ἑλλήνων μὴ ξὺν κακῶς ποιεῖν αὐτοὺς μετ’ Ἀθηναίων ἀλλὰ ξυνελευθεροῦν, ἀπό τε Ἀθηναίων μὴ αὐτοὶ διαφθαρῆναι ὑπ’ ἐκείνων ἐν ὑστέρῳ ἀλλὰ προποιῆσαι.

2 ἡ μέντοι ἀπόστασις ἡμῶν θᾶσσον γεγένηται καὶ ἀπαράσκευος· ᾗ καὶ μᾶλλον χρὴ ξυμμάχους δεξαμένους ἡμᾶς διὰ ταχέων βοήθειαν ἀποστέλλειν, ἵνα φαίνησθε ἀμύνοντές τε οἷς δεῖ καὶ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ τοὺς πολεμίους βλάπτοντες.

3 καιρὸς δὲ ὡς οὔπω πρότερον. νόσῳ τε γὰρ ἐφθάραται Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ χρημάτων δαπάνῃ, νῆές τε αὐτοῖς αἱ μὲν περὶ τὴν ὑμετέραν εἰσίν, αἱ δ’ ἐφ’ ἡμῖν τετάχαται.

4 ὥστε οὐκ εἰκὸς αὐτοὺς περιουσίαν νεῶν ἔχειν, ἢν ὑμεῖς ἐν τῷ θέρει τῷδε ναυσί τε καὶ πεζῷ ἅμα ἐπεσβάλητε τὸ δεύτερον, ἀλλ’ ἢ ὑμᾶς οὐκ ἀμυνοῦνται ἐπιπλέοντας ἢ ἀπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ἀποχωρήσονται.

5 νομίσῃ τε μηδεὶς ἀλλοτρίας γῆς πέρι οἰκεῖον κίνδυνον ἕξειν. ᾧ γὰρ δοκεῖ μακρὰν ἀπεῖναι ἡ Λέσβος, τὴν ὠφελίαν αὐτῷ ἐγγύθεν παρέξει. οὐ γὰρ ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ ἔσται ὁ πόλεμος, ὥς τις οἴεται, ἀλλὰ δι’ ἣν ἡ Ἀττικὴ ὠφελεῖται.

6 ἔστι δὲ τῶν χρημάτων ἀπὸ τῶν ξυμμάχων ἡ πρόσοδος, καὶ ἔτι μείζων ἔσται, εἰ ἡμᾶς καταστρέψονται· οὔτε γὰρ ἀποστήσεται ἄλλος τά τε ἡμέτερα προσγενήσεται, πάθοιμέν τ’ ἂν δεινότερα ἢ οἱ πρὶν δουλεύοντες.

7 βοηθησάντων δὲ ὑμῶν προθύμως πόλιν τε προσλήψεσθε ναυτικὸν ἔχουσαν μέγα, οὗπερ ὑμῖν μάλιστα προσδεῖ, καὶ Ἀθηναίους ῥᾷον καθαιρήσετε ὑφαιροῦντες αὐτῶν τοὺς ξυμμάχους (θρασύτερον γὰρ πᾶς τις προσχωρήσεται), τήν τε αἰτίαν ἀποφεύξεσθε ἣν εἴχετε μὴ βοηθεῖν τοῖς ἀφισταμένοις. ἢν δ’ ἐλευθεροῦντες φαίνησθε, τὸ κράτος τοῦ πολέμου βεβαιότερον ἕξετε.

Chapter 14

1 ‘αἰσχυνθέντες οὖν τάς τε τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐς ὑμᾶς ἐλπίδας καὶ Δία τὸν Ὀλύμπιον, ἐν οὗ τῷ ἱερῷ ἴσα καὶ ἱκέται ἐσμέν, ἐπαμύνατε Μυτιληναίοις ξύμμαχοι γενόμενοι, καὶ μὴ προῆσθε ἡμᾶς ἴδιον μὲν τὸν κίνδυνον τῶν σωμάτων παραβαλλομένους, κοινὴν δὲ τὴν ἐκ τοῦ κατορθῶσαι ὠφελίαν ἅπασι δώσοντας, ἔτι δὲ κοινοτέραν τὴν βλάβην, εἰ μὴ πεισθέντων ὑμῶν σφαλησόμεθα.

2 γίγνεσθε δὲ ἄνδρες οἵουσπερ ὑμᾶς οἵ τε Ἕλληνες ἀξιοῦσι καὶ τὸ ἡμέτερον δέος βούλεται.’

Chapter 15

1 τοιαῦτα μὲν οἱ Μυτιληναῖοι εἶπον. οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἐπειδὴ ἤκουσαν, προσδεξάμενοι τοὺς λόγους ξυμμάχους τε τοὺς Λεσβίους ἐποιήσαντο, καὶ τὴν ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἐσβολὴν τοῖς τε ξυμμάχοις παροῦσι κατὰ τάχος ἔφραζον ἰέναι ἐς τὸν Ἰσθμὸν τοῖς δύο μέρεσιν ὡς ποιησόμενοι, καὶ αὐτοὶ πρῶτοι ἀφίκοντο, καὶ ὁλκοὺς παρεσκεύαζον τῶν νεῶν ἐν τῷ Ἰσθμῷ ὡς ὑπεροίσοντες ἐκ τῆς Κορίνθου ἐς τὴν πρὸς Ἀθήνας θάλασσαν καὶ ναυσὶ καὶ πεζῷ ἅμα ἐπιόντες.

2 καὶ οἱ μὲν προθύμως ταῦτα ἔπρασσον, οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι ξύμμαχοι βραδέως τε ξυνελέγοντο καὶ ἐν καρποῦ ξυγκομιδῇ ἦσαν καὶ ἀρρωστίᾳ τοῦ στρατεύειν.

Chapter 16

1 αἰσθόμενοι δὲ αὐτοὺς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι διὰ κατάγνωσιν ἀσθενείας σφῶν παρασκευαζομένους, δηλῶσαι βουλόμενοι ὅτι οὐκ ὀρθῶς ἐγνώκασιν ἀλλ’ οἷοί τέ εἰσι μὴ κινοῦντες τὸ ἐπὶ Λέσβῳ ναυτικὸν καὶ τὸ ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου ἐπιὸν ῥᾳδίως ἀμύνεσθαι, ἐπλήρωσαν ναῦς ἑκατὸν ἐσβάντες αὐτοί τε πλὴν ἱππέων καὶ πεντακοσιομεδίμνων καὶ οἱ μέτοικοι, καὶ παρὰ τὸν Ἰσθμὸν ἀναγαγόντες ἐπίδειξίν τε ἐποιοῦντο καὶ ἀποβάσεις τῆς Πελοποννήσου ᾗ δοκοίη αὐτοῖς.

2 οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ὁρῶντες πολὺν τὸν παράλογον τά τε ὑπὸ τῶν Λεσβίων ῥηθέντα ἡγοῦντο οὐκ ἀληθῆ καὶ ἄπορα νομίζοντες, ὡς αὐτοῖς καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἅμα οὐ παρῆσαν καὶ ἠγγέλλοντο καὶ αἱ περὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον τριάκοντα νῆες τῶν Ἀθηναίων τὴν περιοικίδα αὐτῶν πορθοῦσαι, ἀνεχώρησαν ἐπ’ οἴκου.

3 ὕστερον δὲ ναυτικὸν παρεσκεύαζον ὅτι πέμψουσιν ἐς τὴν Λέσβον, καὶ κατὰ πόλεις ἐπήγγελλον τεσσαράκοντα νεῶν πλῆθος καὶ ναύαρχον προσέταξαν Ἀλκίδαν, ὃς ἔμελλεν ἐπιπλεύσεσθαι.

4 ἀνεχώρησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ταῖς ἑκατὸν ναυσίν, ἐπειδὴ καὶ ἐκείνους εἶδον.

Chapter 17

1 [καὶ κατὰ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον ὃν αἱ νῆες ἔπλεον ἐν τοῖς πλεῖσται δὴ νῆες ἅμ’ αὐτοῖς ἐνεργοὶ † κάλλει ἐγένοντο, παραπλήσιαι δὲ καὶ ἔτι πλείους ἀρχομένου τοῦ πολέμου.

2 τήν τε γὰρ Ἀττικὴν καὶ Εὔβοιαν καὶ Σαλαμῖνα ἑκατὸν ἐφύλασσον, καὶ περὶ Πελοπόννησον ἕτεραι ἑκατὸν ἦσαν, χωρὶς δὲ αἱ περὶ Ποτείδαιαν καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις χωρίοις, ὥστε αἱ πᾶσαι ἅμα ἐγίγνοντο ἐν ἑνὶ θέρει διακόσιαι καὶ πεντήκοντα.

3 καὶ τὰ χρήματα τοῦτο μάλιστα ὑπανήλωσε μετὰ Ποτειδαίας.

4 τήν τε γὰρ Ποτείδαιαν δίδραχμοι ὁπλῖται ἐφρούρουν (αὑτῷ γὰρ καὶ ὑπηρέτῃ δραχμὴν ἐλάμβανε τῆς ἡμέρας), τρισχίλιοι μὲν οἱ πρῶτοι, ὧν οὐκ ἐλάσσους διεπολιόρκησαν, ἑξακόσιοι δὲ καὶ χίλιοι μετὰ Φορμίωνος, οἳ προαπῆλθον· νῆές τε αἱ πᾶσαι τὸν αὐτὸν μισθὸν ἔφερον. τὰ μὲν οὖν χρήματα οὕτως ὑπανηλώθη τὸ πρῶτον, καὶ νῆες τοσαῦται δὴ πλεῖσται ἐπληρώθησαν.]

Chapter 18

1 Μυτιληναῖοι δὲ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ὃν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι περὶ τὸν Ἰσθμὸν ἦσαν ἐπὶ Μήθυμναν ὡς προδιδομένην ἐστράτευσαν κατὰ γῆν αὐτοί τε καὶ οἱ ἐπίκουροι· καὶ προσβαλόντες τῇ πόλει, ἐπειδὴ οὐ προυχώρει ᾗ προσεδέχοντο, ἀπῆλθον ἐπ’ Ἀντίσσης καὶ Πύρρας καὶ Ἐρέσου, καὶ καταστησάμενοι τὰ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι ταύταις βεβαιότερα καὶ τείχη κρατύναντες διὰ τάχους ἀπῆλθον ἐπ’ οἴκου.

2 ἐστράτευσαν δὲ καὶ οἱ Μηθυμναῖοι ἀναχωρησάντων αὐτῶν ἐπ’ Ἄντισσαν· καὶ ἐκβοηθείας τινὸς γενομένης πληγέντες ὑπό τε τῶν Ἀντισσαίων καὶ τῶν ἐπικούρων ἀπέθανόν τε πολλοὶ καὶ ἀνεχώρησαν οἱ λοιποὶ κατὰ τάχος.

3 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι πυνθανόμενοι ταῦτα, τούς τε Μυτιληναίους τῆς γῆς κρατοῦντας καὶ τοὺς σφετέρους στρατιώτας οὐχ ἱκανοὺς ὄντας εἴργειν, πέμπουσι περὶ τὸ φθινόπωρον ἤδη ἀρχόμενον Πάχητα τὸν Ἐπικούρου στρατηγὸν καὶ χιλίους ὁπλίτας ἑαυτῶν.

4 οἱ δὲ αὐτερέται πλεύσαντες τῶν νεῶν ἀφικνοῦνται καὶ περιτειχίζουσι Μυτιλήνην ἐν κύκλῳ ἁπλῷ τείχει· φρούρια δ’ ἔστιν ᾗ ἐπὶ τῶν καρτερῶν ἐγκατῳκοδόμηται.

5 καὶ ἡ μὲν Μυτιλήνη κατὰ κράτος ἤδη ἀμφοτέρωθεν καὶ ἐκ γῆς καὶ ἐκ θαλάσσης εἴργετο, καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἤρχετο γίγνεσθαι.

Chapter 19

1 προσδεόμενοι δὲ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι χρημάτων ἐς τὴν πολιορκίαν, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐσενεγκόντες τότε πρῶτον ἐσφορὰν διακόσια τάλαντα, ἐξέπεμψαν καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἀργυρολόγους ναῦς δώδεκα καὶ Λυσικλέα πέμπτον αὐτὸν στρατηγόν.

2 ὁ δὲ ἄλλα τε ἠργυρολόγει καὶ περιέπλει, καὶ τῆς Καρίας ἐκ Μυοῦντος ἀναβὰς διὰ τοῦ Μαιάνδρου πεδίου μέχρι τοῦ Σανδίου λόφου, ἐπιθεμένων τῶν Καρῶν καὶ Ἀναιιτῶν αὐτός τε διαφθείρεται καὶ τῆς ἄλλης στρατιᾶς πολλοί.

Chapter 20

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος οἱ Πλαταιῆς (ἔτι γὰρ ἐπολιορκοῦντο ὑπὸ τῶν Πελοποννησίων καὶ Βοιωτῶν) ἐπειδὴ τῷ τε σίτῳ ἐπιλείποντι ἐπιέζοντο καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν οὐδεμία ἐλπὶς ἦν τιμωρίας οὐδὲ ἄλλη σωτηρία ἐφαίνετο, ἐπιβουλεύουσιν αὐτοί τε καὶ Ἀθηναίων οἱ ξυμπολιορκούμενοι πρῶτον μὲν πάντες ἐξελθεῖν καὶ ὑπερβῆναι τὰ τείχη τῶν πολεμίων, ἢν δύνωνται βιάσασθαι, ἐσηγησαμένων τὴν πεῖραν αὐτοῖς Θεαινέτου τε τοῦ Τολμίδου ἀνδρὸς μάντεως καὶ Εὐπομπίδου τοῦ Δαϊμάχου, ὃς καὶ ἐστρατήγει·

2 ἔπειτα οἱ μὲν ἡμίσεις ἀπώκνησάν πως τὸν κίνδυνον μέγαν ἡγησάμενοι, ἐς δὲ ἄνδρας διακοσίους καὶ εἴκοσι μάλιστα ἐνέμειναν τῇ ἐξόδῳ ἐθελονταὶ τρόπῳ τοιῷδε.

3 κλίμακας ἐποιήσαντο ἴσας τῷ τείχει τῶν πολεμίων· ξυνεμετρήσαντο δὲ ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς τῶν πλίνθων, ᾗ ἔτυχε πρὸς σφᾶς οὐκ ἐξαληλιμμένον τὸ τεῖχος αὐτῶν. ἠριθμοῦντο δὲ πολλοὶ ἅμα τὰς ἐπιβολάς, καὶ ἔμελλον οἱ μέν τινες ἁμαρτήσεσθαι οἱ δὲ πλείους τεύξεσθαι τοῦ ἀληθοῦς λογισμοῦ, ἄλλως τε καὶ πολλάκις ἀριθμοῦντες καὶ ἅμα οὐ πολὺ ἀπέχοντες, ἀλλὰ ῥᾳδίως καθορωμένου ἐς ὃ ἐβούλοντο τοῦ τείχους.

4 τὴν μὲν οὖν ξυμμέτρησιν τῶν κλιμάκων οὕτως ἔλαβον, ἐκ τοῦ πάχους τῆς πλίνθου εἰκάσαντες τὸ μέτρον.

Chapter 21

1 τὸ δὲ τεῖχος ἦν τῶν Πελοποννησίων τοιόνδε τῇ οἰκοδομήσει. εἶχε μὲν δύο τοὺς περιβόλους, πρός τε Πλαταιῶν καὶ εἴ τις ἔξωθεν ἀπ’ Ἀθηνῶν ἐπίοι, διεῖχον δὲ οἱ περίβολοι ἑκκαίδεκα πόδας μάλιστα ἀπ’ ἀλλήλων.

2 τὸ οὖν μεταξὺ τοῦτο [οἱ ἑκκαίδεκα πόδες] τοῖς φύλαξιν οἰκήματα διανενεμημένα ᾠκοδόμητο, καὶ ἦν ξυνεχῆ ὥστε ἓν φαίνεσθαι τεῖχος παχὺ ἐπάλξεις ἔχον ἀμφοτέρωθεν.

3 διὰ δέκα δὲ ἐπάλξεων πύργοι ἦσαν μεγάλοι καὶ ἰσοπλατεῖς τῷ τείχει, διήκοντες ἔς τε τὸ ἔσω μέτωπον αὐτοῦ καὶ οἱ αὐτοὶ καὶ τὸ ἔξω, ὥστε πάροδον μὴ εἶναι παρὰ πύργον, ἀλλὰ δι’ αὐτῶν μέσων διῇσαν.

4 τὰς οὖν νύκτας, ὁπότε χειμὼν εἴη νοτερός, τὰς μὲν ἐπάλξεις ἀπέλειπον, ἐκ δὲ τῶν πύργων ὄντων δι’ ὀλίγου καὶ ἄνωθεν στεγανῶν τὴν φυλακὴν ἐποιοῦντο. τὸ μὲν οὖν τεῖχος ᾧ περιεφρουροῦντο οἱ Πλαταιῆς τοιοῦτον ἦν.

Chapter 22

1 οἱ δ᾽, ἐπειδὴ παρεσκεύαστο αὐτοῖς, τηρήσαντες νύκτα χειμέριον ὕδατι καὶ ἀνέμῳ καὶ ἅμ’ ἀσέληνον ἐξῇσαν· ἡγοῦντο δὲ οἵπερ καὶ τῆς πείρας αἴτιοι ἦσαν. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τὴν τάφρον διέβησαν ἣ περιεῖχεν αὐτούς, ἔπειτα προσέμειξαν τῷ τείχει τῶν πολεμίων λαθόντες τοὺς φύλακας, ἀνὰ τὸ σκοτεινὸν μὲν οὐ προϊδόντων αὐτῶν, ψόφῳ δὲ τῷ ἐκ τοῦ προσιέναι αὐτοὺς ἀντιπαταγοῦντος τοῦ ἀνέμου οὐ κατακουσάντων·

2 ἅμα δὲ καὶ διέχοντες πολὺ ᾖσαν, ὅπως τὰ ὅπλα μὴ κρουόμενα πρὸς ἄλληλα αἴσθησιν παρέχοι. ἦσαν δὲ εὐσταλεῖς τε τῇ ὁπλίσει καὶ τὸν ἀριστερὸν μόνον πόδα ὑποδεδεμένοι ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκα τῆς πρὸς τὸν πηλόν.

3 κατὰ οὖν μεταπύργιον προσέμισγον πρὸς τὰς ἐπάλξεις, εἰδότες ὅτι ἐρῆμοί εἰσι, πρῶτον μὲν οἱ τὰς κλίμακας φέροντες, καὶ προσέθεσαν· ἔπειτα ψιλοὶ δώδεκα ξὺν ξιφιδίῳ καὶ θώρακι ἀνέβαινον, ὧν ἡγεῖτο Ἀμμέας ὁ Κοροίβου καὶ πρῶτος ἀνέβη· μετὰ δὲ αὐτὸν οἱ ἑπόμενοι, ἓξ ἐφ’ ἑκάτερον τῶν πύργων, ἀνέβαινον. ἔπειτα ψιλοὶ ἄλλοι μετὰ τούτους ξὺν δορατίοις ἐχώρουν, οἷς ἕτεροι κατόπιν τὰς ἀσπίδας ἔφερον, ὅπως ἐκεῖνοι ῥᾷον προσβαίνοιεν, καὶ ἔμελλον δώσειν ὁπότε πρὸς τοῖς πολεμίοις εἶεν.

4 ὡς δὲ ἄνω πλείους ἐγένοντο, ᾔσθοντο οἱ ἐκ τῶν πύργων φύλακες· κατέβαλε γάρ τις τῶν Πλαταιῶν ἀντιλαμβανόμενος ἀπὸ τῶν ἐπάλξεων κεραμίδα, ἣ πεσοῦσα δοῦπον ἐποίησεν.

5 καὶ αὐτίκα βοὴ ἦν, τὸ δὲ στρατόπεδον ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος ὥρμησεν· οὐ γὰρ ᾔδει ὅτι ἦν τὸ δεινὸν σκοτεινῆς νυκτὸς καὶ χειμῶνος ὄντος, καὶ ἅμα οἱ ἐν τῇ πόλει τῶν Πλαταιῶν ὑπολελειμμένοι ἐξελθόντες προσέβαλον τῷ τείχει τῶν Πελοποννησίων ἐκ τοὔμπαλιν ἢ οἱ ἄνδρες αὐτῶν ὑπερέβαινον, ὅπως ἥκιστα πρὸς αὐτοὺς τὸν νοῦν ἔχοιεν.

6 ἐθορυβοῦντο μὲν οὖν κατὰ χώραν μένοντες, βοηθεῖν δὲ οὐδεὶς ἐτόλμα ἐκ τῆς ἑαυτῶν φυλακῆς, ἀλλ’ ἐν ἀπόρῳ ἦσαν εἰκάσαι τὸ γιγνόμενον.

7 καὶ οἱ τριακόσιοι αὐτῶν, οἷς ἐτέτακτο παραβοηθεῖν εἴ τι δέοι, ἐχώρουν ἔξω τοῦ τείχους πρὸς τὴν βοήν. φρυκτοί τε ᾔροντο ἐς τὰς Θήβας πολέμιοι·

8 παρανῖσχον δὲ καὶ οἱ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως Πλαταιῆς ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους φρυκτοὺς πολλοὺς πρότερον παρεσκευασμένους ἐς αὐτὸ τοῦτο, ὅπως ἀσαφῆ τὰ σημεῖα τῆς φρυκτωρίας τοῖς πολεμίοις ᾖ καὶ μὴ βοηθοῖεν, ἄλλο τι νομίσαντες τὸ γιγνόμενον εἶναι ἢ τὸ ὄν, πρὶν σφῶν οἱ ἄνδρες οἱ ἐξιόντες διαφύγοιεν καὶ τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς ἀντιλάβοιντο.

Chapter 23

1 οἱ δ’ ὑπερβαίνοντες τῶν Πλαταιῶν ἐν τούτῳ, ὡς οἱ πρῶτοι αὐτῶν ἀνεβεβήκεσαν καὶ τοῦ πύργου ἑκατέρου τοὺς φύλακας διαφθείραντες ἐκεκρατήκεσαν, τάς τε διόδους τῶν πύργων ἐνστάντες αὐτοὶ ἐφύλασσον μηδένα δι’ αὐτῶν ἐπιβοηθεῖν, καὶ κλίμακας προσθέντες ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους τοῖς πύργοις καὶ ἐπαναβιβάσαντες ἄνδρας πλείους, οἱ μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν πύργων τοὺς ἐπιβοηθοῦντας καὶ κάτωθεν καὶ ἄνωθεν εἶργον βάλλοντες, οἱ δ’ ἐν τούτῳ οἱ πλείους πολλὰς προσθέντες κλίμακας ἅμα καὶ τὰς ἐπάλξεις ἀπώσαντες διὰ τοῦ μεταπυργίου ὑπερέβαινον.

2 ὁ δὲ διακομιζόμενος αἰεὶ ἵστατο ἐπὶ τοῦ χείλους τῆς τάφρου καὶ ἐντεῦθεν ἐτόξευόν τε καὶ ἠκόντιζον, εἴ τις παραβοηθῶν παρὰ τὸ τεῖχος κωλυτὴς γίγνοιτο τῆς διαβάσεως.

3 ἐπεὶ δὲ πάντες διεπεπεραίωντο, οἱ ἀπὸ τῶν πύργων χαλεπῶς οἱ τελευταῖοι καταβαίνοντες ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ τὴν τάφρον, καὶ ἐν τούτῳ οἱ τριακόσιοι αὐτοῖς ἐπεφέροντο λαμπάδας ἔχοντες.

4 οἱ μὲν οὖν Πλαταιῆς ἐκείνους ἑώρων μᾶλλον ἐκ τοῦ σκότους ἑστῶτες ἐπὶ τοῦ χείλους τῆς τάφρου, καὶ ἐτόξευόν τε καὶ ἐσηκόντιζον ἐς τὰ γυμνά, αὐτοὶ δὲ ἐν τῷ ἀφανεῖ ὄντες ἧσσον διὰ τὰς λαμπάδας καθεωρῶντο, ὥστε φθάνουσι τῶν Πλαταιῶν καὶ οἱ ὕστατοι διαβάντες τὴν τάφρον, χαλεπῶς δὲ καὶ βιαίως·

5 κρύσταλλός τε γὰρ ἐπεπήγει οὐ βέβαιος ἐν αὐτῇ ὥστ’ ἐπελθεῖν, ἀλλ’ οἷος ἀπηλιώτου [ἢ βορέου] ὑδατώδης μᾶλλον, καὶ ἡ νὺξ τοιούτῳ ἀνέμῳ ὑπονειφομένη πολὺ τὸ ὕδωρ ἐν αὐτῇ ἐπεποιήκει, ὃ μόλις ὑπερέχοντες ἐπεραιώθησαν. ἐγένετο δὲ καὶ ἡ διάφευξις αὐτοῖς μᾶλλον διὰ τοῦ χειμῶνος τὸ μέγεθος.

Chapter 24

1 ὁρμήσαντες δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς τάφρου οἱ Πλαταιῆς ἐχώρουν ἁθρόοι τὴν ἐς Θήβας φέρουσαν ὁδόν, ἐν δεξιᾷ ἔχοντες τὸ τοῦ Ἀνδροκράτους ἡρῷον, νομίζοντες ἥκιστ’ 〈ἂν〉 σφᾶς ταύτην αὐτοὺς ὑποτοπῆσαι τραπέσθαι τὴν ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους· καὶ ἅμα ἑώρων τοὺς Πελοποννησίους τὴν πρὸς Κιθαιρῶνα καὶ Δρυὸς κεφαλὰς τὴν ἐπ’ Ἀθηνῶν φέρουσαν μετὰ λαμπάδων διώκοντας.

2 καὶ ἐπὶ μὲν ἓξ ἢ ἑπτὰ σταδίους οἱ Πλαταιῆς τὴν ἐπὶ τῶν Θηβῶν ἐχώρησαν, ἔπειθ᾽ ὑποστρέψαντες ᾖσαν τὴν πρὸς τὸ ὄρος φέρουσαν ὁδὸν ἐς Ἐρύθρας καὶ Ὑσιάς, καὶ λαβόμενοι τῶν ὀρῶν διαφεύγουσιν ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας, ἄνδρες δώδεκα καὶ διακόσιοι ἀπὸ πλειόνων· εἰσὶ γάρ τινες αὐτῶν οἳ ἀπετράποντο ἐς τὴν πόλιν πρὶν ὑπερβαίνειν, εἷς δ’ ἐπὶ τῇ ἔξω τάφρῳ τοξότης ἐλήφθη.

3 οἱ μὲν οὖν Πελοποννήσιοι κατὰ χώραν ἐγένοντο τῆς βοηθείας παυσάμενοι· οἱ δ’ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως Πλαταιῆς τῶν μὲν γεγενημένων εἰδότες οὐδέν, τῶν δὲ ἀποτραπομένων σφίσιν ἀπαγγειλάντων ὡς οὐδεὶς περίεστι, κήρυκα ἐκπέμψαντες, ἐπεὶ ἡμέρα ἐγένετο, ἐσπένδοντο ἀναίρεσιν τοῖς νεκροῖς, μαθόντες δὲ τὸ ἀληθὲς ἐπαύσαντο. οἱ μὲν δὴ τῶν Πλαταιῶν ἄνδρες οὕτως ὑπερβάντες ἐσώθησαν.

Chapter 25

1 ἐκ δὲ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος τοῦ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος τελευτῶντος ἐκπέμπεται Σάλαιθος ὁ Λακεδαιμόνιος ἐς Μυτιλήνην τριήρει. καὶ πλεύσας ἐς Πύρραν καὶ ἐξ αὐτῆς πεζῇ κατὰ χαράδραν τινά, ᾗ ὑπερβατὸν ἦν τὸ περιτείχισμα, διαλαθὼν ἐσέρχεται ἐς τὴν Μυτιλήνην, καὶ ἔλεγε τοῖς προέδροις ὅτι ἐσβολή τε ἅμα ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἔσται καὶ αἱ τεσσαράκοντα νῆες παρέσονται ἃς ἔδει βοηθῆσαι αὐτοῖς, προαποπεμφθῆναί τε αὐτὸς τούτων ἕνεκα καὶ ἅμα τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιμελησόμενος.

2 καὶ οἱ μὲν Μυτιληναῖοι ἐθάρσουν τε καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἧσσον εἶχον τὴν γνώμην ὥστε ξυμβαίνειν. ὅ τε χειμὼν ἐτελεύτα οὗτος, καὶ τέταρτον ἔτος τῷ πολέμῳ ἐτελεύτα τῷδε ὃν Θουκυδίδης ξυνέγραψεν.

Chapter 26

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου θέρους οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι ἐπειδὴ τὰς ἐς τὴν Μυτιλήνην δύο καὶ τεσσαράκοντα ναῦς ἀπέστειλαν ἄρχοντα Ἀλκίδαν, ὃς ἦν αὐτοῖς ναύαρχος, προστάξαντες, αὐτοὶ ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἐσέβαλον, ὅπως οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀμφοτέρωθεν θορυβούμενοι ἧσσον ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐς τὴν Μυτιλήνην καταπλεούσαις ἐπιβοηθήσωσιν.

2 ἡγεῖτο δὲ τῆς ἐσβολῆς ταύτης Κλεομένης ὑπὲρ Παυσανίου τοῦ Πλειστοάνακτος υἱέος βασιλέως ὄντος καὶ νεωτέρου ἔτι, πατρὸς δὲ ἀδελφὸς ὤν.

3 ἐδῄωσαν δὲ τῆς Ἀττικῆς τά τε πρότερον τετμημένα [καὶ] εἴ τι ἐβεβλαστήκει καὶ ὅσα ἐν ταῖς πρὶν ἐσβολαῖς παρελέλειπτο· καὶ ἡ ἐσβολὴ αὕτη χαλεπωτάτη ἐγένετο τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις μετὰ τὴν δευτέραν.

4 ἐπιμένοντες γὰρ αἰεὶ ἀπὸ τῆς Λέσβου τι πεύσεσθαι τῶν νεῶν ἔργον ὡς ἤδη πεπεραιωμένων ἐπεξῆλθον τὰ πολλὰ τέμνοντες. ὡς δ’ οὐδὲν ἀπέβαινεν αὐτοῖς ὧν προσεδέχοντο κὰ ἐπελελοίπει ὁ σῖτος, ἀνεχώρησαν καὶ διελύθησαν κατὰ πόλεις.

Chapter 27

1 οἱ δὲ Μυτιληναῖοι ἐν τούτῳ, ὡς αἵ τε νῆες αὐτοῖς οὐχ ἧκον ἀπὸ τῆς Πελοποννήσου ἀλλὰ ἐνεχρόνιζον καὶ ὁ σῖτος ἐπελελοίπει, ἀναγκάζονται ξυμβαίνειν πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους διὰ τάδε.

2 ὁ Σάλαιθος καὶ αὐτὸς οὐ προσδεχόμενος ἔτι τὰς ναῦς ὁπλίζει τὸν δῆμον πρότερον ψιλὸν ὄντα ὡς ἐπεξιὼν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις·

3 οἱ δὲ ἐπειδὴ ἔλαβον ὅπλα, οὔτε ἠκροῶντο ἔτι τῶν ἀρχόντων, κατὰ ξυλλόγους τε γιγνόμενοι ἢ τὸν σῖτον ἐκέλευον τοὺς δυνατοὺς φέρειν ἐς τὸ φανερὸν καὶ διανέμειν ἅπασιν, ἢ αὐτοὶ ξυγχωρήσαντες πρὸς Ἀθηναίους ἔφασαν παραδώσειν τὴν πόλιν.

Chapter 28

1 γνόντες δὲ οἱ ἐν τοῖς πράγμασιν οὔτ’ ἀποκωλύειν δυνατοὶ ὄντες, εἴ τ’ ἀπομονωθήσονται τῆς ξυμβάσεως κινδυνεύσοντες, ποιοῦνται κοινῇ ὁμολογίαν πρός τε Πάχητα καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον, ὥστε Ἀθηναίοις μὲν ἐξεῖναι βουλεῦσαι περὶ Μυτιληναίων ὁποῖον ἄν τι βούλωνται καὶ τὴν στρατιὰν ἐς τὴν πόλιν δέχεσθαι αὐτούς, πρεσβείαν δὲ ἀποστέλλειν ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας Μυτιληναίους περὶ ἑαυτῶν· ἐν ὅσῳ δ’ ἂν πάλιν ἔλθωσι, Πάχητα μήτε δῆσαι Μυτιληναίων μηδένα μηδὲ ἀνδραποδίσαι μήτε ἀποκτεῖναι.

2 ἡ μὲν ξύμβασις αὕτη ἐγένετο, οἱ δὲ πράξαντες πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους μάλιστα τῶν Μυτιληναίων περιδεεῖς ὄντες, ὡς ἡ στρατιὰ ἐσῆλθεν, οὐκ ἠνέσχοντο, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ τοὺς βωμοὺς ὅμως καθίζουσιν· Πάχης δ’ ἀναστήσας αὐτοὺς ὥστε μὴ ἀδικῆσαι, κατατίθεται ἐς Τένεδον μέχρι οὗ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις τι δόξῃ.

3 πέμψας δὲ καὶ ἐς τὴν Ἄντισσαν τριήρεις προσεκτήσατο καὶ τἆλλα τὰ περὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον καθίστατο ᾗ αὐτῷ ἐδόκει.

Chapter 29

1 οἱ δ’ ἐν ταῖς τεσσαράκοντα ναυσὶ Πελοποννήσιοι, οὓς ἔδει ἐν τάχει παραγενέσθαι, πλέοντες περί τε αὐτὴν τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἐνδιέτριψαν καὶ κατὰ τὸν ἄλλον πλοῦν σχολαῖοι κομισθέντες τοὺς μὲν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως Ἀθηναίους λανθάνουσι, πρὶν δὴ τῇ Δήλῳ ἔσχον, προσμείξαντες δ’ ἀπ’ αὐτῆς τῇ Ἰκάρῳ καὶ Μυκόνῳ πυνθάνονται πρῶτον ὅτι ἡ Μυτιλήνη ἑάλωκεν.

2 βουλόμενοι δὲ τὸ σαφὲς εἰδέναι κατέπλευσαν ἐς Ἔμβατον τῆς Ἐρυθραίας· ἡμέραι δὲ μάλιστα ἦσαν τῇ Μυτιλήνῃ ἑαλωκυίᾳ ἑπτὰ ὅτε ἐς τὸ Ἔμβατον κατέπλευσαν. πυθόμενοι δὲ τὸ σαφὲς ἐβουλεύοντο ἐκ τῶν παρόντων, καὶ ἔλεξεν αὐτοῖς Τευτίαπλος ἀνὴρ Ἠλεῖος τάδε.

Chapter 30

1 ‘Ἀλκίδα καὶ Πελοποννησίων ὅσοι πάρεσμεν ἄρχοντες τῆς στρατιᾶς, ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ πλεῖν ἡμᾶς ἐπὶ Μυτιλήνην πρὶν ἐκπύστους γενέσθαι, ὥσπερ ἔχομεν.

2 κατὰ γὰρ τὸ εἰκὸς ἀνδρῶν νεωστὶ πόλιν ἐχόντων πολὺ τὸ ἀφύλακτον εὑρήσομεν, κατὰ μὲν θάλασσαν καὶ πάνυ, ᾗ ἐκεῖνοί τε ἀνέλπιστοι ἐπιγενέσθαι ἄν τινα σφίσι πολέμιον καὶ ἡμῶν ἡ ἀλκὴ τυγχάνει μάλιστα οὖσα· εἰκὸς δὲ καὶ τὸ πεζὸν αὐτῶν κατ’ οἰκίας ἀμελέστερον ὡς κεκρατηκότων διεσπάρθαι.

3 εἰ οὖν προσπέσοιμεν ἄφνω τε καὶ νυκτός, ἐλπίζω μετὰ τῶν ἔνδον, εἴ τις ἄρα ἡμῖν ἐστὶν ὑπόλοιπος εὔνους, καταληφθῆναι ἂν τὰ πράγματα.

4 καὶ μὴ ἀποκνήσωμεν τὸν κίνδυνον, νομίσαντες οὐκ ἄλλο τι εἶναι τὸ κενὸν τοῦ πολέμου ἢ τὸ τοιοῦτον, ὃ εἴ τις στρατηγὸς ἔν τε αὑτῷ φυλάσσοιτο καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐνορῶν ἐπιχειροίη, πλεῖστ’ ἂν ὀρθοῖτο.’

Chapter 31

1 ὁ μὲν τοσαῦτα εἰπὼν οὐκ ἔπειθε τὸν Ἀλκίδαν. ἄλλοι δέ τινες τῶν ἀπ’ Ἰωνίας φυγάδων καὶ οἱ Λέσβιοι 〈οἱ〉 ξυμπλέοντες παρῄνουν, ἐπειδὴ τοῦτον τὸν κίνδυνον φοβεῖται, τῶν ἐν Ἰωνίᾳ πόλεων καταλαβεῖν τινὰ ἢ Κύμην τὴν Αἰολίδα, ὅπως ἐκ πόλεως ὁρμώμενοι τὴν Ἰωνίαν ἀποστήσωσιν (ἐλπίδα δ’ εἶναι· οὐδενὶ γὰρ ἀκουσίως ἀφῖχθαι) καὶ τὴν πρόσοδον ταύτην μεγίστην οὖσαν Ἀθηναίων [ἢν] ὑφέλωσι, καὶ ἅμα, ἢν ἐφορμῶσι σφίσιν, αὐτοῖς δαπάνη γίγνηται· πείσειν τε οἴεσθαι καὶ Πισσούθνην ὥστε ξυμπολεμεῖν.

2 ὁ δὲ οὐδὲ ταῦτα ἐνεδέχετο, ἀλλὰ τὸ πλεῖστον τῆς γνώμης εἶχεν, ἐπειδὴ τῆς Μυτιλήνης ὑστερήκει, ὅτι τάχιστα τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ πάλιν προσμεῖξαι.

Chapter 32

1 ἄρας δὲ ἐκ τοῦ Ἐμβάτου παρέπλει, καὶ προσσχὼν Μυοννήσῳ τῇ Τηίων τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους οὓς κατὰ πλοῦν εἰλήφει ἀπέσφαξε τοὺς πολλούς.

2 καὶ ἐς τὴν Ἔφεσον καθορμισαμένου αὐτοῦ Σαμίων τῶν ἐξ Ἀναίων ἀφικόμενοι πρέσβεις ἔλεγον οὐ καλῶς τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐλευθεροῦν αὐτόν, εἰ ἄνδρας διέφθειρεν οὔτε χεῖρας ἀνταιρομένους οὔτε πολεμίους, Ἀθηναίων δὲ ὑπὸ ἀνάγκης ξυμμάχους· εἴ τε μὴ παύσεται, ὀλίγους μὲν αὐτὸν τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐς φιλίαν προσάξεσθαι, πολὺ δὲ πλείους τῶν φίλων πολεμίους ἕξειν.

3 καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐπείσθη τε καὶ Χίων ἄνδρας ὅσους εἶχεν ἔτι ἀφῆκε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τινάς· ὁρῶντες γὰρ τὰς ναῦς οἱ ἄνθρωποι οὐκ ἔφευγον, ἀλλὰ προσεχώρουν μᾶλλον ὡς Ἀττικαῖς καὶ ἐλπίδα οὐδὲ τὴν ἐλαχίστην εἶχον μή ποτε Ἀθηναίων τῆς θαλάσσης κρατούντων ναῦς Πελοποννησίων ἐς Ἰωνίαν παραβαλεῖν.

Chapter 33

1 ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Ἐφέσου ὁ Ἀλκίδας ἔπλει κατὰ τάχος καὶ φυγὴν ἐποιεῖτο· ὤφθη γὰρ ὑπὸ τῆς Σαλαμινίας καὶ Παράλου ἔτι περὶ Κλάρον ὁρμῶν (αἱ δ’ ἀπ’ Ἀθηνῶν ἔτυχον πλέουσαι), καὶ δεδιὼς τὴν δίωξιν ἔπλει διὰ τοῦ πελάγους ὡς γῇ ἑκούσιος οὐ σχήσων ἄλλῃ ἢ Πελοποννήσῳ.

2 τῷ δὲ Πάχητι καὶ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἦλθε μὲν καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἐρυθραίας ἀγγελία, ἀφικνεῖτο δὲ καὶ πανταχόθεν· ἀτειχίστου γὰρ οὔσης τῆς Ἰωνίας μέγα τὸ δέος ἐγένετο μὴ παραπλέοντες οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι, εἰ καὶ ὣς μὴ διενοοῦντο μένειν, πορθῶσιν ἅμα προσπίπτοντες τὰς πόλεις. αὐτάγγελοι δ’ αὐτὸν ἰδοῦσαι ἐν τῇ Κλάρῳ ἥ τε Πάραλος καὶ ἡ Σαλαμινία ἔφρασαν.

3 ὁ δὲ ὑπὸ σπουδῆς ἐποιεῖτο τὴν δίωξιν· καὶ μέχρι μὲν Πάτμου τῆς νήσου ἐπεδίωξεν, ὡς δ᾽ οὐκέτι ἐν καταλήψει ἐφαίνετο, ἐπανεχώρει. κέρδος δὲ ἐνόμισεν, ἐπειδὴ οὐ μετεώροις περιέτυχεν, ὅτι οὐδαμοῦ ἐγκαταληφθεῖσαι ἠναγκάσθησαν στρατόπεδόν τε ποιεῖσθαι καὶ φυλακὴν σφίσι καὶ ἐφόρμησιν παρασχεῖν.

Chapter 34

1 παραπλέων δὲ πάλιν ἔσχε καὶ ἐς Νότιον τὸ Κολοφωνίων, οὗ κατῴκηντο Κολοφώνιοι τῆς ἄνω πόλεως ἑαλωκυίας ὑπὸ Ἰταμάνους καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων κατὰ στάσιν ἰδίαν ἐπαχθέντων· ἑάλω δὲ μάλιστα αὕτη ὅτε ἡ δευτέρα Πελοποννησίων ἐσβολὴ ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἐγίγνετο.

2 ἐν οὖν τῷ Νοτίῳ οἱ καταφυγόντες καὶ κατοικήσαντες αὐτόθι αὖθις στασιάσαντες, οἱ μὲν παρὰ Πισσούθνου ἐπικούρους Ἀρκάδων τε καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων ἐπαγαγόμενοι ἐν διατειχίσματι εἶχον, καὶ τῶν ἐκ τῆς ἄνω πόλεως Κολοφωνίων οἱ μηδίσαντες ξυνεσελθόντες ἐπολίτευον, οἱ δὲ ὑπεξελθόντες τούτους καὶ ὄντες φυγάδες τὸν Πάχητα ἐπάγονται.

3 ὁ δὲ προκαλεσάμενος ἐς λόγους Ἱππίαν τῶν ἐν τῷ διατειχίσματι Ἀρκάδων ἄρχοντα, ὥστε, ἢν μηδὲν ἀρέσκον λέγῃ, πάλιν αὐτὸν καταστήσειν ἐς τὸ τεῖχος σῶν καὶ ὑγιᾶ, ὁ μὲν ἐξῆλθε παρ’ αὐτόν, ὁ δ’ ἐκεῖνον μὲν ἐν φυλακῇ ἀδέσμῳ εἶχεν, αὐτὸς δὲ προσβαλὼν τῷ τειχίσματι ἐξαπιναίως καὶ οὐ προσδεχομένων αἱρεῖ, τούς τε Ἀρκάδας καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων ὅσοι ἐνῆσαν διαφθείρει· καὶ τὸν Ἱππίαν ὕστερον ἐσαγαγὼν ὥσπερ ἐσπείσατο, ἐπειδὴ ἔνδον ἦν, ξυλλαμβάνει καὶ κατατοξεύει.

4 Κολοφωνίοις δὲ Νότιον παραδίδωσι πλὴν τῶν μηδισάντων. καὶ ὕστερον Ἀθηναῖοι οἰκιστὰς πέμψαντες κατὰ τοὺς ἑαυτῶν νόμους κατῴκισαν τὸ Νότιον, ξυναγαγόντες πάντας ἐκ τῶν πόλεων, εἴ πού τις ἦν Κολοφωνίων.

Chapter 35

1 ὁ δὲ Πάχης ἀφικόμενος ἐς τὴν Μυτιλήνην τήν τε Πύρραν καὶ Ἔρεσον παρεστήσατο, καὶ Σάλαιθον λαβὼν ἐν τῇ πόλει τὸν Λακεδαιμόνιον κεκρυμμένον ἀποπέμπει ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Τενέδου Μυτιληναίων ἄνδρας ἅμα οὓς κατέθετο καὶ εἴ τις ἄλλος αὐτῷ αἴτιος ἐδόκει εἶναι τῆς ἀποστάσεως·

2 ἀποπέμπει δὲ καὶ τῆς στρατιᾶς τὸ πλέον, τοῖς δὲ λοιποῖς ὑπομένων καθίστατο τὰ περὶ τὴν Μυτιλήνην καὶ τὴν ἄλλην Λέσβον ᾗ αὐτῷ ἐδόκει.

Chapter 36

1 ἀφικομένων δὲ τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ τοῦ Σαλαίθου οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὸν μὲν Σάλαιθον εὐθὺς ἀπέκτειναν, ἔστιν ἃ παρεχόμενον τά τ’ ἄλλα καὶ ἀπὸ Πλαταιῶν (ἔτι γὰρ ἐπολιορκοῦντο) ἀπάξειν Πελοποννησίους·

2 περὶ δὲ τῶν ἀνδρῶν γνώμας ἐποιοῦντο, καὶ ὑπὸ ὀργῆς ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς οὐ τοὺς παρόντας μόνον ἀποκτεῖναι, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἅπαντας Μυτιληναίους ὅσοι ἡβῶσι, παῖδας δὲ καὶ γυναῖκας ἀνδραποδίσαι, ἐπικαλοῦντες τήν τε ἄλλην ἀπόστασιν ὅτι οὐκ ἀρχόμενοι ὥσπερ οἱ ἄλλοι ἐποιήσαντο, καὶ προσξυνελάβοντο οὐκ ἐλάχιστον τῆς ὁρμῆς αἱ Πελοποννησίων νῆες ἐς Ἰωνίαν ἐκείνοις βοηθοὶ τολμήσασαι παρακινδυνεῦσαι· οὐ γὰρ ἀπὸ βραχείας διανοίας ἐδόκουν τὴν ἀπόστασιν ποιήσασθαι.

3 πέμπουσιν οὖν τριήρη ὡς Πάχητα ἄγγελον τῶν δεδογμένων, κατὰ τάχος κελεύοντες διαχρήσασθαι Μυτιληναίους.

4 καὶ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ μετάνοιά τις εὐθὺς ἦν αὐτοῖς καὶ ἀναλογισμὸς ὠμὸν τὸ βούλευμα καὶ μέγα ἐγνῶσθαι, πόλιν ὅλην διαφθεῖραι μᾶλλον ἢ οὐ τοὺς αἰτίους.

5 ὡς δ’ ᾔσθοντο τοῦτο τῶν Μυτιληναίων οἱ παρόντες πρέσβεις καὶ οἱ αὐτοῖς τῶν Ἀθηναίων ξυμπράσσοντες, παρεσκεύασαν τοὺς ἐν τέλει ὥστε αὖθις γνώμας προθεῖναι· καὶ ἔπεισαν ῥᾷον, διότι καὶ ἐκείνοις ἔνδηλον ἦν βουλόμενον τὸ πλέον τῶν πολιτῶν αὖθίς τινας σφίσιν ἀποδοῦναι βουλεύσασθαι.

6 καταστάσης δ’ εὐθὺς ἐκκλησίας ἄλλαι τε γνῶμαι ἀφ’ ἑκάστων ἐλέγοντο καὶ Κλέων ὁ Κλεαινέτου, ὅσπερ καὶ τὴν προτέραν ἐνενικήκει ὥστε ἀποκτεῖναι, ὢν καὶ ἐς τὰ ἄλλα βιαιότατος τῶν πολιτῶν τῷ τε δήμῳ παρὰ πολὺ ἐν τῷ τότε πιθανώτατος, παρελθὼν αὖθις ἔλεγε τοιάδε.

Chapter 37

1 ‘πολλάκις μὲν ἤδη ἔγωγε καὶ ἄλλοτε ἔγνων δημοκρατίαν ὅτι ἀδύνατόν ἐστιν ἑτέρων ἄρχειν, μάλιστα δ’ ἐν τῇ νῦν ὑμετέρᾳ περὶ Μυτιληναίων μεταμελείᾳ.

2 διὰ γὰρ τὸ καθ’ ἡμέραν ἀδεὲς καὶ ἀνεπιβούλευτον πρὸς ἀλλήλους καὶ ἐς τοὺς ξυμμάχους τὸ αὐτὸ ἔχετε, καὶ ὅτι ἂν ἢ λόγῳ πεισθέντες ὑπ’ αὐτῶν ἁμάρτητε ἢ οἴκτῳ ἐνδῶτε, οὐκ ἐπικινδύνως ἡγεῖσθε ἐς ὑμᾶς καὶ οὐκ ἐς τὴν τῶν ξυμμάχων χάριν μαλακίζεσθαι, οὐ σκοποῦντες ὅτι τυραννίδα ἔχετε τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ πρὸς ἐπιβουλεύοντας αὐτοὺς καὶ ἄκοντας ἀρχομένους, οἳ οὐκ ἐξ ὧν ἂν χαρίζησθε βλαπτόμενοι αὐτοὶ ἀκροῶνται ὑμῶν, ἀλλ’ ἐξ ὧν ἂν ἰσχύι μᾶλλον ἢ τῇ ἐκείνων εὐνοίᾳ περιγένησθε.

3 πάντων δὲ δεινότατον εἰ βέβαιον ἡμῖν μηδὲν καθεστήξει ὧν ἂν δόξῃ πέρι, μηδὲ γνωσόμεθα ὅτι χείροσι νόμοις ἀκινήτοις χρωμένη πόλις κρείσσων ἐστὶν ἢ καλῶς ἔχουσιν ἀκύροις, ἀμαθία τε μετὰ σωφροσύνης ὠφελιμώτερον ἢ δεξιότης μετὰ ἀκολασίας, οἵ τε φαυλότεροι τῶν ἀνθρώπων πρὸς τοὺς ξυνετωτέρους ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πλέον ἄμεινον οἰκοῦσι τὰς πόλεις.

4 οἱ μὲν γὰρ τῶν τε νόμων σοφώτεροι βούλονται φαίνεσθαι τῶν τε αἰεὶ λεγομένων ἐς τὸ κοινὸν περιγίγνεσθαι, ὡς ἐν ἄλλοις μείζοσιν οὐκ ἂν δηλώσαντες τὴν γνώμην, καὶ ἐκ τοῦ τοιούτου τὰ πολλὰ σφάλλουσι τὰς πόλεις· οἱ δ’ ἀπιστοῦντες τῇ ἐξ αὑτῶν ξυνέσει ἀμαθέστεροι μὲν τῶν νόμων ἀξιοῦσιν εἶναι, ἀδυνατώτεροι δὲ τοῦ καλῶς εἰπόντος μέμψασθαι λόγον, κριταὶ δὲ ὄντες ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσου μᾶλλον ἢ ἀγωνισταὶ ὀρθοῦνται τὰ πλείω.

5 ὣς οὖν χρὴ καὶ ἡμᾶς ποιοῦντας μὴ δεινότητι καὶ ξυνέσεως ἀγῶνι ἐπαιρομένους παρὰ δόξαν τῷ ὑμετέρῳ πλήθει παραινεῖν.

Chapter 38

1 ‘ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν ὁ αὐτός εἰμι τῇ γνώμῃ καὶ θαυμάζω μὲν τῶν προθέντων αὖθις περὶ Μυτιληναίων λέγειν καὶ χρόνου διατριβὴν ἐμποιησάντων, ὅ ἐστι πρὸς τῶν ἠδικηκότων μᾶλλον (ὁ γὰρ παθὼν τῷ δράσαντι ἀμβλυτέρᾳ τῇ ὀργῇ ἐπεξέρχεται, ἀμύνεσθαι δὲ τῷ παθεῖν ὅτι ἐγγυτάτω κείμενον ἀντίπαλον ὂν μάλιστα τὴν τιμωρίαν ἀναλαμβάνει), θαυμάζω δὲ καὶ ὅστις ἔσται ὁ ἀντερῶν καὶ ἀξιώσων ἀποφαίνειν τὰς μὲν Μυτιληναίων ἀδικίας ἡμῖν ὠφελίμους οὔσας, τὰς δ’ ἡμετέρας ξυμφορὰς τοῖς ξυμμάχοις βλάβας καθισταμένας.

2 καὶ δῆλον ὅτι ἢ τῷ λέγειν πιστεύσας τὸ πάνυ δοκοῦν ἀνταποφῆναι ὡς οὐκ ἔγνωσται ἀγωνίσαιτ’ ἄν, ἢ κέρδει ἐπαιρόμενος τὸ εὐπρεπὲς τοῦ λόγου ἐκπονήσας παράγειν πειράσεται.

3 ἡ δὲ πόλις ἐκ τῶν τοιῶνδε ἀγώνων τὰ μὲν ἆθλα ἑτέροις δίδωσιν, αὐτὴ δὲ τοὺς κινδύνους ἀναφέρει.

4 αἴτιοι δ’ ὑμεῖς κακῶς ἀγωνοθετοῦντες, οἵτινες εἰώθατε θεαταὶ μὲν τῶν λόγων γίγνεσθαι, ἀκροαταὶ δὲ τῶν ἔργων, τὰ μὲν μέλλοντα ἔργα ἀπὸ τῶν εὖ εἰπόντων σκοποῦντες ὡς δυνατὰ γίγνεσθαι, τὰ δὲ πεπραγμένα ἤδη, οὐ τὸ δρασθὲν πιστότερον ὄψει λαβόντες ἢ τὸ ἀκουσθέν, ἀπὸ τῶν λόγῳ καλῶς ἐπιτιμησάντων·

5 καὶ μετὰ καινότητος μὲν λόγου ἀπατᾶσθαι ἄριστοι, μετὰ δεδοκιμασμένου δὲ μὴ ξυνέπεσθαι ἐθέλειν, δοῦλοι ὄντες τῶν αἰεὶ ἀτόπων, ὑπερόπται δὲ τῶν εἰωθότων,

6 καὶ μάλιστα μὲν αὐτὸς εἰπεῖν ἕκαστος βουλόμενος δύνασθαι, εἰ δὲ μή, ἀνταγωνιζόμενοι τοῖς τοιαῦτα λέγουσι μὴ ὕστεροι ἀκολουθῆσαι δοκεῖν τῇ γνώμῃ, ὀξέως δέ τι λέγοντος προεπαινέσαι, καὶ προαισθέσθαι τε πρόθυμοι εἶναι τὰ λεγόμενα καὶ προνοῆσαι βραδεῖς τὰ ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀποβησόμενα,

7 ζητοῦντές τε ἄλλο τι ὡς εἰπεῖν ἢ ἐν οἷς ζῶμεν, φρονοῦντες δὲ οὐδὲ περὶ τῶν παρόντων ἱκανῶς· ἁπλῶς τε ἀκοῆς ἡδονῇ ἡσσώμενοι καὶ σοφιστῶν θεαταῖς ἐοικότες καθημένοις μᾶλλον ἢ περὶ πόλεως βουλευομένοις.

Chapter 39

1 ‘ὧν ἐγὼ πειρώμενος ἀποτρέπειν ὑμᾶς ἀποφαίνω Μυτιληναίους μάλιστα δὴ μίαν πόλιν ἠδικηκότας ὑμᾶς.

2 ἐγὼ γάρ, οἵτινες μὲν μὴ δυνατοὶ φέρειν τὴν ὑμετέραν ἀρχὴν ἢ οἵτινες ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἀναγκασθέντες ἀπέστησαν, ξυγγνώμην ἔχω· νῆσον δὲ οἵτινες ἔχοντες μετὰ τειχῶν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν μόνον φοβούμενοι τοὺς ἡμετέρους πολεμίους, ἐν ᾧ καὶ αὐτοὶ τριήρων παρασκευῇ οὐκ ἄφαρκτοι ἦσαν πρὸς αὐτούς, αὐτόνομοί τε οἰκοῦντες καὶ τιμώμενοι ἐς τὰ πρῶτα ὑπὸ ἡμῶν τοιαῦτα εἰργάσαντο, τί ἄλλο οὗτοι ἢ ἐπεβούλευσάν τε καὶ ἐπανέστησαν μᾶλλον ἢ ἀπέστησαν (ἀπόστασις μέν γε τῶν βίαιόν τι πασχόντων ἐστίν), ἐζήτησάν τε μετὰ τῶν πολεμιωτάτων ἡμᾶς στάντες διαφθεῖραι; καίτοι δεινότερόν ἐστιν ἢ εἰ καθ’ αὑτοὺς δύναμιν κτώμενοι ἀντεπολέμησαν.

3 παράδειγμα δὲ αὐτοῖς οὔτε αἱ τῶν πέλας ξυμφοραὶ ἐγένοντο, ὅσοι ἀποστάντες ἤδη ἡμῶν ἐχειρώθησαν, οὔτε ἡ παροῦσα εὐδαιμονία παρέσχεν ὄκνον μὴ ἐλθεῖν ἐς τὰ δεινά· γενόμενοι δὲ πρὸς τὸ μέλλον θρασεῖς καὶ ἐλπίσαντες μακρότερα μὲν τῆς δυνάμεως, ἐλάσσω δὲ τῆς βουλήσεως, πόλεμον ἤραντο, ἰσχὺν ἀξιώσαντες τοῦ δικαίου προθεῖναι· ἐν ᾧ γὰρ ᾠήθησαν περιέσεσθαι, ἐπέθεντο ἡμῖν οὐκ ἀδικούμενοι.

4 εἴωθε δὲ τῶν πόλεων αἷς ἂν μάλιστα καὶ δι’ ἐλαχίστου ἀπροσδόκητος εὐπραγία ἔλθῃ, ἐς ὕβριν τρέπειν· τὰ δὲ πολλὰ κατὰ λόγον τοῖς ἀνθρώποις εὐτυχοῦντα ἀσφαλέστερα ἢ παρὰ δόξαν, καὶ κακοπραγίαν ὡς εἰπεῖν ῥᾷον ἀπωθοῦνται ἢ εὐδαιμονίαν διασῴζονται.

5 χρῆν δὲ Μυτιληναίους καὶ πάλαι μηδὲν διαφερόντως τῶν ἄλλων ὑφ’ ἡμῶν τετιμῆσθαι, καὶ οὐκ ἂν ἐς τόδε ἐξύβρισαν· πέφυκε γὰρ καὶ ἄλλως ἄνθρωπος τὸ μὲν θεραπεῦον ὑπερφρονεῖν, τὸ δὲ μὴ ὑπεῖκον θαυμάζειν.

6 κολασθέντων δὲ καὶ νῦν ἀξίως τῆς ἀδικίας, καὶ μὴ τοῖς μὲν ὀλίγοις ἡ αἰτία προστεθῇ, τὸν δὲ δῆμον ἀπολύσητε. πάντες γὰρ ὑμῖν γε ὁμοίως ἐπέθεντο, οἷς γ’ ἐξῆν ὡς ἡμᾶς τραπομένοις νῦν πάλιν ἐν τῇ πόλει εἶναι· ἀλλὰ τὸν μετὰ τῶν ὀλίγων κίνδυνον ἡγησάμενοι βεβαιότερον ξυναπέστησαν.

7 τῶν τε ξυμμάχων σκέψασθε εἰ τοῖς τε ἀναγκασθεῖσιν ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων καὶ τοῖς ἑκοῦσιν ἀποστᾶσι τὰς αὐτὰς ζημίας προσθήσετε, τίνα οἴεσθε ὅντινα οὐ βραχείᾳ προφάσει ἀποστήσεσθαι, ὅταν ἢ κατορθώσαντι ἐλευθέρωσις ᾖ ἢ σφαλέντι μηδὲν παθεῖν ἀνήκεστον;

8 ἡμῖν δὲ πρὸς ἑκάστην πόλιν ἀποκεκινδυνεύσεται τά τε χρήματα καὶ αἱ ψυχαί, καὶ τυχόντες μὲν πόλιν ἐφθαρμένην παραλαβόντες τῆς ἔπειτα προσόδου, δι’ ἣν ἰσχύομεν, τὸ λοιπὸν στερήσεσθε, σφαλέντες δὲ πολεμίους πρὸς τοῖς ὑπάρχουσιν ἕξομεν, καὶ ὃν χρόνον τοῖς νῦν καθεστηκόσι δεῖ ἐχθροῖς ἀνθίστασθαι, τοῖς οἰκείοις ξυμμάχοις πολεμήσομεν.

Chapter 40

1 ‘οὔκουν δεῖ προθεῖναι ἐλπίδα οὔτε λόγῳ πιστὴν οὔτε χρήμασιν ὠνητήν, ὡς ξυγγνώμην ἁμαρτεῖν ἀνθρωπίνως λήψονται. ἄκοντες μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἔβλαψαν, εἰδότες δὲ ἐπεβούλευσαν· ξύγγνωμον δ’ ἐστὶ τὸ ἀκούσιον.

2 ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν καὶ τότε πρῶτον καὶ νῦν διαμάχομαι μὴ μεταγνῶναι ὑμᾶς τὰ προδεδογμένα, μηδὲ τρισὶ τοῖς ἀξυμφορωτάτοις τῇ ἀρχῇ, οἴκτῳ καὶ ἡδονῇ λόγων καὶ ἐπιεικείᾳ, ἁμαρτάνειν.

3 ἔλεός τε γὰρ πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοίους δίκαιος ἀντιδίδοσθαι, καὶ μὴ πρὸς τοὺς οὔτ᾽ ἀντοικτιοῦντας ἐξ ἀνάγκης τε καθεστῶτας αἰεὶ πολεμίους· οἵ τε τέρποντες λόγῳ ῥήτορες ἕξουσι καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις ἐλάσσοσιν ἀγῶνα, καὶ μὴ ἐν ᾧ ἡ μὲν πόλις βραχέα ἡσθεῖσα μεγάλα ζημιώσεται, αὐτοὶ δὲ ἐκ τοῦ εὖ εἰπεῖν τὸ παθεῖν εὖ ἀντιλήψονται· καὶ ἡ ἐπιείκεια πρὸς τοὺς μέλλοντας ἐπιτηδείους καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἔσεσθαι μᾶλλον δίδοται ἢ πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοίους τε καὶ οὐδὲν ἧσσον πολεμίους ὑπολειπομένους.

4 ἕν τε ξυνελὼν λέγω· πειθόμενοι μὲν ἐμοὶ τά τε δίκαια ἐς Μυτιληναίους καὶ τὰ ξύμφορα ἅμα ποιήσετε, ἄλλως δὲ γνόντες τοῖς μὲν οὐ χαριεῖσθε, ὑμᾶς δὲ αὐτοὺς μᾶλλον δικαιώσεσθε. εἰ γὰρ οὗτοι ὀρθῶς ἀπέστησαν, ὑμεῖς ἂν οὐ χρεὼν ἄρχοιτε. εἰ δὲ δὴ καὶ οὐ προσῆκον ὅμως ἀξιοῦτε τοῦτο δρᾶν, παρὰ τὸ εἰκός τοι καὶ τούσδε ξυμφόρως δεῖ κολάζεσθαι, ἢ παύεσθαι τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ ἐκ τοῦ ἀκινδύνου ἀνδραγαθίζεσθαι.

5 τῇ τε αὐτῇ ζημίᾳ ἀξιώσατε ἀμύνασθαι καὶ μὴ ἀναλγητότεροι οἱ διαφεύγοντες τῶν ἐπιβουλευσάντων φανῆναι, ἐνθυμηθέντες ἃ εἰκὸς ἦν αὐτοὺς ποιῆσαι κρατήσαντας ὑμῶν, ἄλλως τε καὶ προϋπάρξαντας ἀδικίας.

6 μάλιστα δὲ οἱ μὴ ξὺν προφάσει τινὰ κακῶς ποιοῦντες ἐπεξέρχονται καὶ διολλύναι, τὸν κίνδυνον ὑφορώμενοι τοῦ ὑπολειπομένου ἐχθροῦ· ὁ γὰρ μὴ ξὺν ἀνάγκῃ τι παθὼν χαλεπώτερος διαφυγὼν τοῦ ἀπὸ τῆς ἴσης ἐχθροῦ.

7 ‘μὴ οὖν προδόται γένησθε ὑμῶν αὐτῶν, γενόμενοι δ’ ὅτι ἐγγύτατα τῇ γνώμῃ τοῦ πάσχειν καὶ ὡς πρὸ παντὸς ἂν ἐτιμήσασθε αὐτοὺς χειρώσασθαι, νῦν ἀνταπόδοτε μὴ μαλακισθέντες πρὸς τὸ παρὸν αὐτίκα μηδὲ τοῦ ἐπικρεμασθέντος ποτὲ δεινοῦ ἀμνημονοῦντες.

8 κολάσατε δὲ ἀξίως τούτους τε καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ξυμμάχοις παράδειγμα σαφὲς καταστήσατε, ὃς ἂν ἀφιστῆται, θανάτῳ ζημιωσόμενον. τόδε γὰρ ἢν γνῶσιν, ἧσσον τῶν πολεμίων ἀμελήσαντες τοῖς ὑμετέροις αὐτῶν μαχεῖσθε ξυμμάχοις.’

Chapter 41

1 τοιαῦτα μὲν ὁ Κλέων εἶπεν· μετὰ δ’ αὐτὸν Διόδοτος ὁ Εὐκράτους, ὅσπερ καὶ ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ ἐκκλησίᾳ ἀντέλεγε μάλιστα μὴ ἀποκτεῖναι Μυτιληναίους, παρελθὼν καὶ τότε ἔλεγε τοιάδε.

Chapter 42

1 ‘οὔτε τοὺς προθέντας τὴν διαγνώμην αὖθις περὶ Μυτιληναίων αἰτιῶμαι, οὔτε τοὺς μεμφομένους μὴ πολλάκις περὶ τῶν μεγίστων βουλεύεσθαι ἐπαινῶ, νομίζω δὲ δύο τὰ ἐναντιώτατα εὐβουλίᾳ εἶναι, τάχος τε καὶ ὀργήν, ὧν τὸ μὲν μετὰ ἀνοίας φιλεῖ γίγνεσθαι, τὸ δὲ μετὰ ἀπαιδευσίας καὶ βραχύτητος γνώμης.

2 τούς τε λόγους ὅστις διαμάχεται μὴ διδασκάλους τῶν πραγμάτων γίγνεσθαι, ἢ ἀξύνετός ἐστιν ἢ ἰδίᾳ τι αὐτῷ διαφέρει· ἀξύνετος μέν, εἰ ἄλλῳ τινὶ ἡγεῖται περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος δυνατὸν εἶναι καὶ μὴ ἐμφανοῦς φράσαι, διαφέρει δ’ αὐτῷ, εἰ βουλόμενός τι αἰσχρὸν πεῖσαι εὖ μὲν εἰπεῖν οὐκ ἂν ἡγεῖται περὶ τοῦ μὴ καλοῦ δύνασθαι, εὖ δὲ διαβαλὼν ἐκπλῆξαι ἂν τούς τε ἀντεροῦντας καὶ τοὺς ἀκουσομένους.

3 χαλεπώτατοι δὲ καὶ οἱ ἐπὶ χρήμασι προσκατηγοροῦντες ἐπίδειξίν τινα. εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἀμαθίαν κατῃτιῶντο, ὁ μὴ πείσας ἀξυνετώτερος ἂν δόξας εἶναι ἢ ἀδικώτερος ἀπεχώρει· ἀδικίας δ’ ἐπιφερομένης πείσας τε ὕποπτος γίγνεται καὶ μὴ τυχὼν μετὰ ἀξυνεσίας καὶ ἄδικος.

4 ἥ τε πόλις οὐκ ὠφελεῖται ἐν τῷ τοιῷδε· φόβῳ γὰρ ἀποστερεῖται τῶν ξυμβούλων. καὶ πλεῖστ’ ἂν ὀρθοῖτο ἀδυνάτους λέγειν ἔχουσα τοὺς τοιούτους τῶν πολιτῶν· ἐλάχιστα γὰρ ἂν πεισθεῖεν ἁμαρτάνειν.

5 χρὴ δὲ τὸν μὲν ἀγαθὸν πολίτην μὴ ἐκφοβοῦντα τοὺς ἀντεροῦντας, ἀλλ’ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσου φαίνεσθαι ἄμεινον λέγοντα, τὴν δὲ σώφρονα πόλιν τῷ τε πλεῖστα εὖ βουλεύοντι μὴ προστιθέναι τιμήν, ἀλλὰ μηδ’ ἐλασσοῦν τῆς ὑπαρχούσης, καὶ τὸν μὴ τυχόντα γνώμης οὐχ ὅπως ζημιοῦν ἀλλὰ μηδ’ ἀτιμάζειν.

6 οὕτω γὰρ ὅ τε κατορθῶν ἥκιστα ἂν ἐπὶ τῷ ἔτι μειζόνων ἀξιοῦσθαι παρὰ γνώμην τι καὶ πρὸς χάριν λέγοι, ὅ τε μὴ ἐπιτυχὼν ὀρέγοιτο τῷ αὐτῷ χαριζόμενός τι καὶ αὐτὸς προσάγεσθαι τὸ πλῆθος.

Chapter 43

1 ‘ὧν ἡμεῖς τἀναντία δρῶμεν, καὶ προσέτι ἤν τις καὶ ὑποπτεύηται κέρδους μὲν ἕνεκα τὰ βέλτιστα δὲ ὅμως λέγειν, φθονήσαντες τῆς οὐ βεβαίου δοκήσεως τῶν κερδῶν τὴν φανερὰν ὠφελίαν τῆς πόλεως ἀφαιρούμεθα.

2 καθέστηκε δὲ τἀγαθὰ ἀπὸ τοῦ εὐθέος λεγόμενα μηδὲν ἀνυποπτότερα εἶναι τῶν κακῶν, ὥστε δεῖν ὁμοίως τόν τε τὰ δεινότατα βουλόμενον πεῖσαι ἀπάτῃ προσάγεσθαι τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὸν τὰ ἀμείνω λέγοντα ψευσάμενον πιστὸν γενέσθαι.

3 μόνην τε πόλιν διὰ τὰς περινοίας εὖ ποιῆσαι ἐκ τοῦ προφανοῦς μὴ ἐξαπατήσαντα ἀδύνατον· ὁ γὰρ διδοὺς φανερῶς τι ἀγαθὸν ἀνθυποπτεύεται ἀφανῶς πῃ πλέον ἕξειν.

4 χρὴ δὲ πρὸς τὰ μέγιστα καὶ ἐν τῷ τοιῷδε ἀξιοῦν τι ἡμᾶς περαιτέρω προνοοῦντας λέγειν ὑμῶν τῶν δι’ ὀλίγου σκοπούντων, ἄλλως τε καὶ ὑπεύθυνον τὴν παραίνεσιν ἔχοντας πρὸς ἀνεύθυνον τὴν ὑμετέραν ἀκρόασιν.

5 εἰ γὰρ ὅ τε πείσας καὶ ὁ ἐπισπόμενος ὁμοίως ἐβλάπτοντο, σωφρονέστερον ἂν ἐκρίνετε· νῦν δὲ πρὸς ὀργὴν ἥντινα τύχητε ἔστιν ὅτε σφαλέντες τὴν τοῦ πείσαντος μίαν γνώμην ζημιοῦτε καὶ οὐ τὰς ὑμετέρας αὐτῶν, εἰ πολλαὶ οὖσαι ξυνεξήμαρτον.

Chapter 44

1 ‘ἐγὼ δὲ παρῆλθον οὔτε ἀντερῶν περὶ Μυτιληναίων οὔτε κατηγορήσων. οὐ γὰρ περὶ τῆς ἐκείνων ἀδικίας ἡμῖν ὁ ἀγών, εἰ σωφρονοῦμεν, ἀλλὰ περὶ τῆς ἡμετέρας εὐβουλίας.

2 ἤν τε γὰρ ἀποφήνω πάνυ ἀδικοῦντας αὐτούς, οὐ διὰ τοῦτο καὶ ἀποκτεῖναι κελεύσω, εἰ μὴ ξυμφέρον, ἤν τε καὶ ἔχοντάς τι ξυγγνώμης † εἶεν †, εἰ τῇ πόλει μὴ ἀγαθὸν φαίνοιτο.

3 νομίζω δὲ περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος ἡμᾶς μᾶλλον βουλεύεσθαι ἢ τοῦ παρόντος. καὶ τοῦτο ὃ μάλιστα Κλέων ἰσχυρίζεται, ἐς τὸ λοιπὸν ξυμφέρον ἔσεσθαι πρὸς τὸ ἧσσον ἀφίστασθαι θάνατον ζημίαν προθεῖσι, καὶ αὐτὸς περὶ τοῦ ἐς τὸ μέλλον καλῶς ἔχοντος ἀντισχυριζόμενος τἀναντία γιγνώσκω.

4 καὶ οὐκ ἀξιῶ ὑμᾶς τῷ εὐπρεπεῖ τοῦ ἐκείνου λόγου τὸ χρήσιμον τοῦ ἐμοῦ ἀπώσασθαι. δικαιότερος γὰρ ὢν αὐτοῦ ὁ λόγος πρὸς τὴν νῦν ὑμετέραν ὀργὴν ἐς Μυτιληναίους τάχ’ ἂν ἐπισπάσαιτο· ἡμεῖς δὲ οὐ δικαζόμεθα πρὸς αὐτούς, ὥστε τῶν δικαίων δεῖν, ἀλλὰ βουλευόμεθα περὶ αὐτῶν, ὅπως χρησίμως ἕξουσιν.

Chapter 45

1 ‘ἐν οὖν ταῖς πόλεσι πολλῶν θανάτου ζημίαι πρόκεινται, καὶ οὐκ ἴσων τῷδε, ἀλλ’ ἐλασσόνων ἁμαρτημάτων· ὅμως δὲ τῇ ἐλπίδι ἐπαιρόμενοι κινδυνεύουσι, καὶ οὐδείς πω καταγνοὺς ἑαυτοῦ μὴ περιέσεσθαι τῷ ἐπιβουλεύματι ἦλθεν ἐς τὸ δεινόν.

2 πόλις τε ἀφισταμένη τίς πω ἥσσω τῇ δοκήσει ἔχουσα τὴν παρασκευὴν ἢ οἰκείαν ἢ ἄλλων ξυμμαχίᾳ τούτῳ ἐπεχείρησεν;

3 πεφύκασί τε ἅπαντες καὶ ἰδίᾳ καὶ δημοσίᾳ ἁμαρτάνειν, καὶ οὐκ ἔστι νόμος ὅστις ἀπείρξει τούτου, ἐπεὶ διεξεληλύθασί γε διὰ πασῶν τῶν ζημιῶν οἱ ἄνθρωποι προστιθέντες, εἴ πως ἧσσον ἀδικοῖντο ὑπὸ τῶν κακούργων. καὶ εἰκὸς τὸ πάλαι τῶν μεγίστων ἀδικημάτων μαλακωτέρας κεῖσθαι αὐτάς, παραβαινομένων δὲ τῷ χρόνῳ ἐς τὸν θάνατον αἱ πολλαὶ ἀνήκουσιν· καὶ τοῦτο ὅμως παραβαίνεται.

4 ἢ τοίνυν δεινότερόν τι τούτου δέος εὑρετέον ἐστὶν ἢ τόδε γε οὐδὲν ἐπίσχει, ἀλλ’ ἡ μὲν πενία ἀνάγκῃ τὴν τόλμαν παρέχουσα, ἡ δ’ ἐξουσία ὕβρει τὴν πλεονεξίαν καὶ φρονήματι, αἱ δ’ ἄλλαι ξυντυχίαι ὀργῇ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὡς ἑκάστη τις κατέχεται ὑπ’ ἀνηκέστου τινὸς κρείσσονος ἐξάγουσιν ἐς τοὺς κινδύνους.

5 ἥ τε ἐλπὶς καὶ ὁ ἔρως ἐπὶ παντί, ὁ μὲν ἡγούμενος, ἡ δ’ ἐφεπομένη, καὶ ὁ μὲν τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ἐκφροντίζων, ἡ δὲ τὴν εὐπορίαν τῆς τύχης ὑποτιθεῖσα, πλεῖστα βλάπτουσι, καὶ ὄντα ἀφανῆ κρείσσω ἐστὶ τῶν ὁρωμένων δεινῶν.

6 καὶ ἡ τύχη ἐπ’ αὐτοῖς οὐδὲν ἔλασσον ξυμβάλλεται ἐς τὸ ἐπαίρειν· ἀδοκήτως γὰρ ἔστιν ὅτε παρισταμένη καὶ ἐκ τῶν ὑποδεεστέρων κινδυνεύειν τινὰ προάγει, καὶ οὐχ ἧσσον τὰς πόλεις, ὅσῳ περὶ τῶν μεγίστων τε, ἐλευθερίας ἢ ἄλλων ἀρχῆς, καὶ μετὰ πάντων ἕκαστος ἀλογίστως ἐπὶ πλέον τι αὑτὸν ἐδόξασεν.

7 ἁπλῶς τε ἀδύνατον καὶ πολλῆς εὐηθείας,ὅστις οἴεται τῆς ἀνθρωπείας φύσεως ὁρμωμένης προθύμως τι πρᾶξαι ἀποτροπήν τινα ἔχειν ἢ νόμων ἰσχύι ἢ ἄλλῳ τῳ δεινῷ.

Chapter 46

1 ‘οὔκουν χρὴ οὔτε τοῦ θανάτου τῇ ζημίᾳ ὡς ἐχεγγύῳ πιστεύσαντας χεῖρον βουλεύσασθαι οὔτε ἀνέλπιστον καταστῆσαι τοῖς ἀποστᾶσιν ὡς οὐκ ἔσται μεταγνῶναι καὶ ὅτι ἐν βραχυτάτῳ τὴν ἁμαρτίαν καταλῦσαι.

2 σκέψασθε γὰρ ὅτι νῦν μέν, ἤν τις καὶ ἀποστᾶσα πόλις γνῷ μὴ περιεσομένη, ἔλθοι ἂν ἐς ξύμβασιν δυνατὴ οὖσα ἔτι τὴν δαπάνην ἀποδοῦναι καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ὑποτελεῖν· ἐκείνως δὲ τίνα οἴεσθε ἥντινα οὐκ ἄμεινον μὲν ἢ νῦν παρασκευάσεσθαι, πολιορκίᾳ δὲ παρατενεῖσθαι ἐς τοὔσχατον, εἰ τὸ αὐτὸ δύναται σχολῇ καὶ ταχὺ ξυμβῆναι;

3 ἡμῖν τε πῶς οὐ βλάβη δαπανᾶν καθημένοις διὰ τὸ ἀξύμβατον καί, ἢν ἕλωμεν, πόλιν ἐφθαρμένην παραλαβεῖν καὶ τῆς προσόδου τὸ λοιπὸν ἀπ’ αὐτῆς στέρεσθαι; ἰσχύομεν δὲ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους τῷδε.

4 ὥστε οὐ δικαστὰς ὄντας δεῖ ἡμᾶς μᾶλλον τῶν ἐξαμαρτανόντων ἀκριβεῖς βλάπτεσθαι ἢ ὁρᾶν ὅπως ἐς τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον μετρίως κολάζοντες ταῖς πόλεσιν ἕξομεν ἐς χρημάτων λόγον ἰσχυούσαις χρῆσθαι, καὶ τὴν φυλακὴν μὴ ἀπὸ τῶν νόμων τῆς δεινότητος ἀξιοῦν ποιεῖσθαι, ἀλλ’ ἀπὸ τῶν ἔργων τῆς ἐπιμελείας.

5 οὗ νῦν τοὐναντίον δρῶντες, ἤν τινα ἐλεύθερον καὶ βίᾳ ἀρχόμενον εἰκότως πρὸς αὐτονομίαν ἀποστάντα χειρωσώμεθα, χαλεπῶς οἰόμεθα χρῆναι τιμωρεῖσθαι.

6 χρὴ δὲ τοὺς ἐλευθέρους οὐκ ἀφισταμένους σφόδρα κολάζειν, ἀλλὰ πρὶν ἀποστῆναι σφόδρα φυλάσσειν καὶ προκαταλαμβάνειν ὅπως μηδ’ ἐς ἐπίνοιαν τούτου ἴωσι, κρατήσαντάς τε ὅτι ἐπ’ ἐλάχιστον τὴν αἰτίαν ἐπιφέρειν.

Chapter 47

1 ‘ὑμεῖς δὲ σκέψασθε ὅσον ἂν καὶ τοῦτο ἁμαρτάνοιτε Κλέωνι πειθόμενοι.

2 νῦν μὲν γὰρ ὑμῖν ὁ δῆμος ἐν πάσαις ταῖς πόλεσιν εὔνους ἐστί, καὶ ἢ οὐ ξυναφίσταται τοῖς ὀλίγοις ἤ, ἐὰν βιασθῇ, ὑπάρχει τοῖς ἀποστήσασι πολέμιος εὐθύς, καὶ τῆς ἀντικαθισταμένης πόλεως τὸ πλῆθος ξύμμαχον ἔχοντες ἐς πόλεμον ἐπέρχεσθε.

3 εἰ δὲ διαφθερεῖτε τὸν δῆμον τὸν Μυτιληναίων, ὃς οὔτε μετέσχε τῆς ἀποστάσεως, ἐπειδή τε ὅπλων ἐκράτησεν, ἑκὼν παρέδωκε τὴν πόλιν, πρῶτον μὲν ἀδικήσετε τοὺς εὐεργέτας κτείνοντες, ἔπειτα καταστήσετε τοῖς δυνατοῖς τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὃ βούλονται μάλιστα· ἀφιστάντες γὰρ τὰς πόλεις τὸν δῆμον εὐθὺς ξύμμαχον ἕξουσι, προδειξάντων ὑμῶν τὴν αὐτὴν ζημίαν τοῖς τε ἀδικοῦσιν ὁμοίως κεῖσθαι καὶ τοῖς μή.

4 δεῖ δέ, καὶ εἰ ἠδίκησαν, μὴ προσποιεῖσθαι, ὅπως ὃ μόνον ἡμῖν ἔτι ξύμμαχόν ἐστι μὴ πολέμιον γένηται.

5 καὶ τοῦτο πολλῷ ξυμφορώτερον ἡγοῦμαι ἐς τὴν κάθεξιν τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἑκόντας ἡμᾶς ἀδικηθῆναι ἢ δικαίως οὓς μὴ δεῖ διαφθεῖραι· καὶ τὸ Κλέωνος τὸ αὐτὸ δίκαιον καὶ ξύμφορον τῆς τιμωρίας οὐχ εὑρίσκεται ἐν αὐτῷ δυνατὸν ὂν ἅμα γίγνεσθαι.

Chapter 48

1 ‘ὑμεῖς δὲ γνόντες ἀμείνω τάδε εἶναι καὶ μήτε οἴκτῳ πλέον νείμαντες μήτ’ ἐπιεικείᾳ, οἷς οὐδὲ ἐγὼ ἐῶ προσάγεσθαι, ἀπ’ αὐτῶν δὲ τῶν παραινουμένων πείθεσθέ μοι Μυτιληναίων οὓς μὲν Πάχης ἀπέπεμψεν ὡς ἀδικοῦντας κρῖναι καθ’ ἡσυχίαν, τοὺς δ’ ἄλλους ἐᾶν οἰκεῖν.

2 τάδε γὰρ ἔς τε τὸ μέλλον ἀγαθὰ καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἤδη φοβερά· ὅστις γὰρ εὖ βουλεύεται πρὸς τοὺς ἐναντίους κρείσσων ἐστὶν ἢ μετ’ ἔργων ἰσχύος ἀνοίᾳ ἐπιών.’

Chapter 49

1 τοιαῦτα δὲ ὁ Διόδοτος εἶπεν. ῥηθεισῶν δὲ τῶν γνωμῶν τούτων μάλιστα ἀντιπάλων πρὸς ἀλλήλας οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἦλθον μὲν ἐς ἀγῶνα ὅμως τῆς δόξης καὶ ἐγένοντο ἐν τῇ χειροτονίᾳ ἀγχώμαλοι, ἐκράτησε δὲ ἡ τοῦ Διοδότου.

2 καὶ τριήρη εὐθὺς ἄλλην ἀπέστελλον κατὰ σπουδήν, ὅπως μὴ φθασάσης τῆς προτέρας εὕρωσι διεφθαρμένην τὴν πόλιν· προεῖχε δὲ ἡμέρᾳ καὶ νυκτὶ μάλιστα.

3 παρασκευασάντων δὲ τῶν Μυτιληναίων πρέσβεων τῇ νηὶ οἶνον καὶ ἄλφιτα καὶ μεγάλα ὑποσχομένων, εἰ φθάσειαν, ἐγένετο σπουδὴ τοῦ πλοῦ τοιαύτη ὥστε ἤσθιόν τε ἅμα ἐλαύνοντες οἴνῳ καὶ ἐλαίῳ ἄλφιτα πεφυραμένα, καὶ οἱ μὲν ὕπνον ᾑροῦντο κατὰ μέρος, οἱ δὲ ἤλαυνον.

4 κατὰ τύχην δὲ πνεύματος οὐδενὸς ἐναντιωθέντος καὶ τῆς μὲν προτέρας νεὼς οὐ σπουδῇ πλεούσης ἐπὶ πρᾶγμα ἀλλόκοτον, ταύτης δὲ τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ ἐπειγομένης, ἡ μὲν ἔφθασε τοσοῦτον ὅσον Πάχητα ἀνεγνωκέναι τὸ ψήφισμα καὶ μέλλειν δράσειν τὰ δεδογμένα, ἡ δ᾽ ὑστέρα αὐτῆς ἐπικατάγεται καὶ διεκώλυσε μὴ διαφθεῖραι. παρὰ τοσοῦτον μὲν ἡ Μυτιλήνη ἦλθε κινδύνου.

Chapter 50

1 τοὺς δ’ ἄλλους ἄνδρας οὓς ὁ Πάχης ἀπέπεμψεν ὡς αἰτιωτάτους ὄντας τῆς ἀποστάσεως Κλέωνος γνώμῃ διέφθειραν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι (ἦσαν δὲ ὀλίγῳ πλείους χιλίων), καὶ Μυτιληναίων τείχη καθεῖλον καὶ ναῦς παρέλαβον.

2 ὕστερον δὲ φόρον μὲν οὐκ ἔταξαν Λεσβίοις, κλήρους δὲ ποιήσαντες τῆς γῆς πλὴν τῆς Μηθυμναίων τρισχιλίους τριακοσίους μὲν τοῖς θεοῖς ἱεροὺς ἐξεῖλον, ἐπὶ δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους σφῶν αὐτῶν κληρούχους τοὺς λαχόντας ἀπέπεμψαν· οἷς ἀργύριον Λέσβιοι ταξάμενοι τοῦ κλήρου ἑκάστου τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ δύο μνᾶς φέρειν αὐτοὶ εἰργάζοντο τὴν γῆν.

3 παρέλαβον δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ πολίσματα οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ὅσων Μυτιληναῖοι ἐκράτουν, καὶ ὑπήκουον ὕστερον Ἀθηναίων. τὰ μὲν κατὰ Λέσβον οὕτως ἐγένετο.

Chapter 51

1 ἐν δὲ τῷ αὐτῷ θέρει μετὰ τὴν Λέσβου ἅλωσιν Ἀθηναῖοι Νικίου τοῦ Νικηράτου στρατηγοῦντος ἐστράτευσαν ἐπὶ Μινῴαν τὴν νῆσον, ἣ κεῖται πρὸ Μεγάρων· ἐχρῶντο δὲ αὐτῇ πύργον ἐνοικοδομήσαντες οἱ Μεγαρῆς φρουρίῳ.

2 ἐβούλετο δὲ Νικίας τὴν φυλακὴν αὐτόθεν δι’ ἐλάσσονος τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις καὶ μὴ ἀπὸ τοῦ Βουδόρου καὶ τῆς Σαλαμῖνος εἶναι, τούς τε Πελοποννησίους, ὅπως μὴ ποιῶνται ἔκπλους αὐτόθεν λανθάνοντες τριήρων τε, οἷον καὶ τὸ πρὶν γενόμενον, καὶ λῃστῶν ἐκπομπαῖς, τοῖς τε Μεγαρεῦσιν ἅμα μηδὲν ἐσπλεῖν.

3 ἑλὼν οὖν ἀπὸ τῆς Νισαίας πρῶτον δύο πύργω προύχοντε μηχαναῖς ἐκ θαλάσσης καὶ τὸν ἔσπλουν ἐς τὸ μεταξὺ τῆς νήσου ἐλευθερώσας ἀπετείχιζε καὶ τὸ ἐκ τῆς ἠπείρου, ᾗ κατὰ γέφυραν διὰ τενάγους ἐπιβοήθεια ἦν τῇ νήσῳ οὐ πολὺ διεχούσῃ τῆς ἠπείρου.

4 ὡς δὲ τοῦτο ἐξειργάσαντο ἐν ἡμέραις ὀλίγαις, ὕστερον δὴ καὶ ἐν τῇ νήσῳ τεῖχος ἐγκαταλιπὼν καὶ φρουρὰν ἀνεχώρησε τῷ στρατῷ.

Chapter 52

1 ὑπὸ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους τοῦ θέρους τούτου καὶ οἱ Πλαταιῆς οὐκέτι ἔχοντες σῖτον οὐδὲ δυνάμενοι πολιορκεῖσθαι ξυνέβησαν τοῖς Πελοποννησίοις τοιῷδε τρόπῳ.

2 προσέβαλλον αὐτῶν τῷ τείχει, οἱ δὲ οὐκ ἐδύναντο ἀμύνεσθαι. γνοὺς δὲ ὁ Λακεδαιμόνιος ἄρχων τὴν ἀσθένειαν αὐτῶν βίᾳ μὲν οὐκ ἐβούλετο ἑλεῖν (εἰρημένον γὰρ ἦν αὐτῷ ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος, ὅπως, εἰ σπονδαὶ γίγνοιντό ποτε πρὸς Ἀθηναίους καὶ ξυγχωροῖεν ὅσα πολέμῳ χωρία ἔχουσιν ἑκάτεροι ἀποδίδοσθαι, μὴ ἀνάδοτος εἴη ἡ Πλάταια ὡς αὐτῶν ἑκόντων προσχωρησάντων), προσπέμπει δὲ αὐτοῖς κήρυκα λέγοντα, εἰ βούλονται παραδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν ἑκόντες τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ δικασταῖς ἐκείνοις χρήσασθαι, τούς τε ἀδίκους κολάζειν, παρὰ δίκην δὲ οὐδένα.

3 τοσαῦτα μὲν ὁ κῆρυξ εἶπεν· οἱ δέ (ἦσαν γὰρ ἤδη ἐν τῷ ἀσθενεστάτῳ) παρέδοσαν τὴν πόλιν. καὶ τοὺς Πλαταιᾶς ἔτρεφον οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι ἡμέρας τινάς, ἐν ὅσῳ οἱ ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος δικασταὶ πέντε ἄνδρες ἀφίκοντο.

4 ἐλθόντων δὲ αὐτῶν κατηγορία μὲν οὐδεμία προυτέθη, ἠρώτων δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐπικαλεσάμενοι τοσοῦτον μόνον, εἴ τι Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τῷ καθεστῶτι ἀγαθόν [τι] εἰργασμένοι εἰσίν.

5 οἱ δ’ ἔλεγον αἰτησάμενοι μακρότερα εἰπεῖν καὶ προτάξαντες σφῶν αὐτῶν Ἀστύμαχόν τε τὸν Ἀσωπολάου καὶ Λάκωνα τὸν Αἰειμνήστου πρόξενον ὄντα Λακεδαιμονίων· καὶ ἐπελθόντες ἔλεγον τοιάδε.

Chapter 53

1 ‘τὴν μὲν παράδοσιν τῆς πόλεως, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, πιστεύσαντες ὑμῖν ἐποιησάμεθα, οὐ τοιάνδε δίκην οἰόμενοι ὑφέξειν, νομιμωτέραν δέ τινα ἔσεσθαι, καὶ ἐν δικασταῖς οὐκ ἂν ἄλλοις δεξάμενοι, ὥσπερ καὶ ἐσμέν, γενέσθαι [ἢ ὑμῖν], ἡγούμενοι τὸ ἴσον μάλιστ’ ἂν φέρεσθαι.

2 νῦν δὲ φοβούμεθα μὴ ἀμφοτέρων ἅμα ἡμαρτήκαμεν· τόν τε γὰρ ἀγῶνα περὶ τῶν δεινοτάτων εἶναι εἰκότως ὑποπτεύομεν καὶ ὑμᾶς μὴ οὐ κοινοὶ ἀποβῆτε, τεκμαιρόμενοι προκατηγορίας τε ἡμῶν οὐ προγεγενημένης ᾗ χρὴ ἀντειπεῖν (ἀλλ’ αὐτοὶ λόγον ᾐτησάμεθα) τό τε ἐπερώτημα βραχὺ ὄν, ᾧ τὰ μὲν ἀληθῆ ἀποκρίνασθαι ἐναντία γίγνεται, τὰ δὲ ψευδῆ ἔλεγχον ἔχει.

3 πανταχόθεν δὲ ἄποροι καθεστῶτες ἀναγκαζόμεθα καὶ ἀσφαλέστερον δοκεῖ εἶναι εἰπόντας τι κινδυνεύειν· καὶ γὰρ ὁ μὴ ῥηθεὶς λόγος τοῖς ὧδ’ ἔχουσιν αἰτίαν ἂν παράσχοι ὡς, εἰ ἐλέχθη, σωτήριος ἂν ἦν.

4 χαλεπῶς δὲ ἔχει ἡμῖν πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις καὶ ἡ πειθώ. ἀγνῶτες μὲν γὰρ ὄντες ἀλλήλων ἐπεσενεγκάμενοι μαρτύρια ὧν ἄπειροι ἦτε ὠφελούμεθ’ ἄν· νῦν δὲ πρὸς εἰδότας πάντα λελέξεται, καὶ δέδιμεν οὐχὶ μὴ προκαταγνόντες ἡμῶν τὰς ἀρετὰς ἥσσους εἶναι τῶν ὑμετέρων ἔγκλημα αὐτὸ ποιῆτε, ἀλλὰ μὴ ἄλλοις χάριν φέροντες ἐπὶ διεγνωσμένην κρίσιν καθιστώμεθα.

Chapter 54

1 παρεχόμενοι δὲ ὅμως ἃ ἔχομεν δίκαια πρός τε τὰ Θηβαίων διάφορα καὶ ἐς ὑμᾶς καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Ἕλληνας, τῶν εὖ δεδραμένων ὑπόμνησιν ποιησόμεθα καὶ πείθειν πειρασόμεθα.

2 ‘φαμὲν γὰρ πρὸς τὸ ἐρώτημα τὸ βραχύ, εἴ τι Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τῷδε ἀγαθὸν πεποιήκαμεν, εἰ μὲν ὡς πολεμίους ἐρωτᾶτε, οὐκ ἀδικεῖσθαι ὑμᾶς μὴ εὖ παθόντας, φίλους δὲ νομίζοντας αὐτοὺς ἁμαρτάνειν μᾶλλον τοὺς ἡμῖν ἐπιστρατεύσαντας.

3 τὰ δ’ ἐν τῇ εἰρήνῃ καὶ πρὸς τὸν Μῆδον ἀγαθοὶ γεγενήμεθα, τὴν μὲν οὐ λύσαντες νῦν πρότεροι, τῷ δὲ ξυνεπιθέμενοι τότε ἐς ἐλευθερίαν τῆς Ἑλλάδος μόνοι Βοιωτῶν.

4 καὶ γὰρ ἠπειρῶταί τε ὄντες ἐναυμαχήσαμεν ἐπ’ Ἀρτεμισίῳ, μάχῃ τε τῇ ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ γῇ γενομένῃ παρεγενόμεθα ὑμῖν τε καὶ Παυσανίᾳ· εἴ τέ τι ἄλλο κατ’ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ἐγένετο ἐπικίνδυνον τοῖς Ἕλλησι, πάντων παρὰ δύναμιν μετέσχομεν.

5 καὶ ὑμῖν, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, ἰδίᾳ, ὅτεπερ δὴ μέγιστος φόβος περιέστη τὴν Σπάρτην μετὰ τὸν σεισμὸν τῶν ἐς Ἰθώμην Εἱλώτων ἀποστάντων, τὸ τρίτον μέρος ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ἐξεπέμψαμεν ἐς ἐπικουρίαν· ὧν οὐκ εἰκὸς ἀμνημονεῖν.

Chapter 55

1 ‘καὶ τὰ μὲν παλαιὰ καὶ μέγιστα τοιοῦτοι ἠξιώσαμεν εἶναι, πολέμιοι δὲ ἐγενόμεθα ὕστερον. ὑμεῖς δὲ αἴτιοι· δεομένων γὰρ ξυμμαχίας ὅτε Θηβαῖοι ἡμᾶς ἐβιάσαντο, ὑμεῖς ἀπεώσασθε καὶ πρὸς Ἀθηναίους ἐκελεύετε τραπέσθαι ὡς ἐγγὺς ὄντας, ὑμῶν δὲ μακρὰν ἀποικούντων.

2 ἐν μέντοι τῷ πολέμῳ οὐδὲν ἐκπρεπέστερον ὑπὸ ἡμῶν οὔτε ἐπάθετε οὔτε ἐμελλήσατε.

3 εἰ δ’ ἀποστῆναι Ἀθηναίων οὐκ ἠθελήσαμεν ὑμῶν κελευσάντων, οὐκ ἠδικοῦμεν· καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι ἐβοήθουν ἡμῖν ἐναντία Θηβαίοις ὅτε ὑμεῖς ἀπωκνεῖτε, καὶ προδοῦναι αὐτοὺς οὐκέτι ἦν καλόν, ἄλλως τε καὶ οὓς εὖ παθών τις καὶ αὐτὸς δεόμενος προσηγάγετο ξυμμάχους καὶ πολιτείας μετέλαβεν, ἰέναι δὲ ἐς τὰ παραγγελλόμενα εἰκὸς ἦν προθύμως.

4 ἃ δὲ ἑκάτεροι ἐξηγεῖσθε τοῖς ξυμμάχοις, οὐχ οἱ ἑπόμενοι αἴτιοι εἴ τι μὴ καλῶς ἐδρᾶτο, ἀλλ’ οἱ ἄγοντες ἐπὶ τὰ μὴ ὀρθῶς ἔχοντα.

Chapter 56

1 ‘Θηβαῖοι δὲ πολλὰ μὲν καὶ ἄλλα ἡμᾶς ἠδίκησαν, τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον αὐτοὶ ξύνιστε, δι’ ὅπερ καὶ τάδε πάσχομεν.

2 πόλιν γὰρ αὐτοὺς τὴν ἡμετέραν καταλαμβάνοντας ἐν σπονδαῖς καὶ προσέτι ἱερομηνίᾳ ὀρθῶς τε ἐτιμωρησάμεθα κατὰ τὸν πᾶσι νόμον καθεστῶτα, τὸν ἐπιόντα πολέμιον ὅσιον εἶναι ἀμύνεσθαι, καὶ νῦν οὐκ ἂν εἰκότως δι’ αὐτοὺς βλαπτοίμεθα.

3 εἰ γὰρ τῷ αὐτίκα χρησίμῳ ὑμῶν τε καὶ ἐκείνων πολεμίῳ τὸ δίκαιον λήψεσθε, τοῦ μὲν ὀρθοῦ φανεῖσθε οὐκ ἀληθεῖς κριταὶ ὄντες, τὸ δὲ ξυμφέρον μᾶλλον θεραπεύοντες.

4 καίτοι εἰ νῦν ὑμῖν ὠφέλιμοι δοκοῦσιν εἶναι, πολὺ καὶ ἡμεῖς καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι Ἕλληνες μᾶλλον τότε ὅτε ἐν μείζονι κινδύνῳ ἦτε. νῦν μὲν γὰρ ἑτέροις ὑμεῖς ἐπέρχεσθε δεινοί, ἐν ἐκείνῳ δὲ τῷ καιρῷ, ὅτε πᾶσι δουλείαν ἐπέφερεν ὁ βάρβαρος, οἵδε μετ’ αὐτοῦ ἦσαν.

5 καὶ δίκαιον ἡμῶν τῆς νῦν ἁμαρτίας, εἰ ἄρα ἡμάρτηταί τι, ἀντιθεῖναι τὴν τότε προθυμίαν· καὶ μείζω τε πρὸς ἐλάσσω εὑρήσετε καὶ ἐν καιροῖς οἷς σπάνιον ἦν τῶν Ἑλλήνων τινὰ ἀρετὴν τῇ Ξέρξου δυνάμει ἀντιτάξασθαι, ἐπῃνοῦντό τε μᾶλλον οἱ μὴ τὰ ξύμφορα πρὸς τὴν ἔφοδον αὑτοῖς ἀσφαλείᾳ πράσσοντες, ἐθέλοντες δὲ τολμᾶν μετὰ κινδύνων τὰ βέλτιστα.

6 ὧν ἡμεῖς γενόμενοι καὶ τιμηθέντες ἐς τὰ πρῶτα νῦν ἐπὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς δέδιμεν μὴ διαφθαρῶμεν, Ἀθηναίους ἑλόμενοι δικαίως μᾶλλον ἢ ὑμᾶς κερδαλέως.

7 καίτοι χρὴ ταὐτὰ περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν ὁμοίως φαίνεσθαι γιγνώσκοντας, καὶ τὸ ξυμφέρον μὴ ἄλλο τι νομίσαι ἢ τῶν ξυμμάχων τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ὅταν αἰεὶ βέβαιον τὴν χάριν τῆς ἀρετῆς ἔχωσι καὶ τὸ παραυτίκα που ὑμῖν ὠφέλιμον καθιστῆται.

Chapter 57

1 ‘προσκέψασθέ τε ὅτι νῦν μὲν παράδειγμα τοῖς πολλοῖς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀνδραγαθίας νομίζεσθε· εἰ δὲ περὶ ἡμῶν γνώσεσθε μὴ τὰ εἰκότα (οὐ γὰρ ἀφανῆ κρινεῖτε τὴν δίκην τήνδε, ἐπαινούμενοι δὲ περὶ οὐδ’ ἡμῶν μεμπτῶν), ὁρᾶτε ὅπως μὴ οὐκ ἀποδέξωνται ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν πέρι αὐτοὺς ἀμείνους ὄντας ἀπρεπές τι ἐπιγνῶναι, οὐδὲ πρὸς ἱεροῖς τοῖς κοινοῖς σκῦλα ἀπὸ ἡμῶν τῶν εὐεργετῶν τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀνατεθῆναι.

2 δεινὸν δὲ δόξει εἶναι Πλάταιαν Λακεδαιμονίους πορθῆσαι, καὶ τοὺς μὲν πατέρας ἀναγράψαι ἐς τὸν τρίποδα τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖς δι’ ἀρετὴν τὴν πόλιν, ὑμᾶς δὲ καὶ ἐκ παντὸς τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ πανοικεσίᾳ διὰ Θηβαίους ἐξαλεῖψαι.

3 ἐς τοῦτο γὰρ δὴ ξυμφορᾶς προκεχωρήκαμεν, οἵτινες Μήδων τε κρατησάντων ἀπωλλύμεθα καὶ νῦν ἐν ὑμῖν τοῖς πρὶν φιλτάτοις Θηβαίων ἡσσώμεθα καὶ δύο ἀγῶνας τοὺς μεγίστους ὑπέστημεν, τότε μέν, τὴν πόλιν εἰ μὴ παρέδομεν, λιμῷ διαφθαρῆναι, νῦν δὲ θανάτου δίκῃ κρίνεσθαι.

4 καὶ περιεώσμεθα ἐκ πάντων Πλαταιῆς οἱ παρὰ δύναμιν πρόθυμοι ἐς τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐρῆμοι καὶ ἀτιμώρητοι· καὶ οὔτε τῶν τότε ξυμμάχων ὠφελεῖ οὐδείς, ὑμεῖς τε, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, ἡ μόνη ἐλπίς, δέδιμεν μὴ οὐ βέβαιοι ἦτε.

Chapter 58

1 ‘καίτοι ἀξιοῦμέν γε καὶ θεῶν ἕνεκα τῶν ξυμμαχικῶν ποτὲ γενομένων καὶ τῆς ἀρετῆς τῆς ἐς τοὺς Ἕλληνας καμφθῆναι ὑμᾶς καὶ μεταγνῶναι εἴ τι ὑπὸ Θηβαίων ἐπείσθητε, τήν τε δωρεὰν ἀνταπαιτῆσαι αὐτοὺς μὴ κτείνειν οὓς μὴ ὑμῖν πρέπει, σώφρονά τε ἀντὶ αἰσχρᾶς κομίσασθαι χάριν, καὶ μὴ ἡδονὴν δόντας ἄλλοις κακίαν αὐτοὺς ἀντιλαβεῖν·

2 βραχὺ γὰρ τὸ τὰ ἡμέτερα σώματα διαφθεῖραι, ἐπίπονον δὲ τὴν δύσκλειαν αὐτοῦ ἀφανίσαι. οὐκ ἐχθροὺς γὰρ ἡμᾶς εἰκότως τιμωρήσεσθε, ἀλλ’ εὔνους, κατ’ ἀνάγκην πολεμήσαντας.

3 ὥστε καὶ τῶν σωμάτων ἄδειαν ποιοῦντες ὅσια ἂν δικάζοιτε καὶ προνοοῦντες ὅτι ἑκόντας τε ἐλάβετε καὶ χεῖρας προϊσχομένους (ὁ δὲ νόμος τοῖς Ἕλλησι μὴ κτείνειν τούτους), ἔτι δὲ καὶ εὐεργέτας γεγενημένους διὰ παντός.

4 ἀποβλέψατε γὰρ ἐς πατέρων τῶν ὑμετέρων θήκας, οὓς ἀποθανόντας ὑπὸ Μήδων καὶ ταφέντας ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ ἐτιμῶμεν κατὰ ἔτος ἕκαστον δημοσίᾳ ἐσθήμασί τε καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις νομίμοις, ὅσα τε ἡ γῆ ἡμῶν ἀνεδίδου ὡραῖα, πάντων ἀπαρχὰς ἐπιφέροντες, εὖνοι μὲν ἐκ φιλίας χώρας, ξύμμαχοι δὲ ὁμαίχμοις ποτὲ γενομένοις. ὧν ὑμεῖς τοὐναντίον ἂν δράσαιτε μὴ ὀρθῶς γνόντες.

5 σκέψασθέ τε· Παυσανίας μὲν γὰρ ἔθαπτεν αὐτοὺς νομίζων ἐν γῇ τε φιλίᾳ τιθέναι καὶ παρ᾽ ἀνδράσι τοιούτοις· ὑμεῖς δὲ εἰ κτενεῖτε ἡμᾶς καὶ χώραν τὴν Πλαταιίδα Θηβαΐδα ποιήσετε, τί ἄλλο ἢ ἐν πολεμίᾳ τε καὶ παρὰ τοῖς αὐθένταις πατέρας τοὺς ὑμετέρους καὶ ξυγγενεῖς ἀτίμους γερῶν ὧν νῦν ἴσχουσι καταλείψετε; πρὸς δὲ καὶ γῆν ἐν ᾗ ἠλευθερώθησαν οἱ Ἕλληνες δουλώσετε, ἱερά τε θεῶν οἷς εὐξάμενοι Μήδων ἐκράτησαν ἐρημοῦτε καὶ θυσίας τὰς πατρίους τῶν ἑσσαμένων καὶ κτισάντων ἀφαιρήσεσθε.

Chapter 59

1 ‘οὐ πρὸς τῆς ὑμετέρας δόξης, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, τάδε, οὔτε ἐς τὰ κοινὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων νόμιμα καὶ ἐς τοὺς προγόνους ἁμαρτάνειν οὔτε ἡμᾶς τοὺς εὐεργέτας ἀλλοτρίας ἕνεκα ἔχθρας μὴ αὐτοὺς ἀδικηθέντας διαφθεῖραι, φείσασθαι δὲ καὶ ἐπικλασθῆναι τῇ γνώμῃ οἴκτῳ σώφρονι λαβόντας, μὴ ὧν πεισόμεθα μόνον δεινότητα κατανοοῦντας, ἀλλ’ οἷοί τε ἂν ὄντες πάθοιμεν καὶ ὡς ἀστάθμητον τὸ τῆς ξυμφορᾶς ᾧτινί ποτ’ ἂν καὶ ἀναξίῳ ξυμπέσοι.

2 ἡμεῖς τε, ὡς πρέπον ἡμῖν καὶ ὡς ἡ χρεία προάγει, αἰτούμεθα ὑμᾶς, θεοὺς τοὺς ὁμοβωμίους καὶ κοινοὺς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐπιβοώμενοι, πεῖσαι τάδε· προφερόμενοι ὅρκους οὓς οἱ πατέρες ὑμῶν ὤμοσαν μὴ ἀμνημονεῖν ἱκέται γιγνόμεθα ὑμῶν τῶν πατρῴων τάφων καὶ ἐπικαλούμεθα τοὺς κεκμηκότας μὴ γενέσθαι ὑπὸ Θηβαίοις μηδὲ τοῖς ἐχθίστοις φίλτατοι ὄντες παραδοθῆναι. ἡμέρας τε ἀναμιμνῄσκομεν ἐκείνης ᾗ τὰ λαμπρότατα μετ’ αὐτῶν πράξαντες νῦν ἐν τῇδε τὰ δεινότατα κινδυνεύομεν παθεῖν.

3 ὅπερ δὲ ἀναγκαῖόν τε καὶ χαλεπώτατον τοῖς ὧδε ἔχουσι, λόγου τελευτᾶν, διότι καὶ τοῦ βίου ὁ κίνδυνος ἐγγὺς μετ’ αὐτοῦ, παυόμενοι λέγομεν ἤδη ὅτι οὐ Θηβαίοις παρέδομεν τὴν πόλιν (εἱλόμεθα γὰρ ἂν πρό γε τούτου τῷ αἰσχίστῳ ὀλέθρῳ λιμῷ τελευτῆσαι), ὑμῖν δὲ πιστεύσαντες προσήλθομεν (καὶ δίκαιον, εἰ μὴ πείθομεν, ἐς τὰ αὐτὰ καταστήσαντας τὸν ξυντυχόντα κίνδυνον ἐᾶσαι ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς ἑλέσθαι),

4 ἐπισκήπτομέν τε ἅμα μὴ Πλαταιῆς ὄντες οἱ προθυμότατοι περὶ τοὺς Ἕλληνας γενόμενοι Θηβαίοις τοῖς ἡμῖν ἐχθίστοις ἐκ τῶν ὑμετέρων χειρῶν καὶ τῆς ὑμετέρας πίστεως ἱκέται ὄντες,ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, παραδοθῆναι, γενέσθαι δὲ σωτῆρας ἡμῶν καὶ μὴ τοὺς ἄλλους Ἕλληνας ἐλευθεροῦντας ἡμᾶς διολέσαι.’

Chapter 60

1 τοιαῦτα μὲν οἱ Πλαταιῆς εἶπον. οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι δείσαντες πρὸς τὸν λόγον αὐτῶν μὴ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοί τι ἐνδῶσι, παρελθόντες ἔφασαν καὶ αὐτοὶ βούλεσθαι εἰπεῖν, ἐπειδὴ καὶ ἐκείνοις παρὰ γνώμην τὴν αὑτῶν μακρότερος λόγος ἐδόθη τῆς πρὸς τὸ ἐρώτημα ἀποκρίσεως. ὡς δ’ ἐκέλευσαν, ἔλεγον τοιάδε.

Chapter 61

1 ‘τοὺς μὲν λόγους οὐκ ἂν ᾐτησάμεθα εἰπεῖν, εἰ καὶ αὐτοὶ βραχέως τὸ ἐρωτηθὲν ἀπεκρίναντο καὶ μὴ ἐπὶ ἡμᾶς τραπόμενοι κατηγορίαν ἐποιήσαντο καὶ περὶ αὑτῶν ἔξω τῶν προκειμένων καὶ ἅμα οὐδὲ ᾐτιαμένων πολλὴν τὴν ἀπολογίαν καὶ ἔπαινον ὧν οὐδεὶς ἐμέμψατο. νῦν δὲ πρὸς μὲν τὰ ἀντειπεῖν δεῖ, τῶν δὲ ἔλεγχον ποιήσασθαι, ἵνα μήτε ἡ ἡμετέρα αὐτοὺς κακία ὠφελῇ μήτε ἡ τούτων δόξα, τὸ δ’ ἀληθὲς περὶ ἀμφοτέρων ἀκούσαντες κρίνητε.

2 ‘ἡμεῖς δὲ αὐτοῖς διάφοροι ἐγενόμεθα πρῶτον ὅτι ἡμῶν κτισάντων Πλάταιαν ὕστερον τῆς ἄλλης Βοιωτίας καὶ ἄλλα χωρία μετ’ αὐτῆς, ἃ ξυμμείκτους ἀνθρώπους ἐξελάσαντες ἔσχομεν, οὐκ ἠξίουν οὗτοι, ὥσπερ ἐτάχθη τὸ πρῶτον, ἡγεμονεύεσθαι ὑφ’ ἡμῶν, ἔξω δὲ τῶν ἄλλων Βοιωτῶν παραβαίνοντες τὰ πάτρια, ἐπειδὴ προσηναγκάζοντο, προσεχώρησαν πρὸς Ἀθηναίους καὶ μετ’ αὐτῶν πολλὰ ἡμᾶς ἔβλαπτον, ἀνθ’ ὧν καὶ ἀντέπασχον.

Chapter 62

1 ‘ἐπειδὴ δὲ καὶ ὁ βάρβαρος ἦλθεν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα, φασὶ μόνοι Βοιωτῶν οὐ μηδίσαι, καὶ τούτῳ μάλιστα αὐτοί τε ἀγάλλονται καὶ ἡμᾶς λοιδοροῦσιν.

2 ἡμεῖς δὲ μηδίσαι μὲν αὐτοὺς οὔ φαμεν διότι οὐδ’ Ἀθηναίους, τῇ μέντοι αὐτῇ ἰδέᾳ ὕστερον ἰόντων Ἀθηναίων ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἕλληνας μόνους αὖ Βοιωτῶν ἀττικίσαι.

3 καίτοι σκέψασθε ἐν οἵῳ εἴδει ἑκάτεροι ἡμῶν τοῦτο ἔπραξαν. ἡμῖν μὲν γὰρ ἡ πόλις τότε ἐτύγχανεν οὔτε κατ’ ὀλιγαρχίαν ἰσόνομον πολιτεύουσα οὔτε κατὰ δημοκρατίαν· ὅπερ δέ ἐστι νόμοις μὲν καὶ τῷ σωφρονεστάτῳ ἐναντιώτατον, ἐγγυτάτω δὲ τυράννου, δυναστεία ὀλίγων ἀνδρῶν εἶχε τὰ πράγματα.

4 καὶ οὗτοι ἰδίας δυνάμεις ἐλπίσαντες ἔτι μᾶλλον σχήσειν εἰ τὰ τοῦ Μήδου κρατήσειε, κατέχοντες ἰσχύι τὸ πλῆθος ἐπηγάγοντο αὐτόν· καὶ ἡ ξύμπασα πόλις οὐκ αὐτοκράτωρ οὖσα ἑαυτῆς τοῦτ’ ἔπραξεν, οὐδ’ ἄξιον αὐτῇ ὀνειδίσαι ὧν μὴ μετὰ νόμων ἥμαρτεν.

5 ἐπειδὴ γοῦν ὅ τε Μῆδος ἀπῆλθε καὶ τοὺς νόμους ἔλαβε, σκέψασθαι χρή, Ἀθηναίων ὕστερον ἐπιόντων τήν τε ἄλλην Ἑλλάδα καὶ τὴν ἡμετέραν χώραν πειρωμένων ὑφ’ αὑτοῖς ποιεῖσθαι καὶ κατὰ στάσιν ἤδη ἐχόντων αὐτῆς τὰ πολλά, εἰ μαχόμενοι ἐν Κορωνείᾳ καὶ νικήσαντες αὐτοὺς ἠλευθερώσαμεν τὴν Βοιωτίαν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους νῦν προθύμως ξυνελευθεροῦμεν, ἵππους τε παρέχοντες καὶ παρασκευὴν ὅσην οὐκ ἄλλοι τῶν ξυμμάχων.

Chapter 63

1 ‘καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐς τὸν μηδισμὸν τοσαῦτα ἀπολογούμεθα· ὡς δὲ ὑμεῖς μᾶλλόν τε ἠδικήκατε τοὺς Ἕλληνας καὶ ἀξιώτεροί ἐστε πάσης ζημίας, πειρασόμεθα ἀποφαίνειν.

2 ἐγένεσθε ἐπὶ τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ τιμωρίᾳ, ὡς φατέ, Ἀθηναίων ξύμμαχοι καὶ πολῖται. οὐκοῦν χρῆν τὰ πρὸς ἡμᾶς μόνον ὑμᾶς ἐπάγεσθαι αὐτοὺς καὶ μὴ ξυνεπιέναι μετ’ αὐτῶν ἄλλοις, ὑπάρχον γε ὑμῖν, εἴ τι καὶ ἄκοντες προσήγεσθε ὑπ’ Ἀθηναίων, τῆς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων τῶνδε ἤδη ἐπὶ τῷ Μήδῳ ξυμμαχίας γεγενημένης, ἣν αὐτοὶ μάλιστα προβάλλεσθε· ἱκανή γε ἦν ἡμᾶς τε ὑμῶν ἀποτρέπειν, καί, τὸ μέγιστον, ἀδεῶς παρέχειν βουλεύεσθαι. ἀλλ’ ἑκόντες καὶ οὐ βιαζόμενοι ἔτι εἵλεσθε μᾶλλον τὰ Ἀθηναίων.

3 καὶ λέγετε ὡς αἰσχρὸν ἦν προδοῦναι τοὺς εὐεργέτας· πολὺ δέ γε αἴσχιον καὶ ἀδικώτερον τοὺς πάντας Ἕλληνας καταπροδοῦναι, οἷς ξυνωμόσατε, ἢ Ἀθηναίους μόνους, τοὺς μὲν καταδουλουμένους τὴν Ἑλλάδα, τοὺς δὲ ἐλευθεροῦντας.

4 καὶ οὐκ ἴσην αὐτοῖς τὴν χάριν ἀνταπέδοτε οὐδὲ αἰσχύνης ἀπηλλαγμένην· ὑμεῖς μὲν γὰρ ἀδικούμενοι αὐτούς, ὡς φατέ, ἐπηγάγεσθε, τοῖς δὲ ἀδικοῦσιν ἄλλους ξυνεργοὶ κατέστητε. καίτοι τὰς ὁμοίας χάριτας μὴ ἀντιδιδόναι αἰσχρὸν μᾶλλον ἢ τὰς μετὰ δικαιοσύνης μὲν ὀφειληθείσας, ἐς ἀδικίαν δὲ ἀποδιδομένας.

Chapter 64

1 δῆλόν τε ἐποιήσατε οὐδὲ τότε τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἕνεκα μόνοι οὐ μηδίσαντες, ἀλλ’ ὅτι οὐδ᾽ Ἀθηναῖοι, ὑμεῖς δὲ τοῖς μὲν ταὐτὰ βουλόμενοι ποιεῖν, τοῖς δὲ τἀναντία.

2 καὶ νῦν ἀξιοῦτε, ἀφ’ ὧν δι’ ἑτέρους ἐγένεσθε ἀγαθοί, ἀπὸ τούτων ὠφελεῖσθαι. ἀλλ’ οὐκ εἰκός· ὥσπερ δὲ Ἀθηναίους εἵλεσθε, τούτοις ξυναγωνίζεσθε, καὶ μὴ προφέρετε τὴν τότε γενομένην ξυνωμοσίαν ὡς χρὴ ἀπ’ αὐτῆς νῦν σῴζεσθαι.

3 ἀπελίπετε γὰρ αὐτὴν καὶ παραβάντες ξυγκατεδουλοῦσθε μᾶλλον Αἰγινήτας καὶ ἄλλους τινὰς τῶν ξυνομοσάντων ἢ διεκωλύετε, καὶ ταῦτα οὔτε ἄκοντες ἔχοντές τε τοὺς νόμους οὕσπερ μέχρι τοῦ δεῦρο καὶ οὐδενὸς ὑμᾶς βιασαμένου ὥσπερ ἡμᾶς. τὴν τελευταίαν τε πρὶν περιτειχίζεσθαι πρόκλησιν ἐς ἡσυχίαν ἡμῶν, ὥστε μηδετέροις ἀμύνειν, οὐκ ἐδέχεσθε.

4 τίνες ἂν οὖν ὑμῶν δικαιότερον πᾶσι τοῖς Ἕλλησι μισοῖντο, οἵτινες ἐπὶ τῷ ἐκείνων κακῷ ἀνδραγαθίαν προύθεσθε; καὶ ἃ μέν ποτε χρηστοὶ ἐγένεσθε, ὡς φατέ, οὐ προσήκοντα νῦν ἐπεδείξατε, ἃ δὲ ἡ φύσις αἰεὶ ἐβούλετο, ἐξηλέγχθη ἐς τὸ ἀληθές· μετὰ γὰρ Ἀθηναίων ἄδικον ὁδὸν ἰόντων ἐχωρήσατε.

5 ‘τὰ μὲν οὖν ἐς τὸν ἡμέτερόν τε ἀκούσιον μηδισμὸν καὶ τὸν ὑμέτερον ἑκούσιον ἀττικισμὸν τοιαῦτα ἀποφαίνομεν·

Chapter 65

1 ἃ δὲ τελευταῖά φατε ἀδικηθῆναι, παρανόμως γὰρ ἐλθεῖν ἡμᾶς ἐν σπονδαῖς καὶ ἱερομηνίᾳ ἐπὶ τὴν ὑμετέραν πόλιν, οὐ νομίζομεν οὐδ’ ἐν τούτοις ὑμῶν μᾶλλον ἁμαρτεῖν.

2 εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἡμεῖς αὐτοὶ πρός τε τὴν πόλιν ἐλθόντες ἐμαχόμεθα καὶ τὴν γῆν ἐδῃοῦμεν ὡς πολέμιοι, ἀδικοῦμεν· εἰ δὲ ἄνδρες ὑμῶν οἱ πρῶτοι καὶ χρήμασι καὶ γένει, βουλόμενοι τῆς μὲν ἔξω ξυμμαχίας ὑμᾶς παῦσαι, ἐς δὲ τὰ κοινὰ τῶν πάντων Βοιωτῶν πάτρια καταστῆσαι, ἐπεκαλέσαντο ἑκόντες, τί ἀδικοῦμεν; οἱ γὰρ ἄγοντες παρανομοῦσι μᾶλλον τῶν ἑπομένων.

3 ἀλλ’ οὔτ’ ἐκεῖνοι, ὡς ἡμεῖς κρίνομεν, οὔτε ἡμεῖς· πολῖται δὲ ὄντες ὥσπερ ὑμεῖς καὶ πλείω παραβαλλόμενοι, τὸ ἑαυτῶν τεῖχος ἀνοίξαντες καὶ ἐς τὴν αὑτῶν πόλιν φιλίως, οὐ πολεμίως κομίσαντες ἐβούλοντο τούς τε ὑμῶν χείρους μηκέτι μᾶλλον γενέσθαι τούς τε ἀμείνους τὰ ἄξια ἔχειν, σωφρονισταὶ ὄντες τῆς γνώμης καὶ τῶν σωμάτων τὴν πόλιν οὐκ ἀλλοτριοῦντες ἀλλ’ ἐς τὴν ξυγγένειαν οἰκειοῦντες, ἐχθροὺς οὐδενὶ καθιστάντες, ἅπασι δ᾽ ὁμοίως ἐνσπόνδους.

Chapter 66

1 τεκμήριον δὲ ὡς οὐ πολεμίως ἐπράσσομεν· οὔτε γὰρ ἠδικήσαμεν οὐδένα, προείπομέν τε τὸν βουλόμενον κατὰ τὰ τῶν πάντων Βοιωτῶν πάτρια πολιτεύειν ἰέναι πρὸς ἡμᾶς.

2 καὶ ὑμεῖς ἄσμενοι χωρήσαντες καὶ ξύμβασιν ποιησάμενοι τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἡσυχάζετε, ὕστερον δὲ κατανοήσαντες ἡμᾶς ὀλίγους ὄντας, εἰ ἄρα καὶ ἐδοκοῦμέν τι ἀνεπιεικέστερον πρᾶξαι οὐ μετὰ τοῦ πλήθους ὑμῶν ἐσελθόντες, τὰ μὲν ὁμοῖα οὐκ ἀνταπέδοτε ἡμῖν, μήτε νεωτερίσαι ἔργῳ λόγοις τε πείθειν ὥστε ἐξελθεῖν, ἐπιθέμενοι δὲ παρὰ τὴν ξύμβασιν, οὓς μὲν ἐν χερσὶν ἀπεκτείνατε, οὐχ ὁμοίως ἀλγοῦμεν (κατὰ νόμον γὰρ δή τινα ἔπασχον), οὓς δὲ χεῖρας προϊσχομένους καὶ ζωγρήσαντες ὑποσχόμενοί τε ἡμῖν ὕστερον μὴ κτενεῖν παρανόμως διεφθείρατε, πῶς οὐ δεινὰ εἴργασθε;

3 καὶ ταῦτα τρεῖς ἀδικίας ἐν ὀλίγῳ πράξαντες, τήν τε λυθεῖσαν ὁμολογίαν καὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὸν ὕστερον θάνατον καὶ τὴν περὶ αὐτῶν ἡμῖν μὴ κτενεῖν ψευσθεῖσαν ὑπόσχεσιν, ἢν τὰ ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς ὑμῖν μὴ ἀδικῶμεν, ὅμως φατὲ ἡμᾶς παρανομῆσαι καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀξιοῦτε μὴ ἀντιδοῦναι δίκην. οὔκ, ἤν γε οὗτοι τὰ ὀρθὰ γιγνώσκωσιν· πάντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἕνεκα κολασθήσεσθε.

Chapter 67

1 ‘καὶ ταῦτα, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, τούτου ἕνεκα ἐπεξήλθομεν καὶ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν καὶ ἡμῶν, ἵνα ὑμεῖς μὲν εἰδῆτε δικαίως αὐτῶν καταγνωσόμενοι, ἡμεῖς δὲ ἔτι ὁσιώτερον τετιμωρημένοι.

2 καὶ μὴ παλαιὰς ἀρετάς, εἴ τις ἄρα καὶ ἐγένετο, ἀκούοντες ἐπικλασθῆτε, ἃς χρὴ τοῖς μὲν ἀδικουμένοις ἐπικούρους εἶναι, τοῖς δὲ αἰσχρόν τι δρῶσι διπλασίας ζημίας, ὅτι οὐκ ἐκ προσηκόντων ἁμαρτάνουσιν. μηδὲ ὀλοφυρμῷ καὶ οἴκτῳ ὠφελείσθων, πατέρων τε τάφους τῶν ὑμετέρων ἐπιβοώμενοι καὶ τὴν σφετέραν ἐρημίαν.

3 καὶ γὰρ ἡμεῖς ἀνταποφαίνομεν πολλῷ δεινότερα παθοῦσαν τὴν ὑπὸ τούτων ἡλικίαν ἡμῶν διεφθαρμένην, ὧν πατέρες οἱ μὲν πρὸς ὑμᾶς τὴν Βοιωτίαν ἄγοντες ἀπέθανον ἐν Κορωνείᾳ, οἱ δὲ πρεσβῦται λελειμμένοι καὶ οἰκίαι ἐρῆμοι πολλῷ δικαιοτέραν ὑμῶν ἱκετείαν ποιοῦνται τούσδε τιμωρήσασθαι.

4 οἴκτου τε ἀξιώτεροι τυγχάνειν οἱ ἀπρεπές τι πάσχοντες τῶν ἀνθρώπων, οἱ δὲ δικαίως, ὥσπερ οἵδε, τὰ ἐναντία ἐπίχαρτοι εἶναι.

5 καὶ τὴν νῦν ἐρημίαν δι’ ἑαυτοὺς ἔχουσιν· τοὺς γὰρ ἀμείνους ξυμμάχους ἑκόντες ἀπεώσαντο. παρενόμησάν τε οὐ προπαθόντες ὑφ’ ἡμῶν, μίσει δὲ πλέον ἢ δίκῃ κρίναντες καὶ οὐκ ἀνταποδόντες νῦν τὴν ἴσην τιμωρίαν· ἔννομα γὰρ πείσονται καὶ οὐχὶ ἐκ μάχης χεῖρας προϊσχόμενοι, ὥσπερ φασίν, ἀλλ’ ἀπὸ ξυμβάσεως ἐς δίκην σφᾶς αὐτοὺς παραδόντες.

6 ἀμύνατε οὖν, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, καὶ τῷ τῶν Ἑλλήνων νόμῳ ὑπὸ τῶνδε παραβαθέντι, καὶ ἡμῖν ἄνομα παθοῦσιν ἀνταπόδοτε χάριν δικαίαν ὧν πρόθυμοι γεγενήμεθα, καὶ μὴ τοῖς τῶνδε λόγοις περιωσθῶμεν ἐν ὑμῖν, ποιήσατε δὲ τοῖς Ἕλλησι παράδειγμα οὐ λόγων τοὺς ἀγῶνας προθήσοντες ἀλλ’ ἔργων, ὧν ἀγαθῶν μὲν ὄντων βραχεῖα ἡ ἀπαγγελία ἀρκεῖ, ἁμαρτανομένων δὲ λόγοι ἔπεσι κοσμηθέντες προκαλύμματα γίγνονται.

7 ἀλλ’ ἢν οἱ ἡγεμόνες, ὥσπερ νῦν ὑμεῖς, κεφαλαιώσαντες πρὸς τοὺς ξύμπαντας διαγνώμας ποιήσησθε, ἧσσόν τις ἐπ’ ἀδίκοις ἔργοις λόγους καλοὺς ζητήσει.’

Chapter 68

1 τοιαῦτα δὲ οἱ Θηβαῖοι εἶπον. οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι δικασταὶ νομίζοντες τὸ ἐπερώτημα σφίσιν ὀρθῶς ἕξειν, εἴ τι ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ ὑπ’ αὐτῶν ἀγαθὸν πεπόνθασι, διότι τόν τε ἄλλον χρόνον ἠξίουν δῆθεν αὐτοὺς κατὰ τὰς παλαιὰς Παυσανίου μετὰ τὸν Μῆδον σπονδὰς ἡσυχάζειν καὶ ὅτε ὕστερον ἃ πρὸ τοῦ περιτειχίζεσθαι προείχοντο αὐτοῖς, κοινοὺς εἶναι κατ’ ἐκεῖνα, ὡς οὐκ ἐδέξαντο, ἡγούμενοι τῇ ἑαυτῶν δικαίᾳ βουλήσει ἔκσπονδοι ἤδη ὑπ’ αὐτῶν κακῶς πεπονθέναι, αὖθις τὸ αὐτὸ ἕνα ἕκαστον παραγαγόντες καὶ ἐρωτῶντες, εἴ τι Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἀγαθὸν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ δεδρακότες εἰσίν, ὁπότε μὴ φαῖεν, ἀπάγοντες ἀπέκτεινον καὶ ἐξαίρετον ἐποιήσαντο οὐδένα.

2 διέφθειραν δὲ Πλαταιῶν μὲν αὐτῶν οὐκ ἐλάσσους διακοσίων, Ἀθηναίων δὲ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσιν, οἳ ξυνεπολιορκοῦντο· γυναῖκας δὲ ἠνδραπόδισαν.

3 τὴν δὲ πόλιν ἐνιαυτὸν μέν τινα [Θηβαῖοι] Μεγαρέων ἀνδράσι κατὰ στάσιν ἐκπεπτωκόσι καὶ ὅσοι τὰ σφέτερα φρονοῦντες Πλαταιῶν περιῆσαν ἔδοσαν ἐνοικεῖν· ὕστερον δὲ καθελόντες αὐτὴν ἐς ἔδαφος πᾶσαν ἐκ τῶν θεμελίων ᾠκοδόμησαν πρὸς τῷ Ἡραίῳ καταγώγιον διακοσίων ποδῶν πανταχῇ, κύκλῳ οἰκήματα ἔχον κάτωθεν καὶ ἄνωθεν, καὶ ὀροφαῖς καὶ θυρώμασι τοῖς τῶν Πλαταιῶν ἐχρήσαντο, καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἃ ἦν ἐν τῷ τείχει ἔπιπλα, χαλκὸς καὶ σίδηρος, κλίνας κατασκευάσαντες ἀνέθεσαν τῇ Ἥρᾳ, καὶ νεὼν ἑκατόμπεδον λίθινον ᾠκοδόμησαν αὐτῇ. τὴν δὲ γῆν δημοσιώσαντες ἀπεμίσθωσαν ἐπὶ δέκα ἔτη, καὶ ἐνέμοντο Θηβαῖοι.

4 σχεδὸν δέ τι καὶ τὸ ξύμπαν περὶ Πλαταιῶν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι οὕτως ἀποτετραμμένοι ἐγένοντο Θηβαίων ἕνεκα, νομίζοντες ἐς τὸν πόλεμον αὐτοὺς ἄρτι τότε καθιστάμενον ὠφελίμους εἶναι.

5 καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ Πλάταιαν ἔτει τρίτῳ καὶ ἐνενηκοστῷ ἐπειδὴ Ἀθηναίων ξύμμαχοι ἐγένοντο οὕτως ἐτελεύτησεν.

Chapter 69

1 αἱ δὲ τεσσαράκοντα νῆες τῶν Πελοποννησίων αἱ Λεσβίοις βοηθοὶ ἐλθοῦσαι, ὡς τότε φεύγουσαι διὰ τοῦ πελάγους ἔκ τε τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐπιδιωχθεῖσαι καὶ πρὸς τῇ Κρήτῃ χειμασθεῖσαι καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτῆς σποράδες πρὸς τὴν Πελοπόννησον κατηνέχθησαν, καταλαμβάνουσιν ἐν τῇ Κυλλήνῃ τρεῖς καὶ δέκα τριήρεις Λευκαδίων καὶ Ἀμπρακιωτῶν καὶ Βρασίδαν τὸν Τέλλιδος ξύμβουλον Ἀλκίδᾳ ἐπεληλυθότα.

2 ἐβούλοντο γὰρ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, ὡς τῆς Λέσβου ἡμαρτήκεσαν, πλέον τὸ ναυτικὸν ποιήσαντες ἐς τὴν Κέρκυραν πλεῦσαι στασιάζουσαν, δώδεκα μὲν ναυσὶ μόναις παρόντων Ἀθηναίων περὶ Ναύπακτον, πρὶν δὲ πλέον τι ἐπιβοηθῆσαι ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν ναυτικόν, ὅπως προφθάσωσι, καὶ παρεσκευάζοντο ὅ τε Βρασίδας καὶ ὁ Ἀλκίδας πρὸς ταῦτα.

Chapter 70

1 οἱ γὰρ Κερκυραῖοι ἐστασίαζον, ἐπειδὴ οἱ αἰχμάλωτοι ἦλθον αὐτοῖς οἱ ἐκ τῶν περὶ Ἐπίδαμνον ναυμαχιῶν ὑπὸ Κορινθίων ἀφεθέντες, τῷ μὲν λόγῳ ὀκτακοσίων ταλάντων τοῖς προξένοις διηγγυημένοι, ἔργῳ δὲ πεπεισμένοι Κορινθίοις Κέρκυραν προσποιῆσαι. καὶ ἔπρασσον οὗτοι, ἕκαστον τῶν πολιτῶν μετιόντες, ὅπως ἀποστήσωσιν Ἀθηναίων τὴν πόλιν.

2 καὶ ἀφικομένης Ἀττικῆς τε νεὼς καὶ Κορινθίας πρέσβεις ἀγουσῶν καὶ ἐς λόγους καταστάντων ἐψηφίσαντο Κερκυραῖοι Ἀθηναίοις μὲν ξύμμαχοι εἶναι κατὰ τὰ ξυγκείμενα, Πελοποννησίοις δὲ φίλοι ὥσπερ καὶ πρότερον.

3 καὶ (ἦν γὰρ Πειθίας ἐθελοπρόξενός τε τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ τοῦ δήμου προειστήκει) ὑπάγουσιν αὐτὸν οὗτοι οἱ ἄνδρες ἐς δίκην, λέγοντες Ἀθηναίοις τὴν Κέρκυραν καταδουλοῦν.

4 ὁ δὲ ἀποφυγὼν ἀνθυπάγει αὐτῶν τοὺς πλουσιωτάτους πέντε ἄνδρας, φάσκων τέμνειν χάρακας ἐκ τοῦ τε Διὸς τοῦ τεμένους καὶ τοῦ Ἀλκίνου· ζημία δὲ καθ’ ἑκάστην χάρακα ἐπέκειτο στατήρ.

5 ὀφλόντων δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ πρὸς τὰ ἱερὰ ἱκετῶν καθεζομένων διὰ πλῆθος τῆς ζημίας, ὅπως ταξάμενοι ἀποδῶσιν, ὁ Πειθίας (ἐτύγχανε γὰρ καὶ βουλῆς ὤν) πείθει ὥστε τῷ νόμῳ χρήσασθαι.

6 οἱ δ’ ἐπειδὴ τῷ τε νόμῳ ἐξείργοντο καὶ ἅμα ἐπυνθάνοντο τὸν Πειθίαν, ἕως ἔτι βουλῆς ἐστί, μέλλειν τὸ πλῆθος ἀναπείσειν τοὺς αὐτοὺς Ἀθηναίοις φίλους τε καὶ ἐχθροὺς νομίζειν, ξυνίσταντό τε καὶ λαβόντες ἐγχειρίδια ἐξαπιναίως ἐς τὴν βουλὴν ἐσελθόντες τόν τε Πειθίαν κτείνουσι καὶ ἄλλους τῶν τε βουλευτῶν καὶ ἰδιωτῶν ἐς ἑξήκοντα· οἱ δέ τινες τῆς αὐτῆς γνώμης τῷ Πειθίᾳ ὀλίγοι ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν τριήρη κατέφυγον ἔτι παροῦσαν.

Chapter 71

1 δράσαντες δὲ τοῦτο καὶ ξυγκαλέσαντες Κερκυραίους εἶπον ὅτι ταῦτα καὶ βέλτιστα εἴη καὶ ἥκιστ’ ἂν δουλωθεῖεν ὑπ’ Ἀθηναίων, τό τε λοιπὸν μηδετέρους δέχεσθαι ἀλλ’ ἢ μιᾷ νηὶ ἡσυχάζοντας, τὸ δὲ πλέον πολέμιον ἡγεῖσθαι. ὡς δὲ εἶπον, καὶ ἐπικυρῶσαι ἠνάγκασαν τὴν γνώμην.

2 πέμπουσι δὲ καὶ ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας εὐθὺς πρέσβεις περί τε τῶν πεπραγμένων διδάξοντας ὡς ξυνέφερε καὶ τοὺς ἐκεῖ καταπεφευγότας πείσοντας μηδὲν ἀνεπιτήδειον πράσσειν, ὅπως μή τις ἐπιστροφὴ γένηται.

Chapter 72

1 ἐλθόντων δὲ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τούς τε πρέσβεις ὡς νεωτερίζοντας ξυλλαβόντες, καὶ ὅσους ἔπεισαν, κατέθεντο ἐς Αἴγιναν.

2 ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τῶν Κερκυραίων οἱ ἔχοντες τὰ πράγματα ἐλθούσης τριήρους Κορινθίας καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων πρέσβεων ἐπιτίθενται τῷ δήμῳ, καὶ μαχόμενοι ἐνίκησαν.

3 ἀφικομένης δὲ νυκτὸς ὁ μὲν δῆμος ἐς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν καὶ τὰ μετέωρα τῆς πόλεως καταφεύγει καὶ αὐτοῦ ξυλλεγεὶς ἱδρύθη, καὶ τὸν Ὑλλαϊκὸν λιμένα εἶχον· οἱ δὲ τήν τε ἀγορὰν κατέλαβον, οὗπερ οἱ πολλοὶ ᾤκουν αὐτῶν, καὶ τὸν λιμένα τὸν πρὸς αὐτῇ καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἤπειρον.

Chapter 73

1 τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ ἠκροβολίσαντό τε ὀλίγα καὶ ἐς τοὺς ἀγροὺς περιέπεμπον ἀμφότεροι, τοὺς δούλους παρακαλοῦντές τε καὶ ἐλευθερίαν ὑπισχνούμενοι· καὶ τῷ μὲν δήμῳ τῶν οἰκετῶν τὸ πλῆθος παρεγένετο ξύμμαχον, τοῖς δ’ ἑτέροις ἐκ τῆς ἠπείρου ἐπίκουροι ὀκτακόσιοι.

Chapter 74

1 διαλιπούσης δ’ ἡμέρας μάχη αὖθις γίγνεται καὶ νικᾷ ὁ δῆμος χωρίων τε ἰσχύι καὶ πλήθει προύχων· αἵ τε γυναῖκες αὐτοῖς τολμηρῶς ξυνεπελάβοντο βάλλουσαι ἀπὸ τῶν οἰκιῶν τῷ κεράμῳ καὶ παρὰ φύσιν ὑπομένουσαι τὸν θόρυβον.

2 γενομένης δὲ τῆς τροπῆς περὶ δείλην ὀψίαν, δείσαντες οἱ ὀλίγοι μὴ αὐτοβοεὶ ὁ δῆμος τοῦ τε νεωρίου κρατήσειεν ἐπελθὼν καὶ σφᾶς διαφθείρειεν, ἐμπιπρᾶσι τὰς οἰκίας τὰς ἐν κύκλῳ τῆς ἀγορᾶς καὶ τὰς ξυνοικίας, ὅπως μὴ ᾖ ἔφοδος, φειδόμενοι οὔτε οἰκείας οὔτε ἀλλοτρίας, ὥστε καὶ χρήματα πολλὰ ἐμπόρων κατεκαύθη καὶ ἡ πόλις ἐκινδύνευσε πᾶσα διαφθαρῆναι, εἰ ἄνεμος ἐπεγένετο τῇ φλογὶ ἐπίφορος ἐς αὐτήν.

3 καὶ οἱ μὲν παυσάμενοι τῆς μάχης ὡς ἑκάτεροι ἡσυχάσαντες τὴν νύκτα ἐν φυλακῇ ἦσαν· καὶ ἡ Κορινθία ναῦς τοῦ δήμου κεκρατηκότος ὑπεξανήγετο, καὶ τῶν ἐπικούρων οἱ πολλοὶ ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον λαθόντες διεκομίσθησαν.

Chapter 75

1 τῇ δὲ ἐπιγιγνομένῃ ἡμέρᾳ Νικόστρατος ὁ Διειτρέφους Ἀθηναίων στρατηγὸς παραγίγνεται βοηθῶν ἐκ Ναυπάκτου δώδεκα ναυσὶ καὶ Μεσσηνίων πεντακοσίοις ὁπλίταις· ξύμβασίν τε ἔπρασσε καὶ πείθει ὥστε ξυγχωρῆσαι ἀλλήλοις δέκα μὲν ἄνδρας τοὺς αἰτιωτάτους κρῖναι, οἳ οὐκέτι ἔμειναν, τοὺς δ’ ἄλλους οἰκεῖν σπονδὰς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ποιησαμένους καὶ πρὸς Ἀθηναίους, ὥστε τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἐχθροὺς καὶ φίλους νομίζειν.

2 καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα πράξας ἔμελλεν ἀποπλεύσεσθαι· οἱ δὲ τοῦ δήμου προστάται πείθουσιν αὐτὸν πέντε μὲν ναῦς τῶν αὐτοῦ σφίσι καταλιπεῖν, ὅπως ἧσσόν τι ἐν κινήσει ὦσιν οἱ ἐναντίοι, ἴσας δὲ αὐτοὶ πληρώσαντες ἐκ σφῶν αὐτῶν ξυμπέμψειν.

3 καὶ ὁ μὲν ξυνεχώρησεν, οἱ δὲ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς κατέλεγον ἐς τὰς ναῦς. δείσαντες δὲ ἐκεῖνοι μὴ ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας ἀποπεμφθῶσι καθίζουσιν ἐς τὸ τῶν Διοσκόρων ἱερόν.

4 Νικόστρατος δὲ αὐτοὺς ἀνίστη τε καὶ παρεμυθεῖτο. ὡς δ’ οὐκ ἔπειθεν, ὁ δῆμος ὁπλισθεὶς ἐπὶ τῇ προφάσει ταύτῃ, ὡς οὐδὲν αὐτῶν ὑγιὲς διανοουμένων τῇ τοῦ μὴ ξυμπλεῖν ἀπιστίᾳ, τά τε ὅπλα αὐτῶν ἐκ τῶν οἰκιῶν ἔλαβε καὶ αὐτῶν τινὰς οἷς ἐπέτυχον, εἰ μὴ Νικόστρατος ἐκώλυσε, διέφθειραν ἄν.

5 ὁρῶντες δὲ οἱ ἄλλοι τὰ γιγνόμενα καθίζουσιν ἐς τὸ Ἥραιον ἱκέται καὶ γίγνονται οὐκ ἐλάσσους τετρακοσίων. ὁ δὲ δῆμος δείσας μή τι νεωτερίσωσιν ἀνίστησί τε αὐτοὺς πείσας καὶ διακομίζει ἐς τὴν πρὸ τοῦ Ἡραίου νῆσον, καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐκεῖσε αὐτοῖς διεπέμπετο.

Chapter 76

1 τῆς δὲ στάσεως ἐν τούτῳ οὔσης τετάρτῃ ἢ πέμπτῃ ἡμέρᾳ μετὰ τὴν τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐς τὴν νῆσον διακομιδὴν αἱ ἐκ τῆς Κυλλήνης Πελοποννησίων νῆες, μετὰ τὸν ἐκ τῆς Ἰωνίας πλοῦν ἔφορμοι οὖσαι, παραγίγνονται τρεῖς καὶ πεντήκοντα· ἦρχε δὲ αὐτῶν Ἀλκίδας, ὅσπερ καὶ πρότερον, καὶ Βρασίδας αὐτῷ ξύμβουλος ἐπέπλει. ὁρμισάμενοι δὲ ἐς Σύβοτα λιμένα τῆς ἠπείρου ἅμα ἕῳ ἐπέπλεον τῇ Κερκύρᾳ.

Chapter 77

1 οἱ δὲ πολλῷ θορύβῳ καὶ πεφοβημένοι τά τ’ ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ τὸν ἐπίπλουν παρεσκευάζοντό τε ἅμα ἑξήκοντα ναῦς καὶ τὰς αἰεὶ πληρουμένας ἐξέπεμπον πρὸς τοὺς ἐναντίους, παραινούντων Ἀθηναίων σφᾶς τε ἐᾶσαι πρῶτον ἐκπλεῦσαι καὶ ὕστερον πάσαις ἅμα ἐκείνους ἐπιγενέσθαι.

2 ὡς δὲ αὐτοῖς πρὸς τοῖς πολεμίοις ἦσαν σποράδες αἱ νῆες, δύο μὲν εὐθὺς ηὐτομόλησαν, ἐν ἑτέραις δὲ ἀλλήλοις οἱ ἐμπλέοντες ἐμάχοντο, ἦν δὲ οὐδεὶς κόσμος τῶν ποιουμένων.

3 ἰδόντες δὲ οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι τὴν ταραχὴν εἴκοσι μὲν ναυσὶ πρὸς τοὺς Κερκυραίους ἐτάξαντο, ταῖς δὲ λοιπαῖς πρὸς τὰς δώδεκα ναῦς τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ὧν ἦσαν αἱ δύο Σαλαμινία καὶ Πάραλος.

Chapter 78

1 καὶ οἱ μὲν Κερκυραῖοι κακῶς τε καὶ κατ’ ὀλίγας προσπίπτοντες ἐταλαιπώρουν τὸ καθ᾽ αὑτούς· οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι φοβούμενοι τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὴν περικύκλωσιν ἁθρόαις μὲν οὐ προσέπιπτον οὐδὲ κατὰ μέσον ταῖς ἐφ’ ἑαυτοὺς τεταγμέναις, προσβαλόντες δὲ κατὰ κέρας καταδύουσι μίαν ναῦν. καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα κύκλον ταξαμένων αὐτῶν περιέπλεον καὶ ἐπειρῶντο θορυβεῖν.

2 γνόντες δὲ οἱ πρὸς τοῖς Κερκυραίοις καὶ δείσαντες μὴ ὅπερ ἐν Ναυπάκτῳ γένοιτο, ἐπιβοηθοῦσι, καὶ γενόμεναι ἁθρόαι αἱ νῆες ἅμα τὸν ἐπίπλουν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐποιοῦντο.

3 οἱ δ’ ὑπεχώρουν ἤδη πρύμναν κρουόμενοι καὶ ἅμα τὰς τῶν Κερκυραίων ἐβούλοντο προκαταφυγεῖν ὅτι μάλιστα, ἑαυτῶν σχολῇ τε ὑποχωρούντων καὶ πρὸς σφᾶς τεταγμένων τῶν ἐναντίων.

4 ἡ μὲν οὖν ναυμαχία τοιαύτη γενομένη ἐτελεύτα ἐς ἡλίου δύσιν,

Chapter 79

1 καὶ οἱ Κερκυραῖοι δείσαντες μὴ σφίσιν ἐπιπλεύσαντες ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ὡς κρατοῦντες οἱ πολέμιοι ἢ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς νήσου ἀναλάβωσιν ἢ καὶ ἄλλο τι νεωτερίσωσι, τούς τε ἐκ τῆς νήσου πάλιν ἐς τὸ Ἥραιον διεκόμισαν καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐφύλασσον.

2 οἱ δ’ ἐπὶ μὲν τὴν πόλιν οὐκ ἐτόλμησαν πλεῦσαι κρατοῦντες τῇ ναυμαχίᾳ, τρεῖς δὲ καὶ δέκα ναῦς ἔχοντες τῶν Κερκυραίων ἀπέπλευσαν ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον, ὅθενπερ ἀνηγάγοντο.

3 τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ ἐπὶ μὲν τὴν πόλιν οὐδὲν μᾶλλον ἐπέπλεον, καίπερ ἐν πολλῇ ταραχῇ καὶ φόβῳ ὄντας καὶ Βρασίδου παραινοῦντος, ὡς λέγεται, Ἀλκίδᾳ, ἰσοψήφου δὲ οὐκ ὄντος· ἐπὶ δὲ τὴν Λευκίμμην τὸ ἀκρωτήριον ἀποβάντες ἐπόρθουν τοὺς ἀγρούς.

Chapter 80

1 ὁ δὲ δῆμος τῶν Κερκυραίων ἐν τούτῳ περιδεὴς γενόμενος μὴ ἐπιπλεύσωσιν αἱ νῆες, τοῖς τε ἱκέταις ᾖσαν ἐς λόγους καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις, ὅπως σωθήσεται ἡ πόλις, καί τινας αὐτῶν ἔπεισαν ἐς τὰς ναῦς ἐσβῆναι· ἐπλήρωσαν γὰρ ὅμως τριάκοντα προσδεχόμενοι τὸν ἐπίπλουν.

2 οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι μέχρι μέσου ἡμέρας δῃώσαντες τὴν γῆν ἀπέπλευσαν, καὶ ὑπὸ νύκτα αὐτοῖς ἐφρυκτωρήθησαν ἑξήκοντα νῆες Ἀθηναίων προσπλέουσαι ἀπὸ Λευκάδος· ἃς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι πυνθανόμενοι τὴν στάσιν καὶ τὰς μετ’ Ἀλκίδου ναῦς ἐπὶ Κέρκυραν μελλούσας πλεῖν ἀπέστειλαν καὶ Εὐρυμέδοντα τὸν Θουκλέους στρατηγόν.

Chapter 81

1 οἱ μὲν οὖν Πελοποννήσιοι τῆς νυκτὸς εὐθὺς κατὰ τάχος ἐκομίζοντο ἐπ’ οἴκου παρὰ τὴν γῆν· καὶ ὑπερενεγκόντες τὸν Λευκαδίων ἰσθμὸν τὰς ναῦς, ὅπως μὴ περιπλέοντες ὀφθῶσιν, ἀποκομίζονται.

2 Κερκυραῖοι δὲ αἰσθόμενοι τάς τε Ἀττικὰς ναῦς προσπλεούσας τάς τε τῶν πολεμίων οἰχομένας, λαβόντες τούς τε Μεσσηνίους ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἤγαγον πρότερον ἔξω ὄντας, καὶ τὰς ναῦς περιπλεῦσαι κελεύσαντες ἃς ἐπλήρωσαν ἐς τὸν Ὑλλαϊκὸν λιμένα, ἐν ὅσῳ περιεκομίζοντο, τῶν ἐχθρῶν εἴ τινα λάβοιεν, ἀπέκτεινον· καὶ ἐκ τῶν νεῶν ὅσους ἔπεισαν ἐσβῆναι ἐκβιβάζοντες ἀπεχρῶντο, ἐς τὸ Ἥραιόν τε ἐλθόντες τῶν ἱκετῶν ὡς πεντήκοντα ἄνδρας δίκην ὑποσχεῖν ἔπεισαν καὶ κατέγνωσαν πάντων θάνατον.

3 οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ τῶν ἱκετῶν, ὅσοι οὐκ ἐπείσθησαν, ὡς ἑώρων τὰ γιγνόμενα, διέφθειρον αὐτοῦ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ ἀλλήλους, καὶ ἐκ τῶν δένδρων τινὲς ἀπήγχοντο, οἱ δ’ ὡς ἕκαστοι ἐδύναντο ἀνηλοῦντο.

4 ἡμέρας τε ἑπτά, ἃς ἀφικόμενος ὁ Εὐρυμέδων ταῖς ἑξήκοντα ναυσὶ παρέμεινε, Κερκυραῖοι σφῶν αὐτῶν τοὺς ἐχθροὺς δοκοῦντας εἶναι ἐφόνευον, τὴν μὲν αἰτίαν ἐπιφέροντες τοῖς τὸν δῆμον καταλύουσιν, ἀπέθανον δέ τινες καὶ ἰδίας ἔχθρας ἕνεκα, καὶ ἄλλοι χρημάτων σφίσιν ὀφειλομένων ὑπὸ τῶν λαβόντων·

5 πᾶσά τε ἰδέα κατέστη θανάτου, καὶ οἷον φιλεῖ ἐν τῷ τοιούτῳ γίγνεσθαι, οὐδὲν ὅτι οὐ ξυνέβη καὶ ἔτι περαιτέρω. καὶ γὰρ πατὴρ παῖδα ἀπέκτεινε καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν ἱερῶν ἀπεσπῶντο καὶ πρὸς αὐτοῖς ἐκτείνοντο, οἱ δέ τινες καὶ περιοικοδομηθέντες ἐν τοῦ Διονύσου τῷ ἱερῷ ἀπέθανον.

Chapter 82

1 οὕτως ὠμὴ 〈ἡ〉 στάσις προυχώρησε, καὶ ἔδοξε μᾶλλον, διότι ἐν τοῖς πρώτη ἐγένετο, ἐπεὶ ὕστερόν γε καὶ πᾶν ὡς εἰπεῖν τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν ἐκινήθη, διαφορῶν οὐσῶν ἑκασταχοῦ τοῖς τε τῶν δήμων προστάταις τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐπάγεσθαι καὶ τοῖς ὀλίγοις τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους. καὶ ἐν μὲν εἰρήνῃ οὐκ ἂν ἐχόντων πρόφασιν οὐδ’ ἑτοίμων παρακαλεῖν αὐτούς, πολεμουμένων δὲ καὶ ξυμμαχίας ἅμα ἑκατέροις τῇ τῶν ἐναντίων κακώσει καὶ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ προσποιήσει ῥᾳδίως αἱ ἐπαγωγαὶ τοῖς νεωτερίζειν τι βουλομένοις ἐπορίζοντο.

2 καὶ ἐπέπεσε πολλὰ καὶ χαλεπὰ κατὰ στάσιν ταῖς πόλεσι, γιγνόμενα μὲν καὶ αἰεὶ ἐσόμενα, ἕως ἂν ἡ αὐτὴ φύσις ἀνθρώπων ᾖ, μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ ἡσυχαίτερα καὶ τοῖς εἴδεσι διηλλαγμένα, ὡς ἂν ἕκασται αἱ μεταβολαὶ τῶν ξυντυχιῶν ἐφιστῶνται. ἐν μὲν γὰρ εἰρήνῃ καὶ ἀγαθοῖς πράγμασιν αἵ τε πόλεις καὶ οἱ ἰδιῶται ἀμείνους τὰς γνώμας ἔχουσι διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐς ἀκουσίους ἀνάγκας πίπτειν· ὁ δὲ πόλεμος ὑφελὼν τὴν εὐπορίαν τοῦ καθ’ ἡμέραν βίαιος διδάσκαλος καὶ πρὸς τὰ παρόντα τὰς ὀργὰς τῶν πολλῶν ὁμοιοῖ.

3 ἐστασίαζέ τε οὖν τὰ τῶν πόλεων, καὶ τὰ ἐφυστερίζοντά που πύστει τῶν προγενομένων πολὺ ἐπέφερε τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τοῦ καινοῦσθαι τὰς διανοίας τῶν τ’ ἐπιχειρήσεων περιτεχνήσει καὶ τῶν τιμωριῶν ἀτοπίᾳ.

4 καὶ τὴν εἰωθυῖαν ἀξίωσιν τῶν ὀνομάτων ἐς τὰ ἔργα ἀντήλλαξαν τῇ δικαιώσει. τόλμα μὲν γὰρ ἀλόγιστος ἀνδρεία φιλέταιρος ἐνομίσθη, μέλλησις δὲ προμηθὴς δειλία εὐπρεπής, τὸ δὲ σῶφρον τοῦ ἀνάνδρου πρόσχημα, καὶ τὸ πρὸς ἅπαν ξυνετὸν ἐπὶ πᾶν ἀργόν· τὸ δ’ ἐμπλήκτως ὀξὺ ἀνδρὸς μοίρᾳ προσετέθη, ἀσφαλείᾳ δὲ τὸ ἐπιβουλεύσασθαι ἀποτροπῆς πρόφασις εὔλογος.

5 καὶ ὁ μὲν χαλεπαίνων πιστὸς αἰεί, ὁ δ’ ἀντιλέγων αὐτῷ ὕποπτος. ἐπιβουλεύσας δέ τις τυχὼν ξυνετὸς καὶ ὑπονοήσας ἔτι δεινότερος· προβουλεύσας δὲ ὅπως μηδὲν αὐτῶν δεήσει, τῆς τε ἑταιρίας διαλυτὴς καὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐκπεπληγμένος. ἁπλῶς δὲ ὁ φθάσας τὸν μέλλοντα κακόν τι δρᾶν ἐπῃνεῖτο, καὶ ὁ ἐπικελεύσας τὸν μὴ διανοούμενον.

6 καὶ μὴν καὶ τὸ ξυγγενὲς τοῦ ἑταιρικοῦ ἀλλοτριώτερον ἐγένετο διὰ τὸ ἑτοιμότερον εἶναι ἀπροφασίστως τολμᾶν· οὐ γὰρ μετὰ τῶν κειμένων νόμων ὠφελίας αἱ τοιαῦται ξύνοδοι, ἀλλὰ παρὰ τοὺς καθεστῶτας πλεονεξίᾳ. καὶ τὰς ἐς σφᾶς αὐτοὺς πίστεις οὐ τῷ θείῳ νόμῳ μᾶλλον ἐκρατύνοντο ἢ τῷ κοινῇ τι παρανομῆσαι.

7 τά τε ἀπὸ τῶν ἐναντίων καλῶς λεγόμενα ἐνεδέχοντο ἔργων φυλακῇ, εἰ προύχοιεν, καὶ οὐ γενναιότητι. ἀντιτιμωρήσασθαί τέ τινα περὶ πλείονος ἦν ἢ αὐτὸν μὴ προπαθεῖν. καὶ ὅρκοι εἴ που ἄρα γένοιντο ξυναλλαγῆς, ἐν τῷ αὐτίκα πρὸς τὸ ἄπορον ἑκατέρῳ διδόμενοι ἴσχυον οὐκ ἐχόντων ἄλλοθεν δύναμιν· ἐν δὲ τῷ παρατυχόντι ὁ φθάσας θαρσῆσαι, εἰ ἴδοι ἄφαρκτον, ἥδιον διὰ τὴν πίστιν ἐτιμωρεῖτο ἢ ἀπὸ τοῦ προφανοῦς, καὶ τό τε ἀσφαλὲς ἐλογίζετο καὶ ὅτι ἀπάτῃ περιγενόμενος ξυνέσεως ἀγώνισμα προσελάμβανεν. ῥᾷον δ’ οἱ πολλοὶ κακοῦργοι ὄντες δεξιοὶ κέκληνται ἢ ἀμαθεῖς ἀγαθοί, καὶ τῷ μὲν αἰσχύνονται, ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ ἀγάλλονται.

8 πάντων δ’ αὐτῶν αἴτιον ἀρχὴ ἡ διὰ πλεονεξίαν καὶ φιλοτιμίαν· ἐκ δ’ αὐτῶν καὶ ἐς τὸ φιλονικεῖν καθισταμένων τὸ πρόθυμον. οἱ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι προστάντες μετὰ ὀνόματος ἑκάτεροι εὐπρεποῦς, πλήθους τε ἰσονομίας πολιτικῆς καὶ ἀριστοκρατίας σώφρονος προτιμήσει, τὰ μὲν κοινὰ λόγῳ θεραπεύοντες ἆθλα ἐποιοῦντο, παντὶ δὲ τρόπῳ ἀγωνιζόμενοι ἀλλήλων περιγίγνεσθαι ἐτόλμησάν τε τὰ δεινότατα ἐπεξῇσάν τε τὰς τιμωρίας ἔτι μείζους, οὐ μέχρι τοῦ δικαίου καὶ τῇ πόλει ξυμφόρου προτιθέντες, ἐς δὲ τὸ ἑκατέροις που αἰεὶ ἡδονὴν ἔχον ὁρίζοντες, καὶ ἢ μετὰ ψήφου ἀδίκου καταγνώσεως ἢ χειρὶ κτώμενοι τὸ κρατεῖν ἑτοῖμοι ἦσαν τὴν αὐτίκα φιλονικίαν ἐκπιμπλάναι. ὥστε εὐσεβείᾳ μὲν οὐδέτεροι ἐνόμιζον, εὐπρεπείᾳ δὲ λόγου οἷς ξυμβαίη ἐπιφθόνως τι διαπράξασθαι, ἄμεινον ἤκουον. τὰ δὲ μέσα τῶν πολιτῶν ὑπ’ ἀμφοτέρων ἢ ὅτι οὐ ξυνηγωνίζοντο ἢ φθόνῳ τοῦ περιεῖναι διεφθείροντο.

Chapter 83

1 οὕτω πᾶσα ἰδέα κατέστη κακοτροπίας διὰ τὰς στάσεις τῷ Ἑλληνικῷ, καὶ τὸ εὔηθες, οὗ τὸ γενναῖον πλεῖστον μετέχει, καταγελασθὲν ἠφανίσθη, τὸ δὲ ἀντιτετάχθαι ἀλλήλοις τῇ γνώμῃ ἀπίστως ἐπὶ πολὺ διήνεγκεν·

2 οὐ γὰρ ἦν ὁ διαλύσων οὔτε λόγος ἐχυρὸς οὔτε ὅρκος φοβερός, κρείσσους δὲ ὄντες ἅπαντες λογισμῷ ἐς τὸ ἀνέλπιστον τοῦ βεβαίου μὴ παθεῖν μᾶλλον προυσκόπουν ἢ πιστεῦσαι ἐδύναντο.

3 καὶ οἱ φαυλότεροι γνώμην ὡς τὰ πλείω περιεγίγνοντο· τῷ γὰρ δεδιέναι τό τε αὑτῶν ἐνδεὲς καὶ τὸ τῶν ἐναντίων ξυνετόν, μὴ λόγοις τε ἥσσους ὦσι καὶ ἐκ τοῦ πολυτρόπου αὐτῶν τῆς γνώμης φθάσωσι προεπιβουλευόμενοι, τολμηρῶς πρὸς τὰ ἔργα ἐχώρουν.

4 οἱ δὲ καταφρονοῦντες κἂν προαισθέσθαι καὶ ἔργῳ οὐδὲν σφᾶς δεῖν λαμβάνειν ἃ γνώμῃ ἔξεστιν, ἄφαρκτοι μᾶλλον διεφθείροντο.

Chapter 84

1 [ἐν δ’ οὖν τῇ Κερκύρᾳ τὰ πολλὰ αὐτῶν προυτολμήθη, καὶ ὁπόσα ὕβρει μὲν ἀρχόμενοι τὸ πλέον ἢ σωφροσύνῃ ὑπὸ τῶν τὴν τιμωρίαν παρασχόντων οἱ ἀνταμυνόμενοι δράσειαν, πενίας δὲ τῆς εἰωθυίας ἀπαλλαξείοντές τινες, μάλιστα δ’ ἂν διὰ πάθους, ἐπιθυμοῦντες τὰ τῶν πέλας ἔχειν, παρὰ δίκην γιγνώσκοιεν, οἵ τε μὴ ἐπὶ πλεονεξίᾳ, ἀπὸ ἴσου δὲ μάλιστα ἐπιόντες ἀπαιδευσίᾳ ὀργῆς πλεῖστον ἐκφερόμενοι ὠμῶς καὶ ἀπαραιτήτως ἐπέλθοιεν.

2 ξυνταραχθέντος τε τοῦ βίου ἐς τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον τῇ πόλει καὶ τῶν νόμων κρατήσασα ἡ ἀνθρωπεία φύσις, εἰωθυῖα καὶ παρὰ τοὺς νόμους ἀδικεῖν, ἀσμένη ἐδήλωσεν ἀκρατὴς μὲν ὀργῆς οὖσα, κρείσσων δὲ τοῦ δικαίου, πολεμία δὲ τοῦ προύχοντος· οὐ γὰρ ἂν τοῦ τε ὁσίου τὸ τιμωρεῖσθαι προυτίθεσαν τοῦ τε μὴ ἀδικεῖν τὸ κερδαίνειν, ἐν ᾧ μὴ βλάπτουσαν ἰσχὺν εἶχε τὸ φθονεῖν.

3 ἀξιοῦσί τε τοὺς κοινοὺς περὶ τῶν τοιούτων οἱ ἄνθρωποι νόμους, ἀφ’ ὧν ἅπασιν ἐλπὶς ὑπόκειται σφαλεῖσι κἂν αὐτοὺς διασῴζεσθαι, ἐν ἄλλων τιμωρίαις προκαταλύειν καὶ μὴ ὑπολείπεσθαι, εἴ ποτε ἄρα τις κινδυνεύσας τινὸς δεήσεται αὐτῶν.]

Chapter 85

1 οἱ μὲν οὖν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν Κερκυραῖοι τοιαύταις ὀργαῖς ταῖς πρώταις ἐς ἀλλήλους ἐχρήσαντο, καὶ ὁ Εὐρυμέδων καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀπέπλευσαν ταῖς ναυσίν·

2 ὕστερον δὲ οἱ φεύγοντες τῶν Κερκυραίων (διεσώθησαν γὰρ αὐτῶν ἐς πεντακοσίους) τείχη τε λαβόντες, ἃ ἦν ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ, ἐκράτουν τῆς πέραν οἰκείας γῆς καὶ ἐξ αὐτῆς ὁρμώμενοι ἐλῄζοντο τοὺς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ καὶ πολλὰ ἔβλαπτον, καὶ λιμὸς ἰσχυρὸς ἐγένετο ἐν τῇ πόλει.

3 ἐπρεσβεύοντο δὲ καὶ ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα καὶ Κόρινθον περὶ καθόδου· καὶ ὡς οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς ἐπράσσετο, ὕστερον χρόνῳ πλοῖα καὶ ἐπικούρους παρασκευασάμενοι διέβησαν ἐς τὴν νῆσον ἑξακόσιοι μάλιστα οἱ πάντες,

4 καὶ τὰ πλοῖα ἐμπρήσαντες, ὅπως ἀπόγνοια ᾖ τοῦ ἄλλο τι ἢ κρατεῖν τῆς γῆς, ἀναβάντες ἐς τὸ ὄρος τὴν Ἰστώνην, τεῖχος ἐνοικοδομησάμενοι ἔφθειρον τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ τῆς γῆς ἐκράτουν.

Chapter 86

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ θέρους τελευτῶντος Ἀθηναῖοι εἴκοσι ναῦς ἔστειλαν ἐς Σικελίαν καὶ Λάχητα τὸν Μελανώπου στρατηγὸν αὐτῶν καὶ Χαροιάδην τὸν Εὐφιλήτου.

2 οἱ γὰρ Συρακόσιοι καὶ Λεοντῖνοι ἐς πόλεμον ἀλλήλοις καθέστασαν. ξύμμαχοι δὲ τοῖς μὲν Συρακοσίοις ἦσαν πλὴν Καμαριναίων αἱ ἄλλαι Δωρίδες πόλεις, αἵπερ καὶ πρὸς τὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων τὸ πρῶτον ἀρχομένου τοῦ πολέμου ξυμμαχίαν ἐτάχθησαν, οὐ μέντοι ξυνεπολέμησάν γε, τοῖς δὲ Λεοντίνοις αἱ Χαλκιδικαὶ πόλεις καὶ Καμάρινα· τῆς δὲ Ἰταλίας Λοκροὶ μὲν Συρακοσίων ἦσαν, Ῥηγῖνοι δὲ κατὰ τὸ ξυγγενὲς Λεοντίνων.

3 ἐς οὖν τὰς Ἀθήνας πέμψαντες οἱ τῶν Λεοντίνων ξύμμαχοι κατά τε παλαιὰν ξυμμαχίαν καὶ ὅτι Ἴωνες ἦσαν πείθουσι τοὺς Ἀθηναίους πέμψαι σφίσι ναῦς· ὑπὸ γὰρ τῶν Συρακοσίων τῆς τε γῆς εἴργοντο καὶ τῆς θαλάσσης.

4 καὶ ἔπεμψαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τῆς μὲν οἰκειότητος προφάσει, βουλόμενοι δὲ μήτε σῖτον ἐς τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἄγεσθαι αὐτόθεν πρόπειράν τε ποιούμενοι εἰ σφίσι δυνατὰ εἴη τὰ ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ πράγματα ὑποχείρια γενέσθαι.

5 καταστάντες οὖν ἐς Ῥήγιον τῆς Ἰταλίας τὸν πόλεμον ἐποιοῦντο μετὰ τῶν ξυμμάχων. καὶ τὸ θέρος ἐτελεύτα.

Chapter 87

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος ἡ νόσος τὸ δεύτερον ἐπέπεσε τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, ἐκλιποῦσα μὲν οὐδένα χρόνον τὸ παντάπασιν, ἐγένετο δέ τις ὅμως διοκωχή.

2 παρέμεινε δὲ τὸ μὲν ὕστερον οὐκ ἔλασσον ἐνιαυτοῦ, τὸ δὲ πρότερον καὶ δύο ἔτη, ὥστε Ἀθηναίους γε μὴ εἶναι ὅτι μᾶλλον τούτου ἐπίεσε καὶ ἐκάκωσε τὴν δύναμιν·

3 τετρακοσίων γὰρ ὁπλιτῶν καὶ τετρακισχιλίων οὐκ ἐλάσσους ἀπέθανον ἐκ τῶν τάξεων καὶ τριακοσίων ἱππέων, τοῦ δὲ ἄλλου ὄχλου ἀνεξεύρετος ἀριθμός.

4 ἐγένοντο δὲ καὶ οἱ πολλοὶ σεισμοὶ τότε τῆς γῆς, ἔν τε Ἀθήναις καὶ ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ καὶ ἐν Βοιωτοῖς καὶ μάλιστα ἐν Ὀρχομενῷ τῷ Βοιωτίῳ.

Chapter 88

1 καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐν Σικελίᾳ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Ῥηγῖνοι τοῦ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος τριάκοντα ναυσὶ στρατεύουσιν ἐπὶ τὰς Αἰόλου νήσους καλουμένας· θέρους γὰρ δι’ ἀνυδρίαν ἀδύνατα ἦν ἐπιστρατεύειν.

2 νέμονται δὲ Λιπαραῖοι αὐτάς, Κνιδίων ἄποικοι ὄντες. οἰκοῦσι δ’ ἐν μιᾷ τῶν νήσων οὐ μεγάλῃ, καλεῖται δὲ Λιπάρα· τὰς δὲ ἄλλας ἐκ ταύτης ὁρμώμενοι γεωργοῦσι, Διδύμην καὶ Στρογγύλην καὶ Ἱεράν.

3 νομίζουσι δὲ οἱ ἐκείνῃ ἄνθρωποι ἐν τῇ Ἱερᾷ ὡς ὁ Ἥφαιστος χαλκεύει, ὅτι τὴν νύκτα φαίνεται πῦρ ἀναδιδοῦσα πολὺ καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν καπνόν. κεῖνται δὲ αἱ νῆσοι αὗται κατὰ τὴν Σικελῶν καὶ Μεσσηνίων γῆν, ξύμμαχοι δ’ ἦσαν Συρακοσίων.

4 τεμόντες δ’ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὴν γῆν, ὡς οὐ προσεχώρουν, ἀπέπλευσαν ἐς τὸ Ῥήγιον. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἐτελεύτα, καὶ πέμπτον ἔτος τῷ πολέμῳ ἐτελεύτα τῷδε ὃν Θουκυδίδης ξυνέγραψεν.

Chapter 89

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου θέρους Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι μέχρι μὲν τοῦ Ἰσθμοῦ ἦλθον ὡς ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἐσβαλοῦντες, Ἄγιδος τοῦ Ἀρχιδάμου ἡγουμένου Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλέως, σεισμῶν δὲ γενομένων πολλῶν ἀπετράποντο πάλιν καὶ οὐκ ἐγένετο ἐσβολή.

2 καὶ περὶ τούτους τοὺς χρόνους, τῶν σεισμῶν κατεχόντων, τῆς Εὐβοίας ἐν Ὀροβίαις ἡ θάλασσα ἐπανελθοῦσα ἀπὸ τῆς τότε οὔσης γῆς καὶ κυματωθεῖσα ἐπῆλθε τῆς πόλεως μέρος τι, καὶ τὸ μὲν κατέκλυσε,τὸ δ’ ὑπενόστησε, καὶ θάλασσα νῦν ἐστὶ πρότερον οὖσα γῆ· καὶ ἀνθρώπους διέφθειρεν ὅσοι μὴ ἐδύναντο φθῆναι πρὸς τὰ μετέωρα ἀναδραμόντες.

3 καὶ περὶ Ἀταλάντην τὴν ἐπὶ Λοκροῖς τοῖς Ὀπουντίοις νῆσον παραπλησία γίγνεται ἐπίκλυσις, καὶ τοῦ τε φρουρίου τῶν Ἀθηναίων παρεῖλε καὶ δύο νεῶν ἀνειλκυσμένων τὴν ἑτέραν κατέαξεν.

4 ἐγένετο δὲ καὶ ἐν Πεπαρήθῳ κύματος ἐπαναχώρησίς τις, οὐ μέντοι ἐπέκλυσέ γε· καὶ σεισμὸς τοῦ τείχους τι κατέβαλε καὶ τὸ πρυτανεῖον καὶ ἄλλας οἰκίας ὀλίγας.

5 αἴτιον δ’ ἔγωγε νομίζω τοῦ τοιούτου, ᾗ ἰσχυρότατος ὁ σεισμὸς ἐγένετο, κατὰ τοῦτο ἀποστέλλειν τε τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ ἐξαπίνης πάλιν ἐπισπωμένην βιαιότερον τὴν ἐπίκλυσιν ποιεῖν· ἄνευ δὲ σεισμοῦ οὐκ ἄν μοι δοκεῖ τὸ τοιοῦτο ξυμβῆναι γενέσθαι.

Chapter 90

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ θέρους ἐπολέμουν μὲν καὶ ἄλλοι, ὡς ἑκάστοις ξυνέβαινεν, ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ καὶ αὐτοὶ οἱ Σικελιῶται ἐπ’ ἀλλήλους στρατεύοντες καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ξὺν τοῖς σφετέροις ξυμμάχοις· ἃ δὲ λόγου μάλιστα ἄξια ἢ μετὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἔπραξαν ἢ πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους οἱ ἀντιπόλεμοι, τούτων μνησθήσομαι.

2 Χαροιάδου γὰρ ἤδη τοῦ Ἀθηναίων στρατηγοῦ τεθνηκότος ὑπὸ Συρακοσίων πολέμῳ Λάχης ἅπασαν ἔχων τῶν νεῶν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐστράτευσε μετὰ τῶν ξυμμάχων ἐπὶ Μυλὰς τὰς Μεσσηνίων. ἔτυχον δὲ δύο φυλαὶ ἐν ταῖς Μυλαῖς τῶν Μεσσηνίων φρουροῦσαι καί τινα καὶ ἐνέδραν πεποιημέναι τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν.

3 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι τούς τε ἐκ τῆς ἐνέδρας τρέπουσι καὶ διαφθείρουσι πολλούς, καὶ τῷ ἐρύματι προσβαλόντες ἠνάγκασαν ὁμολογίᾳ τήν τε ἀκρόπολιν παραδοῦναι καὶ ἐπὶ Μεσσήνην ξυστρατεῦσαι.

4 καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο ἐπελθόντων οἱ Μεσσήνιοι τῶν τε Ἀθηναίων καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων προσεχώρησαν καὶ αὐτοί, ὁμήρους τε δόντες καὶ τὰ ἄλλα πιστὰ παρασχόμενοι.

Chapter 91

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ θέρους οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τριάκοντα μὲν ναῦς ἔστειλαν περὶ Πελοπόννησον, ὧν ἐστρατήγει Δημοσθένης τε ὁ Ἀλκισθένους καὶ Προκλῆς ὁ Θεοδώρου, ἐξήκοντα δὲ ἐς Μῆλον καὶ δισχιλίους ὁπλίτας· ἐστρατήγει δὲ αὐτῶν Νικίας ὁ Νικηράτου.

2 τοὺς γὰρ Μηλίους ὄντας νησιώτας καὶ οὐκ ἐθέλοντας ὑπακούειν οὐδὲ ἐς τὸ αὑτῶν ξυμμαχικὸν ἰέναι ἐβούλοντο προσαγαγέσθαι.

3 ὡς δὲ αὐτοῖς δῃουμένης τῆς γῆς οὐ προσεχώρουν, ἄραντες ἐκ τῆς Μήλου αὐτοὶ μὲν ἔπλευσαν ἐς Ὠρωπὸν τῆς Γραϊκῆς, ὑπὸ νύκτα δὲ σχόντες εὐθὺς ἐπορεύοντο οἱ ὁπλῖται ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν πεζῇ ἐς Τάναγραν τῆς Βοιωτίας.

4 οἱ δὲ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως πανδημεὶ Ἀθηναῖοι, Ἱππονίκου τε τοῦ Καλλίου στρατηγοῦντος καὶ Εὐρυμέδοντος τοῦ Θουκλέους, ἀπὸ σημείου ἐς τὸ αὐτὸ κατὰ γῆν ἀπήντων.

5 καὶ στρατοπεδευσάμενοι ταύτην τὴν ἡμέραν ἐν τῇ Τανάγρᾳ ἐδῄουν καὶ ἐνηυλίσαντο. καὶ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ μάχῃ κρατήσαντες τοὺς ἐπεξελθόντας τῶν Ταναγραίων καὶ Θηβαίων τινὰς προσβεβοηθηκότας καὶ ὅπλα λαβόντες καὶ τροπαῖον στήσαντες ἀνεχώρησαν, οἱ μὲν ἐς τὴν πόλιν, οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς.

6 καὶ παραπλεύσας ὁ Νικίας ταῖς ἑξήκοντα ναυσὶ τῆς Λοκρίδος τὰ ἐπιθαλάσσια ἔτεμε καὶ ἀνεχώρησεν ἐπ’ οἴκου.

Chapter 92

1 ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον Λακεδαιμόνιοι Ἡράκλειαν τὴν ἐν Τραχινίᾳ ἀποικίαν καθίσταντο ἀπὸ τοιᾶσδε γνώμης.

2 Μηλιῆς οἱ ξύμπαντες εἰσὶ μὲν τρία μέρη, Παράλιοι Ἰριῆς Τραχίνιοι· τούτων δὲ οἱ Τραχίνιοι πολέμῳ ἐφθαρμένοι ὑπὸ Οἰταίων ὁμόρων ὄντων, τὸ πρῶτον μελλήσαντες Ἀθηναίοις προσθεῖναι σφᾶς αὐτούς, δείσαντες δὲ μὴ οὐ σφίσι πιστοὶ ὦσι, πέμπουσιν ἐς Λακεδαίμονα, ἑλόμενοι πρεσβευτὴν Τεισαμενόν.

3 ξυνεπρεσβεύοντο δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ Δωριῆς, ἡ μητρόπολις τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, τῶν αὐτῶν δεόμενοι· ὑπὸ γὰρ τῶν Οἰταίων καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐφθείροντο.

4 ἀκούσαντες δὲ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι γνώμην εἶχον τὴν ἀποικίαν ἐκπέμπειν, τοῖς τε Τραχινίοις βουλόμενοι καὶ τοῖς Δωριεῦσι τιμωρεῖν, καὶ ἅμα τοῦ πρὸς Ἀθηναίους πολέμου καλῶς αὐτοῖς ἐδόκει ἡ πόλις καθίστασθαι· ἐπί τε γὰρ τῇ Εὐβοίᾳ ναυτικὸν παρασκευασθῆναι ἄν, ὥστ’ ἐκ βραχέος τὴν διάβασιν γίγνεσθαι, τῆς τε ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης παρόδου χρησίμως ἕξειν. τό τε ξύμπαν ὥρμηντο τὸ χωρίον κτίζειν.

5 πρῶτον μὲν οὖν ἐν Δελφοῖς τὸν θεὸν ἐπήροντο, κελεύοντος δὲ ἐξέπεμψαν τοὺς οἰκήτορας αὑτῶν τε καὶ τῶν περιοίκων, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων τὸν βουλόμενον ἐκέλευον ἕπεσθαι πλὴν Ἰώνων καὶ Ἀχαιῶν καὶ ἔστιν ὧν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν. οἰκισταὶ δὲ τρεῖς Λακεδαιμονίων ἡγήσαντο, Λέων καὶ Ἀλκίδας καὶ Δαμάγων.

6 καταστάντες δὲ ἐτείχισαν τὴν πόλιν ἐκ καινῆς, ἣ νῦν Ἡράκλεια καλεῖται, ἀπέχουσα Θερμοπυλῶν σταδίους μάλιστα τεσσαράκοντα, τῆς δὲ θαλάσσης εἴκοσι. νεώριά τε παρεσκευάζοντο, καὶ εἶρξαν τὸ κατὰ Θερμοπύλας κατ’ αὐτὸ τὸ στενόν, ὅπως εὐφύλακτα αὐτοῖς εἴη.

Chapter 93

1 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι τῆς πόλεως ταύτης ξυνοικιζομένης τὸ πρῶτον ἔδεισάν τε καὶ ἐνόμισαν ἐπὶ τῇ Εὐβοίᾳ μάλιστα καθίστασθαι, ὅτι βραχύς ἐστιν ὁ διάπλους πρὸς τὸ Κήναιον τῆς Εὐβοίας. ἔπειτα μέντοι παρὰ δόξαν αὐτοῖς ἀπέβη· οὐ γὰρ ἐγένετο ἀπ’ αὐτῆς δεινὸν οὐδέν.

2 αἴτιον δὲ ἦν οἵ τε Θεσσαλοὶ ἐν δυνάμει ὄντες τῶν ταύτῃ χωρίων, καὶ ὧν ἐπὶ τῇ γῇ ἐκτίζετο, φοβούμενοι μὴ σφίσι μεγάλῃ ἰσχύι παροικῶσιν, ἔφθειρον καὶ διὰ παντὸς ἐπολέμουν ἀνθρώποις νεοκαταστάτοις, ἕως ἐξετρύχωσαν γενομένους τὸ πρῶτον καὶ πάνυ πολλούς (πᾶς γάρ τις Λακεδαιμονίων οἰκιζόντων θαρσαλέως ᾔει, βέβαιον νομίζων τὴν πόλιν)· οὐ μέντοι ἥκιστα οἱ ἄρχοντες αὐτῶν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων οἱ ἀφικνούμενοι τὰ πράγματά τε ἔφθειρον καὶ ἐς ὀλιγανθρωπίαν κατέστησαν, ἐκφοβήσαντες τοὺς πολλοὺς χαλεπῶς τε καὶ ἔστιν ἃ οὐ καλῶς ἐξηγούμενοι, ὥστε ῥᾷον ἤδη αὐτῶν οἱ πρόσοικοι ἐπεκράτουν.

Chapter 94

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ θέρους, καὶ περὶ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ὃν ἐν τῇ Μήλῳ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι κατείχοντο, καὶ οἱ ἀπὸ τῶν τριάκοντα νεῶν Ἀθηναῖοι περὶ Πελοπόννησον ὄντες πρῶτον ἐν Ἐλλομενῷ τῆς Λευκαδίας φρουρούς τινας λοχήσαντες διέφθειραν, ἔπειτα ὕστερον ἐπὶ Λευκάδα μείζονι στόλῳ ἦλθον, Ἀκαρνᾶσί τε πᾶσιν, οἳ πανδημεὶ πλὴν Οἰνιαδῶν ξυνέσποντο, καὶ Ζακυνθίοις καὶ Κεφαλλῆσι καὶ Κερκυραίων πέντε καὶ δέκα ναυσίν.

2 καὶ οἱ μὲν Λευκάδιοι τῆς τε ἔξω γῆς δῃουμένης καὶ τῆς ἐντὸς τοῦ ἰσθμοῦ, ἐν ᾗ καὶ ἡ Λευκάς ἐστι καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος, πλήθει βιαζόμενοι ἡσύχαζον· οἱ δὲ Ἀκαρνᾶνες ἠξίουν Δημοσθένη τὸν στρατηγὸν τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀποτειχίζειν αὐτούς, νομίζοντες ῥᾳδίως γ᾽ ἂν ἐκπολιορκῆσαι καὶ πόλεως αἰεὶ σφίσι πολεμίας ἀπαλλαγῆναι.

3 Δημοσθένης δ’ ἀναπείθεται κατὰ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον ὑπὸ Μεσσηνίων ὡς καλὸν αὐτῷ στρατιᾶς τοσαύτης ξυνειλεγμένης Αἰτωλοῖς ἐπιθέσθαι, Ναυπάκτῳ τε πολεμίοις οὖσι καί, ἢν κρατήσῃ αὐτῶν, ῥᾳδίως καὶ τὸ ἄλλο Ἠπειρωτικὸν τὸ ταύτῃ Ἀθηναίοις προσποιήσειν.

4 τὸ γὰρ ἔθνος μέγα μὲν εἶναι τὸ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν καὶ μάχιμον, οἰκοῦν δὲ κατὰ κώμας ἀτειχίστους, καὶ ταύτας διὰ πολλοῦ, καὶ σκευῇ ψιλῇ χρώμενον οὐ χαλεπὸν ἀπέφαινον, πρὶν ξυμβοηθῆσαι, καταστραφῆναι.

5 ἐπιχειρεῖν δ’ ἐκέλευον πρῶτον μὲν Ἀποδωτοῖς, ἔπειτα δὲ Ὀφιονεῦσι καὶ μετὰ τούτους Εὐρυτᾶσιν, ὅπερ μέγιστον μέρος ἐστὶ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν, ἀγνωστότατοι δὲ γλῶσσαν καὶ ὠμοφάγοι εἰσίν, ὡς λέγονται· τούτων γὰρ ληφθέντων ῥᾳδίως καὶ τἆλλα προσχωρήσειν.

Chapter 95

1 ὁ δὲ τῶν Μεσσηνίων χάριτι πεισθεὶς καὶ μάλιστα νομίσας ἄνευ τῆς τῶν Ἀθηναίων δυνάμεως τοῖς ἠπειρώταις ξυμμάχοις μετὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν δύνασθαι ἂν κατὰ γῆν ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ Βοιωτοὺς διὰ Λοκρῶν τῶν Ὀζολῶν ἐς Κυτίνιον τὸ Δωρικόν, ἐν δεξιᾷ ἔχων τὸν Παρνασσόν, ἕως καταβαίη ἐς Φωκέας, οἳ προθύμως ἐδόκουν κατὰ τὴν Ἀθηναίων αἰεί ποτε φιλίαν ξυστρατεύσειν ἢ κἂν βίᾳ προσαχθῆναι (καὶ Φωκεῦσιν ἤδη ὅμορος ἡ Βοιωτία ἐστίν), ἄρας οὖν ξύμπαντι τῷ στρατεύματι ἀπὸ τῆς Λευκάδος ἀκόντων τῶν Ἀκαρνάνων παρέπλευσεν ἐς Σόλλιον.

2 κοινώσας δὲ τὴν ἐπίνοιαν τοῖς Ἀκαρνᾶσιν, ὡς οὐ προσεδέξαντο διὰ τῆς Λευκάδος τὴν οὐ περιτείχισιν, αὐτὸς τῇ λοιπῇ στρατιᾷ, Κεφαλλῆσι καὶ Μεσσηνίοις καὶ Ζακυνθίοις καὶ Ἀθηναίων τριακοσίοις τοῖς ἐπιβάταις τῶν σφετέρων νεῶν (αἱ γὰρ πέντε καὶ δέκα τῶν Κερκυραίων ἀπῆλθον νῆες), ἐστράτευσεν ἐπ’ Αἰτωλούς.

3 ὡρμᾶτο δὲ ἐξ Οἰνεῶνος τῆς Λοκρίδος. οἱ δὲ Ὀζόλαι οὗτοι Λοκροὶ ξύμμαχοι ἦσαν, καὶ ἔδει αὐτοὺς πανστρατιᾷ ἀπαντῆσαι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐς τὴν μεσόγειαν· ὄντες γὰρ ὅμοροι τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς καὶ ὁμόσκευοι μεγάλη ὠφελία ἐδόκουν εἶναι ξυστρατεύοντες μάχης τε ἐμπειρίᾳ τῆς ἐκείνων καὶ χωρίων.

Chapter 96

1 αὐλισάμενος δὲ τῷ στρατῷ ἐν τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Νεμείου τῷ ἱερῷ, ἐν ᾧ Ἡσίοδος ὁ ποιητὴς λέγεται ὑπὸ τῶν ταύτῃ ἀποθανεῖν, χρησθὲν αὐτῷ ἐν Νεμέᾳ τοῦτο παθεῖν, ἅμα τῇ ἕῳ ἄρας ἐπορεύετο ἐς τὴν Αἰτωλίαν.

2 καὶ αἱρεῖ τῇ πρώτῃ ἡμέρᾳ Ποτιδανίαν καὶ τῇ δευτέρᾳ Κροκύλειον καὶ τῇ τρίτῃ Τείχιον, ἔμενέ τε αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν λείαν ἐς Εὐπάλιον τῆς Λοκρίδος ἀπέπεμψεν· τὴν γὰρ γνώμην εἶχε τὰ ἄλλα καταστρεψάμενος οὕτως ἐπὶ Ὀφιονέας, εἰ μὴ βούλοιντο ξυγχωρεῖν, ἐς Ναύπακτον ἐπαναχωρήσας στρατεῦσαι ὕστερον.

3 τοὺς δὲ Αἰτωλοὺς οὐκ ἐλάνθανεν αὕτη ἡ παρασκευὴ οὔτε ὅτε τὸ πρῶτον ἐπεβουλεύετο, ἐπειδή τε ὁ στρατὸς ἐσεβεβλήκει, πολλῇ χειρὶ ἐπεβοήθουν πάντες, ὥστε καὶ οἱ ἔσχατοι Ὀφιονέων οἱ πρὸς τὸν Μηλιακὸν κόλπον καθήκοντες Βωμιῆς καὶ Καλλιῆς ἐβοήθησαν.

Chapter 97

1 τῷ δὲ Δημοσθένει τοιόνδε τι οἱ Μεσσήνιοι παρῄνουν· ὅπερ καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἀναδιδάσκοντες αὐτὸν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ὡς εἴη ῥᾳδία ἡ αἵρεσις, ἰέναι ἐκέλευον ὅτι τάχιστα ἐπὶ τὰς κώμας καὶ μὴ μένειν ἕως ἂν ξύμπαντες ἁθροισθέντες ἀντιτάξωνται, τὴν δ’ ἐν ποσὶν αἰεὶ πειρᾶσθαι αἱρεῖν.

2 ὁ δὲ τούτοις τε πεισθεὶς καὶ τῇ τύχῃ ἐλπίσας, ὅτι οὐδὲν αὐτῷ ἠναντιοῦτο, τοὺς Λοκροὺς οὐκ ἀναμείνας οὓς αὐτῷ ἔδει προσβοηθῆσαι (ψιλῶν γὰρ ἀκοντιστῶν ἐνδεὴς ἦν μάλιστα) ἐχώρει ἐπὶ Αἰγιτίου, καὶ κατὰ κράτος αἱρεῖ ἐπιών. ὑπέφευγον γὰρ οἱ ἄνθρωποι καὶ ἐκάθηντο ἐπὶ τῶν λόφων τῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως· ἦν γὰρ ἐφ’ ὑψηλῶν χωρίων ἀπέχουσα τῆς θαλάσσης ὀγδοήκοντα σταδίους μάλιστα.

3 οἱ δὲ Αἰτωλοί (βεβοηθηκότες γὰρ ἤδη ἦσαν ἐπὶ τὸ Αἰγίτιον) προσέβαλλον τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις καὶ τοῖς ξυμμάχοις καταθέοντες ἀπὸ τῶν λόφων ἄλλοι ἄλλοθεν καὶ ἐσηκόντιζον, καὶ ὅτε μὲν ἐπίοι τὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατόπεδον, ὑπεχώρουν, ἀναχωροῦσι δὲ ἐπέκειντο· καὶ ἦν ἐπὶ πολὺ τοιαύτη ἡ μάχη, διώξεις τε καὶ ὑπαγωγαί, ἐν οἷς ἀμφοτέροις ἥσσους ἦσαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι.

Chapter 98

1 μέχρι μὲν οὖν οἱ τοξόται εἶχόν τε τὰ βέλη αὐτοῖς καὶ οἷοί τε ἦσαν χρῆσθαι, οἱ δὲ ἀντεῖχον (τοξευόμενοι γὰρ οἱ Αἰτωλοὶ ἄνθρωποι ψιλοὶ ἀνεστέλλοντο)· ἐπειδὴ δὲ τοῦ τε τοξάρχου ἀποθανόντος οὗτοι διεσκεδάσθησαν καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐκεκμήκεσαν καὶ ἐπὶ πολὺ τῷ αὐτῷ πόνῳ ξυνεχόμενοι, οἵ τε Αἰτωλοὶ ἐνέκειντο καὶ ἐσηκόντιζον, οὕτω δὴ τραπόμενοι ἔφευγον, καὶ ἐσπίπτοντες ἔς τε χαράδρας ἀνεκβάτους καὶ χωρία ὧν οὐκ ἦσαν ἔμπειροι διεφθείροντο· καὶ γὰρ ὁ ἡγεμὼν αὐτοῖς τῶν ὁδῶν Χρόμων ὁ Μεσσήνιος ἐτύγχανε τεθνηκώς.

2 οἱ δὲ Αἰτωλοὶ ἐσακοντίζοντες πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτοῦ ἐν τῇ τροπῇ κατὰ πόδας αἱροῦντες ἄνθρωποι ποδώκεις καὶ ψιλοὶ διέφθειρον, τοὺς δὲ πλείους τῶν ὁδῶν ἁμαρτάνοντας καὶ ἐς τὴν ὕλην ἐσφερομένους, ὅθεν διέξοδοι οὐκ ἦσαν, πῦρ κομισάμενοι περιεπίμπρασαν·

3 πᾶσά τε ἰδέα κατέστη τῆς φυγῆς καὶ τοῦ ὀλέθρου τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τῶν Ἀθηναίων, μόλις τε ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ τὸν Οἰνεῶνα τῆς Λοκρίδος, ὅθεν περ καὶ ὡρμήθησαν, οἱ περιγενόμενοι κατέφυγον.

4 ἀπέθανον δὲ τῶν τε ξυμμάχων πολλοὶ καὶ αὐτῶν Ἀθηναίων ὁπλῖται περὶ εἴκοσι μάλιστα καὶ ἑκατόν. τοσοῦτοι μὲν τὸ πλῆθος καὶ ἡλικία ἡ αὐτὴ οὗτοι βέλτιστοι δὴ ἄνδρες ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τῷδε ἐκ τῆς Ἀθηναίων πόλεως διεφθάρησαν· ἀπέθανε δὲ καὶ ὁ ἕτερος στρατηγὸς Προκλῆς.

5 τοὺς δὲ νεκροὺς ὑποσπόνδους ἀνελόμενοι παρὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν καὶ ἀναχωρήσαντες ἐς Ναύπακτον ὕστερον ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐκομίσθησαν. Δημοσθένης δὲ περὶ Ναύπακτον καὶ τὰ χωρία ταῦτα ὑπελείφθη, τοῖς πεπραγμένοις φοβούμενος τοὺς Ἀθηναίους.

Chapter 99

1 κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους καὶ οἱ περὶ Σικελίαν Ἀθηναῖοι πλεύσαντες ἐς τὴν Λοκρίδα ἐν ἀποβάσει τέ τινι τοὺς προσβοηθήσαντας Λοκρῶν ἐκράτησαν καὶ περιπόλιον αἱροῦσιν ὃ ἦν ἐπὶ τῷ Ἄληκι ποταμῷ.

Chapter 100

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ θέρους Αἰτωλοὶ προπέμψαντες πρότερον ἔς τε Κόρινθον καὶ ἐς Λακεδαίμονα πρέσβεις, Τόλοφόν τε τὸν Ὀφιονέα καὶ Βοριάδην τὸν Εὐρυτᾶνα καὶ Τείσανδρον τὸν Ἀποδωτόν, πείθουσιν ὥστε σφίσι πέμψαι στρατιὰν ἐπὶ Ναύπακτον διὰ τὴν τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐπαγωγήν.

2 καὶ ἐξέπεμψαν Λακεδαιμόνιοι περὶ τὸ φθινόπωρον τρισχιλίους ὁπλίτας τῶν ξυμμάχων. τούτων ἦσαν πεντακόσιοι ἐξ Ἡρακλείας τῆς ἐν Τραχῖνι πόλεως τότε νεοκτίστου οὔσης· Σπαρτιάτης δ’ ἦρχεν Εὐρύλοχος τῆς στρατιᾶς, καὶ ξυνηκολούθουν αὐτῷ Μακάριος καὶ Μενεδάϊος οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται.

Chapter 101

1 ξυλλεγέντος δὲ τοῦ στρατεύματος ἐς Δελφοὺς ἐπεκηρυκεύετο Εὐρύλοχος Λοκροῖς τοῖς Ὀζόλαις· διὰ τούτων γὰρ ἡ ὁδὸς ἦν ἐς Ναύπακτον, καὶ ἅμα τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐβούλετο ἀποστῆσαι αὐτούς.

2 ξυνέπρασσον δὲ μάλιστα αὐτῷ τῶν Λοκρῶν Ἀμφισσῆς διὰ τὸ τῶν Φωκέων ἔχθος δεδιότες· καὶ αὐτοὶ πρῶτοι δόντες ὁμήρους καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἔπεισαν δοῦναι φοβουμένους τὸν ἐπιόντα στρατόν, πρῶτον μὲν οὖν τοὺς ὁμόρους αὐτοῖς Μυονέας (ταύτῃ γὰρ δυσεσβολώτατος ἡ Λοκρίς), ἔπειτα Ἰπνέας καὶ Μεσσαπίους καὶ Τριταιέας καὶ Χαλαίους καὶ Τολοφωνίους καὶ Ἡσσίους καὶ Οἰανθέας. οὗτοι καὶ ξυνεστράτευον πάντες. Ὀλπαῖοι δὲ ὁμήρους μὲν ἔδοσαν, ἠκολούθουν δὲ οὔ· καὶ Ὑαῖοι οὐκ ἔδοσαν ὁμήρους πρὶν αὐτῶν εἷλον κώμην Πόλιν ὄνομα ἔχουσαν.

Chapter 102

1 ἐπειδὴ δὲ παρεσκεύαστο πάντα καὶ τοὺς ὁμήρους κατέθετο ἐς Κυτίνιον τὸ Δωρικόν, ἐχώρει τῷ στρατῷ ἐπὶ τὴν Ναύπακτον διὰ τῶν Λοκρῶν, καὶ πορευόμενος Οἰνεῶνα αἱρεῖ αὐτῶν καὶ Εὐπάλιον· οὐ γὰρ προσεχώρησαν.

2 γενόμενοι δ’ ἐν τῇ Ναυπακτίᾳ καὶ οἱ Αἰτωλοὶ ἅμα ἤδη προσβεβοηθηκότες ἐδῄουν τὴν γῆν καὶ τὸ προάστειον ἀτείχιστον ὂν εἷλον· ἐπί τε Μολύκρειον ἐλθόντες τὴν Κορινθίων μὲν ἀποικίαν, Ἀθηναίων δὲ ὑπήκοον, αἱροῦσιν.

3 Δημοσθένης δὲ ὁ Ἀθηναῖος (ἔτι γὰρ ἐτύγχανεν ὢν μετὰ τὰ ἐκ τῆς Αἰτωλίας περὶ Ναύπακτον) προαισθόμενος τοῦ στρατοῦ καὶ δείσας περὶ αὐτῆς, ἐλθὼν πείθει Ἀκαρνᾶνας, χαλεπῶς διὰ τὴν ἐκ τῆς Λευκάδος ἀναχώρησιν, βοηθῆσαι Ναυπάκτῳ.

4 καὶ πέμπουσι μετ’ αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τῶν νεῶν χιλίους ὁπλίτας, οἳ ἐσελθόντες περιεποίησαν τὸ χωρίον· δεινὸν γὰρ ἦν μὴ μεγάλου ὄντος τοῦ τείχους, ὀλίγων δὲ τῶν ἀμυνομένων, οὐκ ἀντίσχωσιν.

5 Εὐρύλοχος δὲ καὶ οἱ μετ’ αὐτοῦ ὡς ᾔσθοντο τὴν στρατιὰν ἐσεληλυθυῖαν καὶ ἀδύνατον ὂν τὴν πόλιν βίᾳ ἑλεῖν, ἀνεχώρησαν οὐκ ἐπὶ Πελοποννήσου, ἀλλ’ ἐς τὴν Αἰολίδα τὴν νῦν καλουμένην Καλυδῶνα καὶ Πλευρῶνα καὶ ἐς τὰ ταύτῃ χωρία καὶ ἐς Πρόσχιον τῆς Αἰτωλίας.

6 οἱ γὰρ Ἀμπρακιῶται ἐλθόντες πρὸς αὐτοὺς πείθουσιν ὥστε μετὰ σφῶν Ἄργει τε τῷ Ἀμφιλοχικῷ καὶ Ἀμφιλοχίᾳ τῇ ἄλλῃ ἐπιχειρῆσαι καὶ Ἀκαρνανίᾳ ἅμα, λέγοντες ὅτι, ἢν τούτων κρατήσωσι, πᾶν τὸ ἠπειρωτικὸν Λακεδαιμονίοις ξύμμαχον καθεστήξει.

7 καὶ ὁ μὲν Εὐρύλοχος πεισθεὶς καὶ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἀφεὶς ἡσύχαζε τῷ στρατῷ περὶ τοὺς χώρους τούτους, ἕως τοῖς Ἀμπρακιώταις ἐκστρατευσαμένοις περὶ τὸ Ἄργος δέοι βοηθεῖν. καὶ τὸ θέρος ἐτελεύτα.

Chapter 103

1 οἱ δ’ ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ Ἀθηναῖοι τοῦ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος ἐπελθόντες μετὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ξυμμάχων καὶ ὅσοι Σικελῶν κατὰ κράτος ἀρχόμενοι ὑπὸ Συρακοσίων καὶ ξύμμαχοι ὄντες ἀποστάντες αὐτοῖς [ἀπὸ Συρακοσίων] ξυνεπολέμουν, ἐπ᾽ Ἴνησσαν τὸ Σικελικὸν πόλισμα, οὗ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν Συρακόσιοι εἶχον, προσέβαλον, καὶ ὡς οὐκ ἐδύναντο ἑλεῖν, ἀπῇσαν.

2 ἐν δὲ τῇ ἀναχωρήσει ὑστέροις Ἀθηναίων τοῖς ξυμμάχοις ἀναχωροῦσιν ἐπιτίθενται οἱ ἐκ τοῦ τειχίσματος Συρακόσιοι, καὶ προσπεσόντες τρέπουσί τε μέρος τι τοῦ στρατοῦ καὶ ἀπέκτειναν οὐκ ὀλίγους.

3 καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν ὁ Λάχης καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐς τὴν Λοκρίδα ἀποβάσεις τινὰς ποιησάμενοι κατὰ τὸν Καϊκῖνον ποταμὸν τοὺς προσβοηθοῦντας Λοκρῶν μετὰ Προξένου τοῦ Καπάτωνος ὡς τριακοσίους μάχῃ ἐκράτησαν καὶ ὅπλα λαβόντες ἀπεχώρησαν.

Chapter 104

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος καὶ Δῆλον ἐκάθηραν Ἀθηναῖοι κατὰ χρησμὸν δή τινα. ἐκάθηρε μὲν γὰρ καὶ Πεισίστρατος ὁ τύραννος πρότερον αὐτήν, οὐχ ἅπασαν, ἀλλ’ ὅσον ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐφεωρᾶτο τῆς νήσου· τότε δὲ πᾶσα ἐκαθάρθη τοιῷδε τρόπῳ.

2 θῆκαι ὅσαι ἦσαν τῶν τεθνεώτων ἐν Δήλῳ, πάσας ἀνεῖλον, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν προεῖπον μήτε ἐναποθνῄσκειν ἐν τῇ νήσῳ μήτε ἐντίκτειν, ἀλλ’ ἐς τὴν Ῥήνειαν διακομίζεσθαι. ἀπέχει δὲ ἡ Ῥήνεια τῆς Δήλου οὕτως ὀλίγον ὥστε Πολυκράτης ὁ Σαμίων τύραννος ἰσχύσας τινὰ χρόνον ναυτικῷ καὶ τῶν τε ἄλλων νήσων ἄρξας καὶ τὴν Ῥήνειαν ἑλὼν ἀνέθηκε τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι τῷ Δηλίῳ ἁλύσει δήσας πρὸς τὴν Δῆλον. καὶ τὴν πεντετηρίδα τότε πρῶτον μετὰ τὴν κάθαρσιν ἐποίησαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὰ Δήλια.

3 ἦν δέ ποτε καὶ τὸ πάλαι μεγάλη ξύνοδος ἐς τὴν Δῆλον τῶν Ἰώνων τε καὶ περικτιόνων νησιωτῶν· ξύν τε γὰρ γυναιξὶ καὶ παισὶν ἐθεώρουν, ὥσπερ νῦν ἐς τὰ Ἐφέσια Ἴωνες, καὶ ἀγὼν ἐποιεῖτο αὐτόθι καὶ γυμνικὸς καὶ μουσικός, χορούς τε ἀνῆγον αἱ πόλεις.

4 δηλοῖ δὲ μάλιστα Ὅμηρος ὅτι τοιαῦτα ἦν ἐν τοῖς ἔπεσι τοῖσδε, ἅ ἐστιν ἐκ προοιμίου Ἀπόλλωνος· / ἀλλ’ ὅτε Δήλῳ, Φοῖβε, μάλιστά γε θυμὸν ἐτέρφθης, / ἔνθα τοι ἑλκεχίτωνες Ἰάονες ἠγερέθονται / σὺν σφοῖσιν τεκέεσσι γυναιξί τε σὴν ἐς ἀγυιάν· / ἔνθα σε πυγμαχίῃ τε καὶ ὀρχηστυῖ καὶ ἀοιδῇ / μνησάμενοι τέρπουσιν, ὅταν καθέσωσιν ἀγῶνα.

5 ὅτι δὲ καὶ μουσικῆς ἀγὼν ἦν καὶ ἀγωνιούμενοι ἐφοίτων ἐν τοῖσδε αὖ δηλοῖ, ἅ ἐστιν ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ προοιμίου· τὸν γὰρ Δηλιακὸν χορὸν τῶν γυναικῶν ὑμνήσας ἐτελεύτα τοῦ ἐπαίνου ἐς τάδε τὰ ἔπη, ἐν οἷς καὶ ἑαυτοῦ ἐπεμνήσθη· / ἀλλ’ ἄγεθ᾽, ἱλήκοι μὲν Ἀπόλλων Ἀρτέμιδι ξύν, / χαίρετε δ’ ὑμεῖς πᾶσαι. ἐμεῖο δὲ καὶ μετόπισθε / μνήσασθ᾽, ὁππότε κέν τις ἐπιχθονίων ἀνθρώπων / ἐνθάδ’ ἀνείρηται ταλαπείριος ἄλλος ἐπελθών· / ‘ὦ κοῦραι, τίς δ’ ὔμμιν ἀνὴρ ἥδιστος ἀοιδῶν / ἐνθάδε πωλεῖται, καὶ τέῳ τέρπεσθε μάλιστα;’ / ὑμεῖς δ’ εὖ μάλα πᾶσαι ὑποκρίνασθαι ἀφήμως· / ‘τυφλὸς ἀνήρ, οἰκεῖ δὲ Χίῳ ἔνι παιπαλοέσσῃ.’

6 τοσαῦτα μὲν Ὅμηρος ἐτεκμηρίωσεν ὅτι ἦν καὶ τὸ πάλαι μεγάλη ξύνοδος καὶ ἑορτὴ ἐν τῇ Δήλῳ· ὕστερον δὲ τοὺς μὲν χοροὺς οἱ νησιῶται καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι μεθ’ ἱερῶν ἔπεμπον, τὰ δὲ περὶ τοὺς ἀγῶνας καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα κατελύθη ὑπὸ ξυμφορῶν, ὡς εἰκός, πρὶν δὴ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τότε τὸν ἀγῶνα ἐποίησαν καὶ ἱπποδρομίας, ὃ πρότερον οὐκ ἦν.

Chapter 105

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος Ἀμπρακιῶται, ὥσπερ ὑποσχόμενοι Εὐρυλόχῳ τὴν στρατιὰν κατέσχον, ἐκστρατεύονται ἐπὶ Ἄργος τὸ Ἀμφιλοχικὸν τρισχιλίοις ὁπλίταις, καὶ ἐσβαλόντες ἐς τὴν Ἀργείαν καταλαμβάνουσιν Ὄλπας, τεῖχος ἐπὶ λόφου ἰσχυρὸν πρὸς τῇ θαλάσσῃ, ὅ ποτε Ἀκαρνᾶνες τειχισάμενοι κοινῷ δικαστηρίῳ ἐχρῶντο· ἀπέχει δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀργείων πόλεως ἐπιθαλασσίας οὔσης πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι σταδίους μάλιστα.

2 οἱ δὲ Ἀκαρνᾶνες οἱ μὲν ἐς Ἄργος ξυνεβοήθουν, οἱ δὲ τῆς Ἀμφιλοχίας ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χωρίῳ ὃ Κρῆναι καλεῖται, φυλάσσοντες τοὺς μετὰ Εὐρυλόχου Πελοποννησίους μὴ λάθωσι πρὸς τοὺς Ἀμπρακιώτας διελθόντες, ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο.

3 πέμπουσι δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ Δημοσθένη τὸν ἐς τὴν Αἰτωλίαν Ἀθηναίων στρατηγήσαντα, ὅπως σφίσιν ἡγεμὼν γίγνηται, καὶ ἐπὶ τὰς εἴκοσι ναῦς Ἀθηναίων αἳ ἔτυχον περὶ Πελοπόννησον οὖσαι, ὧν ἦρχεν Ἀριστοτέλης τε ὁ Τιμοκράτους καὶ Ἱεροφῶν ὁ Ἀντιμνήστου.

4 ἀπέστειλαν δὲ καὶ ἄγγελον οἱ περὶ τὰς Ὄλπας Ἀμπρακιῶται ἐς τὴν πόλιν κελεύοντες σφίσι βοηθεῖν πανδημεί, δεδιότες μὴ οἱ μετ’ Εὐρυλόχου οὐ δύνωνται διελθεῖν τοὺς Ἀκαρνᾶνας καὶ σφίσιν ἢ μονωθεῖσιν ἡ μάχη γένηται ἢ ἀναχωρεῖν βουλομένοις οὐκ ᾖ ἀσφαλές.

Chapter 106

1 οἱ μὲν οὖν μετ’ Εὐρυλόχου Πελοποννήσιοι ὡς ᾔσθοντο τοὺς ἐν Ὄλπαις Ἀμπρακιώτας ἥκοντας, ἄραντες ἐκ τοῦ Προσχίου ἐβοήθουν κατὰ τάχος, καὶ διαβάντες τὸν Ἀχελῷον ἐχώρουν δι’ Ἀκαρνανίας οὔσης ἐρήμου διὰ τὴν ἐς Ἄργος βοήθειαν, ἐν δεξιᾷ μὲν ἔχοντες τὴν Στρατίων πόλιν καὶ τὴν φρουρὰν αὐτῶν, ἐν ἀριστερᾷ δὲ τὴν ἄλλην Ἀκαρνανίαν.

2 καὶ διελθόντες τὴν Στρατίων γῆν ἐχώρουν διὰ τῆς Φυτίας καὶ αὖθις Μεδεῶνος παρ᾽ ἔσχατα, ἔπειτα διὰ Λιμναίας· καὶ ἐπέβησαν τῆς Ἀγραίων, οὐκέτι Ἀκαρνανίας, φιλίας δὲ σφίσιν.

3 λαβόμενοι δὲ τοῦ Θυάμου ὄρους, ὅ ἐστιν Ἀγραϊκόν, ἐχώρουν δι’ αὐτοῦ καὶ κατέβησαν ἐς τὴν Ἀργείαν νυκτὸς ἤδη, καὶ διεξελθόντες μεταξὺ τῆς τε Ἀργείων πόλεως καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ Κρήναις Ἀκαρνάνων φυλακῆς ἔλαθον καὶ προσέμειξαν τοῖς ἐν Ὄλπαις Ἀμπρακιώταις.

Chapter 107

1 γενόμενοι δὲ ἁθρόοι ἅμα τῇ ἡμέρᾳ καθίζουσιν ἐπὶ τὴν Μητρόπολιν καλουμένην καὶ στρατόπεδον ἐποιήσαντο. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ταῖς εἴκοσι ναυσὶν οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον παραγίγνονται ἐς τὸν Ἀμπρακικὸν κόλπον βοηθοῦντες τοῖς Ἀργείοις, καὶ Δημοσθένης Μεσσηνίων μὲν ἔχων διακοσίους ὁπλίτας, ἑξήκοντα δὲ τοξότας Ἀθηναίων.

2 καὶ αἱ μὲν νῆες περὶ τὰς Ὄλπας τὸν λόφον ἐκ θαλάσσης ἐφώρμουν· οἱ δὲ Ἀκαρνᾶνες καὶ Ἀμφιλόχων ὀλίγοι (οἱ γὰρ πλείους ὑπὸ Ἀμπρακιωτῶν βίᾳ κατείχοντο) ἐς τὸ Ἄργος ἤδη ξυνεληλυθότες παρεσκευάζοντο ὡς μαχούμενοι τοῖς ἐναντίοις, καὶ ἡγεμόνα τοῦ παντὸς ξυμμαχικοῦ αἱροῦνται Δημοσθένη μετὰ τῶν σφετέρων στρατηγῶν.

3 ὁ δὲ προσαγαγὼν ἐγγὺς τῆς Ὄλπης ἐστρατοπεδεύσατο, χαράδρα δ’ αὐτοὺς μεγάλη διεῖργεν. καὶ ἡμέρας μὲν πέντε ἡσύχαζον, τῇ δ’ ἕκτῃ ἐτάσσοντο ἀμφότεροι ὡς ἐς μάχην. καὶ (μεῖζον γὰρ ἐγένετο καὶ περιέσχε τὸ τῶν Πελοποννησίων στρατόπεδον) ὁ Δημοσθένης δείσας μὴ κυκλωθῇ λοχίζει ἐς ὁδόν τινα κοίλην καὶ λοχμώδη ὁπλίτας καὶ ψιλοὺς ξυναμφοτέρους ἐς τετρακοσίους, ὅπως κατὰ τὸ ὑπερέχον τῶν ἐναντίων ἐν τῇ ξυνόδῳ αὐτῇ ἐξαναστάντες οὗτοι κατὰ νώτου γίγνωνται.

4 ἐπεὶ δὲ παρεσκεύαστο ἀμφοτέροις, ᾖσαν ἐς χεῖρας, Δημοσθένης μὲν τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας ἔχων μετὰ Μεσσηνίων καὶ Ἀθηναίων ὀλίγων, τὸ δὲ ἄλλο Ἀκαρνᾶνες ὡς ἕκαστοι τεταγμένοι ἐπεῖχον, καὶ Ἀμφιλόχων οἱ παρόντες ἀκοντισταί, Πελοποννήσιοι δὲ καὶ Ἀμπρακιῶται ἀναμὶξ τεταγμένοι πλὴν Μαντινέων· οὗτοι δὲ ἐν τῷ εὐωνύμῳ μᾶλλον καὶ οὐ τὸ κέρας ἄκρον ἔχοντες ἁθρόοι ἦσαν, ἀλλ’ Εὐρύλοχος ἔσχατον εἶχε τὸ εὐώνυμον καὶ οἱ μετ’ αὐτοῦ, κατὰ Μεσσηνίους καὶ Δημοσθένη.

Chapter 108

1 ὡς δ’ ἐν χερσὶν ἤδη ὄντες περιέσχον τῷ κέρᾳ οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ ἐκυκλοῦντο τὸ δεξιὸν τῶν ἐναντίων, οἱ ἐκ τῆς ἐνέδρας Ἀκαρνᾶνες ἐπιγενόμενοι αὐτοῖς κατὰ νώτου προσπίπτουσί τε καὶ τρέπουσιν, ὥστε μήτε ἐς ἀλκὴν ὑπομεῖναι φοβηθέντας τε ἐς φυγὴν καὶ τὸ πλέον τοῦ στρατεύματος καταστῆσαι· ἐπειδὴ γὰρ εἶδον τὸ κατ’ Εὐρύλοχον καὶ ὃ κράτιστον ἦν διαφθειρόμενον, πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἐφοβοῦντο. καὶ οἱ Μεσσήνιοι ὄντες ταύτῃ μετὰ τοῦ Δημοσθένους τὸ πολὺ τοῦ ἔργου ἐπεξῆλθον.

2 οἱ δὲ Ἀμπρακιῶται καὶ οἱ κατὰ τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας ἐνίκων τὸ καθ’ ἑαυτοὺς καὶ πρὸς τὸ Ἄργος ἀπεδίωξαν· καὶ γὰρ μαχιμώτατοι τῶν περὶ ἐκεῖνα τὰ χωρία τυγχάνουσιν ὄντες.

3 ἐπαναχωροῦντες δὲ ὡς ἑώρων τὸ πλέον νενικημένον καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι Ἀκαρνᾶνες σφίσι προσέκειντο, χαλεπῶς διεσῴζοντο ἐς τὰς Ὄλπας, καὶ πολλοὶ ἀπέθανον αὐτῶν, ἀτάκτως καὶ οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ προσπίπτοντες πλὴν Μαντινέων· οὗτοι δὲ μάλιστα ξυντεταγμένοι παντὸς τοῦ στρατοῦ ἀνεχώρησαν. καὶ ἡ μὲν μάχη ἐτελεύτα ἐς ὀψέ.

Chapter 109

1 Μενεδάϊος δὲ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ Εὐρυλόχου τεθνεῶτος καὶ Μακαρίου αὐτὸς παρειληφὼς τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ ἀπορῶν μεγάλης ἥσσης γεγενημένης ὅτῳ τρόπῳ ἢ μένων πολιορκήσεται ἔκ τε γῆς καὶ ἐκ θαλάσσης ταῖς Ἀττικαῖς ναυσὶν ἀποκεκλῃμένος ἢ καὶ ἀναχωρῶν διασωθήσεται, προσφέρει λόγον περὶ σπονδῶν καὶ ἀναχωρήσεως Δημοσθένει καὶ τοῖς Ἀκαρνάνων στρατηγοῖς, καὶ περὶ νεκρῶν ἅμα ἀναιρέσεως.

2 οἱ δὲ νεκροὺς μὲν ἀπέδοσαν καὶ τροπαῖον αὐτοὶ ἔστησαν καὶ τοὺς ἑαυτῶν τριακοσίους μάλιστα ἀποθανόντας ἀνείλοντο, ἀναχώρησιν δὲ ἐκ μὲν τοῦ προφανοῦς οὐκ ἐσπείσαντο ἅπασι, κρύφα δὲ Δημοσθένης μετὰ τῶν ξυστρατήγων Ἀκαρνάνων σπένδονται Μαντινεῦσι καὶ Μενεδαΐῳ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἄρχουσι τῶν Πελοποννησίων καὶ ὅσοι αὐτῶν ἦσαν ἀξιολογώτατοι ἀποχωρεῖν κατὰ τάχος, βουλόμενος ψιλῶσαι τοὺς Ἀμπρακιώτας τε καὶ τὸν μισθοφόρον ὄχλον [τὸν ξενικόν], μάλιστα δὲ Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ Πελοποννησίους διαβαλεῖν ἐς τοὺς ἐκείνῃ χρῄζων Ἕλληνας ὡς καταπροδόντες τὸ ἑαυτῶν προυργιαίτερον ἐποιήσαντο.

3 καὶ οἱ μὲν τούς τε νεκροὺς ἀνείλοντο καὶ διὰ τάχους ἔθαπτον, ὥσπερ ὑπῆρχε, καὶ τὴν ἀποχώρησιν κρύφα οἷς ἐδέδοτο ἐπεβούλευον·

Chapter 110

1 τῷ δὲ Δημοσθένει καὶ τοῖς Ἀκαρνᾶσιν ἀγγέλλεται τοὺς Ἀμπρακιώτας τοὺς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως πανδημεὶ κατὰ τὴν πρώτην ἐκ τῶν Ὀλπῶν ἀγγελίαν ἐπιβοηθεῖν διὰ τῶν Ἀμφιλόχων, βουλομένους τοῖς ἐν Ὄλπαις ξυμμεῖξαι, εἰδότας οὐδὲν τῶν γεγενημένων.

2 καὶ πέμπει εὐθὺς τοῦ στρατοῦ μέρος τι τὰς ὁδοὺς προλοχιοῦντας καὶ τὰ καρτερὰ προκαταληψομένους, καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ στρατιᾷ ἅμα παρεσκευάζετο βοηθεῖν ἐπ’ αὐτούς.

Chapter 111

1 ἐν τούτῳ δ’ οἱ Μαντινῆς καὶ οἷς ἔσπειστο πρόφασιν ἐπὶ λαχανισμὸν καὶ φρυγάνων ξυλλογὴν ἐξελθόντες ὑπαπῇσαν κατ’ ὀλίγους, ἅμα ξυλλέγοντες ἐφ’ ἃ ἐξῆλθον δῆθεν· προκεχωρηκότες δὲ ἤδη ἄπωθεν τῆς Ὄλπης θᾶσσον ἀπεχώρουν.

2 οἱ δ’ Ἀμπρακιῶται καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι, ὅσοι † μὲν ἐτύγχανον οὕτως † ἁθρόοι ξυνεξελθόντες, ὡς ἔγνωσαν ἀπιόντας, ὥρμησαν καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ ἔθεον δρόμῳ, ἐπικαταλαβεῖν βουλόμενοι.

3 οἱ δὲ Ἀκαρνᾶνες τὸ μὲν πρῶτον καὶ πάντας ἐνόμισαν ἀπιέναι ἀσπόνδους ὁμοίως καὶ τοὺς Πελοποννησίους ἐπεδίωκον, καί τινας αὐτῶν τῶν στρατηγῶν κωλύοντας καὶ φάσκοντας ἐσπεῖσθαι αὐτοῖς ἠκόντισέ τις, νομίσας καταπροδίδοσθαι σφᾶς· ἔπειτα μέντοι τοὺς μὲν Μαντινέας καὶ τοὺς Πελοποννησίους ἀφίεσαν, τοὺς δ’ Ἀμπρακιώτας ἔκτεινον.

4 καὶ ἦν πολλὴ ἔρις καὶ ἄγνοια εἴτε Ἀμπρακιώτης τίς ἐστιν εἴτε Πελοποννήσιος. καὶ ἐς διακοσίους μέν τινας αὐτῶν ἀπέκτειναν· οἱ δ’ ἄλλοι διέφυγον ἐς τὴν Ἀγραΐδα ὅμορον οὖσαν, καὶ Σαλύνθιος αὐτοὺς ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν Ἀγραίων φίλος ὢν ὑπεδέξατο.

Chapter 112

1 οἱ δ’ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως Ἀμπρακιῶται ἀφικνοῦνται ἐπ᾽ Ἰδομενήν. ἐστὸν δὲ δύο λόφω ἡ Ἰδομενὴ ὑψηλώ· τούτοιν τὸν μὲν μείζω νυκτὸς ἐπιγενομένης οἱ προαποσταλέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ Δημοσθένους ἀπὸ τοῦ στρατοπέδου ἔλαθόν τε καὶ ἔφθασαν προκαταλαβόντες (τὸν δ’ ἐλάσσω ἔτυχον οἱ Ἀμπρακιῶται προαναβάντες) καὶ ηὐλίσαντο.

2 ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης δειπνήσας ἐχώρει καὶ τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα ἀπὸ ἑσπέρας εὐθύς, αὐτὸς μὲν τὸ ἥμισυ ἔχων ἐπὶ τῆς ἐσβολῆς, τὸ δ’ ἄλλο διὰ τῶν Ἀμφιλοχικῶν ὀρῶν.

3 καὶ ἅμα ὄρθρῳ ἐπιπίπτει τοῖς Ἀμπρακιώταις ἔτι ἐν ταῖς εὐναῖς καὶ οὐ προῃσθημένοις τὰ γεγενημένα, ἀλλὰ πολὺ μᾶλλον νομίσασι τοὺς ἑαυτῶν εἶναι·

4 καὶ γὰρ τοὺς Μεσσηνίους πρώτους ἐπίτηδες ὁ Δημοσθένης προύταξε καὶ προσαγορεύειν ἐκέλευε, Δωρίδα τε γλῶσσαν ἱέντας καὶ τοῖς προφύλαξι πίστιν παρεχομένους, ἅμα δὲ καὶ οὐ καθορωμένους τῇ ὄψει νυκτὸς ἔτι οὔσης.

5 ὡς οὖν ἐπέπεσε τῷ στρατεύματι αὐτῶν, τρέπουσι, καὶ τοὺς μὲν πολλοὺς αὐτοῦ διέφθειραν, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ κατὰ τὰ ὄρη ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμησαν.

6 προκατειλημμένων δὲ τῶν ὁδῶν, καὶ ἅμα τῶν μὲν Ἀμφιλόχων ἐμπείρων ὄντων τῆς ἑαυτῶν γῆς καὶ ψιλῶν πρὸς ὁπλίτας, τῶν δὲ ἀπείρων καὶ ἀνεπιστημόνων ὅπῃ τράπωνται, ἐσπίπτοντες ἔς τε χαράδρας καὶ τὰς προλελοχισμένας ἐνέδρας διεφθείροντο.

7 καὶ ἐς πᾶσαν ἰδέαν χωρήσαντες τῆς φυγῆς ἐτράποντό τινες καὶ ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν οὐ πολὺ ἀπέχουσαν, καὶ ὡς εἶδον τὰς Ἀττικὰς ναῦς παραπλεούσας ἅμα τοῦ ἔργου τῇ ξυντυχίᾳ, προσένευσαν, ἡγησάμενοι ἐν τῷ αὐτίκα φόβῳ κρεῖσσον εἶναι σφίσιν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν ταῖς ναυσίν, εἰ δεῖ, διαφθαρῆναι ἢ ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων καὶ ἐχθίστων Ἀμφιλόχων.

8 οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἀμπρακιῶται τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ κακωθέντες ὀλίγοι ἀπὸ πολλῶν ἐσώθησαν ἐς τὴν πόλιν· Ἀκαρνᾶνες δὲ σκυλεύσαντες τοὺς νεκροὺς καὶ τροπαῖα στήσαντες ἀπεχώρησαν ἐς Ἄργος.

Chapter 113

1 καὶ αὐτοῖς τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἦλθε κῆρυξ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐς Ἀγραίους καταφυγόντων ἐκ τῆς Ὄλπης Ἀμπρακιωτῶν, ἀναίρεσιν αἰτήσων τῶν νεκρῶν οὓς ἀπέκτειναν ὕστερον τῆς πρώτης μάχης, ὅτε μετὰ τῶν Μαντινέων καὶ τῶν ὑποσπόνδων ξυνεξῇσαν ἄσπονδοι.

2 ἰδὼν δ’ ὁ κῆρυξ τὰ ὅπλα τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως Ἀμπρακιωτῶν ἐθαύμαζε τὸ πλῆθος· οὐ γὰρ ᾔδει τὸ πάθος, ἀλλ’ ᾤετο τῶν μετὰ σφῶν εἶναι.

3 καί τις αὐτὸν ἤρετο ὅτι θαυμάζοι καὶ ὁπόσοι αὐτῶν τεθνᾶσιν, οἰόμενος αὖ ὁ ἐρωτῶν εἶναι τὸν κήρυκα ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν Ἰδομεναῖς. ὁ δ’ ἔφη διακοσίους μάλιστα. ὑπολαβὼν δ’ ὁ ἐρωτῶν εἶπεν ‘οὔκουν τὰ ὅπλα ταυτὶ φαίνεται,

4 ἀλλὰ πλέον ἢ χιλίων.’ αὖθις δὲ εἶπεν ἐκεῖνος ‘οὐκ ἄρα τῶν μεθ’ ἡμῶν μαχομένων ἐστίν.’ ὁ δ’ ἀπεκρίνατο ‘εἴπερ γε ὑμεῖς ἐν Ἰδομενῇ χθὲς ἐμάχεσθε.’ ‘ἀλλ’ ἡμεῖς γε οὐδενὶ ἐμαχόμεθα χθές, ἀλλὰ πρῴην ἐν τῇ ἀποχωρήσει.’ ‘καὶ μὲν δὴ τούτοις γε ἡμεῖς χθὲς ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως βοηθήσασι τῆς Ἀμπρακιωτῶν ἐμαχόμεθα.’

5 ὁ δὲ κῆρυξ ὡς ἤκουσε καὶ ἔγνω ὅτι ἡ ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως βοήθεια διέφθαρται, ἀνοιμώξας καὶ ἐκπλαγεὶς τῷ μεγέθει τῶν παρόντων κακῶν ἀπῆλθεν εὐθὺς ἄπρακτος καὶ οὐκέτι ἀπῄτει τοὺς νεκρούς.

6 πάθος γὰρ τοῦτο μιᾷ πόλει Ἑλληνίδι ἐν ἴσαις ἡμέραις μέγιστον δὴ τῶν κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον τόνδε ἐγένετο. καὶ ἀριθμὸν οὐκ ἔγραψα τῶν ἀποθανόντων, διότι ἄπιστον τὸ πλῆθος λέγεται ἀπολέσθαι ὡς πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος τῆς πόλεως. Ἀμπρακίαν μέντοι οἶδα ὅτι, εἰ ἐβουλήθησαν Ἀκαρνᾶνες καὶ Ἀμφίλοχοι Ἀθηναίοις καὶ Δημοσθένει πειθόμενοι ἐξελεῖν, αὐτοβοεὶ ἂν εἷλον· νῦν δ’ ἔδεισαν μὴ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἔχοντες αὐτὴν χαλεπώτεροι σφίσι πάροικοι ὦσιν.

Chapter 114

1 μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τρίτον μέρος νείμαντες τῶν σκύλων τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις τὰ ἄλλα κατὰ τὰς πόλεις διείλοντο. καὶ τὰ μὲν τῶν Ἀθηναίων πλέοντα ἑάλω, τὰ δὲ νῦν ἀνακείμενα ἐν τοῖς Ἀττικοῖς ἱεροῖς Δημοσθένει ἐξῃρέθησαν τριακόσιαι πανοπλίαι, καὶ ἄγων αὐτὰς κατέπλευσεν· καὶ ἐγένετο ἅμα αὐτῷ μετὰ τὴν ἐκ τῆς Αἰτωλίας ξυμφορὰν ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς πράξεως ἀδεεστέρα ἡ κάθοδος.

2 ἀπῆλθον δὲ καὶ οἱ ἐν ταῖς εἴκοσι ναυσὶν Ἀθηναῖοι ἐς Ναύπακτον. Ἀκαρνᾶνες δὲ καὶ Ἀμφίλοχοι ἀπελθόντων Ἀθηναίων καὶ Δημοσθένους τοῖς ὡς Σαλύνθιον καὶ Ἀγραίους καταφυγοῦσιν Ἀμπρακιώταις καὶ Πελοποννησίοις ἀναχώρησιν ἐσπείσαντο ἐξ Οἰνιαδῶν, οἷπερ καὶ μετανέστησαν παρὰ Σαλυνθίου.

3 καὶ ἐς τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον σπονδὰς καὶ ξυμμαχίαν ἐποιήσαντο ἑκατὸν ἔτη Ἀκαρνᾶνες καὶ Ἀμφίλοχοι πρὸς Ἀμπρακιώτας ἐπὶ τοῖσδε, ὥστε μήτε Ἀμπρακιώτας μετὰ Ἀκαρνάνων στρατεύειν ἐπὶ Πελοποννησίους μήτε Ἀκαρνᾶνας μετὰ Ἀμπρακιωτῶν ἐπ’ Ἀθηναίους, βοηθεῖν δὲ τῇ ἀλλήλων, καὶ ἀποδοῦναι Ἀμπρακιώτας ὁπόσα ἢ χωρία ἢ ὁμήρους Ἀμφιλόχων ἔχουσι, καὶ ἐπὶ Ἀνακτόριον μὴ βοηθεῖν πολέμιον ὂν Ἀκαρνᾶσιν.

4 ταῦτα ξυνθέμενοι διέλυσαν τὸν πόλεμον. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Κορίνθιοι φυλακὴν ἑαυτῶν ἐς τὴν Ἀμπρακίαν ἀπέστειλαν ἐς τριακοσίους ὁπλίτας καὶ Ξενοκλείδαν τὸν Εὐθυκλέους ἄρχοντα· οἳ κομιζόμενοι χαλεπῶς διὰ τῆς ἠπείρου ἀφίκοντο. τὰ μὲν κατ’ Ἀμπρακίαν οὕτως ἐγένετο.

Chapter 115

1 οἱ δ’ ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ Ἀθηναῖοι τοῦ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος ἔς τε τὴν Ἱμεραίαν ἀπόβασιν ἐποιήσαντο ἐκ τῶν νεῶν μετὰ τῶν Σικελῶν τῶν ἄνωθεν ἐσβεβληκότων ἐς τὰ ἔσχατα τῆς Ἱμεραίας, καὶ ἐπὶ τὰς Αἰόλου νήσους ἔπλευσαν.

2 ἀναχωρήσαντες δὲ ἐς Ῥήγιον Πυθόδωρον τὸν Ἰσολόχου Ἀθηναίων στρατηγὸν καταλαμβάνουσιν ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς διάδοχον ὧν ὁ Λάχης ἦρχεν.

3 οἱ γὰρ ἐν Σικελίᾳ ξύμμαχοι πλεύσαντες ἔπεισαν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους βοηθεῖν σφίσι πλείοσι ναυσίν· τῆς μὲν γὰρ γῆς αὐτῶν οἱ Συρακόσιοι ἐκράτουν, τῆς δὲ θαλάσσης ὀλίγαις ναυσὶν εἰργόμενοι παρεσκευάζοντο ναυτικὸν ξυναγείροντες ὡς οὐ περιοψόμενοι.

4 καὶ ἐπλήρουν ναῦς τεσσαράκοντα οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ὡς ἀποστελοῦντες αὐτοῖς, ἅμα μὲν ἡγούμενοι θᾶσσον τὸν ἐκεῖ πόλεμον καταλυθήσεσθαι, ἅμα δὲ βουλόμενοι μελέτην τοῦ ναυτικοῦ ποιεῖσθαι.

5 τὸν μὲν οὖν ἕνα τῶν στρατηγῶν ἀπέστειλαν Πυθόδωρον ὀλίγαις ναυσί, Σοφοκλέα δὲ τὸν Σωστρατίδου καὶ Εὐρυμέδοντα τὸν Θουκλέους ἐπὶ τῶν πλειόνων νεῶν ἀποπέμψειν ἔμελλον.

6 ὁ δὲ Πυθόδωρος ἤδη ἔχων τὴν τοῦ Λάχητος τῶν νεῶν ἀρχὴν ἔπλευσε τελευτῶντος τοῦ χειμῶνος ἐπὶ τὸ Λοκρῶν φρούριον ὃ πρότερον Λάχης εἷλε, καὶ νικηθεὶς μάχῃ ὑπὸ τῶν Λοκρῶν ἀπεχώρησεν.

Chapter 116

1 ἐρρύη δὲ περὶ αὐτὸ τὸ ἔαρ τοῦτο ὁ ῥύαξ τοῦ πυρὸς ἐκ τῆς Αἴτνης, ὥσπερ καὶ πρότερον, καὶ γῆν τινὰ ἔφθειρε τῶν Καταναίων, οἳ ὑπὸ τῇ Αἴτνῃ τῷ ὄρει οἰκοῦσιν, ὅπερ μέγιστόν ἐστιν ὄρος ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ.

2 λέγεται δὲ πεντηκοστῷ ἔτει ῥυῆναι τοῦτο μετὰ τὸ πρότερον ῥεῦμα, τὸ δὲ ξύμπαν τρὶς γεγενῆσθαι τὸ ῥεῦμα ἀφ’ οὗ Σικελία ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων οἰκεῖται.

3 ταῦτα μὲν κατὰ τὸν χειμῶνα τοῦτον ἐγένετο, καὶ ἕκτον ἔτος τῷ πολέμῳ ἐτελεύτα τῷδε ὃν Θουκυδίδης ξυνέγραψεν.

Chapter 1

1 The next summer, when the grain was ripening, the Peloponnesians and their allies invaded Attica. Their commander was Archidamus son of Zeuxidamus, king of the Lacedaemonians.

2 They set up camp and devastated the land. As usual, the Athenian cavalry attacked wherever an opportunity arose. They kept most of the enemy's lightly armed troops from moving ahead of the hoplites and damaging the land near the city.

3 They stayed as long as their food lasted, then withdrew and dispersed to their own cities.

Chapter 2

1 Immediately after the Peloponnesian invasion, Lesbos revolted from Athens, except for Methymna. The Lesbians had wanted to revolt even before the war, but the Lacedaemonians had refused to accept them. Now, too, they were forced to revolt earlier than they had intended.

2 They were waiting for work on building barriers at their harbors, building walls, and constructing ships to be completed. They were also waiting for things that had to arrive from the Black Sea, including archers and grain, and for the other supplies they had sent for.

3 But the Tenedians, who were their enemies, and the Methymnaeans informed the Athenians of their plans. So did some individual Mytilenaeans, who were supporters of Athens in the city's civil strife and served as Athens' official local representatives. They reported that the Mytilenaeans were forcibly uniting Lesbos under Mytilene. With the Lacedaemonians and their relatives the Boeotians, they were rushing all their preparations for a revolt. Unless someone acted at once to stop them, the Athenians would lose Lesbos.

Chapter 3

1 The Athenians were worn down by the plague and by the war, which had only recently begun and was now at its height. They thought it would be a major undertaking to start another war against Lesbos, which had a fleet and its strength still intact. At first they did not accept the accusations, largely because they did not want them to be true. But they sent envoys and still could not persuade the Mytilenaeans to abandon their plan to unite the island or their military preparations. They became alarmed and decided to act before the Mytilenaeans could do so.

2 They suddenly sent out forty ships that happened to be ready for a voyage around the Peloponnese. Cleippides son of Deinias was in command, with two other generals.

3 They had been told that a festival of Apollo Maloeis was held outside the city, and that all the Mytilenaeans took part. If they hurried, there was a chance of taking them by surprise. If the attempt succeeded, that would settle the matter. If not, they were to order the Mytilenaeans to hand over their ships and tear down their walls, and to wage war if they refused.

4 The ships sailed off. Meanwhile, the Athenians seized ten Mytilenaean triremes that happened to be with them as reinforcements under the alliance, and imprisoned their crews.

5 But a man crossed from Athens to Euboea and went overland to Geraestus. There he found a merchant ship about to sail and took passage on it. On the third day after leaving Athens, he reached Mytilene and reported that the fleet was coming.

6 The Mytilenaeans therefore did not go out to the sanctuary of Maloeis. They also blocked the unfinished parts of their walls and harbors and kept guard.

Chapter 4

1 The Athenians arrived by sea not long afterward and saw the situation. The generals delivered their orders. When the Mytilenaeans refused to comply, hostilities began.

2 The Mytilenaeans were unprepared and had been forced into war without warning. They sent their ships a short way out of the harbor as if to fight a naval battle. But the Athenian ships drove them back, and they then opened talks with the generals. They wanted, if possible, to get the fleet to leave for the time being by reaching some reasonable agreement.

3 The Athenian generals accepted the offer of talks. They too were afraid that their force was not strong enough to fight all Lesbos.

4 They agreed to a truce. The Mytilenaeans then sent envoys to Athens, including one of their accusers, who was now regretting his actions. They hoped to persuade the Athenians to withdraw the ships on the grounds that the Mytilenaeans were not planning a revolt.

5 Meanwhile, they also sent envoys to Lacedaemon in a trireme. They slipped past the Athenian fleet, which was anchored at Malea, north of the city. They did not trust their approach to the Athenians to succeed.

6 The envoys bound for Lacedaemon made a difficult crossing of the open sea. Once there, they worked to secure some help for their people.

Chapter 5

1 When the envoys returned from Athens without achieving anything, the Mytilenaeans and the rest of Lesbos, except Methymna, went to war. The Methymnaeans had come to help the Athenians, as had the people of Imbros and Lemnos and a few of their other allies.

2 The Mytilenaeans marched out with their full force against the Athenian camp, and a battle followed. Although the Mytilenaeans did no worse than their opponents, they neither camped on the battlefield nor trusted their own strength, but withdrew. After that they stayed quiet. They wanted to wait for help from the Peloponnese and further preparations before risking another battle. Meleas, a Laconian, and Hermaeondas, a Theban, also arrived. They had been sent out before the revolt but had not managed to get there before the Athenian fleet. They slipped into the harbor in a trireme after the battle. They urged the Mytilenaeans to send another trireme and envoys back with them, and the Mytilenaeans did so.

Chapter 6

1 The Mytilenaeans' inactivity gave the Athenians much more confidence. They called in allies, who came much faster when they saw that the Lesbians were offering no strong resistance. The Athenians sailed around to the south side of the city and fortified two camps, one on either side of the city. They stationed ships off both harbors to blockade them.

2 They prevented the Mytilenaeans from using the sea. But the Mytilenaeans and the other Lesbians, who had now come to their aid, controlled the rest of the land. The Athenians held only a small area around their camps. Malea served mainly as a station for their ships and a market. This was how the war around Mytilene was being fought.

Chapter 7

1 At the same time that summer, the Athenians also sent thirty ships around the Peloponnese, with Asopius son of Phormio as general. The Acarnanians had asked them to send either a son or another relative of Phormio to command them.

2 As the ships sailed past Laconia, they devastated the settlements along the coast.

3 Asopius then sent most of the ships home, but took twelve himself to Naupactus. Later, he called out the entire Acarnanian force and marched against Oeniadae. He sailed his ships up the Achelous, while the land army devastated the countryside.

4 When the people of Oeniadae refused to come over to his side, he dismissed the land army. He himself sailed to Leucas and landed at Nericus. During his retreat, he and part of his force were killed by local people who had come to the defense and by a small number of garrison troops.

5 The Athenians later sailed back and recovered their dead from the Leucadians under a truce.

Chapter 8

1 The Mytilenaean envoys sent out in the first ship went to Olympia. The Lacedaemonians had told them to come there so that the other allies could also hear them and discuss the matter. This was the Olympic festival at which Dorieus of Rhodes won his second victory.

2 When they were given a hearing after the festival, they spoke as follows.

Chapter 9

1 “We know the usual attitude among Greeks, Lacedaemonians and allies. When people revolt during a war and abandon their previous alliance, those who take them in are pleased to gain their help. But they also think less of them because they see them as traitors to their former friends.

2 “This judgment is fair if those who revolt and those they break away from have the same aims and goodwill toward one another, are evenly matched in military resources and strength, and have no reasonable grounds for breaking apart. But that was not the situation between us and the Athenians.

3 “And no one should think less of us because we are leaving them in a time of danger after being treated with honor by them in peacetime.

Chapter 10

1 “We will begin by talking about justice and honest conduct, especially since we are asking for an alliance. We know that neither friendship between individuals nor cooperation between cities can be lasting or achieve anything unless each side believes in the other's good character and they are alike in other respects too. Differences in outlook lead to differences in action.

2 “Our alliance with the Athenians first began when you withdrew from the Persian war, while they stayed on to complete the work that remained.

3 “But we did not ally ourselves with the Athenians to help them enslave the Greeks. We allied ourselves with the Greeks to free them from the Persians.

4 “As long as the Athenians led us as equals, we followed willingly. But when we saw them relaxing their hostility toward the Persians and moving toward the enslavement of their allies, we no longer felt safe.

5 “With so many separate votes, the allies were divided and could not defend themselves one by one. They were enslaved, except for us and the Chians. We continued to campaign alongside the Athenians, supposedly self-governing and free in name.

6 “But we no longer trusted the Athenians as leaders. We judged them by what had already happened. It was not likely that they would conquer the people who had joined the treaty along with us, yet leave the rest untouched if they ever had the power to do the same to them.

Chapter 11

1 “If we had all still been self-governing, we could have trusted them more not to change the arrangement. But with most of the allies under their control, they would naturally find it harder to deal with us as equals. They were already giving way to the desire for greater power, while we alone still stood on equal terms. This was especially true as their own strength kept growing and we became more isolated.

2 “Only fear on both sides, evenly balanced, makes an alliance secure. Anyone who wants to break the agreement is held back by the knowledge that he would have no advantage if he attacked.

3 “We were left self-governing for one reason only. They thought they could gain control more easily through a respectable explanation and careful planning than by force, and keeping us independent helped them build their empire in this way.

4 “For one thing, they used us as evidence. They argued that people with an equal vote would not join their campaigns against their will unless the people being attacked had done something wrong. At the same time, they first took the strongest allies along against the weaker ones. By leaving the strongest until last, after the rest had been taken away, they expected to find them weaker.

5 “If they had started with us, when all the allies still had their own strength and a side to rally to, they would not have brought them under control so easily.

6 “Our fleet also caused them some fear. It might one day unite with yours or someone else's and pose a danger to them.

7 “We also survived by cultivating both their people as a whole and whoever happened to be leading them.

8 “But judging from the examples of their treatment of the others, we did not think we could have gone on doing this for long if this war had not broken out.

Chapter 12

1 “What sort of friendship was this? How could we trust our freedom when neither side meant what it said in welcoming the other? They treated us well during the war because they feared us. We did the same to them during peacetime. Goodwill is what usually gives people the strongest grounds for trusting one another. In our case, fear provided that security. We remained allies more because of fear than friendship. Whichever side first felt safe enough to act boldly was going to be the first to break the agreement.

2 “So anyone who thinks we are wrong to have revolted before they harmed us is not seeing things clearly. They were delaying their attack on us, and we did not wait in turn until we knew for certain whether it would happen.

3 “If we had been equally able to plot against them and to delay in our turn, why should we, as their equals, have been at their mercy? But since they have always had the choice of when to attack, we too must have the right to defend ourselves in advance.

Chapter 13

1 “Those are our grounds and reasons for revolting, Lacedaemonians and allies. They are clear enough for anyone listening to see that our action was reasonable. They were also enough to frighten us and make us look for some way to stay safe. We had wanted to act long ago, when we sent envoys to you about a revolt while peace still lasted. But your refusal to accept us prevented it. Now, when the Boeotians invited us, we responded at once. We thought we would be making a break on two fronts. In our relations with the Greeks, we would stop helping the Athenians harm them and instead help to free them. In our relations with the Athenians, we would act first instead of waiting to be destroyed by them later.

2 “But our revolt has come sooner than planned, before we were ready. That makes it all the more necessary for you to accept us as allies and send help quickly. Then you will show that you defend those you should defend, while harming your enemies at the same time.

3 “The opportunity is better than ever before. The Athenians have been worn down by the plague and by spending their money. Some of their ships are off your coast, and the others are stationed against us.

4 “So they are unlikely to have ships to spare if you invade a second time this summer, with a fleet and an army together. Either they will fail to resist your fleet as it approaches, or they will withdraw from both places.

5 “No one should think that he will be risking his own safety for someone else's land. Anyone who thinks Lesbos is far away will find that the benefit it brings him is close to home. The war will not be fought in Attica, as some people think, but in the territory from which Attica gets its strength.

6 “It is the allies who supply its revenue. That revenue will be even greater if they conquer us. No one else will revolt, our resources will be added to theirs, and we will suffer worse treatment than those who were enslaved before us.

7 “But if you give us your full support, you will gain a city with a large fleet, which is what you need most. You will defeat the Athenians more easily by taking their allies away from them, since everyone will feel more confident about joining you. You will also escape the accusation made against you that you do not help those who revolt. If you show yourselves to be liberators, you will have a firmer hold on victory in the war.

Chapter 14

1 “So respect the hopes the Greeks have placed in you, and respect Olympian Zeus, in whose sanctuary we stand as people seeking his protection. Become our allies and defend the Mytilenaeans. Do not abandon us. We are risking our own lives, but if we succeed, everyone will share the benefit. If we fail because you have refused to listen, the harm will be shared even more widely.

2 “Prove yourselves to be the men the Greeks expect you to be, and the men we, in our fear, need you to be.”

Chapter 15

1 That was what the Mytilenaeans said. After hearing them, the Lacedaemonians and their allies accepted their arguments and made the Lesbians their allies. They planned an invasion of Attica and told the allies present to send two-thirds of their forces to the Isthmus as quickly as possible. The Lacedaemonians themselves arrived first. They began preparing equipment at the Isthmus to haul ships across from Corinth to the sea facing Athens, so that they could attack by land and sea together.

2 They set to work eagerly. But the other allies assembled slowly. They were busy gathering their crops and had little enthusiasm for going on campaign.

Chapter 16

1 The Athenians realized that these preparations were being made because the enemy thought they were weak. They wanted to show that this judgment was wrong. They could easily resist the attack from the Peloponnese without moving the fleet at Lesbos. So they manned a hundred ships, with the citizens themselves boarding, except for the cavalry and those in the highest property class, along with the resident foreigners. They put out to sea toward the Isthmus, displayed their strength, and landed wherever they chose in the Peloponnese.

2 The Lacedaemonians saw how badly events had contradicted their expectations and concluded that what the Lesbians had told them was untrue. They thought they had no way forward. Their allies had not arrived, and at the same time reports came that the thirty Athenian ships sailing around the Peloponnese were devastating the territory of their perioeci. They went home.

3 Later they prepared a fleet to send to Lesbos. They ordered the cities to supply a total of forty ships and appointed Alcidas admiral to command the expedition.

4 The Athenians also withdrew their hundred ships when they saw that the Lacedaemonians had withdrawn.

Chapter 17

1 [At the time these ships were at sea, the Athenians had one of their largest and finest fleets in active service at once. At the start of the war they had had about as many ships, or even more.

2 A hundred ships guarded Attica, Euboea, and Salamis, and another hundred were around the Peloponnese. This did not include the ships at Potidaea and in other places. In all, two hundred and fifty ships were in service at the same time during a single summer.

3 This, together with Potidaea, did the most to use up their money.

4 The hoplites keeping watch on Potidaea were paid two drachmas each a day: each man received one for himself and one for his servant. The original force numbered three thousand, and at least that many stayed throughout the siege. Another sixteen hundred came with Phormio and left before it ended. The crews of all the ships received the same pay. This was how the money was used up in the early part of the war, and this was the largest number of ships they ever manned at once.]

Chapter 18

1 At the same time as the Lacedaemonians were at the Isthmus, the Mytilenaeans and their supporting troops marched overland against Methymna, expecting it to be betrayed to them. They attacked the city, but when things did not turn out as they had expected, they left for Antissa, Pyrrha, and Eresus. They made their control of these cities more secure and strengthened their walls, then quickly went home.

2 After they withdrew, the Methymnaeans in turn marched against Antissa. But the Antissaeans and their supporting troops came out against them and defeated them. Many Methymnaeans were killed, and the rest retreated quickly.

3 The Athenians learned of these events, and that the Mytilenaeans controlled the countryside while their own troops were unable to stop them. As autumn was beginning, they sent the general Paches son of Epicurus with a thousand Athenian hoplites.

4 The hoplites rowed the ships themselves on the voyage. After arriving, they surrounded Mytilene with a single wall. At some of the strongest positions they built forts into it.

5 Mytilene was now firmly blockaded on both sides, by land and sea, and winter was beginning.

Chapter 19

1 The Athenians needed more money for the siege. They themselves paid a special tax, imposed then for the first time, of two hundred talents. They also sent twelve ships to collect money from the allies, with Lysicles and four other generals in command.

2 Lysicles sailed around collecting money in various places. He then went inland in Caria, starting from Myus and crossing the plain of the Maeander as far as the hill of Sandius. The Carians and the people of Anaea attacked him there, killing him and many of his troops.

Chapter 20

1 During the same winter, the Plataeans were still under siege by the Peloponnesians and Boeotians. Their grain was running out and they were in serious trouble. They had no hope of help from Athens, and no other way to save themselves was apparent. They and the Athenians trapped in the siege with them initially planned for everyone to break out and climb over the enemy's walls, forcing their way through if they could. The seer Theaenetus son of Tolmides and Eupompidas son of Daimachus, who was also their general, had proposed the attempt.

2 Then about half lost their nerve, thinking the danger too great. But about two hundred and twenty men volunteered to go ahead with the escape. This was how they did it.

3 They made ladders as high as the enemy's wall. They calculated its height from the courses of bricks at a place where the side facing them happened not to be plastered. Many men counted the courses at the same time. Some were likely to make mistakes, but most would get the count right, especially since they counted repeatedly and were not far away. They could easily see the part of the wall they wanted to measure.

4 This was how they worked out the length of the ladders, estimating the height from the thickness of a brick.

Chapter 21

1 The Peloponnesian wall was built as follows. It had two circuits: one facing Plataea and the other facing any force coming from Athens to attack from outside. The two circuits were about sixteen feet apart.

2 In the space between them [the sixteen feet], separate living quarters had been built for the guards. These joined together, so that the structure looked like one thick wall with battlements on both sides.

3 At every tenth battlement there were large towers as wide as the wall. Each tower extended to both the inner and the outer face. There was no way past a tower along its side; the men had to go through its middle.

4 On nights of stormy, rainy weather, the guards left the battlements and kept watch from the towers. These were close together and had roofs overhead. This was the wall that kept the Plataeans under siege.

Chapter 22

1 When their preparations were complete, the Plataeans waited for a moonless night with a storm of wind and rain, and set out. The men who had proposed the attempt led the way. First they crossed the ditch surrounding them. Then they approached the enemy's wall without the guards noticing. It was too dark for the guards to see them in advance, and the wind drowned out the noise of their approach.

2 They also walked well apart so that their weapons would not strike one another and give them away. They were lightly equipped and wore a shoe only on the left foot, to give them a secure footing in the mud.

3 They approached the battlements between two towers, knowing that no guards were there. The ladder carriers went first and set their ladders against the wall. Next, twelve lightly equipped men climbed up with short swords and breastplates. Their leader was Ammeas son of Coroebus, who climbed up first. The men behind him followed, six toward each tower. Other lightly equipped men with short spears came after them. Men behind carried their shields so that they could climb more easily, and would hand them over when they came close to the enemy.

4 When more men had reached the top, the guards in the towers noticed them. One of the Plataeans had knocked a tile off the battlements as he took hold of them, and it fell with a crash.

5 Shouts went up at once, and the troops in the camp rushed toward the wall. In the darkness and the storm, they did not know what the danger was. At the same time, the Plataeans who had stayed in the city came out and attacked the Peloponnesian wall on the opposite side from where their men were climbing over. They wanted to keep the enemy's attention away from the escape party as much as possible.

6 The guards remained at their posts in confusion. No one dared to leave his own station to help, and they could not work out what was happening.

7 The three hundred men assigned to go to the rescue wherever they were needed moved outside the wall toward the shouting. Fire signals were raised to warn Thebes of an enemy attack.

8 But the Plataeans in the city also raised many fire signals from their wall. They had prepared them earlier for this very purpose. They wanted to confuse the meaning of the enemy's signals, so that the Thebans would mistake what was happening for something else and not come to help before the escaping men had got away and reached safety.

Chapter 23

1 Meanwhile, the Plataeans were getting over the wall. The first of them had climbed up, killed the guards in both towers, and taken control of them. They stationed themselves in the passages through the towers and guarded them to stop anyone from bringing help that way. They also set ladders against the towers from the wall and brought up more men. From the towers, some threw missiles at the defenders coming to help, keeping them back both above and below. Meanwhile, most of the Plataeans set up many ladders, knocked down the battlements, and crossed the wall between the towers.

2 As each man got across, he took his place on the edge of the ditch. From there they shot arrows and threw javelins at anyone coming along the wall to help the defenders and obstruct the crossing.

3 When everyone else had crossed, the men in the towers came down last, with difficulty, and made their way to the ditch. At that moment the three hundred came toward them carrying torches.

4 Standing in the darkness on the edge of the ditch, the Plataeans could see these men more clearly. They shot arrows and threw javelins at their unprotected parts. The Plataeans themselves remained hidden, and the torchlight made them harder to see. As a result, even the last of them managed to cross the ditch in time, though with difficulty and a great deal of effort.

5 Ice had formed in the ditch, but it was not firm enough to walk on. It was more slushy, as ice is in an east [or north] wind. Snow falling during the night with this wind had greatly increased the water in the ditch. They crossed it with their heads barely above water. In fact, it was largely the severity of the storm that made their escape possible.

Chapter 24

1 Leaving the ditch, the Plataeans moved together along the road to Thebes, keeping the shrine of the hero Androcrates on their right. They thought their enemies would be least likely to suspect them of taking this road, which led toward the enemy. At the same time, they could see the Peloponnesians pursuing them with torches along the road toward Cithaeron and Dryoscephalae, which led to Athens.

2 The Plataeans followed the road toward Thebes for six or seven stades. Then they turned back and took the road toward the mountain, leading to Erythrae and Hysiae. Once they reached the mountains, they escaped to Athens. There were two hundred and twelve of them, out of a larger number who had started. Some had turned back to the city before climbing the wall, and one man, an archer, was captured at the outer ditch.

3 The Peloponnesians stopped their efforts to intercept them and returned to their positions. The Plataeans in the city knew nothing of what had happened. The men who had turned back told them that no one had survived. So at daybreak they sent out a herald and tried to arrange a truce to recover the dead. Once they learned the truth, they stopped. This was how these Plataeans got over the wall and escaped safely.

Chapter 25

1 At the end of the same winter, Salaethus, a Lacedaemonian, was sent from Lacedaemon to Mytilene in a trireme. He sailed to Pyrrha, then went on foot along a ravine where it was possible to get over the siege wall. He slipped into Mytilene unnoticed. He told the officials that an invasion of Attica would take place at the same time as the arrival of the forty ships that were to help them. He had been sent ahead to make these arrangements and also to take charge of other matters.

2 This encouraged the Mytilenaeans and made them less inclined to reach an agreement with the Athenians. This winter ended, and with it the fourth year of this war, whose history Thucydides wrote.

Chapter 26

1 The following summer, the Peloponnesians sent off the forty-two ships for Mytilene. They put Alcidas, their admiral, in command. Then they and their allies invaded Attica. They wanted to create trouble for the Athenians on two fronts and so make them less able to act against the ships sailing to Mytilene.

2 Cleomenes led this invasion on behalf of King Pausanias, the son of Pleistoanax, who was still too young. Cleomenes was the brother of Pausanias' father.

3 They destroyed the parts of Attica that had been devastated before, including anything that had grown back, and whatever the earlier invasions had left untouched. Apart from the second invasion, this was the most damaging one for the Athenians.

4 They kept waiting for news from Lesbos of something their fleet had achieved, believing it had already made the crossing. Meanwhile, they went through most of the country, destroying its crops. But none of their expectations was fulfilled, and their food ran out. They withdrew and dispersed to their own cities.

Chapter 27

1 Meanwhile, the ships from the Peloponnese were delayed and had still not reached the Mytilenaeans. The Mytilenaeans' food had run out. They were forced to come to terms with the Athenians for the following reasons.

2 Salaethus himself no longer expected the ships to arrive. He equipped the people, who had previously been lightly armed, with heavy weapons, intending to march out against the Athenians.

3 Once they had these weapons, they stopped obeying the authorities. They gathered in groups and demanded that the powerful men bring out the food supplies for everyone to see and share them among all. Otherwise, they said, they would make their own agreement with the Athenians and hand over the city.

Chapter 28

1 The men in power realized that they could not stop this and would be in danger if they were left out of the agreement. So they made terms on behalf of everyone with Paches and his army. The Athenians could decide whatever they wanted about the Mytilenaeans, and the Mytilenaeans would admit the army into the city. But the Mytilenaeans could send representatives to Athens to plead their case. Until these returned, Paches was not to imprison, enslave, or kill any Mytilenaean.

2 These were the terms they agreed on. But the Mytilenaeans who had been most involved in dealings with the Lacedaemonians were terrified. When the army entered, they could not bear it and took refuge at the altars despite the agreement. Paches persuaded them to leave by promising not to harm them. He placed them on Tenedos until the Athenians reached a decision.

3 He also sent triremes to Antissa and brought it under his control. He settled the other military arrangements as he thought best.

Chapter 29

1 The Peloponnesians in the forty ships should have arrived quickly. Instead, they spent a long time sailing around the Peloponnese itself and made slow progress on the rest of the voyage. The Athenians in the city knew nothing of them until they reached Delos. From there they went on to Icarus and Myconus, where they first learned that Mytilene had fallen.

2 To find out for certain, they sailed to Embatum in the territory of Erythrae. When they reached Embatum, Mytilene had been captured about seven days earlier. Once they had confirmed the news, they discussed what to do in these circumstances. Teutiaplus, a man from Elis, spoke to them as follows.

Chapter 30

1 “Alcidas, and all of us Peloponnesians here who command the force, I think we should sail to Mytilene as we are, before anyone learns of our presence.

2 “As is likely with men who have only just captured a city, we will probably find much left unguarded. This will be especially true on the sea side. They cannot expect an enemy to attack them there, and that is where our own strength chiefly lies. Their land troops have probably also scattered among the houses and become less careful now that they have won.

3 “So if we attack suddenly at night, I hope we can gain control with the help of people inside, if anyone still remains there who supports us.

4 “Let us not back away from the danger. We should recognize that this kind of lapse is exactly what creates an opening in war. A general who guards against it in his own forces, and attacks when he spots it in the enemy's, will have the greatest success.”

Chapter 31

1 This was what he said, but he did not persuade Alcidas. Some of the Ionian exiles and the Lesbians sailing with them offered another suggestion. If he was afraid to take this risk, he should capture one of the cities in Ionia, or Cyme in Aeolis. They could use that city as a base and make Ionia revolt. There was hope of doing so, they said, since no one resented their arrival. They would then take away Athens' greatest source of income. At the same time, if the Athenians kept a fleet stationed against them, it would cost the Athenians money. They also thought they could persuade Pissuthnes to join them in the war.

2 Alcidas would not accept these suggestions either. Since he had arrived too late for Mytilene, his chief concern was to get back to the Peloponnese as quickly as possible.

Chapter 32

1 He sailed from Embatum and followed the coast. At Myonnesus, in the territory of Teos, he put in and slaughtered most of the prisoners he had taken during the voyage.

2 When he anchored at Ephesus, representatives of the Samians living at Anaea came to him. They said he was going about the liberation of Greece the wrong way if he killed men who neither offered resistance nor were his enemies, but were allies of Athens under compulsion. Unless he stopped, he would bring few enemies over to his side and make enemies of many more friends.

3 He was persuaded and released all the Chians he still held, along with some of the others. When people saw his ships, they had not fled. Instead, they had approached them, thinking they were Athenian. They had not the slightest expectation that Peloponnesian ships could ever reach Ionia while Athens controlled the sea.

Chapter 33

1 Alcidas sailed from Ephesus in a hurry to escape. The Salaminia and the Paralus had spotted him while he was still anchored near Clarus. These ships happened to be sailing from Athens. Afraid of being chased, he sailed across the open sea. He did not intend to stop anywhere but the Peloponnese unless he had to.

2 News reached Paches and the Athenians from the territory of Erythrae, and reports also came in from every direction. Since Ionia had no fortifications, people were very afraid that the Peloponnesians would attack and plunder the cities as they sailed past, even if they had no intention of staying. The Paralus and the Salaminia also reported what they themselves had seen of Alcidas at Clarus.

3 Paches made every effort to catch them. He pursued them as far as the island of Patmos, but turned back when it became clear that he could no longer overtake them. Although he had failed to meet them at sea, he thought it an advantage that they had not been trapped anywhere and forced to set up a camp. That would have forced his men to keep watch over them and blockade them by sea.

Chapter 34

1 On his way back along the coast, he also put in at Notium, which belonged to the Colophonians. Colophonians had settled there after Itamanes and his non-Greek troops captured the upper city. They had been brought in during the Colophonians' own civil strife. The city had fallen at about the time of the Peloponnesians' second invasion of Attica.

2 The refugees who settled at Notium then fell into civil strife again. One side brought in Arcadian and non-Greek mercenaries from Pissuthnes and kept them in a fortified enclosure. Colophonians from the upper city who had sided with the Persians joined this group and shared control of the government. The other side escaped from them and went into exile. These men called in Paches.

3 Paches invited Hippias, the commander of the Arcadians in the enclosure, to a conference. He promised to return him safe and unharmed to the fortification if they reached no satisfactory agreement. Hippias came out to meet him. Paches kept him under guard, though not in chains, and suddenly attacked the fortification. He captured it while its defenders were expecting nothing and killed the Arcadians and all the non-Greeks inside. Later he took Hippias back inside, as he had promised. Once Hippias was inside, Paches seized him and had him shot dead with arrows.

4 Paches handed Notium over to the Colophonians, except those who had sided with the Persians. Later the Athenians sent men to establish a settlement there under Athenian laws. They gathered together all the Colophonians they could find in any of the cities and settled them at Notium.

Chapter 35

1 When Paches reached Mytilene, he secured the surrender of Pyrrha and Eresus. He also found Salaethus the Lacedaemonian hiding in the city and sent him to Athens. With him he sent the Mytilenaeans he had placed on Tenedos, and anyone else he considered responsible for the revolt.

2 He also sent most of the army home. He stayed with the rest and settled affairs in Mytilene and the rest of Lesbos as he thought best.

Chapter 36

1 When these men and Salaethus arrived, the Athenians immediately put Salaethus to death. He had offered, among other things, to get the Peloponnesians to withdraw from Plataea, which was still under siege.

2 They discussed what to do with the other men. In their anger, they decided to kill not just those present but every adult male Mytilenaean, and to enslave the women and children. What they held against the Mytilenaeans, apart from the revolt itself, was that they had revolted without being subjects like the other allies. The fact that Peloponnesian ships had dared to risk a voyage to Ionia to help them also did much to fuel the Athenians' anger. It suggested that the revolt had been planned well in advance.

3 So they sent a trireme to Paches to report their decision, ordering him to kill the Mytilenaeans quickly.

4 The very next day, they began to change their minds. On reflection, they thought it a savage and extreme decision to destroy an entire city rather than just those responsible.

5 When the Mytilenaean representatives in Athens and their Athenian supporters realized this, they got the officials to reopen the debate. They persuaded them more easily because the officials could clearly see that most citizens wanted someone to give them another chance to consider the matter.

6 An assembly was held at once, and various speakers put forward their views. Cleon, the son of Cleaenetus, came forward and spoke again as follows. His proposal to kill the Mytilenaeans had won in the earlier debate. In other matters too he was the most aggressive of the citizens, and at that time he had far more influence over the people than anyone else.

Chapter 37

1 “I have often before realized that a democracy is incapable of ruling others. Nothing has shown me this more clearly than your present change of mind about the Mytilenaeans.

2 “You live your daily lives without fear or plots against one another, and you take the same attitude toward your allies. If their arguments persuade you to make a mistake, or you give way out of pity, you do not think about how this weakness endangers you without earning their gratitude. You fail to see that your empire is a tyranny over people who plot against you and submit unwillingly. They do not obey because of the favors you do them at your own expense. They obey because you hold the advantage through strength, not through their goodwill.

3 “The worst thing of all will be if none of our decisions stands firm. We must understand that a city with inferior laws that remain fixed is stronger than one with good laws that have no force. Lack of learning combined with self-control is more useful than cleverness without discipline. As a rule, ordinary people govern their cities better than the more intelligent.

4 “The intelligent want to appear wiser than the laws and to outdo every argument put before the public. They act as though there were no more important matters in which to show their judgment. This behavior usually brings their cities to disaster. Ordinary people distrust their own intelligence. They accept that they know less than the laws and are less able to fault the argument of a good speaker. They judge impartially rather than competing, and so they usually get things right.

5 “We speakers should act in the same way. We must not let cleverness and competition in intelligence carry us away into giving you, the people, advice that goes against our own judgment.

Chapter 38

1 “My own opinion has not changed. I am surprised at those who have reopened the debate on the Mytilenaeans and caused a delay, which chiefly benefits the wrongdoers. The victim pursues the offender with less anger as time passes. Retaliation is most effective as punishment when it comes as close as possible to the injury and answers it in equal measure. I also wonder who will speak against me and undertake to show that the Mytilenaeans' wrongdoing benefits us, while our misfortunes harm our allies.

2 “Clearly, such a man must either trust his speaking skills and compete to overturn what seems certain, as though we had not understood it, or be tempted by profit and try to mislead you with an argument he has worked up to sound respectable.

3 “In contests like these, the city gives the prizes to others but bears the risks itself.

4 “You are to blame because you run these contests badly. You habitually treat speeches as a spectacle and learn about actions only from what you hear. You judge whether future actions are possible from the skill of those who speak for them. As for things that have already happened, you trust clever verbal criticism more than the evidence of your own eyes.

5 “You are exceptionally good at being deceived by a new argument, but unwilling to follow one that has been tested. You are slaves to whatever is unusual and look down on what is familiar.

6 “Each of you would most like to be able to make such speeches himself. Failing that, you compete with those who do, trying not to appear slow in catching their meaning. You rush to applaud a sharp remark before it is fully spoken. You eagerly anticipate what will be said, but are slow to foresee its consequences.

7 “You are looking, one might say, for a world different from the one we live in, yet you do not adequately understand even our present situation. In short, you let the pleasure of listening get the better of you. You sit there more like spectators at a display by teachers of clever argument than people considering their city's affairs.

Chapter 39

1 “To turn you away from these habits, I declare that the Mytilenaeans have wronged you more than any other single city has.

2 “I can forgive people who revolt because they cannot bear your rule, or because the enemy forces them to do so. But these people had an island protected by walls. They needed to fear our enemies only at sea, and even there their own force of triremes gave them some protection. They governed themselves and were among those we treated with the greatest honor. What they did was not so much a revolt as a conspiracy and an uprising against us. A revolt, after all, is something people do when they are being oppressed. They joined our worst enemies and tried to destroy us. This is worse than if they had built up their own strength and fought us on their own.

3 “The disasters of their neighbors who had already revolted and been brought under our control taught them nothing. Nor did their present prosperity make them hesitate to run into danger. They grew bold about the future. Their hopes went beyond their strength, though they still fell short of their desires. They started a war, choosing to put force before justice. They attacked us when they thought they would have the advantage, not because we were wronging them.

4 “When cities suddenly gain great and unexpected prosperity, they usually become arrogant. Success that comes in a way people can reasonably expect is generally safer than unexpected good fortune. People find it easier, so to speak, to drive away hardship than to preserve prosperity.

5 “We should never have given the Mytilenaeans any more honor than the others. Then they would not have become so arrogant. Human nature tends to look down on those who show consideration and to respect those who refuse to give way.

6 “Even now, let them be punished as their wrongdoing deserves. Do not put the blame on the few and let the people go free. They all attacked you alike. The people could have turned to us and now been back in their city. Instead, they thought that taking their chances with the few was the safer course, and joined them in the revolt.

7 “Consider your allies too. If you impose the same penalties on those whom the enemy forces to revolt and those who revolt willingly, who do you think will not revolt at the slightest excuse? Success will mean freedom, while failure will bring no irreparable harm.

8 “But we will have to risk our money and our lives against each city. If we succeed, we will take over a ruined city and lose its future income, which is what gives us our strength. If we fail, we will have more enemies in addition to our present ones. We will spend the time we should be using to resist our existing enemies at war with our own allies.

Chapter 40

1 “So we must not offer them any hope, whether made credible by an argument or purchased with money, that they will be forgiven for making a human mistake. They did not harm us unwillingly. They plotted against us knowingly. It is the unintentional act that deserves forgiveness.

2 “My position is the same as at the start: I insist that you must not change your earlier decision. Do not make a mistake through the three things most harmful to an empire: pity, pleasure in speeches, and leniency.

3 “Pity should rightly be given in return to people like ourselves, not to those who will not pity us in return and are bound to remain our enemies. Speakers who delight us with their speeches will have other, less important occasions to compete. They should not compete on an issue where the city will pay heavily for a brief pleasure, while they are rewarded for speaking well. And leniency is better given to people who will remain well disposed toward us in the future than to those who will stay just as hostile as before.

4 “To sum it up in one statement: if you follow my advice, you will treat the Mytilenaeans justly and serve your own interests at the same time. If you decide otherwise, you will not win their gratitude; instead, you will pass judgment against yourselves. If they were right to revolt, you must be wrong to rule them. But if you insist on ruling even when you have no right to do so, you must also punish them as your interests demand, regardless of what is fair. Otherwise, give up the empire and show how good you are without taking any risks.

5 “Decide to repay them with the same punishment they would have given you. You have escaped their plot; do not show yourselves less sensitive to injury than those who plotted it. Think what they would probably have done if they had defeated you, especially since they were the first to do wrong.

6 “Those who harm someone without any justification are particularly eager to pursue and completely destroy him. They suspect the danger of letting an enemy survive. Someone who has suffered an unprovoked injury is more dangerous if he escapes than an enemy who has fought on equal terms.

7 “So do not betray yourselves. Put yourselves as nearly as possible back into the state of mind you had when you were suffering. Remember how you would have valued defeating them above everything else, and now pay them back. Do not soften because of the immediate situation or forget the terrible danger that once hung over you.

8 “Punish these men as they deserve, and set a clear example for your other allies: anyone who revolts will be punished with death. If they understand this, you will be less likely to neglect your enemies while fighting your own allies.”

Chapter 41

1 That was what Cleon said. After him, Diodotus son of Eucrates came forward. He had been the strongest opponent of killing the Mytilenaeans at the earlier assembly too. Now he spoke as follows.

Chapter 42

1 “I do not blame those who have proposed that we reconsider the Mytilenaeans' case. Nor do I approve of those who criticize us for discussing the most important matters more than once. I think the two greatest obstacles to good judgment are haste and anger. Haste usually goes with foolishness, and anger with ignorance and a narrow outlook.

2 “Anyone who insists that discussion cannot teach us about action either lacks understanding or has a private interest at stake. He lacks understanding if he thinks we can explain the future, which is still hidden, by any other means. He has a private interest if he wants to persuade us to do something shameful. He thinks he cannot make a good argument for a bad cause, but that a skillful attack on people's character will intimidate both his opponents and his audience.

3 “Those who also accuse a speaker of putting on a display for money are especially dangerous. If they only accused him of ignorance, a man who failed to persuade you would leave with a reputation for being stupid rather than dishonest. But when dishonesty is the charge, he falls under suspicion if he persuades you. If he fails, he is considered dishonest as well as stupid.

4 “The city gains nothing from this. Fear deprives it of advisers. Indeed, it would do best if citizens of that kind could not speak. Then its citizens would be least likely to be persuaded to make mistakes.

5 “A good citizen should not frighten his opponents. He should show that his argument is better in a fair contest. A sensible city should not give extra honors to the man who most often offers good advice, but neither should it reduce the honors he already has. And it should not punish a man whose proposal fails, or even treat him with disrespect.

6 “In that way, a successful speaker would be least likely to say something against his own judgment simply to please you and win still greater honors. And an unsuccessful speaker would not try to win over the crowd himself by pleasing it in the same way.

Chapter 43

1 “We do the opposite. What is more, if we suspect someone of giving the best advice but doing it for profit, our resentment at his uncertain prospect of gain makes us deprive the city of a clear benefit.

2 “We have reached the point where good advice, honestly given, is just as suspect as bad advice. So a man who wants to persuade you to do something terrible must deceive the people to win them over, while a man offering better advice must also lie to gain their trust.

3 “Because of its excessive cleverness, ours is the only city that cannot be helped openly without being deceived. Anyone who openly offers it something good is suspected in return of secretly expecting some larger gain.

4 “Even in these conditions, when the greatest interests are at stake, you must allow us to speak with a little more foresight than you who take a short-term view. This is especially true because we are held responsible for our advice, while you are not held responsible for listening to it.

5 “If the man who persuaded you and those who followed him suffered equally, you would judge more sensibly. As things are, when you make a mistake, you sometimes give way to whatever anger comes over you and punish the one man's judgment that persuaded you. You do not punish your own judgments, though there were many of them and they shared in the mistake.

Chapter 44

1 “I have not come forward either to speak against the accusations about the Mytilenaeans or to accuse them myself. If we are sensible, our dispute is not about their wrongdoing but about making a good decision ourselves.

2 “Even if I show that they have done a great wrong, I will not therefore recommend killing them, unless that serves our interests. And even if I show that they deserve some forgiveness, I will not recommend it if it does not seem good for the city.

3 “I think we are discussing the future more than the present. Cleon insists above all that making death the penalty will benefit us in the future by reducing revolts. I too am arguing about what will be best for the future, but I reach the opposite conclusion.

4 “I ask you not to reject the practical value of my argument because his looks more respectable. His argument appeals more to justice, and so it might attract you in your present anger against the Mytilenaeans. But we are not in a lawsuit against them, where arguments about justice would be needed. We are deciding what to do about them so that they will be useful to us.

Chapter 45

1 “In cities, the death penalty is set for many offenses, not just ones as serious as this, but lesser ones too. Still, people take the risk, encouraged by hope. No one has ever set out on a dangerous plot after deciding that he would not succeed.

2 “And what city has ever attempted a revolt when it thought its resources were inadequate, either its own resources or those supplied by an alliance with others?

3 “Everyone naturally makes mistakes, both as individuals and as communities. No law will prevent this. People have already tried the whole range of punishments, making them harsher in the hope that criminals would do them less harm. Probably even the greatest crimes had lighter penalties in the past. But as people continued to break the law, most penalties eventually became death. Yet people still break the law despite that.

4 “So either we must find something more frightening than death, or this threat does nothing to hold people back. Poverty makes people desperate and so gives them courage. Having the means to do as you please encourages greed through arrogance and self-confidence. Other circumstances in life drive people into danger through their passions, as each person is gripped by some overpowering impulse that cannot be cured.

5 “Hope and desire are at work in every venture. Desire leads, and hope follows. Desire works out the plot, and hope suggests that fortune will make it easy. They do the most damage. Though they cannot be seen, they are stronger than the dangers that can.

6 “Chance also contributes just as much to encouraging people. Sometimes it comes to their aid unexpectedly and tempts them to take risks even with inadequate resources. This is no less true of cities. They are playing for the greatest stakes, freedom or power over others. And when everyone acts together, each person unreasonably overestimates his own strength.

7 “In short, it is impossible to hold human nature back by the force of law or by any other threat once it is determined to do something. Anyone who thinks otherwise is very naive.

Chapter 46

1 “We must not make a worse decision because we trust the death penalty as a sure safeguard. Nor must we leave rebels without hope that they can change their minds and end their offense as quickly as possible.

2 “Consider this. As things stand, a city that has revolted might realize it cannot win and come to terms while it can still repay our costs and pay tribute in the future. But under the other policy, what city do you think would fail to prepare more carefully than now and hold out under siege to the very end? The outcome would be the same whether it surrendered early or late.

3 “And how would it not harm us to sit there spending money because no agreement was possible? Even if we captured the city, we would take over a ruined place and lose its revenue from then on. Yet that revenue is what gives us strength against our enemies.

4 “So we must not harm ourselves by acting as overly strict judges of those who do wrong. Instead, we should see how moderate punishments can let us use the cities in the future while they are still financially strong. We should expect to protect ourselves not through frightening laws, but through careful attention to what we do.

5 “At present we do the opposite. If we overcome a free people who are ruled by force and have understandably revolted to gain independence, we think we must punish them harshly.

6 “But we should not punish free people harshly after they revolt. We should watch them carefully before they revolt and take steps beforehand so that they do not even think of it. Once we have defeated them, we should hold as few people responsible as possible.

Chapter 47

1 “Consider also how great a mistake you would make in this other respect if you followed Cleon.

2 “At present, the people in every city are friendly to you. Either they do not join the few powerful men in revolt, or, if forced to do so, they are immediately hostile to the men who caused it. So when you go to war against a city that has turned against you, you have its ordinary people as allies.

3 “But suppose you destroy the people of Mytilene. They took no part in the revolt, and once they got control of weapons, they freely handed over the city. First, you will be doing wrong by killing people who have helped you. Then you will give the powerful exactly what they most want. When they bring their cities into revolt, they will immediately have the people as allies. For you will have shown in advance that the same punishment applies equally to the guilty and the innocent.

4 “Even if they have done wrong, we must act as if we have not noticed. Otherwise the only group that is still our ally may become our enemy.

5 “I think it is much better for keeping our empire to accept being wronged than to kill, however justly, people we ought not to kill. Cleon says this punishment is both just and useful. But in this case those two things cannot be achieved together.

Chapter 48

1 “Recognize that this is the better course. Do not give extra weight to pity or to leniency. I do not allow you to be led by those either. Instead, accept my proposal on its own merits. Take your time deciding the cases of the Mytilenaeans whom Paches sent here as offenders, and let the rest stay in their city.

2 “This will be good for the future and frightening to our enemies right now. A man who plans well against his opponents is stronger than one who attacks them foolishly with force.”

Chapter 49

1 That was what Diodotus said. These proposals were the ones most directly opposed to each other. After hearing them, the Athenians remained divided in their opinions, and the show of hands was nearly even. But Diodotus' proposal won.

2 They immediately sent off another trireme at full speed. They did not want the first ship to arrive ahead of it and leave them to find the city destroyed. The first ship had a lead of about a day and a night.

3 The Mytilenaean envoys supplied the ship with wine and barley meal and promised great rewards if it arrived in time. The crew pushed on so hard that they ate while rowing, taking barley meal mixed with wine and oil. They took turns sleeping while the others rowed.

4 Luckily, no wind blew against them. The first ship was moving slowly toward its horrifying task, while the second was hurrying in this way. The first arrived only just ahead: Paches had read the decree and was about to carry out the decision. The second ship then came into harbor behind it and prevented the massacre. That was how close Mytilene came to destruction.

Chapter 50

1 On Cleon's proposal, the Athenians killed the other men whom Paches had sent away as the people most responsible for the revolt. There were a little over a thousand. They also pulled down the Mytilenaeans' walls and took over their ships.

2 Later, they did not impose tribute on the people of Lesbos. Instead, they divided the land, apart from the territory of Methymna, into three thousand plots. They set aside three hundred as sacred to the gods. To the others they sent settlers chosen by lot from their own citizens. The people of Lesbos agreed to pay these settlers two minas in silver each year for every plot, and farmed the land themselves.

3 The Athenians also took over all the small towns on the mainland that the Mytilenaeans had controlled. From then on, these were subject to Athens. That was what happened in Lesbos.

Chapter 51

1 During the same summer, after the capture of Lesbos, the Athenians made an expedition against the island of Minoa, which lies off Megara. Their general was Nicias son of Niceratus. The Megarians had built a tower on the island and used it as a fort.

2 Nicias wanted the Athenians to keep watch from there, at closer range, rather than from Budorum and Salamis. He wanted to stop the Peloponnesians from secretly sailing out of there with triremes, as they had done before, or sending out raiders. At the same time, he wanted to stop anything from being shipped in to the Megarians.

3 First, he used siege engines from the sea to capture two towers projecting from Nisaea. This cleared the entrance to the channel between the island and the mainland. He then built a wall to cut off the approach from the mainland. Reinforcements had been able to reach the island that way over a bridge across marshy shallows, since the island was only a short distance from the mainland.

4 They finished this work in a few days. Nicias then also left a wall and a garrison on the island and withdrew with his army.

Chapter 52

1 At about the same time that summer, the Plataeans had no food left and could no longer hold out under siege. They came to terms with the Peloponnesians in the following way.

2 The Peloponnesians were attacking their wall, and the Plataeans could not defend themselves. The Lacedaemonian commander recognized their weakness, but did not want to capture the city by force. He had received instructions from Lacedaemon about this. If a treaty was ever made with Athens, and the two sides agreed to return the places each had taken in war, Plataea should not have to be returned, because its people had joined them voluntarily. So he sent a herald to ask whether they were willing to hand over the city voluntarily to the Lacedaemonians and accept them as judges. They would punish the guilty, but no one unjustly.

3 That was the herald's message. The Plataeans were by now utterly weak, so they handed over their city. The Peloponnesians fed them for several days, until the five judges from Lacedaemon arrived.

4 When the judges arrived, they presented no accusation. They simply called the Plataeans before them and asked whether they had done the Lacedaemonians and their allies any good [at all] during the present war.

5 The Plataeans asked to speak at greater length. They chose two of their own people to represent them: Astymachus son of Asopolaus, and Lacon son of Aeimnestus, who acted as the Lacedaemonians' representative in Plataea. These men came forward and spoke as follows.

Chapter 53

1 “Lacedaemonians, we handed over our city because we trusted you. We did not expect to face a trial like this, but one conducted more properly. We would not have agreed to place ourselves, as we now have, before any judges [other than you]. We thought you would be the fairest.

2 “Now we fear that we were wrong on both counts. We have good reason to suspect that this case puts our lives at risk and that you will not turn out to be impartial. We base this on the fact that no accusation has been made beforehand for us to answer—we had to ask for permission to speak ourselves. And your question is so brief that an honest answer works against us, while a false one can be exposed.

3 “We have no way out on any side. This forces us to take the risk of saying something, and we think that is safer. For people in our position, even an argument left unsaid could become a cause for self-blame: if we had made it, it might have saved us.

4 “Besides our other difficulties, we also find it hard to persuade you. If we did not know each other, we might benefit by offering evidence about things you knew nothing about. But now everything we say will be addressed to people who know it all already. We are not afraid that you will decide our good deeds were inferior to yours and make that a charge against us. We fear that, to please others, you are bringing us to a trial whose outcome is already decided.

Chapter 54

1 “Still, we will set out the just grounds we have in our disputes with the Thebans and in our dealings with you and the other Greeks. We will remind you of the good we have done and try to persuade you.

2 “Your brief question was whether we have done the Lacedaemonians and their allies any good in this war. Our answer is this. If you are asking us as enemies, you have not been wronged by receiving no benefit from us. If you regard us as friends, it is those who attacked us who are more at fault.

3 “But in peacetime and against the Persian we have served you well. We were not the first to break the peace now. And back then we were the only Boeotians who joined in attacking the Persian to free Hellas.

4 “Although we live inland, we fought at sea at Artemisium. We stood beside you and Pausanias in the battle fought in our own land. And whenever any other danger faced the Greeks in that period, we took part in everything, doing more than our strength allowed.

5 “We also helped you in particular, Lacedaemonians. When Sparta faced its greatest danger after the earthquake, when the Helots revolted and went to Ithome, we sent a third of our own people to help. You should not forget these things.

Chapter 55

1 “That is how we thought it right to act in the great events of the past. Later we became enemies. But you were responsible. When the Thebans put pressure on us and we asked you for an alliance, you turned us away. You told us to turn to the Athenians, since they were near us and you lived far away.

2 “Even so, during the war you have suffered no exceptional harm from us, nor were you threatened with any.

3 “If we refused to leave the Athenians when you told us to, we did no wrong. They had come to help us against the Thebans when you held back. After that, betraying them would not have been right. This was especially true because they had helped us, we ourselves had approached them for an alliance in our need, and we had received a share in their citizenship. It was reasonable for us to respond willingly to their calls for service.

4 “As for the actions that each of you directs your allies to take, if anything wrong is done, the followers are not responsible. Those who lead them into doing wrong are.

Chapter 56

1 “The Thebans have wronged us in many other ways. You yourselves know about the latest offense, which has brought us to our present suffering.

2 “They tried to seize our city during a truce and, what is more, during a sacred festival. We were right to punish them under the rule accepted by everyone: it is lawful before the gods to defend yourself against an attacking enemy. It would not be reasonable for us to suffer now on their account.

3 “If you decide what is just by your own immediate advantage and their hostility toward us, you will show that you are not honest judges of what is right, but are looking after your interests instead.

4 “Yet if they seem useful to you now, we and the other Greeks were much more useful then, when you faced greater danger. Now you are the ones who threaten others with attack. But at that time, when the non-Greek invader was bringing slavery to everyone, these men were on his side.

5 “It is only fair to weigh our willingness to help then against our offense now, if indeed we have done anything wrong. You will find that the earlier service was greater and the present offense smaller. Our service also came at a time when few Greeks were willing to set their courage against Xerxes' forces. The men most praised were not those who dealt with the invasion by doing what served their own safety, but those who willingly took risks to do what was best.

6 “We were among those men and received the highest honors. Now we fear we will be destroyed for the same conduct: choosing the Athenians because it was right, rather than you because it was profitable.

7 “Yet you should show that you judge the same conduct by the same standards. You should recognize that your true interest lies in ensuring that good allies can always rely on gratitude for their service, even when some immediate advantage offers itself to you.

Chapter 57

1 “Consider also that most Greeks now see you as an example of courage and good conduct. But suppose you pass an unreasonable judgment on us. This trial will not take place unnoticed: you are highly respected, and we too have no bad reputation. Be careful: people may refuse to accept a disgraceful sentence on good men from you, who are considered still better. Nor will they accept trophies taken from us, who have served Hellas well, being dedicated at the shared sanctuaries.

2 “People will think it terrible that the Lacedaemonians destroyed Plataea. Your fathers had our city's name inscribed on the tripod at Delphi because of its courage. But you, to please the Thebans, would wipe it and every household in it out of the Greek world altogether.

3 “This is the depth of misfortune we have reached. We would have been destroyed if the Persians had won. Now, before you who were once our closest friends, we are losing to the Thebans. We have faced two terrible struggles: before, the prospect of starving to death unless we surrendered the city, and now, a trial with death as the penalty.

4 “We Plataeans, who did more for the Greeks than our strength allowed, have been pushed aside by everyone. We are alone, with no one to defend us. None of our allies from that time helps us. And you, Lacedaemonians, are our only hope, but we fear that we cannot rely on you.

Chapter 58

1 “Still, we ask you to be moved by the gods who once watched over our alliance, and by our service to the Greeks. Change your minds if the Thebans have persuaded you of anything. Ask them to grant you this favor in return: not to kill people whom it would be wrong for you to kill. Receive a reasonable favor instead of a shameful one. Do not give pleasure to others and receive disgrace yourselves in return.

2 “It takes little time to destroy our bodies, but removing the bad name that comes from it is hard work. For you will not be justly punishing enemies, but people who wish you well and fought you only because they had to.

3 “So by sparing our lives, you would give a judgment that respects the gods. Remember that you received us when we surrendered willingly, holding out our hands. Greek custom forbids killing such people. Remember also that we have always helped you.

4 “Look at the tombs of your fathers. They were killed by the Persians and buried in our land. Every year we honored them at public expense with clothing and the other customary offerings. We brought them the first share of every crop our land produced in its season. We did this as friends from a friendly land, and as allies honoring men who had once fought beside us. If you judge wrongly, you will do the opposite.

5 “Think about it. When Pausanias buried them, he believed he was laying them in friendly ground, among people like us. But if you kill us and make Plataean territory Theban, what else will you be doing? You will leave your fathers and relatives in enemy ground, among their killers, deprived of the honors they receive now. Besides, you will enslave the land where the Greeks won their freedom. You will leave empty the sanctuaries of the gods to whom they prayed before defeating the Persians. And you will take away the traditional sacrifices from the people who established and founded the sanctuaries.

Chapter 59

1 “Lacedaemonians, this would not fit your reputation. You must not break the customs shared by the Greeks or wrong your ancestors. You must not destroy us, who have helped you, because of someone else’s hostility, when we have done you no wrong. Spare us instead. Let a reasonable pity soften your decision. Think not just of the terrible things we will suffer, but of the kind of people who will suffer them. Remember how unpredictable disaster is, and how it can fall on anyone, even someone who does not deserve it.

2 “We ask you to accept these arguments, as we have a right to do and as our need forces us to do. We call on the gods whose altars we share and who belong to all the Greeks. We remind you of the oaths your fathers swore and ask you not to forget them. We appeal to you as suppliants at your ancestors’ tombs. We call on the dead not to let us fall under Theban rule or let us, their closest friends, be handed over to our bitterest enemies. We remind you of that day when we joined them in achieving their greatest deeds. Yet today we risk suffering the worst possible fate.

3 “For people in our position, ending a speech is both necessary and extremely painful. The danger that our lives will end comes close behind it. As we finish, we say this: we did not surrender our city to the Thebans. Rather than do that, we would have chosen to die by starvation, the most degrading death. We trusted you and came to you. If we fail to convince you, it is only fair to put us back in our former position and let us choose for ourselves whatever danger we must face.

4 “We also urgently ask you, Lacedaemonians, not to hand us over to the Thebans, our bitterest enemies. We are Plataeans, who showed the greatest commitment to the Greeks. We are your suppliants, in your hands and under your pledge of protection. Save us. Do not destroy us while you are freeing the rest of the Greeks.”

Chapter 60

1 That was what the Plataeans said. The Thebans feared that their speech might make the Lacedaemonians give way on some point. They came forward and said that they too wanted to speak. Contrary to what they had expected, the Plataeans had been allowed to say much more than an answer to the question required. Given permission, they spoke as follows.

Chapter 61

1 “We would not have asked to speak if these men had simply given a short answer to the question. Instead, they turned against us and made accusations. They also offered a long defense of themselves on matters outside the issue, matters they had not even been accused of, and praised deeds that no one had criticized. Now we must answer some of their claims and expose the others as false. Then neither our supposed wickedness nor their reputation will help them. You can hear the truth about both sides and judge.

2 “Our first disagreement with them began as follows. We founded Plataea later than the rest of Boeotia, along with other places that we took over after driving out their mixed populations. But these men refused to accept our leadership, as had originally been arranged. They broke with the ancestral customs observed by the other Boeotians. When we tried to compel them to comply, they went over to the Athenians. Together with them, they did us a great deal of harm, for which they suffered in return.

Chapter 62

1 “When the non-Greek invader came against Hellas, they say they were the only Boeotians who did not side with the Persians. This is their greatest source of pride and their main reproach against us.

2 “We say they did not side with the Persians because the Athenians did not either. Later, however, when the Athenians attacked the Greeks in the same way, these men were once again alone among the Boeotians, this time in siding with Athens.

3 “Still, consider the conditions under which each of us acted. Our city at that time was not governed either by an oligarchy with equal rights under law or by a democracy. Power was in the hands of a small group of men. This kind of personal rule is most opposed to law and sensible government, and comes closest to tyranny.

4 “These men hoped to gain even more personal power if the Persian cause won. They held the people down by force and brought the invader in. The whole city did this when it had no control over its own affairs. It is not fair to blame it for wrongs done when it was not acting under its laws.

5 “Instead, examine what happened after the Persian had left and the city had recovered its laws. Later the Athenians attacked the rest of Hellas and tried to bring our territory under their control. Through civil strife they already held most of it. Did we not fight and defeat them at Coronea and free Boeotia? Are we not now eagerly helping to free the others, supplying cavalry and more equipment than any of the other allies?

Chapter 63

1 “That is our answer to the charge of siding with the Persians. Now we will try to show that you have done the Greeks much greater harm and deserve every punishment.

2 “You became allies and citizens of Athens, you say, to get protection against us. Then you should have called on them only against us, not joined them in attacking others. If the Athenians tried to draw you into anything against your will, you had a way out. Your alliance with these Lacedaemonians, the one made against the Persian that you yourselves keep bringing up, was already in place. It was enough to keep us away from you and, most importantly, to let you make your decisions without fear. Yet you freely chose the Athenian side instead, without being forced any longer.

3 “You say it would have been shameful to betray those who had helped you. But it was far more shameful and unjust to betray all the Greeks, to whom you had sworn an oath, than the Athenians alone. The Athenians were enslaving Hellas; the others were freeing it.

4 “And the help you gave the Athenians in return was neither an equal repayment nor free from shame. You called them in, you say, because you were being wronged. But you became their partners in wronging others. It is more shameful to fail to repay a favor with a similar favor than to fail to repay one that was fairly earned when repayment would mean doing wrong.

Chapter 64

1 “You have also made it clear that even then, when you alone refused to side with the Persians, you did not do so for the Greeks’ sake. You did it because the Athenians did not side with them either. You wanted to follow the Athenians’ wishes and oppose ours.

2 “Now you claim a reward for good deeds you did because of others. That is not reasonable. You chose the Athenians, so fight alongside them. Do not bring up the sworn agreement made back then and claim that it should save you now.

3 “You abandoned that agreement. You broke it by helping to enslave the Aeginetans and some of the others who had sworn it, instead of preventing their enslavement. You did this willingly, under the same laws that you have kept to this day. No one forced you, as we were forced. You also refused our last offer before the siege wall was built around you: to remain neutral and give neither side help.

4 “So who deserves the hatred of all the Greeks more than you? You made a display of courage to bring harm on them. You have now shown that the good deeds you claim to have done once have nothing to do with you today. What your nature always wanted has been revealed for what it really was. You joined the Athenians as they followed a course of injustice.

5 “That is what we have to say about our unwilling support for the Persians and your willing support for Athens.

Chapter 65

1 “Now for the latest wrong you say you suffered. You say that we broke the law by coming against your city during a truce and a sacred month. We do not think that even here we were more at fault than you.

2 “If we had come on our own initiative, fought against your city, and ravaged your land as enemies, we would have been in the wrong. But your leading men in wealth and birth freely invited us in. They wanted to end your alliance with outsiders and restore the ancestral arrangements shared by all the Boeotians. What wrong did we do? Those who bring others in are more responsible for breaking the law than those who follow them.

3 “In our judgment, though, neither they nor we broke it. They were citizens just as you were, and they were taking greater risks. They opened their own walls and brought us into their own city as friends, not enemies. They wanted the worse men among you to stop gaining the upper hand and the better men to have what they deserved. They were trying to make your policies more sensible. They were not trying to take the city away from its citizens, but to bring it closer to its relatives. They were not making you anyone’s enemies, but putting you at peace with everyone alike.

Chapter 66

1 “Here is proof that we were not acting as enemies. We harmed no one. We publicly invited anyone who wanted to live under the ancestral arrangements shared by all Boeotians to join us.

2 “You gladly came over, made an agreement, and at first kept quiet. Later you realized how few we were. Even if you thought we had acted somewhat unfairly by coming in without the consent of your people, you did not respond in the same way. You could have avoided violence and tried to persuade us to leave. Instead, you broke the agreement and attacked us. We do not feel the same bitterness about those you killed in the fighting, since they suffered under a kind of accepted rule. But others held out their hands in surrender, and you took them alive. Later you promised us not to kill them, yet you put them to death unlawfully. How can you deny the horror of what you did?

3 “You committed three wrongs in a short time. You broke the agreement. You later killed the men. And you went back on your promise to us not to kill them if we did no harm to your property in the countryside. Yet you say we broke the law and claim that you yourselves should not be punished in return. No—not if these judges decide rightly. You will be punished for all these things.

Chapter 67

1 “Lacedaemonians, we have gone through all this for your sake as well as ours. We want you to know that your verdict against them will be just, and that our revenge will be all the more consistent with divine law.

2 “Do not let accounts of their past good deeds, if they ever did any, soften you. Such deeds should help people who are being wronged. But for people who do something shameful, they should bring a double penalty, since their wrongdoing is out of keeping with their past. Do not let these men benefit from crying and appeals to pity, as they call on your fathers’ tombs and point to their own isolation.

3 “We can point in reply to our young men, whom they killed, and who suffered far worse. Some of their fathers died at Coronea while bringing Boeotia over to your side. Others have been left behind in old age, with empty homes. Their appeal to you to punish these men is far more just.

4 “People who suffer something they do not deserve have a better claim to pity. But when people suffer justly, as these men do, the opposite is true: their suffering should give satisfaction.

5 “They have only themselves to blame for their present isolation. They willingly pushed away their better allies. They broke the law without first being harmed by us. Hatred, not justice, determined their decision. Even now, the punishment they pay will not match what they did. They will suffer within the law. They have not held out their hands in surrender after a battle, as they claim. They handed themselves over for judgment under an agreement.

6 “So, Lacedaemonians, defend the law shared by the Greeks, which these men have broken. We have suffered unlawfully. Give us a fair return for our eager service to you. Do not let their arguments push us aside in your judgment. Set an example for the Greeks. Make the contest one of actions, not speeches. When actions are good, a short account is enough. When they are wrong, speeches dressed up in fine language become a cover for them.

7 “But if those in command, as you are now, make judgments that apply to everyone by focusing on the main facts, people will be less likely to look for fine words to defend unjust deeds.”

Chapter 68

1 That was what the Thebans said. The Lacedaemonian judges thought it right to ask whether they had received any help from the Plataeans during the war. Their stated position had been that, in the earlier period, the Plataeans should remain neutral under the old agreement made by Pausanias after the Persian invasion. Later, before building the siege wall around them, they had offered them terms for remaining neutral on that basis. The Plataeans had refused. The judges therefore considered that, despite their own just intentions, the Plataeans were now outside the agreement and had harmed them. They brought the men forward one by one and again asked the same question: had they done any good for the Lacedaemonians and their allies during the war? Whenever a man said no, they led him away and killed him. They made no exceptions.

2 They killed at least two hundred of the Plataeans themselves and twenty-five Athenians who had shared the siege. They enslaved the women.

3 For a year or so, [the Thebans] let the city be occupied by Megarians who had been driven out by civil strife and by any surviving Plataeans who supported them. Later they demolished the whole city down to its foundations. Near the sanctuary of Hera they built a lodging house two hundred feet along each side, with rooms all around it on both the ground and upper floors. They used the Plataeans’ roofs and doorways for it. From the other materials inside the walls, the bronze and iron objects, they made couches and dedicated them to Hera. They also built her a stone temple a hundred feet long. They made the land public property and leased it out for ten years. The Thebans farmed it.

4 The Lacedaemonians’ harsh treatment of the Plataeans was almost entirely for the Thebans’ sake. They thought the Thebans would be useful in the war that was then just getting under way.

5 That was how the story of Plataea ended, in the ninety-third year after the Plataeans became allies of Athens.

Chapter 69

1 The forty Peloponnesian ships that had gone to help Lesbos had fled across the open sea, as described earlier. They had been pursued by the Athenians and then caught in a storm near Crete. From there they had made their way to the Peloponnese in scattered groups. At Cyllene they found thirteen triremes from Leucas and Ambracia, and Brasidas son of Tellis, who had arrived as an adviser to Alcidas.

2 Having failed at Lesbos, the Lacedaemonians wanted to increase their fleet and sail to Corcyra, where civil strife was going on. Only twelve Athenian ships were present near Naupactus. They wanted to act before a larger fleet could come from Athens to help. Brasidas and Alcidas made preparations for this.

Chapter 70

1 The Corcyraeans had been in civil strife since the return of the men taken prisoner in the sea battles near Epidamnus. The Corinthians had released them. The public explanation was that the men who represented Corcyra there had guaranteed eight hundred talents for their release. In reality, the prisoners had been persuaded to bring Corcyra over to Corinth. These men went from citizen to citizen, working to make the city break away from Athens.

2 An Athenian ship and a Corinthian ship arrived, each carrying envoys. After hearing them, the Corcyraeans voted to remain allies of Athens under their existing agreement, but to be friends of the Peloponnesians as they had been before.

3 There was a man named Peithias who voluntarily served as the Athenians’ local representative and led the people’s party. The returned prisoners brought him to trial, accusing him of enslaving Corcyra to Athens.

4 He was acquitted. He then brought charges against the five richest men among them, saying that they were cutting vine stakes from the sacred land of Zeus and Alcinous. The penalty was a stater for each stake.

5 They were found guilty. Because the fine was so large, they sat as suppliants at the sanctuaries, asking to arrange payment in installments. But Peithias, who was also a member of the council, persuaded it to enforce the law.

6 The law thus blocked their request. They also learned that Peithias intended, while he was still on the council, to persuade the people to recognize the same friends and enemies as Athens. They conspired, took daggers, and suddenly burst into the council chamber. They killed Peithias and about sixty others, both council members and private citizens. A few of Peithias’s supporters escaped to the Athenian trireme, which was still there.

Chapter 71

1 After doing this, they called the Corcyraeans together. They said that what they had done was best and gave them the best chance of avoiding enslavement by Athens. From now on, neither side should be admitted except peacefully in a single ship. Any larger force should be treated as hostile. After speaking, they forced the people to approve their proposal.

2 They also immediately sent envoys to Athens. These were to explain why their actions had been for the best, and to persuade those who had taken refuge there not to do anything against them. Their aim was to prevent a counterattack.

Chapter 72

1 When the envoys arrived, the Athenians arrested them as agents of a political overthrow. They also arrested the refugees whom the envoys had won over, and held them all on Aegina.

2 Meanwhile, a Corinthian trireme and Lacedaemonian envoys arrived at Corcyra. The men in power attacked the people’s party and defeated them in battle.

3 At nightfall, the people’s party fled to the citadel and the higher parts of the city. They gathered there and took up their position. They also held the Hyllaic harbor. The other side occupied the marketplace, where most of them lived, and the harbor beside it that faced the mainland.

Chapter 73

1 The next day there was a little skirmishing. Both sides sent messengers around the countryside, calling on the slaves to join them and promising freedom. Most of the household slaves came to help the people’s party. The other side was joined by eight hundred hired soldiers from the mainland.

Chapter 74

1 After a day’s interval, there was another battle. The people’s party won, with the advantage of stronger positions and greater numbers. The women boldly helped them, throwing roof tiles from the houses. They endured the uproar in a way that went against their nature.

2 The other side was routed in the late afternoon. The oligarchs feared that the people would rush straight on, capture the dockyard, and kill them. To block the advance, they set fire to the houses and apartment buildings around the marketplace. They spared neither their own property nor anyone else’s. Much of the merchants’ stock was also burned. The whole city was in danger of destruction if a wind came up and carried the flames toward it.

3 Both sides stopped fighting and rested, keeping watch through the night. Now that the people’s party had won, the Corinthian ship slipped out to sea. Most of the hired soldiers secretly crossed back to the mainland.

Chapter 75

1 The following day, Nicostratus son of Diitrephes, an Athenian general, arrived from Naupactus to help. He brought twelve ships and five hundred Messenian hoplites. He worked to arrange a settlement and persuaded the two sides to agree on these terms. The ten men most responsible would stand trial, though they had already left. The rest would remain in the city, making peace with one another and an agreement with Athens to recognize the same enemies and friends.

2 After arranging this, Nicostratus was about to sail away. But the leaders of the people’s party persuaded him to leave five of his own ships with them. This would make their opponents less likely to cause trouble. They themselves would crew the same number of their own ships and send them with him.

3 He agreed, and they began enrolling their enemies for service on the ships. These men feared they would be sent to Athens, so they took refuge in the sanctuary of the Dioscuri.

4 Nicostratus tried to get them to leave and reassured them. But he could not persuade them. The people’s party took up arms, using this as their excuse. They said the men’s distrust and refusal to sail showed that they were plotting something bad. They took the men’s weapons from their houses. They would also have killed some of the men they came across if Nicostratus had not stopped them.

5 Seeing what was happening, the others took refuge as suppliants in the sanctuary of Hera. There were at least four hundred of them. The people’s party feared they might attempt an uprising. They persuaded them to leave the sanctuary and moved them to the island in front of it. They sent provisions over to them there.

Chapter 76

1 This was the state of the civil strife when the Peloponnesian ships arrived from Cyllene, on the fourth or fifth day after the men had been moved to the island. The ships had been lying ready at Cyllene since their voyage from Ionia. There were fifty-three of them. Alcidas commanded them, as before, and Brasidas sailed with him as his adviser. They anchored at Sybota, a harbor on the mainland, and at dawn sailed against Corcyra.

Chapter 77

1 The Corcyraeans were in great confusion. They were frightened both by events in the city and by the approaching fleet. They began preparing sixty ships, sending each one out against the enemy as soon as it was crewed. The Athenians urged them to let the Athenian ships sail out first, and then to follow with all their own ships together.

2 Their ships reached the enemy in scattered groups. Two immediately deserted to the other side. On some of the others, the men on board were fighting one another. Nothing they did was orderly.

3 The Peloponnesians saw the confusion. They assigned twenty ships to face the Corcyraeans and the rest to face the twelve Athenian ships. Two of the Athenian ships were the Salaminia and the Paralus.

Chapter 78

1 On their side of the battle, the Corcyraeans were in trouble. They attacked badly and only a few ships at a time. The Athenians feared the enemy’s numbers and the risk of being surrounded. They did not attack the whole force assigned to face them, or strike its center. Instead, they attacked one wing and sank a ship. After this, the enemy formed a circle. The Athenians sailed around it, trying to throw them into confusion.

2 The Peloponnesians facing the Corcyraeans realized what was happening. They feared a repeat of what had happened at Naupactus and came to help. With their ships now united, they advanced against the Athenians together.

3 The Athenians now began backing water to withdraw. At the same time, they wanted as many of the Corcyraean ships as possible to get safely away ahead of them. They withdrew slowly themselves, keeping the enemy’s attack directed at them.

4 That was how the sea battle went. It ended at sunset.

Chapter 79

1 The Corcyraeans feared that the enemy, confident after their victory, would sail against the city, take off the men on the island, or make some other move against them. They brought the men back from the island to the sanctuary of Hera and guarded the city.

2 But although the Peloponnesians had won the sea battle, they did not dare sail against the city. They had captured thirteen Corcyraean ships. With these, they sailed back to the mainland, to the place they had set out from.

3 The next day they still did not sail against the city, even though its people were in great confusion and fear. Brasidas is said to have urged Alcidas to attack, but he had no equal vote in the decision. Instead, they landed at the headland of Leucimme and ravaged the countryside.

Chapter 80

1 Meanwhile, the Corcyraean people’s party was terrified that the fleet would attack. They began talks with the suppliants and the others about how to save the city. They persuaded some of them to go aboard the ships. In spite of everything, they crewed thirty ships and waited for the attack.

2 The Peloponnesians ravaged the land until midday and then sailed away. Toward nightfall, fire signals told them that sixty Athenian ships were approaching from Leucas. The Athenians had sent these ships when they learned of the civil strife and heard that the fleet under Alcidas was about to sail against Corcyra. They sent Eurymedon son of Thucles as general.

Chapter 81

1 The Peloponnesians immediately set off for home that night, traveling quickly along the coast. They hauled their ships across the isthmus of Leucas so they would not be seen sailing around it, and continued on their way.

2 The Corcyraeans learned that the Athenian ships were approaching and the enemy ships had left. They brought into the city the Messenians who had previously been outside it. They ordered the ships they had manned to sail around to the Hyllaic harbor. While the ships were making this trip, they killed any of their enemies they caught. They also brought off the ships the men they had persuaded to board them, and killed them. Then they went to Hera's sanctuary and persuaded about fifty of the men seeking protection there to stand trial. They sentenced every one of them to death.

3 Most of those seeking protection had not agreed to stand trial. When they saw what was happening, they began killing one another right there in the sanctuary. Some hanged themselves from the trees, and others ended their lives however they could.

4 For seven days, while Eurymedon remained there after arriving with his sixty ships, the Corcyraeans murdered their fellow citizens whom they considered enemies. They charged their victims with trying to overthrow the democracy. But some were killed because of personal hatred, and others by people who had borrowed money from them and owed it back.

5 People were killed in every possible way. As usually happens in such circumstances, every kind of horror took place, and worse besides. Fathers killed their sons. People were dragged away from sanctuaries and killed beside them. Some were even walled up in the sanctuary of Dionysus and died there.

Chapter 82

1 The civil strife reached this level of cruelty. It seemed all the worse because it was among the first outbreaks. Later, practically the whole Greek world was shaken by it. In each city there were divisions: the leaders of the people wanted to bring in the Athenians, and the oligarchs wanted to bring in the Lacedaemonians. In peacetime they would have had neither an excuse to call them in nor the willingness to do so. But now the two powers were at war. Each side could get an alliance that would harm its opponents and, by the same means, strengthen itself. So anyone wanting a political upheaval could easily arrange outside intervention.

2 Civil strife brought many terrible sufferings on the cities. Such things happen and will always happen as long as human nature stays the same. They may be more violent or milder, and take different forms, depending on the changes in circumstances that arise in each case. In peace and prosperity, cities and individuals show better judgment because they are not forced into desperate situations against their will. But war takes away the ease of meeting daily needs. It teaches people by force and brings most people's tempers into line with their immediate circumstances.

3 So civil strife spread through the cities. Wherever it came later, people heard what had happened elsewhere and took their ideas much further. They devised more elaborate attacks and more extreme forms of revenge.

4 People changed the usual meanings of words describing actions to suit their own judgments. Reckless daring was called courage in support of one's friends. Cautious delay was called cowardice with a respectable cover. Self-control was a disguise for a lack of manliness. Understanding every side of a question meant being unable to act on anything. A wild rush into action was counted as a manly quality. Planning with safeguards was considered a reasonable excuse for backing out.

5 The person who was always angry was trusted; anyone who disagreed with him was suspect. Someone who carried out a successful plot was clever, and someone who detected one was even more capable. But anyone who planned ahead so that neither would be needed was breaking up the party and was terrified of its opponents. In short, people praised anyone who struck first against someone about to do harm, and anyone who encouraged a person who had not intended harm to do it.

6 Even family ties became weaker than party ties, because party members were readier to take risks without making excuses. These groups were not formed to secure benefits within the established laws, but to gain more for themselves by breaking them. Their trust in one another was reinforced less by religious obligations than by their shared involvement in lawbreaking.

7 When people had the upper hand, they responded to reasonable proposals from their opponents by guarding against their actions, not by showing generosity. Taking revenge mattered more than avoiding an injury in the first place. If the two sides ever swore oaths of reconciliation, they did so to meet an immediate difficulty. The oaths held only while neither side could get strength from elsewhere. When an opportunity arose, whichever side first regained confidence and saw the other off guard preferred to take revenge by exploiting its trust rather than by an open attack. It reckoned that this was safer, and that winning by deception also earned it a prize for cleverness. Most people would rather be called clever criminals than good but simple-minded people. They are ashamed of the second description and proud of the first.

8 The cause of all this was the pursuit of power out of greed and ambition. These motives also produced the violent passions that emerged when people entered a struggle to win. In the cities, the leaders on each side adopted attractive slogans. One side favored political equality for the people, the other a moderate rule by the best men. They claimed to serve the public interest, but made it the prize they competed for. They used every means to get the better of each other, dared to commit the most terrible acts, and went on to take still greater revenge. They did not set limits according to justice or the city's good, but according to whatever would please each side at the time. Whether they gained power by an unjust vote of condemnation or by force, they were ready to satisfy their immediate desire to win. Neither side respected religious duty. Those who managed to carry out a hateful act under cover of a respectable argument won a better reputation. Citizens who stayed in the middle were destroyed by both sides, either because they would not join the struggle or because others resented their surviving.

Chapter 83

1 In this way civil strife brought every kind of bad conduct into the Greek world. Simple honesty, which is so closely connected with a noble character, was laughed out of existence. Instead, people became deeply committed to opposing one another with suspicion.

2 There was nothing to settle their differences: no dependable promise, no oath that inspired fear. Everyone had concluded firmly that there was no hope of lasting security. They looked ahead to avoid being harmed rather than finding themselves able to trust anyone.

3 People with less intelligence usually came out on top. They feared their own limitations and their opponents' cleverness. Afraid of losing in debate, or of being caught first in a plot devised by their opponents' versatile minds, they moved boldly into action.

4 The others looked down on them. They thought they would see danger coming, and that they had no need to secure by action what they could achieve by intelligence. As a result, they were more often caught off guard and killed.

Chapter 84

1 [In Corcyra, then, most of these crimes were committed first. There were acts of revenge of the kind people might commit after being ruled with more arrogance than moderation by those who had given them reason to retaliate. Others wanted to escape their long-standing poverty. Driven above all by passion and the desire to own their neighbors' property, they made unjust decisions. Still others attacked not for gain but chiefly as equals fighting equals. Carried to extremes by uncontrolled anger, they struck cruelly and without mercy.

2 At this crisis, life in the city was thrown into confusion. Human nature, already used to doing wrong despite the laws, now overpowered them. It gladly showed that it could not control its anger, that it was stronger than justice, and that it hated anyone who stood above it. People would not have put revenge ahead of religious duty, or profit ahead of avoiding wrongdoing, if envy had not possessed such destructive power.

3 When taking revenge on others, people choose to destroy in advance the common rules that apply to such situations. These rules give everyone hope of surviving if they suffer a setback themselves. Yet people do not preserve them for a time when they themselves might fall into danger and need one of them.]

Chapter 85

1 These were the first outbursts of anger that the Corcyraeans in the city directed against one another. Eurymedon and the Athenians sailed away with their ships.

2 Later, the Corcyraean exiles—about five hundred of them had survived—captured the forts on the mainland. They controlled their own city's territory on the opposite coast. Using it as their base, they raided the people on the island and did great damage. A severe famine developed in the city.

3 They also sent ambassadors to Lacedaemon and Corinth to arrange their return. Nothing came of this. After some time, they got ships and hired troops together and crossed to the island. They numbered about six hundred altogether.

4 They burned their ships so they could have no hope of doing anything except winning control of the country. Then they went up Mount Istone and built a fort there. They inflicted damage on the people in the city and controlled the countryside.

Chapter 86

1 At the end of the same summer, the Athenians sent twenty ships to Sicily. Their generals were Laches son of Melanopus and Charoeades son of Euphiletus.

2 The Syracusans and Leontini had gone to war with one another. Apart from Camarina, the other Dorian cities were allied with Syracuse. These were the cities that had also joined the Lacedaemonian alliance when the war first began, although they had not actually taken part in the fighting. The Chalcidian cities and Camarina were allied with Leontini. In Italy, Locri supported Syracuse, while Rhegium supported Leontini because of their shared ancestry.

3 The allies of Leontini sent representatives to Athens. Appealing to their old alliance and to the fact that they were Ionians, they persuaded the Athenians to send them ships. The Syracusans were cutting them off from both land and sea.

4 The Athenians sent the ships, giving their ancestral connection as the reason. Their real aims were to stop grain being shipped from there to the Peloponnese and to make an initial test of whether they could bring Sicily under their control.

5 They established themselves at Rhegium in Italy and fought the war alongside their allies. The summer ended.

Chapter 87

1 During the following winter, the disease struck the Athenians a second time. It had never disappeared completely, but there had still been some relief from it.

2 This later outbreak lasted no less than a year; the first had lasted two years. Nothing did more than this disease to crush the Athenians and damage their strength.

3 No fewer than four thousand four hundred hoplites on the military rolls died, along with three hundred cavalrymen. The number of deaths among the rest of the population could not be established.

4 There were also many earthquakes at that time, in Athens, Euboea, and Boeotia, especially at Orchomenus in Boeotia.

Chapter 88

1 During the same winter, the Athenians in Sicily and the Rhegians made an expedition with thirty ships against the islands called the Islands of Aeolus. Lack of water made an expedition against them impossible in summer.

2 The islands belong to the Liparaeans, who are colonists from Cnidus. They live on one of the islands, a small one called Lipara. From there they go out to farm the others: Didyme, Strongyle, and Hiera.

3 The local people believe that Hephaestus works at his forge on Hiera, because the island can be seen giving off a great deal of fire at night and smoke by day. These islands lie opposite the territory of the Sicels and the Messenians. Their people were allies of Syracuse.

4 The Athenians ravaged the land. When the inhabitants still refused to come over to their side, they sailed back to Rhegium. The winter ended, and the fifth year of this war, which Thucydides wrote, came to an end.

Chapter 89

1 The next summer, the Peloponnesians and their allies came as far as the Isthmus, intending to invade Attica. They were led by Agis son of Archidamus, king of the Lacedaemonians. But many earthquakes occurred, so they turned back, and the invasion did not take place.

2 Around this time, while the earthquakes continued, the sea at Orobiae in Euboea withdrew from what was then the shore. It rose into a wave and rushed over part of the city. It flooded some of the land permanently and receded from the rest. What was once land is now sea. It killed everyone who could not run to higher ground in time.

3 A similar flood occurred around Atalanta, the island off the coast of the Opuntian Locrians. It swept away part of the Athenian fort and smashed one of the two ships that had been hauled up on shore.

4 At Peparethus, too, the water drew back, but there was no flood. An earthquake knocked down part of the wall, the town hall, and a few other buildings.

5 My own explanation of these events is this: at the point where the earthquake was strongest, it drove the sea back. The sea then suddenly rushed in again, making the flood more violent. I do not think such a thing could happen without an earthquake.

Chapter 90

1 During the same summer, warfare also continued in Sicily as opportunities arose for the various parties. The Sicilian Greeks campaigned against one another, and the Athenians campaigned with their own allies. I will describe the most important actions carried out by the allies together with the Athenians, or by their enemies against them.

2 Charoeades, the Athenian general, had already been killed in battle by the Syracusans. Laches now had sole command of the fleet. With the allies, he made an expedition against Mylae, which belonged to the Messenians. Two Messenian tribes happened to be garrisoning Mylae. They had also set an ambush for the men landing from the ships.

3 The Athenians and their allies routed the men in the ambush and killed many of them. They then attacked the fort and forced its defenders to agree to surrender the acropolis and join an expedition against Messene.

4 After this, when the Athenians and their allies advanced, the Messenians themselves also came over to their side. They gave hostages and the other guarantees.

Chapter 91

1 In the same summer, the Athenians sent thirty ships around the Peloponnese, commanded by Demosthenes son of Alcisthenes and Procles son of Theodorus. They sent sixty ships and two thousand hoplites to Melos, commanded by Nicias son of Niceratus.

2 They wanted to bring the Melians under their control. Although they were islanders, the Melians refused to submit or join the Athenian alliance.

3 The Melians did not come over to their side even when their land was ravaged. So the Athenians left Melos and sailed to Oropus in Graea. They landed around nightfall, and the hoplites immediately left the ships and marched overland to Tanagra in Boeotia.

4 At an agreed signal, the entire Athenian force from the city marched overland to meet them at the same place. Its generals were Hipponicus son of Callias and Eurymedon son of Thucles.

5 They camped that day in Tanagra's territory, ravaged it, and stayed overnight. The next day they defeated in battle the Tanagraeans who came out against them and some Thebans who had come to help. They captured arms, set up a victory monument, and withdrew, some to the city and the others to the ships.

6 Nicias sailed along the coast with the sixty ships, ravaged the coastal districts of Locris, and returned home.

Chapter 92

1 Around this time the Lacedaemonians were establishing their colony of Heraclea in Trachinia. Their reasons were as follows.

2 The Malians as a whole are divided into three groups: the Paralians, the Irians, and the Trachinians. The Trachinians were being devastated in war by their neighbors the Oetaeans. At first they intended to put themselves under Athenian protection. But they feared that the Athenians would not be reliable, so they sent to Lacedaemon instead, choosing Tisamenus as their ambassador.

3 The Dorians, whose country was the original homeland of the Lacedaemonians, joined this embassy with the same request. They too were being devastated by the Oetaeans.

4 After hearing them, the Lacedaemonians decided to send out the colony. They wanted to help the Trachinians and Dorians. They also thought the city would be well placed for the war against Athens. A fleet could be equipped there to attack Euboea, with only a short crossing to make. It would also be useful for the route to Thrace. Altogether, they were eager to settle the place.

5 First they consulted the god at Delphi. When he told them to proceed, they sent out settlers from among their own people and the perioeci. They invited any other Greeks who wanted to join them, except Ionians, Achaeans, and a few other peoples. Three Lacedaemonians led the expedition as its founders: Leon, Alcidas, and Damagon.

6 After arriving, they built and walled a new city, now called Heraclea. It is about forty stades from Thermopylae and twenty from the sea. They also prepared dockyards and built a barrier on the side toward Thermopylae, right at the narrow pass, so they could easily defend the dockyards.

Chapter 93

1 When this city was being settled, the Athenians were afraid at first. They thought it was being established chiefly to threaten Euboea, because the crossing to Cenaeum in Euboea is short. But the result was contrary to their expectations: no danger came from it.

2 There were reasons for this. The Thessalians, who were powerful in that region, and the people on whose land the city was being founded were afraid of having such strong neighbors. They attacked the new settlers and fought them constantly until they wore them down. The settlers had been very numerous at first: people went there confidently because the Lacedaemonians were founding it, thinking the city would be secure. But the Lacedaemonian governors who came out were at least as responsible for ruining its affairs and reducing its population. Their harsh and sometimes unjust government frightened most people away. This made it easier for the neighboring peoples to overcome them.

Chapter 94

1 During the same summer, around the time when the Athenians were being held up at Melos, the Athenians in the thirty ships sailing around the Peloponnese first ambushed and killed some garrison troops at Ellomenus in Leucadian territory. Later they came against Leucas with a larger force. They had all the Acarnanians, who joined with their full force except for the Oeniadae, as well as Zacynthians, Cephallenians, and fifteen Corcyraean ships.

2 The Leucadians remained inactive, overwhelmed by the enemy's numbers. Their land was being ravaged both outside the isthmus and inside it, where the city of Leucas and Apollo's sanctuary stand. The Acarnanians urged Demosthenes, the Athenian general, to cut them off with a wall. They thought they could easily capture the city by siege and get rid of a city that was always hostile to them.

3 At this point, however, the Messenians persuaded Demosthenes that, with so large an army assembled, he had a good opportunity to attack the Aetolians. They were enemies of Naupactus. If he defeated them, he could easily bring the rest of the mainland in that region over to the Athenians too.

4 They explained that the Aetolians were a large and warlike people, but lived in unwalled villages set far apart and used light equipment. So it would not be difficult to conquer them before they could join forces to help one another.

5 They advised him to attack the Apodotians first, then the Ophioneans, and after them the Eurytanians. These are the largest section of the Aetolians. Their speech is especially hard to understand, and they are said to eat raw meat. Once these peoples had been taken, they said, the rest would easily come over too.

Chapter 95

1 Demosthenes agreed, partly to oblige the Messenians. Above all, he thought that with the mainland allies and the Aetolians he could march overland against Boeotia without the main Athenian force. He would go through the territory of the Ozolian Locrians to Cytinium in Doris, keeping Mount Parnassus on his right, until he came down into Phocis. He thought the Phocians would willingly join the expedition because of their long-standing friendship with Athens, or at least could be forced to join. Boeotia directly borders Phocis. So he sailed from Leucas with the whole army, against the wishes of the Acarnanians, and put in at Sollium.

2 He shared his plan with the Acarnanians. They would not accept it, because he had failed to wall off Leucas. So he marched against the Aetolians with the rest of the army: Cephallenians, Messenians, Zacynthians, and the three hundred Athenian marines from his own ships. The fifteen Corcyraean ships had left.

3 His base was Oeneon in Locris. These Ozolian Locrians were allies, and their entire force was supposed to meet the Athenians inland. As neighbors of the Aetolians who used the same equipment, they were expected to be a great help on the expedition. They knew both the Aetolian way of fighting and the countryside.

Chapter 96

1 He camped with his army at the sanctuary of Nemean Zeus. This is where the poet Hesiod is said to have been killed by the local people, after an oracle had told him that this would happen to him at Nemea. At dawn Demosthenes set out and marched into Aetolia.

2 He took Potidania on the first day, Crocyleum on the second, and Teichium on the third. He stayed there and sent the loot to Eupalium in Locris. His plan was to conquer the other places, return to Naupactus, and later campaign against the Ophioneans if they refused to surrender.

3 The Aetolians had known about these preparations even when the attack was first being planned. Once the army invaded, they all came to help in great strength. Even the most distant Ophioneans, the Bomians and Callians, whose territory extends toward the Malian Gulf, came to join them.

Chapter 97

1 The Messenians gave Demosthenes much the same advice as when they first tried to convince him how easy it would be to conquer the Aetolians. They urged him to attack the villages as quickly as possible. He should not wait until all the Aetolians had assembled to face him, but should always try to capture whichever village lay immediately ahead.

2 He accepted their advice and felt confident in his good fortune, because nothing had gone against him. He did not wait for the Locrians who were supposed to come to his support, although his greatest shortage was of lightly armed javelin throwers. Instead he advanced on Aegitium and captured it by direct assault. The inhabitants had withdrawn and taken up positions on the hills above the town. The town itself stood on high ground, about eighty stades from the sea.

3 The Aetolians had already come to the aid of Aegitium. They attacked the Athenians and their allies, running down from the hills from different directions and throwing javelins. Whenever the Athenian army advanced, they fell back. When it withdrew, they pressed after it. This kind of fighting went on for a long time, with pursuits and retreats, and the Athenians had the worse of both.

Chapter 98

1 As long as the archers had arrows and were able to use them, the rest held their ground. The Aetolians were lightly armed and drew back under the arrows. But the archers' commander was killed, and they scattered. The Athenians themselves were exhausted after being kept so long at the same hard fighting, while the Aetolians kept pressing them and throwing javelins. Then they broke and fled. They ran into ravines they could not escape from and into unfamiliar ground, and were killed. Their guide on the roads, Chromon the Messenian, also happened to have been killed.

2 The Aetolians were lightly armed and fast on their feet. They pursued closely, throwing javelins, and killed many men on the spot as they fled. But most of the fugitives lost their way and rushed into woods with no way out. The Aetolians brought fire and burned the woods around them.

3 The Athenian army suffered every kind of disaster in its flight and destruction. The survivors only just managed to escape to the sea and Oeneon in Locris, the place they had originally set out from.

4 Many of the allies died, along with about one hundred and twenty Athenian hoplites. For a group of that size and age, these were the finest men the city of Athens lost in this war. Procles, the other general, was also killed.

5 They recovered their dead from the Aetolians under a truce and returned to Naupactus. Later they sailed back to Athens. But Demosthenes stayed behind around Naupactus and the neighboring districts. After what had happened, he was afraid of the Athenians.

Chapter 99

1 At about the same time, the Athenians operating around Sicily sailed to the territory of the Locrians. During one landing they defeated the Locrians who came to resist them. They also captured a small fort on the river Halex.

Chapter 100

1 During the same summer, the Aetolians had already sent ambassadors to Corinth and Lacedaemon: Tolophon the Ophionean, Boriades the Eurytanian, and Teisander the Apodotian. They persuaded them to send an army against Naupactus because the people there had brought the Athenians against them.

2 Around the fall, the Lacedaemonians sent out three thousand allied hoplites. Five hundred of these came from Heraclea in Trachis, a city that had just been founded. Eurylochus, a Spartan, commanded the army. Two other Spartans, Macarius and Menedaius, accompanied him.

Chapter 101

1 When the army had assembled at Delphi, Eurylochus sent heralds to negotiate with the Ozolian Locrians. His route to Naupactus lay through their country. He also wanted to make them break away from the Athenians.

2 Among the Locrians, the Amphissians gave him the most help. They were afraid because the Phocians were hostile to them. They were the first to give hostages themselves. They also persuaded the others, who feared the approaching army, to do the same. First came their neighbors, the Myonians, whose territory offered the hardest route into Locris. Then came the Ipnians, Messapians, Tritaeans, Chalaeans, Tolophonians, Hessians, and Oeantheans. All these also joined the expedition. The Olpaeans gave hostages but did not join it. The Hyaeans did not give hostages until the army captured one of their villages, called Polis.

Chapter 102

1 When all his preparations were complete, Eurylochus left the hostages at Cytinium in Doris and advanced with his army through Locrian territory toward Naupactus. On the way he captured their towns of Oeneon and Eupalium, which had refused to join him.

2 Once they reached the territory of Naupactus, the Aetolians had already joined them to help. They ravaged the land and captured the unwalled suburb. They also advanced against Molycreum and captured it. It was a Corinthian colony but subject to Athens.

3 Demosthenes the Athenian was still in the area of Naupactus after the events in Aetolia. He learned of the army's approach in advance and feared for the city. He went to the Acarnanians and persuaded them to help Naupactus. This was difficult because of his withdrawal from Leucas.

4 They sent a thousand hoplites with him on the ships. These got into the town and saved it. There had been a serious fear that the defenders would not hold out: the wall covered a large area, and there were few men to defend it.

5 Eurylochus and his troops learned that the reinforcements had entered and that they could not take the city by force. They withdrew, but not to the Peloponnese. Instead they went to Aeolis, the region now called Calydon and Pleuron, to the places nearby, and to Proschium in Aetolia.

6 The reason was that the Ambraciots had come to them and persuaded them to join an attack on Amphilochian Argos, the rest of Amphilochia, and Acarnania as well. They said that if they gained control of these places, the whole mainland would become an ally of the Lacedaemonians.

7 Eurylochus agreed. He dismissed the Aetolians and kept his army in those districts, waiting until the Ambraciots marched against Argos and needed his help. The summer came to an end.

Chapter 103

1 During the following winter, the Athenians in Sicily advanced against Inessa, a Sicel town whose citadel the Syracusans held. With them were their Greek allies and those Sicels who had been forced under Syracusan rule and had been allied with them, but had revolted [from the Syracusans] and were fighting alongside the Athenians. They attacked the town, but could not take it and withdrew.

2 During the withdrawal, the allies were retreating behind the Athenians. The Syracusans came out of the fort and attacked them. Their assault put part of the army to flight and killed a considerable number.

3 After this, Laches and the Athenians made some landings from their ships in Locrian territory. Near the river Caicinus they defeated about three hundred Locrians who came to resist them under Proxenus son of Capaton. They took their weapons and withdrew.

Chapter 104

1 During the same winter, the Athenians also purified Delos in obedience to an oracle. Pisistratus the tyrant had purified it before, but not the whole island, only the part visible from the sanctuary. This time the entire island was purified in the following way.

2 They removed every burial place on Delos. They also announced that from then on no one was to die or give birth on the island. Instead, people were to be taken across to Rhenea. Rhenea is so close to Delos that Polycrates, the tyrant of Samos, once tied it to Delos with a chain when he dedicated it to Delian Apollo. This was at a time when his fleet was powerful, he ruled other islands, and he had captured Rhenea. After the purification, the Athenians held the Delian festival for the first time as a festival to take place every four years.

3 Long ago, too, there used to be a large gathering on Delos of Ionians and the islanders living nearby. They came to watch the festival with their wives and children, as the Ionians now do at the Ephesian festival. Athletic and musical contests were held there, and the cities brought choirs.

4 Homer gives the clearest evidence that this was how things were, in these verses from a prelude in honor of Apollo: / “But when you took the greatest pleasure in Delos, Phoebus, / there the Ionians in their long robes gather / with their children and wives in your street. / There they please you with boxing, dancing, and song, / remembering you whenever they hold a contest.”

5 He also shows that there was a musical contest and that people came to compete, in these verses from the same prelude. After praising the women's choir on Delos, he ended his praise with these lines, in which he also mentioned himself: / “Come now, may Apollo and Artemis be kind to us, / and farewell to all of you. In the days to come, / remember me whenever someone from among the people on earth, / another traveler who has been through hardships, comes here and asks: / ‘Girls, who is the sweetest singer of all the men / who visit here, and whose singing gives you the most pleasure?’ / All of you must be sure to answer without being prompted: / ‘A blind man, who lives on rocky Chios.’”

6 This is Homer's evidence that even long ago there was a large gathering and festival on Delos. Later, the islanders and the Athenians continued to send choirs with sacrificial offerings. But the contests and most of the other activities fell away, probably because of misfortunes. This lasted until the Athenians held the contest at this time, adding horse races, which had not been held before.

Chapter 105

1 During the same winter, the Ambraciots marched against Amphilochian Argos with three thousand hoplites. This was the campaign they had promised Eurylochus, persuading him to keep his army there. They invaded the territory of Argos and occupied Olpae, a strong fort on a hill beside the sea. The Acarnanians had once built it and used it as a common court of justice. It is about twenty-five stades from the city of Argos, which is on the coast.

2 Some of the Acarnanians went to help defend Argos. Others camped at the place in Amphilochia called Crenae. They kept watch to stop the Peloponnesians under Eurylochus from slipping through to join the Ambraciots.

3 They also sent for Demosthenes, who had commanded the Athenians in Aetolia, to lead them. And they sent for the twenty Athenian ships that happened to be off the Peloponnese. These were commanded by Aristoteles son of Timocrates and Hierophon son of Antimnestus.

4 The Ambraciots at Olpae also sent a messenger to their city, calling on the whole population to come to their aid. They feared that Eurylochus and his men might not be able to get through the Acarnanians. They would then either have to fight on their own or find it unsafe to retreat if they wanted to.

Chapter 106

1 When the Peloponnesians with Eurylochus learned that the Ambraciots had reached Olpae, they left Proschium and hurried to help them. They crossed the Achelous and advanced through Acarnania. The country was empty because its people had gone to defend Argos. They kept the city of Stratus and its garrison on their right, and the rest of Acarnania on their left.

2 After passing through the territory of Stratus, they went through Phytia, then along the outer edge of Medeon's territory, and then through Limnaea. They entered the country of the Agraeans. This was no longer Acarnania, but a country friendly to them.

3 They reached Mount Thyamus, which belongs to the Agraeans, crossed it, and descended into the territory of Argos after nightfall. They passed unnoticed between the city of Argos and the Acarnanian guard at Crenae, and joined the Ambraciots at Olpae.

Chapter 107

1 Their forces were now united. At daybreak they took up a position at the place called Metropolis and made camp. Not long afterward the Athenians arrived in the Ambracian Gulf with their twenty ships to help the Argives. Demosthenes also arrived with two hundred Messenian hoplites and sixty Athenian archers.

2 The ships blockaded the hill at Olpae from the sea. The Acarnanians had already gathered at Argos, along with a few Amphilochians. Most of the Amphilochians were being held back by force by the Ambraciots. They prepared to fight the enemy and chose Demosthenes to command the whole allied force together with their own generals.

3 Demosthenes brought them close to Olpae and camped there. A large ravine separated the armies. They remained inactive for five days. On the sixth, both sides formed up for battle. The Peloponnesian army was larger and its line extended beyond the other. Demosthenes feared being surrounded. He put about four hundred hoplites and lightly armed troops in ambush in a sunken road overgrown with bushes. They were to rise up just as the armies met and attack from behind the part of the enemy line that extended beyond his own.

4 When both sides were ready, they came to close combat. Demosthenes held the right wing with the Messenians and a few Athenians. The Acarnanians, each contingent in its assigned position, held the rest of the line, along with the Amphilochian javelin throwers who were present. The Peloponnesians and Ambraciots were mixed together in their line, except for the Mantineans. These kept together toward the left, but not at the very end of the wing. Eurylochus and his own men held the extreme left, opposite the Messenians and Demosthenes.

Chapter 108

1 Once the armies were fighting at close quarters, the Peloponnesians extended their wing around the enemy's right and began to surround it. Then the Acarnanians in ambush came up behind them, attacked, and put them to flight. They did not even stand to defend themselves. Their panic also sent most of the army into flight. When the rest saw Eurylochus' force, the strongest part of their army, being destroyed, they became much more afraid. The Messenians, who were stationed there with Demosthenes, did most of the fighting.

2 But the Ambraciots and those on the right wing defeated the troops facing them and chased them toward Argos. The Ambraciots are, in fact, the most warlike people in that region.

3 On their way back they saw that most of their army had been defeated. The other Acarnanians were pressing them, and they struggled to get safely back to Olpae. Many were killed as they ran into their opponents in confusion and with no order at all. The Mantineans were the exception. They kept their formation better than anyone else in the army as they withdrew. The battle ended late in the day.

Chapter 109

1 The next day Menedaius took command, since Eurylochus and Macarius were dead. After such a heavy defeat he did not know how they could hold out if they stayed, besieged on land and blockaded at sea by the Athenian ships, or how they could escape safely if they withdrew. He approached Demosthenes and the Acarnanian generals to discuss a truce and a withdrawal, as well as permission to recover the dead.

2 They returned the dead, set up a victory monument themselves, and recovered their own dead, about three hundred. They did not openly agree to a truce allowing everyone to withdraw. But Demosthenes and his fellow commanders, the Acarnanian generals, secretly agreed that the Mantineans, Menedaius, the other Peloponnesian commanders, and their most important men could leave quickly. He wanted to leave the Ambraciots and the mass of hired soldiers [the foreign troops] without support. Above all, he wanted to discredit the Lacedaemonians and Peloponnesians among the Greeks of that region, by showing that they had betrayed their allies and put their own interests first.

3 The defeated army recovered its dead and hurried to bury them as best it could. Those who had permission to leave secretly planned their departure.

Chapter 110

1 Demosthenes and the Acarnanians now received news that the Ambraciots from the city were marching through Amphilochian country with their whole force. They were coming to help in response to the first message from Olpae. They wanted to join the troops there and knew nothing of what had happened.

2 Demosthenes immediately sent part of his army ahead to set ambushes on the roads and occupy strong positions before the enemy arrived. At the same time he prepared to take the rest of the army against them.

Chapter 111

1 Meanwhile, the Mantineans and the others covered by the truce went out, supposedly to gather vegetables and firewood. They slipped away in small groups, collecting the things they claimed to have come out for as they went. Once they were well away from Olpae, they quickened their retreat.

2 The Ambraciots and the others who happened to have gone out together as a group realized that they were leaving. They too set off, running to catch up with them.

3 At first the Acarnanians thought that all of them were leaving without a truce. They pursued the Peloponnesians as well. Some of their own generals tried to stop them, saying that a truce had been made with these men. Someone even threw javelins at these generals, thinking that they were betraying their own side. But afterward they let the Mantineans and Peloponnesians go and killed the Ambraciots.

4 There was much argument and confusion over whether a man was an Ambraciot or a Peloponnesian. They killed about two hundred of them. The rest escaped to the neighboring country of the Agraeans. Their king, Salynthius, was friendly to them and took them in.

Chapter 112

1 The Ambraciots coming from the city reached Idomene. Idomene consists of two high hills. After night fell, the troops Demosthenes had sent ahead from his camp occupied the larger hill before the enemy could, without being noticed. The Ambraciots had already gone up the smaller hill. The advance troops camped on the larger one for the night.

2 After dinner, Demosthenes and the rest of the army began their march as soon as evening came. He led half the force along the route into the country, while the other half went through the Amphilochian mountains.

3 At dawn he fell on the Ambraciots while they were still in their sleeping places. They had no warning of what had happened. In fact, they were much more inclined to think the approaching troops were their own men.

4 Demosthenes had deliberately put the Messenians in front and told them to speak to the sentries. They spoke the Doric dialect and so reassured the guards. It was also still night, and they could not be seen clearly.

5 When he attacked their army, his men put it to flight. They killed most of them on the spot. The rest fled into the mountains.

6 But the roads had already been occupied. The Amphilochians knew their own country and were lightly armed, facing hoplites. The fugitives did not know the area and had no idea which way to turn. They fell into ravines and the ambushes set for them, and were killed.

7 They tried every possible way of escaping. Some even turned toward the sea, which was not far away. They saw the Athenian ships sailing past just as the battle was taking place and swam toward them. In their immediate terror, they thought it better, if they had to die, to be killed by the men on the ships than by the Amphilochians, who were non-Greeks and their bitterest enemies.

8 After this disaster, only a few of the many Ambraciots got safely back to their city. The Acarnanians stripped the dead, set up victory monuments, and returned to Argos.

Chapter 113

1 The next day a herald came to them from the Ambraciots who had fled from Olpae to the Agraeans. He wanted permission to recover the dead killed after the first battle, when they had left without a truce along with the Mantineans and those protected by the agreement.

2 The herald saw the weapons of the Ambraciots who had come from the city and was amazed at how many there were. He knew nothing of the disaster and thought they belonged to the men who had been with his own force.

3 Someone asked him why he was surprised and how many of their men had died. The questioner, in turn, assumed the herald had come from the troops at Idomene. He answered, “About two hundred.” The questioner replied, “These weapons don't look like they belong to that many men,

4 “but to more than a thousand.” The herald said, “Then they aren't from the men who fought with us.” The other answered, “They are if you fought at Idomene yesterday.” “But we didn't fight anyone yesterday. It was the day before, during the retreat.” “Well, yesterday we fought these men, who had come to help from the city of Ambracia.”

5 When the herald heard this and realized that the reinforcements from the city had been destroyed, he cried out in grief. Stunned by the scale of the disaster, he left at once without completing his task and no longer asked for the dead.

6 This was the greatest disaster to strike a single Greek city in a comparable number of days during this war. I have not recorded the number killed, because the reported loss seems unbelievable in relation to the size of the city. But I know that if the Acarnanians and Amphilochians had wanted to follow the advice of the Athenians and Demosthenes and take Ambracia, they could have captured it at the first assault. Instead, they feared that the Athenians, if they held it, would be more troublesome neighbors to them.

Chapter 114

1 After this, they assigned a third of the spoils to the Athenians and divided the rest among their cities. The Athenians' share was captured while being carried by sea. The three hundred full sets of armor now dedicated in the sanctuaries of Attica had been set aside for Demosthenes, and he sailed home with them. His success also made him less afraid to return after the disaster in Aetolia.

2 The Athenians in the twenty ships also left for Naupactus. After the Athenians and Demosthenes had gone, the Acarnanians and Amphilochians made a truce allowing the Ambraciots and Peloponnesians who had taken refuge with Salynthius and the Agraeans to withdraw from Oeniadae. They had moved there from Salynthius' territory.

3 The Acarnanians and Amphilochians also made a peace treaty and an alliance with the Ambraciots for the next hundred years, on these terms. The Ambraciots were not to campaign with the Acarnanians against the Peloponnesians, nor were the Acarnanians to campaign with the Ambraciots against the Athenians. They were to help defend each other's country. The Ambraciots were to return every place and hostage belonging to the Amphilochians that they held. They were not to send help to Anactorium, which was hostile to the Acarnanians.

4 With this agreement they ended the war. Afterward, the Corinthians sent about three hundred of their own hoplites to garrison Ambracia, with Xenoclides son of Euthycles as commander. They reached it with difficulty after traveling overland. That was how events at Ambracia turned out.

Chapter 115

1 During the same winter, the Athenians in Sicily landed from their ships in the territory of Himera. They acted together with the Sicels who had invaded the outer parts of that territory from the uplands. They also sailed to the islands of Aeolus.

2 When they returned to Rhegium, they found Pythodorus son of Isolochus, an Athenian general, who had arrived to take over command of Laches' ships.

3 The allies in Sicily had sailed to Athens and persuaded the Athenians to send more ships to help them. The Syracusans controlled their land. At sea, however, a small number of ships was keeping the Syracusans shut out. They were gathering a fleet and preparing to act, determined not to let this continue.

4 The Athenians were fitting out forty ships to send them. They thought this would bring the war there to an end more quickly. They also wanted to give their navy practice.

5 They therefore sent one of the generals, Pythodorus, with a few ships. They intended to send Sophocles son of Sostratides and Eurymedon son of Thucles with the larger part of the fleet.

6 Pythodorus had already taken over Laches' command of the ships. Toward the end of the winter, he sailed against the Locrian fort that Laches had captured earlier. The Locrians defeated him in battle, and he withdrew.

Chapter 116

1 Around this very spring, a stream of fire poured out of Etna, as it had before. It destroyed some land belonging to the people of Catana, who live below Mount Etna, the highest mountain in Sicily.

2 This flow is said to have occurred in the fiftieth year after the previous one. In all, the stream of fire is said to have flowed three times since Greeks began to settle in Sicily.

3 These events took place during this winter. The sixth year of this war, which Thucydides wrote, came to an end.

Book 4

Chapter 1

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου θέρους περὶ σίτου ἐκβολὴν Συρακοσίων δέκα νῆες πλεύσασαι καὶ Λοκρίδες ἴσαι Μεσσήνην τὴν ἐν Σικελίᾳ κατέλαβον, αὐτῶν ἐπαγαγομένων, καὶ ἀπέστη Μεσσήνη Ἀθηναίων.

2 ἔπραξαν δὲ τοῦτο μάλιστα οἱ μὲν Συρακόσιοι ὁρῶντες προσβολὴν ἔχον τὸ χωρίον τῆς Σικελίας καὶ φοβούμενοι τοὺς Ἀθηναίους μὴ ἐξ αὐτοῦ ὁρμώμενοί ποτε σφίσι μείζονι παρασκευῇ ἐπέλθωσιν, οἱ δὲ Λοκροὶ κατὰ ἔχθος τὸ Ῥηγίνων, βουλόμενοι ἀμφοτέρωθεν αὐτοὺς καταπολεμεῖν.

3 καὶ ἐσεβεβλήκεσαν ἅμα ἐς τὴν Ῥηγίνων οἱ Λοκροὶ πανστρατιᾷ, ἵνα μὴ ἐπιβοηθῶσι τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις, ἅμα δὲ καὶ ξυνεπαγόντων Ῥηγίνων φυγάδων, οἳ ἦσαν παρ’ αὐτοῖς· τὸ γὰρ Ῥήγιον ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἐστασίαζε καὶ ἀδύνατα ἦν ἐν τῷ παρόντι τοὺς Λοκροὺς ἀμύνεσθαι, ᾗ καὶ μᾶλλον ἐπετίθεντο.

4 δῃώσαντες δὲ οἱ μὲν Λοκροὶ τῷ πεζῷ ἀπεχώρησαν, αἱ δὲ νῆες Μεσσήνην ἐφρούρουν· καὶ ἄλλαι αἱ πληρούμεναι ἔμελλον αὐτόσε ἐγκαθορμισάμεναι τὸν πόλεμον ἐντεῦθεν ποιήσεσθαι.

Chapter 2

1 ὑπὸ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους τοῦ ἦρος, πρὶν τὸν σῖτον ἐν ἀκμῇ εἶναι, Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἐσέβαλον ἐς τὴν Ἀττικήν (ἡγεῖτο δὲ Ἆγις ὁ Ἀρχιδάμου Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεύς), καὶ ἐγκαθεζόμενοι ἐδῄουν τὴν γῆν.

2 Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ τάς τε τεσσαράκοντα ναῦς ἐς Σικελίαν ἀπέστειλαν, ὥσπερ παρεσκευάζοντο, καὶ στρατηγοὺς τοὺς ὑπολοίπους Εὐρυμέδοντα καὶ Σοφοκλέα· Πυθόδωρος γὰρ ὁ τρίτος αὐτῶν ἤδη προαφῖκτο ἐς Σικελίαν.

3 εἶπον δὲ τούτοις καὶ Κερκυραίων ἅμα παραπλέοντας τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει ἐπιμεληθῆναι, οἳ ἐλῃστεύοντο ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν τῷ ὄρει φυγάδων· καὶ Πελοποννησίων αὐτόσε νῆες ἑξήκοντα παρεπεπλεύκεσαν τοῖς ἐν τῷ ὄρει τιμωροὶ καὶ λιμοῦ ὄντος μεγάλου ἐν τῇ πόλει νομίζοντες κατασχήσειν ῥᾳδίως τὰ πράγματα.

4 Δημοσθένει δὲ ὄντι ἰδιώτῃ μετὰ τὴν ἀναχώρησιν τὴν ἐξ Ἀκαρνανίας αὐτῷ δεηθέντι εἶπον χρῆσθαι ταῖς ναυσὶ ταύταις, ἢν βούληται, περὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον.

Chapter 3

1 καὶ ὡς ἐγένοντο πλέοντες κατὰ τὴν Λακωνικὴν καὶ ἐπυνθάνοντο ὅτι αἱ νῆες ἐν Κερκύρᾳ ἤδη εἰσὶ τῶν Πελοποννησίων, ὁ μὲν Εὐρυμέδων καὶ Σοφοκλῆς ἠπείγοντο ἐς τὴν Κέρκυραν, ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης ἐς τὴν Πύλον πρῶτον ἐκέλευε σχόντας αὐτοὺς καὶ πράξαντας ἃ δεῖ τὸν πλοῦν ποιεῖσθαι· ἀντιλεγόντων δὲ κατὰ τύχην χειμὼν ἐπιγενόμενος κατήνεγκε τὰς ναῦς ἐς τὴν Πύλον.

2 καὶ ὁ Δημοσθένης εὐθὺς ἠξίου τειχίζεσθαι τὸ χωρίον (ἐπὶ τοῦτο γὰρ ξυνεκπλεῦσαι), καὶ ἀπέφαινε πολλὴν εὐπορίαν ξύλων τε καὶ λίθων, καὶ φύσει καρτερὸν ὂν καὶ ἐρῆμον αὐτό τε καὶ ἐπὶ πολὺ τῆς χώρας· ἀπέχει γὰρ σταδίους μάλιστα ἡ Πύλος τῆς Σπάρτης τετρακοσίους καὶ ἔστιν ἐν τῇ Μεσσηνίᾳ ποτὲ οὔσῃ γῇ, καλοῦσι δὲ αὐτὴν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι Κορυφάσιον.

3 οἱ δὲ πολλὰς ἔφασαν εἶναι ἄκρας ἐρήμους τῆς Πελοποννήσου, ἢν βούληται καταλαμβάνων τὴν πόλιν δαπανᾶν. τῷ δὲ διάφορόν τι ἐδόκει εἶναι τοῦτο τὸ χωρίον ἑτέρου μᾶλλον, λιμένος τε προσόντος καὶ τοὺς Μεσσηνίους οἰκείους ὄντας αὐτῷ τὸ ἀρχαῖον καὶ ὁμοφώνους τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις πλεῖστ’ ἂν βλάπτειν ἐξ αὐτοῦ ὁρμωμένους, καὶ βεβαίους ἅμα τοῦ χωρίου φύλακας ἔσεσθαι.

Chapter 4

1 ὡς δὲ οὐκ ἔπειθεν οὔτε τοὺς στρατηγοὺς οὔτε τοὺς στρατιώτας, ὕστερον καὶ τοῖς ταξιάρχοις κοινώσας, ἡσύχαζεν ὑπὸ ἀπλοίας, μέχρι αὐτοῖς τοῖς στρατιώταις σχολάζουσιν ὁρμὴ ἐνέπεσε περιστᾶσιν ἐκτειχίσαι τὸ χωρίον.

2 καὶ ἐγχειρήσαντες εἰργάζοντο, σιδήρια μὲν λιθουργὰ οὐκ ἔχοντες, λογάδην δὲ φέροντες λίθους, καὶ ξυνετίθεσαν ὡς ἕκαστόν τι ξυμβαίνοι· καὶ τὸν πηλόν, εἴ που δέοι χρῆσθαι, ἀγγείων ἀπορίᾳ ἐπὶ τοῦ νώτου ἔφερον, ἐγκεκυφότες τε, ὡς μάλιστα μέλλοι ἐπιμένειν, καὶ τὼ χεῖρε ἐς τοὐπίσω ξυμπλέκοντες, ὅπως μὴ ἀποπίπτοι.

3 παντί τε τρόπῳ ἠπείγοντο φθῆναι τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους τὰ ἐπιμαχώτατα ἐξεργασάμενοι πρὶν ἐπιβοηθῆσαι· τὸ γὰρ πλέον τοῦ χωρίου αὐτὸ καρτερὸν ὑπῆρχε καὶ οὐδὲν ἔδει τείχους.

Chapter 5

1 οἱ δὲ ἑορτήν τινα ἔτυχον ἄγοντες καὶ ἅμα πυνθανόμενοι ἐν ὀλιγωρίᾳ ἐποιοῦντο, ὡς, ὅταν ἐξέλθωσιν, ἢ οὐχ ὑπομενοῦντας σφᾶς ἢ ῥᾳδίως ληψόμενοι βίᾳ· καί τι καὶ αὐτοὺς ὁ στρατὸς ἔτι ἐν ταῖς Ἀθήναις ὢν ἐπέσχεν.

2 τειχίσαντες δὲ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τοῦ χωρίου τὰ πρὸς ἤπειρον καὶ ἃ μάλιστα ἔδει ἐν ἡμέραις ἓξ τὸν μὲν Δημοσθένη μετὰ νεῶν πέντε αὐτοῦ φύλακα καταλείπουσι, ταῖς δὲ πλείοσι ναυσὶ τὸν ἐς τὴν Κέρκυραν πλοῦν καὶ Σικελίαν ἠπείγοντο.

Chapter 6

1 οἱ δ’ ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ ὄντες Πελοποννήσιοι ὡς ἐπύθοντο τῆς Πύλου κατειλημμένης, ἀνεχώρουν κατὰ τάχος ἐπ’ οἴκου, νομίζοντες μὲν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ Ἆγις ὁ βασιλεὺς οἰκεῖον σφίσι τὸ περὶ τὴν Πύλον· ἅμα δὲ πρῲ ἐσβαλόντες καὶ τοῦ σίτου ἔτι χλωροῦ ὄντος ἐσπάνιζον τροφῆς τοῖς πολλοῖς, χειμών τε ἐπιγενόμενος μείζων παρὰ τὴν καθεστηκυῖαν ὥραν ἐπίεσε τὸ στράτευμα.

2 ὥστε πολλαχόθεν ξυνέβη ἀναχωρῆσαί τε θᾶσσον αὐτοὺς καὶ βραχυτάτην γενέσθαι τὴν ἐσβολὴν ταύτην· ἡμέρας γὰρ πέντε καὶ δέκα ἔμειναν ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ.

Chapter 7

1 κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον Σιμωνίδης Ἀθηναίων στρατηγὸς Ἠιόνα τὴν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης Μενδαίων ἀποικίαν, πολεμίαν δὲ οὖσαν, ξυλλέξας Ἀθηναίους τε ὀλίγους ἐκ τῶν φρουρίων καὶ τῶν ἐκείνῃ ξυμμάχων πλῆθος προδιδομένην κατέλαβεν. καὶ παραχρῆμα ἐπιβοηθησάντων Χαλκιδέων καὶ Βοττιαίων ἐξεκρούσθη τε καὶ ἀπέβαλε πολλοὺς τῶν στρατιωτῶν.

Chapter 8

1 ἀναχωρησάντων δὲ τῶν ἐκ τῆς Ἀττικῆς Πελοποννησίων οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται αὐτοὶ μὲν καὶ οἱ ἐγγύτατα τῶν περιοίκων εὐθὺς ἐβοήθουν ἐπὶ τὴν Πύλον, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων Λακεδαιμονίων βραδυτέρα ἐγίγνετο ἡ ἔφοδος, ἄρτι ἀφιγμένων ἀφ’ ἑτέρας στρατείας.

2 περιήγγελλον δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον βοηθεῖν ὅτι τάχιστα ἐπὶ Πύλον καὶ ἐπὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ Κερκύρᾳ ναῦς σφῶν τὰς ἑξήκοντα ἔπεμψαν, αἳ ὑπερενεχθεῖσαι τὸν Λευκαδίων ἰσθμὸν καὶ λαθοῦσαι τὰς ἐν Ζακύνθῳ Ἀττικὰς ναῦς ἀφικνοῦνται ἐπὶ Πύλον· παρῆν δὲ ἤδη καὶ ὁ πεζὸς στρατός.

3 Δημοσθένης δὲ προσπλεόντων ἔτι τῶν Πελοποννησίων ὑπεκπέμπει φθάσας δύο ναῦς ἀγγεῖλαι Εὐρυμέδοντι καὶ τοῖς ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐν Ζακύνθῳ Ἀθηναίοις παρεῖναι ὡς τοῦ χωρίου κινδυνεύοντος.

4 καὶ αἱ μὲν νῆες κατὰ τάχος ἔπλεον κατὰ τὰ ἐπεσταλμένα ὑπὸ Δημοσθένους· οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι παρεσκευάζοντο ὡς τῷ τειχίσματι προσβαλοῦντες κατά τε γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν, ἐλπίζοντες ῥᾳδίως αἱρήσειν οἰκοδόμημα διὰ ταχέων εἰργασμένον καὶ ἀνθρώπων ὀλίγων ἐνόντων.

5 προσδεχόμενοι δὲ καὶ τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς Ζακύνθου τῶν Ἀττικῶν νεῶν βοήθειαν ἐν νῷ εἶχον, ἢν ἄρα μὴ πρότερον ἕλωσι, καὶ τοὺς ἔσπλους τοῦ λιμένος ἐμφάρξαι, ὅπως μὴ ᾖ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐφορμίσασθαι ἐς αὐτόν.

6 ἡ γὰρ νῆσος ἡ Σφακτηρία καλουμένη τόν τε λιμένα παρατείνουσα καὶ ἐγγὺς ἐπικειμένη ἐχυρὸν ποιεῖ καὶ τοὺς ἔσπλους στενούς, τῇ μὲν δυοῖν νεοῖν διάπλουν κατὰ τὸ τείχισμα τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ τὴν Πύλον, τῇ δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἄλλην ἤπειρον ὀκτὼ ἢ ἐννέα· ὑλώδης τε καὶ ἀτριβὴς πᾶσα ὑπ’ ἐρημίας ἦν καὶ μέγεθος περὶ πέντε καὶ δέκα σταδίους μάλιστα.

7 τοὺς μὲν οὖν ἔσπλους ταῖς ναυσὶν ἀντιπρῴροις βύζην κλῄσειν ἔμελλον· τὴν δὲ νῆσον ταύτην φοβούμενοι μὴ ἐξ αὐτῆς τὸν πόλεμον σφίσι ποιῶνται, ὁπλίτας διεβίβασαν ἐς αὐτὴν καὶ παρὰ τὴν ἤπειρον ἄλλους ἔταξαν.

8 οὕτω γὰρ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις τήν τε νῆσον πολεμίαν ἔσεσθαι τήν τε ἤπειρον, ἀπόβασιν οὐκ ἔχουσαν (τὰ γὰρ αὐτῆς τῆς Πύλου ἔξω τοῦ ἔσπλου πρὸς τὸ πέλαγος ἀλίμενα ὄντα οὐχ ἕξειν ὅθεν ὁρμώμενοι ὠφελήσουσι τοὺς αὑτῶν) σφεῖς δὲ ἄνευ τε ναυμαχίας καὶ κινδύνου ἐκπολιορκήσειν τὸ χωρίον κατὰ τὸ εἰκός, σίτου τε οὐκ ἐνόντος καὶ δι’ ὀλίγης παρασκευῆς κατειλημμένον.

9 ὡς δ’ ἐδόκει αὐτοῖς ταῦτα, καὶ διεβίβαζον ἐς τὴν νῆσον τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἀποκληρώσαντες ἀπὸ πάντων τῶν λόχων. καὶ διέβησαν μὲν καὶ ἄλλοι πρότερον κατὰ διαδοχήν, οἱ δὲ τελευταῖοι καὶ ἐγκαταληφθέντες εἴκοσι καὶ τετρακόσιοι ἦσαν καὶ Εἵλωτες οἱ περὶ αὐτούς· ἦρχε δὲ αὐτῶν Ἐπιτάδας ὁ Μολόβρου.

Chapter 9

1 Δημοσθένης δὲ ὁρῶν τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους μέλλοντας προσβάλλειν ναυσί τε ἅμα καὶ πεζῷ παρεσκευάζετο καὶ αὐτός, καὶ τὰς τριήρεις αἳ περιῆσαν αὐτῷ ἀπὸ τῶν καταλειφθεισῶν ἀνασπάσας ὑπὸ τὸ τείχισμα προσεσταύρωσε, καὶ τοὺς ναύτας ἐξ αὐτῶν ὥπλισεν ἀσπίσι [τε] φαύλαις καὶ οἰσυΐναις ταῖς πολλαῖς· οὐ γὰρ ἦν ὅπλα ἐν χωρίῳ ἐρήμῳ πορίσασθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῦτα ἐκ λῃστρικῆς Μεσσηνίων τριακοντόρου καὶ κέλητος ἔλαβον, οἳ ἔτυχον παραγενόμενοι. ὁπλῖταί τε τῶν Μεσσηνίων τούτων ὡς τεσσαράκοντα ἐγένοντο, οἷς ἐχρῆτο μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων.

2 τοὺς μὲν οὖν πολλοὺς τῶν τε ἀόπλων καὶ ὡπλισμένων ἐπὶ τὰ τετειχισμένα μάλιστα καὶ ἐχυρὰ τοῦ χωρίου πρὸς τὴν ἤπειρον ἔταξε, προειπὼν ἀμύνασθαι τὸν πεζόν, ἢν προσβάλῃ· αὐτὸς δὲ ἀπολεξάμενος ἐκ πάντων ἑξήκοντα ὁπλίτας καὶ τοξότας ὀλίγους ἐχώρει ἔξω τοῦ τείχους ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν, ᾗ μάλιστα ἐκείνους προσεδέχετο πειράσειν ἀποβαίνειν, ἐς χωρία μὲν χαλεπὰ καὶ πετρώδη πρὸς τὸ πέλαγος τετραμμένα, σφίσι δὲ τοῦ τείχους ταύτῃ ἀσθενεστάτου ὄντος ἐσβιάσασθαι αὐτοὺς ἡγεῖτο προθυμήσεσθαι·

3 οὔτε γὰρ αὐτοὶ ἐλπίζοντές ποτε ναυσὶ κρατήσεσθαι οὐκ ἰσχυρὸν ἐτείχιζον, ἐκείνοις τε βιαζομένοις τὴν ἀπόβασιν ἁλώσιμον τὸ χωρίον γίγνεσθαι.

4 κατὰ τοῦτο οὖν πρὸς αὐτὴν τὴν θάλασσαν χωρήσας ἔταξε τοὺς ὁπλίτας ὡς εἴρξων, ἢν δύνηται, καὶ παρεκελεύσατο τοιάδε.

Chapter 10

1 ‘ἄνδρες οἱ ξυναράμενοι τοῦδε τοῦ κινδύνου, μηδεὶς ὑμῶν ἐν τῇ τοιᾷδε ἀνάγκῃ ξυνετὸς βουλέσθω δοκεῖν εἶναι, ἐκλογιζόμενος ἅπαν τὸ περιεστὸς ἡμᾶς δεινόν, μᾶλλον ἢ ἀπερισκέπτως εὔελπις ὁμόσε χωρῆσαι τοῖς ἐναντίοις καὶ ἐκ τούτων ἂν περιγενόμενος. ὅσα γὰρ ἐς ἀνάγκην ἀφῖκται ὥσπερ τάδε, λογισμὸν ἥκιστα ἐνδεχόμενα κινδύνου τοῦ ταχίστου προσδεῖται.

2 ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ τὰ πλείω ὁρῶ πρὸς ἡμῶν ὄντα, ἢν ἐθέλωμέν τε μεῖναι καὶ μὴ τῷ πλήθει αὐτῶν καταπλαγέντες τὰ ὑπάρχοντα ἡμῖν κρείσσω καταπροδοῦναι.

3 τοῦ τε γὰρ χωρίου τὸ δυσέμβατον ἡμέτερον νομίζω, ὃ μενόντων μὲν ἡμῶν ξύμμαχον γίγνεται, ὑποχωρήσασι δὲ καίπερ χαλεπὸν ὂν εὔπορον ἔσται μηδενὸς κωλύοντος, καὶ τὸν πολέμιον δεινότερον ἕξομεν μὴ ῥᾳδίας αὐτῷ πάλιν οὔσης τῆς ἀναχωρήσεως, ἢν καὶ ὑφ’ ἡμῶν βιάζηται (ἐπὶ γὰρ ταῖς ναυσὶ ῥᾷστοί εἰσιν ἀμύνεσθαι, ἀποβάντες δὲ ἐν τῷ ἴσῳ ἤδη),

4 τό τε πλῆθος αὐτῶν οὐκ ἄγαν δεῖ φοβεῖσθαι· κατ’ ὀλίγον γὰρ μαχεῖται καίπερ πολὺ ὂν ἀπορίᾳ τῆς προσορμίσεως, καὶ οὐκ ἐν γῇ στρατός ἐστιν ἐκ τοῦ ὁμοίου μείζων, ἀλλ’ ἀπὸ νεῶν, αἷς πολλὰ τὰ καίρια δεῖ ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ ξυμβῆναι.

5 ὥστε τὰς τούτων ἀπορίας ἀντιπάλους ἡγοῦμαι τῷ ἡμετέρῳ πλήθει, καὶ ἅμα ἀξιῶ ὑμᾶς, Ἀθηναίους ὄντας καὶ ἐπισταμένους ἐμπειρίᾳ τὴν ναυτικὴν ἐπ’ ἄλλους ἀπόβασιν ὅτι, εἴ τις ὑπομένοι καὶ μὴ φόβῳ ῥοθίου καὶ νεῶν δεινότητος κατάπλου ὑποχωροίη, οὐκ ἄν ποτε βιάζοιτο, καὶ αὐτοὺς νῦν μεῖναί τε καὶ ἀμυνομένους παρ’ αὐτὴν τὴν ῥαχίαν σῴζειν ἡμᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ τὸ χωρίον.’

Chapter 11

1 τοσαῦτα τοῦ Δημοσθένους παρακελευσαμένου οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐθάρσησάν τε μᾶλλον καὶ ἐπικαταβάντες ἐτάξαντο παρ’ αὐτὴν τὴν θάλασσαν.

2 οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἄραντες τῷ τε κατὰ γῆν στρατῷ προσέβαλλον τῷ τειχίσματι καὶ ταῖς ναυσὶν ἅμα οὔσαις τεσσαράκοντα καὶ τρισί, ναύαρχος δὲ αὐτῶν ἐπέπλει Θρασυμηλίδας ὁ Κρατησικλέους Σπαρτιάτης. προσέβαλλε δὲ ᾗπερ ὁ Δημοσθένης προσεδέχετο.

3 καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι ἀμφοτέρωθεν ἔκ τε γῆς καὶ ἐκ θαλάσσης ἠμύνοντο· οἱ δὲ κατ’ ὀλίγας ναῦς διελόμενοι, διότι οὐκ ἦν πλέοσι προσσχεῖν, καὶ ἀναπαύοντες ἐν τῷ μέρει τοὺς ἐπίπλους ἐποιοῦντο, προθυμίᾳ τε πάσῃ χρώμενοι καὶ παρακελευσμῷ, εἴ πως ὠσάμενοι ἕλοιεν τὸ τείχισμα.

4 πάντων δὲ φανερώτατος Βρασίδας ἐγένετο. τριηραρχῶν γὰρ καὶ ὁρῶν τοῦ χωρίου χαλεποῦ ὄντος τοὺς τριηράρχους καὶ κυβερνήτας, εἴ που καὶ δοκοίη δυνατὸν εἶναι σχεῖν, ἀποκνοῦντας καὶ φυλασσομένους τῶν νεῶν μὴ ξυντρίψωσιν, ἐβόα λέγων ὡς οὐκ εἰκὸς εἴη ξύλων φειδομένους τοὺς πολεμίους ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ περιιδεῖν τεῖχος πεποιημένους, ἀλλὰ τάς τε σφετέρας ναῦς βιαζομένους τὴν ἀπόβασιν καταγνύναι ἐκέλευε, καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους μὴ ἀποκνῆσαι ἀντὶ μεγάλων εὐεργεσιῶν τὰς ναῦς τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἐπιδοῦναι, ὀκείλαντας δὲ καὶ παντὶ τρόπῳ ἀποβάντας τῶν τε ἀνδρῶν καὶ τοῦ χωρίου κρατῆσαι.

Chapter 12

1 καὶ ὁ μὲν τούς τε ἄλλους τοιαῦτα ἐπέσπερχε καὶ τὸν ἑαυτοῦ κυβερνήτην ἀναγκάσας ὀκεῖλαι τὴν ναῦν ἐχώρει ἐπὶ τὴν ἀποβάθραν· καὶ πειρώμενος ἀποβαίνειν ἀνεκόπη ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων, καὶ τραυματισθεὶς πολλὰ ἐλιποψύχησέ τε καὶ πεσόντος αὐτοῦ ἐς τὴν παρεξειρεσίαν ἡ ἀσπὶς περιερρύη ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν, καὶ ἐξενεχθείσης αὐτῆς ἐς τὴν γῆν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀνελόμενοι ὕστερον πρὸς τὸ τροπαῖον ἐχρήσαντο ὃ ἔστησαν τῆς προσβολῆς ταύτης.

2 οἱ δ’ ἄλλοι προυθυμοῦντο μέν, ἀδύνατοι δ’ ἦσαν ἀποβῆναι τῶν τε χωρίων χαλεπότητι καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων μενόντων καὶ οὐδὲν ὑποχωρούντων.

3 ἐς τοῦτό τε περιέστη ἡ τύχη ὥστε Ἀθηναίους μὲν ἐκ γῆς τε καὶ ταύτης Λακωνικῆς ἀμύνεσθαι ἐκείνους ἐπιπλέοντας, Λακεδαιμονίους δὲ ἐκ νεῶν τε καὶ ἐς τὴν ἑαυτῶν πολεμίαν οὖσαν ἐπ’ Ἀθηναίους ἀποβαίνειν· ἐπὶ πολὺ γὰρ ἐποίει τῆς δόξης ἐν τῷ τότε τοῖς μὲν ἠπειρώταις μάλιστα εἶναι καὶ τὰ πεζὰ κρατίστοις, τοῖς δὲ θαλασσίοις τε καὶ ταῖς ναυσὶ πλεῖστον προύχειν.

Chapter 13

1 ταύτην μὲν οὖν τὴν ἡμέραν καὶ τῆς ὑστεραίας μέρος τι προσβολὰς ποιησάμενοι ἐπέπαυντο· καὶ τῇ τρίτῃ ἐπὶ ξύλα ἐς μηχανὰς παρέπεμψαν τῶν νεῶν τινὰς ἐς Ἀσίνην, ἐλπίζοντες τὸ κατὰ τὸν λιμένα τεῖχος ὕψος μὲν ἔχειν, ἀποβάσεως δὲ μάλιστα οὔσης ἑλεῖν 〈ἂν〉 μηχαναῖς.

2 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ αἱ ἐκ τῆς Ζακύνθου νῆες τῶν Ἀθηναίων παραγίγνονται τεσσαράκοντα· προσεβοήθησαν γὰρ τῶν τε φρουρίδων τινὲς αὐτοῖς τῶν ἐκ Ναυπάκτου καὶ Χῖαι τέσσαρες.

3 ὡς δὲ εἶδον τήν τε ἤπειρον ὁπλιτῶν περίπλεων τήν τε νῆσον, ἔν τε τῷ λιμένι οὔσας τὰς ναῦς καὶ οὐκ ἐκπλεούσας, ἀπορήσαντες ὅπῃ καθορμίσωνται, τότε μὲν ἐς Πρωτὴν τὴν νῆσον, ἣ οὐ πολὺ ἀπέχει ἐρῆμος οὖσα, ἔπλευσαν καὶ ηὐλίσαντο, τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ παρασκευασάμενοι ὡς ἐπὶ ναυμαχίαν ἀνήγοντο, ἢν μὲν ἀντεκπλεῖν ἐθέλωσι σφίσιν ἐς τὴν εὐρυχωρίαν, εἰ δὲ μή, ὡς αὐτοὶ ἐπεσπλευσούμενοι.

4 καὶ οἱ μὲν οὔτε ἀντανήγοντο οὔτε ἃ διενοήθησαν, φάρξαι τοὺς ἔσπλους, ἔτυχον ποιήσαντες, ἡσυχάζοντες δ’ ἐν τῇ γῇ τάς τε ναῦς ἐπλήρουν καὶ παρεσκευάζοντο, ἢν ἐσπλέῃ τις, ὡς ἐν τῷ λιμένι ὄντι οὐ σμικρῷ ναυμαχήσοντες.

Chapter 14

1 οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι γνόντες καθ’ ἑκάτερον τὸν ἔσπλουν ὥρμησαν ἐπ’ αὐτούς, καὶ τὰς μὲν πλείους καὶ μετεώρους ἤδη τῶν νεῶν καὶ ἀντιπρῴρους προσπεσόντες ἐς φυγὴν κατέστησαν, καὶ ἐπιδιώκοντες ὡς διὰ βραχέος ἔτρωσαν μὲν πολλάς, πέντε δὲ ἔλαβον, καὶ μίαν τούτων αὐτοῖς ἀνδράσιν· ταῖς δὲ λοιπαῖς ἐν τῇ γῇ καταπεφευγυίαις ἐνέβαλλον. αἱ δὲ καὶ πληρούμεναι ἔτι πρὶν ἀνάγεσθαι ἐκόπτοντο· καί τινας καὶ ἀναδούμενοι κενὰς εἷλκον τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐς φυγὴν ὡρμημένων.

2 ἃ ὁρῶντες οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ περιαλγοῦντες τῷ πάθει, ὅτιπερ αὐτῶν οἱ ἄνδρες ἀπελαμβάνοντο ἐν τῇ νήσῳ, παρεβοήθουν, καὶ ἐπεσβαίνοντες ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν ξὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἀνθεῖλκον ἐπιλαμβανόμενοι τῶν νεῶν· καὶ ἐν τούτῳ κεκωλῦσθαι ἐδόκει ἕκαστος ᾧ μή τινι καὶ αὐτὸς ἔργῳ παρῆν.

3 ἐγένετό τε ὁ θόρυβος μέγας καὶ ἀντηλλαγμένου τοῦ ἑκατέρων τρόπου περὶ τὰς ναῦς· οἵ τε γὰρ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ὑπὸ προθυμίας καὶ ἐκπλήξεως ὡς εἰπεῖν ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἢ ἐκ γῆς ἐναυμάχουν, οἵ τε Ἀθηναῖοι κρατοῦντες καὶ βουλόμενοι τῇ παρούσῃ τύχῃ ὡς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐπεξελθεῖν ἀπὸ νεῶν ἐπεζομάχουν.

4 πολύν τε πόνον παρασχόντες ἀλλήλοις καὶ τραυματίσαντες διεκρίθησαν, καὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὰς κενὰς ναῦς πλὴν τῶν τὸ πρῶτον ληφθεισῶν διέσωσαν.

5 καταστάντες δὲ ἑκάτεροι ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον οἱ μὲν τροπαῖόν τε ἔστησαν καὶ νεκροὺς ἀπέδοσαν καὶ ναυαγίων ἐκράτησαν, καὶ τὴν νῆσον εὐθὺς περιέπλεον καὶ ἐν φυλακῇ εἶχον ὡς τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀπειλημμένων· οἱ δ’ ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ ἀπὸ πάντων ἤδη βεβοηθηκότες ἔμενον κατὰ χώραν ἐπὶ τῇ Πύλῳ.

Chapter 15

1 ἐς δὲ τὴν Σπάρτην ὡς ἠγγέλθη τὰ γεγενημένα περὶ Πύλον, ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς ὡς ἐπὶ ξυμφορᾷ μεγάλῃ τὰ τέλη καταβάντας ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον βουλεύειν παραχρῆμα ὁρῶντας ὅτι ἂν δοκῇ.

2 καὶ ὡς εἶδον ἀδύνατον ὂν τιμωρεῖν τοῖς ἀνδράσι καὶ κινδυνεύειν οὐκ ἐβούλοντο ἢ ὑπὸ λιμοῦ τι παθεῖν αὐτοὺς ἢ ὑπὸ πλήθους βιασθέντας κρατηθῆναι, ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς πρὸς τοὺς στρατηγοὺς τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ἢν ἐθέλωσι, σπονδὰς ποιησαμένους τὰ περὶ Πύλον ἀποστεῖλαι ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας πρέσβεις περὶ ξυμβάσεως καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ὡς τάχιστα πειρᾶσθαι κομίσασθαι.

Chapter 16

1 δεξαμένων δὲ τῶν στρατηγῶν τὸν λόγον ἐγίγνοντο σπονδαὶ τοιαίδε, Λακεδαιμονίους μὲν τὰς ναῦς ἐν αἷς ἐναυμάχησαν καὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ Λακωνικῇ πάσας, ὅσαι ἦσαν μακραί, παραδοῦναι κομίσαντας ἐς Πύλον Ἀθηναίοις, καὶ ὅπλα μὴ ἐπιφέρειν τῷ τειχίσματι μήτε κατὰ γῆν μήτε κατὰ θάλασσαν, Ἀθηναίους δὲ τοῖς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ ἀνδράσι σῖτον ἐᾶν τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ Λακεδαιμονίους ἐκπέμπειν τακτὸν καὶ μεμαγμένον, δύο χοίνικας ἑκάστῳ Ἀττικὰς ἀλφίτων καὶ δύο κοτύλας οἴνου καὶ κρέας, θεράποντι δὲ τούτων ἡμίσεα· ταῦτα δὲ ὁρώντων τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐσπέμπειν καὶ πλοῖον μηδὲν ἐσπλεῖν λάθρᾳ· φυλάσσειν δὲ καὶ τὴν νῆσον Ἀθηναίους μηδὲν ἧσσον, ὅσα μὴ ἀποβαίνοντας, καὶ ὅπλα μὴ ἐπιφέρειν τῷ Πελοποννησίων στρατῷ μήτε κατὰ γῆν μήτε κατὰ θάλασσαν.

2 ὅτι δ’ ἂν τούτων παραβαίνωσιν ἑκάτεροι καὶ ὁτιοῦν, τότε λελύσθαι τὰς σπονδάς. ἐσπεῖσθαι δὲ αὐτὰς μέχρι οὗ ἐπανέλθωσιν οἱ ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν Λακεδαιμονίων πρέσβεις· ἀποστεῖλαι δὲ αὐτοὺς τριήρει Ἀθηναίους καὶ πάλιν κομίσαι. ἐλθόντων δὲ τάς τε σπονδὰς λελύσθαι ταύτας καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἀποδοῦναι Ἀθηναίους ὁμοίας οἵασπερ ἂν παραλάβωσιν.

3 αἱ μὲν σπονδαὶ ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐγένοντο, καὶ αἱ νῆες παρεδόθησαν οὖσαι περὶ ἑξήκοντα, καὶ οἱ πρέσβεις ἀπεστάλησαν. ἀφικόμενοι δὲ ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας ἔλεξαν τοιάδε.

Chapter 17

1 ‘ἔπεμψαν ἡμᾶς Λακεδαιμόνιοι, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, περὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ νήσῳ ἀνδρῶν πράξοντας ὅτι ἂν ὑμῖν τε ὠφέλιμον ὂν τὸ αὐτὸ πείθωμεν καὶ ἡμῖν ἐς τὴν ξυμφορὰν ὡς ἐκ τῶν παρόντων κόσμον μάλιστα μέλλῃ οἴσειν.

2 τοὺς δὲ λόγους μακροτέρους οὐ παρὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς μηκυνοῦμεν, ἀλλ’ ἐπιχώριον ὂν ἡμῖν οὗ μὲν βραχεῖς ἀρκῶσι μὴ πολλοῖς χρῆσθαι, πλέοσι δὲ ἐν ᾧ ἂν καιρὸς ᾖ διδάσκοντάς τι τῶν προύργου λόγοις τὸ δέον πράσσειν.

3 λάβετε δὲ αὐτοὺς μὴ πολεμίως μηδ’ ὡς ἀξύνετοι διδασκόμενοι, ὑπόμνησιν δὲ τοῦ καλῶς βουλεύσασθαι πρὸς εἰδότας ἡγησάμενοι.

4 ‘ὑμῖν γὰρ εὐτυχίαν τὴν παροῦσαν ἔξεστι καλῶς θέσθαι, ἔχουσι μὲν ὧν κρατεῖτε, προσλαβοῦσι δὲ τιμὴν καὶ δόξαν, καὶ μὴ παθεῖν ὅπερ οἱ ἀήθως τι ἀγαθὸν λαμβάνοντες τῶν ἀνθρώπων· αἰεὶ γὰρ τοῦ πλέονος ἐλπίδι ὀρέγονται διὰ τὸ καὶ τὰ παρόντα ἀδοκήτως εὐτυχῆσαι.

5 οἷς δὲ πλεῖσται μεταβολαὶ ἐπ’ ἀμφότερα ξυμβεβήκασι, δίκαιοί εἰσι καὶ ἀπιστότατοι εἶναι ταῖς εὐπραγίαις· ὃ τῇ τε ὑμετέρᾳ πόλει δι’ ἐμπειρίαν καὶ ἡμῖν μάλιστ’ ἂν ἐκ τοῦ εἰκότος προσείη.

Chapter 18

1 γνῶτε δὲ καὶ ἐς τὰς ἡμετέρας νῦν ξυμφορὰς ἀπιδόντες, οἵτινες ἀξίωμα μέγιστον τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἔχοντες ἥκομεν παρ’ ὑμᾶς, πρότερον αὐτοὶ κυριώτεροι νομίζοντες εἶναι δοῦναι ἐφ’ ἃ νῦν ἀφιγμένοι ὑμᾶς αἰτούμεθα.

2 καίτοι οὔτε δυνάμεως ἐνδείᾳ ἐπάθομεν αὐτὸ οὔτε μείζονος προσγενομένης ὑβρίσαντες, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν αἰεὶ ὑπαρχόντων γνώμῃ σφαλέντες, ἐν ᾧ πᾶσι τὸ αὐτὸ ὁμοίως ὑπάρχει.

3 ὥστε οὐκ εἰκὸς ὑμᾶς διὰ τὴν παροῦσαν νῦν ῥώμην πόλεώς τε καὶ τῶν προσγεγενημένων καὶ τὸ τῆς τύχης οἴεσθαι αἰεὶ μεθ’ ὑμῶν ἔσεσθαι.

4 σωφρόνων δὲ ἀνδρῶν οἵτινες τἀγαθὰ ἐς ἀμφίβολον ἀσφαλῶς ἔθεντο (καὶ ταῖς ξυμφοραῖς οἱ αὐτοὶ εὐξυνετώτερον ἂν προσφέροιντο), τόν τε πόλεμον νομίσωσι μὴ καθ’ ὅσον ἄν τις αὐτοῦ μέρος βούληται μεταχειρίζειν, τούτῳ ξυνεῖναι, ἀλλ’ ὡς ἂν αἱ τύχαι αὐτῶν ἡγήσωνται· καὶ ἐλάχιστ’ ἂν οἱ τοιοῦτοι πταίοντες διὰ τὸ μὴ τῷ ὀρθουμένῳ αὐτοῦ πιστεύοντες ἐπαίρεσθαι ἐν τῷ εὐτυχεῖν ἂν μάλιστα καταλύοιντο.

5 ὃ νῦν ὑμῖν, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, καλῶς ἔχει πρὸς ἡμᾶς πρᾶξαι,καὶ μή ποτε ὕστερον, ἢν ἄρα μὴ πειθόμενοι σφαλῆτε, ἃ πολλὰ ἐνδέχεται, νομισθῆναι τύχῃ καὶ τὰ νῦν προχωρήσαντα κρατῆσαι, ἐξὸν ἀκίνδυνον δόκησιν ἰσχύος καὶ ξυνέσεως ἐς τὸ ἔπειτα καταλιπεῖν.

Chapter 19

1 ‘Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ ὑμᾶς προκαλοῦνται ἐς σπονδὰς καὶ διάλυσιν πολέμου, διδόντες μὲν εἰρήνην καὶ ξυμμαχίαν καὶ ἄλλην φιλίαν πολλὴν καὶ οἰκειότητα ἐς ἀλλήλους ὑπάρχειν, ἀνταιτοῦντες δὲ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς νήσου ἄνδρας, καὶ ἄμεινον ἡγούμενοι ἀμφοτέροις μὴ διακινδυνεύεσθαι, εἴτε βίᾳ διαφύγοιεν παρατυχούσης τινὸς σωτηρίας εἴτε καὶ ἐκπολιορκηθέντες μᾶλλον ἂν χειρωθεῖεν.

2 νομίζομέν τε τὰς μεγάλας ἔχθρας μάλιστ’ ἂν διαλύεσθαι βεβαίως, οὐκ ἢν ἀνταμυνόμενός τις καὶ ἐπικρατήσας τὰ πλείω τοῦ πολέμου κατ’ ἀνάγκην ὅρκοις ἐγκαταλαμβάνων μὴ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσου ξυμβῇ, ἀλλ’ ἢν παρὸν τὸ αὐτὸ δρᾶσαι πρὸς τὸ ἐπιεικὲς καὶ ἀρετῇ αὐτὸν νικήσας παρὰ ἃ προσεδέχετο μετρίως ξυναλλαγῇ.

3 ὀφείλων γὰρ ἤδη ὁ ἐναντίος μὴ ἀνταμύνεσθαι ὡς βιασθείς, ἀλλ’ ἀνταποδοῦναι ἀρετήν, ἑτοιμότερός ἐστιν αἰσχύνῃ ἐμμένειν οἷς ξυνέθετο.

4 καὶ μᾶλλον πρὸς τοὺς μειζόνως ἐχθροὺς τοῦτο δρῶσιν οἱ ἄνθρωποι ἢ πρὸς τοὺς τὰ μέτρια διενεχθέντας· πεφύκασί τε τοῖς μὲν ἑκουσίως ἐνδοῦσιν ἀνθησσᾶσθαι μεθ’ ἡδονῆς, πρὸς δὲ τὰ ὑπεραυχοῦντα καὶ παρὰ γνώμην διακινδυνεύειν.

Chapter 20

1 ‘ἡμῖν δὲ καλῶς, εἴπερ ποτέ, ἔχει ἀμφοτέροις ἡ ξυναλλαγή, πρίν τι ἀνήκεστον διὰ μέσου γενόμενον ἡμᾶς καταλαβεῖν, ἐν ᾧ ἀνάγκη ἀίδιον ὑμῖν ἔχθραν πρὸς τῇ κοινῇ καὶ ἰδίαν ἔχειν, ὑμᾶς δὲ στερηθῆναι ὧν νῦν προκαλούμεθα.

2 ἔτι δ’ ὄντων ἀκρίτων καὶ ὑμῖν μὲν δόξης καὶ ἡμετέρας φιλίας προσγιγνομένης, ἡμῖν δὲ πρὸ αἰσχροῦ τινὸς ξυμφορᾶς μετρίως κατατιθεμένης διαλλαγῶμεν, καὶ αὐτοί τε ἀντὶ πολέμου εἰρήνην ἑλώμεθα καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις Ἕλλησιν ἀνάπαυσιν κακῶν ποιήσωμεν· οἳ καὶ ἐν τούτῳ ὑμᾶς αἰτιωτέρους ἡγήσονται. πολεμοῦνται μὲν γὰρ ἀσαφῶς ὁποτέρων ἀρξάντων· καταλύσεως δὲ γενομένης, ἧς νῦν ὑμεῖς τὸ πλέον κύριοί ἐστε, τὴν χάριν ὑμῖν προσθήσουσιν.

3 ἤν τε γνῶτε, Λακεδαιμονίοις ἔξεστιν ὑμῖν φίλους γενέσθαι βεβαίως, αὐτῶν τε προκαλεσαμένων χαρισαμένοις τε μᾶλλον ἢ βιασαμένοις.

4 καὶ ἐν τούτῳ τὰ ἐνόντα ἀγαθὰ σκοπεῖτε ὅσα εἰκὸς εἶναι· ἡμῶν γὰρ καὶ ὑμῶν ταὐτὰ λεόντων τό γε ἄλλο Ἑλληνικὸν ἴστε ὅτι ὑποδεέστερον ὂν τὰ μέγιστα τιμήσει.’

Chapter 21

1 οἱ μὲν οὖν Λακεδαιμόνιοι τοσαῦτα εἶπον, νομίζοντες τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐν τῷ πρὶν χρόνῳ σπονδῶν μὲν ἐπιθυμεῖν, σφῶν δὲ ἐναντιουμένων κωλύεσθαι, διδομένης δὲ εἰρήνης ἀσμένους δέξεσθαί τε καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἀποδώσειν.

2 οἱ δὲ τὰς μὲν σπονδάς, ἔχοντες τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐν τῇ νήσῳ, ἤδη σφίσιν ἐνόμιζον ἑτοίμους εἶναι, ὁπόταν βούλωνται ποιεῖσθαι πρὸς αὐτούς, τοῦ δὲ πλέονος ὠρέγοντο.

3 μάλιστα δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐνῆγε Κλέων ὁ Κλεαινέτου, ἀνὴρ δημαγωγὸς κατ’ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ὢν καὶ τῷ πλήθει πιθανώτατος· καὶ ἔπεισεν ἀποκρίνασθαι ὡς χρὴ τὰ μὲν ὅπλα καὶ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς τοὺς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ παραδόντας πρῶτον κομισθῆναι Ἀθήναζε, ἐλθόντων δὲ ἀποδόντας Λακεδαιμονίους Νίσαιαν καὶ Πηγὰς καὶ Τροιζῆνα καὶ Ἀχαΐαν, ἃ οὐ πολέμῳ ἔλαβον, ἀλλ’ ἀπὸ τῆς προτέρας ξυμβάσεως Ἀθηναίων ξυγχωρησάντων κατὰ ξυμφορὰς καὶ ἐν τῷ τότε δεομένων τι μᾶλλον σπονδῶν, κομίσασθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας καὶ σπονδὰς ποιήσασθαι ὁπόσον ἂν δοκῇ χρόνον ἀμφοτέροις.

Chapter 22

1 οἱ δὲ πρὸς μὲν τὴν ἀπόκρισιν οὐδὲν ἀντεῖπον, ξυνέδρους δὲ σφίσιν ἐκέλευον ἑλέσθαι οἵτινες λέγοντες καὶ ἀκούοντες περὶ ἑκάστου ξυμβήσονται κατὰ ἡσυχίαν ὅτι ἂν πείθωσιν ἀλλήλους.

2 Κλέων δὲ ἐνταῦθα δὴ πολὺς ἐνέκειτο, λέγων γιγνώσκειν μὲν καὶ πρότερον οὐδὲν ἐν νῷ ἔχοντας δίκαιον αὐτούς, σαφὲς δ’ εἶναι καὶ νῦν,οἵτινες τῷ μὲν πλήθει οὐδὲν ἐθέλουσιν εἰπεῖν, ὀλίγοις δὲ ἀνδράσι ξύνεδροι βούλονται γίγνεσθαι· ἀλλὰ εἴ τι ὑγιὲς διανοοῦνται, λέγειν ἐκέλευσεν ἅπασιν.

3 ὁρῶντες δὲ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι οὔτε σφίσιν οἷόν τε ὂν ἐν πλήθει εἰπεῖν, εἴ τι καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς ξυμφορᾶς ἐδόκει αὐτοῖς ξυγχωρεῖν, μὴ ἐς τοὺς ξυμμάχους διαβληθῶσιν εἰπόντες καὶ οὐ τυχόντες, οὔτε τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐπὶ μετρίοις ποιήσοντας ἃ προυκαλοῦντο, ἀνεχώρησαν ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν ἄπρακτοι.

Chapter 23

1 ἀφικομένων δὲ αὐτῶν διελέλυντο εὐθὺς αἱ σπονδαὶ αἱ περὶ Πύλον, καὶ τὰς ναῦς οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἀπῄτουν, καθάπερ ξυνέκειτο· οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐγκλήματα ἔχοντες ἐπιδρομήν τε τῷ τειχίσματι παράσπονδον καὶ ἄλλα οὐκ ἀξιόλογα δοκοῦντα εἶναι οὐκ ἀπεδίδοσαν, ἰσχυριζόμενοι ὅτι δὴ εἴρητο, ἐὰν καὶ ὁτιοῦν παραβαθῇ, λελύσθαι τὰς σπονδάς. οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἀντέλεγόν τε καὶ ἀδίκημα ἐπικαλέσαντες τὸ τῶν νεῶν ἀπελθόντες ἐς πόλεμον καθίσταντο.

2 καὶ τὰ περὶ Πύλον ὑπ’ ἀμφοτέρων κατὰ κράτος ἐπολεμεῖτο, Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν δυοῖν νεοῖν ἐναντίαιν αἰεὶ τὴν νῆσον περιπλέοντες τῆς ἡμέρας (τῆς δὲ νυκτὸς καὶ ἅπασαι περιώρμουν, πλὴν τὰ πρὸς τὸ πέλαγος, ὁπότε ἄνεμος εἴη· καὶ ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν αὐτοῖς εἴκοσι νῆες ἀφίκοντο ἐς τὴν φυλακήν, ὥστε αἱ πᾶσαι ἑβδομήκοντα ἐγένοντο), Πελοποννήσιοι δὲ ἔν τε τῇ ἠπείρῳ στρατοπεδευόμενοι καὶ προσβολὰς ποιούμενοι τῷ τείχει, σκοποῦντες καιρὸν εἴ τις παραπέσοι ὥστε τοὺς ἄνδρας σῶσαι.

Chapter 24

1 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ οἱ ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ Συρακόσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι πρὸς ταῖς ἐν Μεσσήνῃ φρουρούσαις ναυσὶ τὸ ἄλλο ναυτικὸν ὃ παρεσκευάζοντο προσκομίσαντες τὸν πόλεμον

2 ἐποιοῦντο ἐκ τῆς Μεσσήνης (καὶ μάλιστα ἐνῆγον οἱ Λοκροὶ τῶν Ῥηγίνων κατὰ ἔχθραν, καὶ αὐτοὶ δὲ ἐσεβεβλήκεσαν πανδημεὶ ἐς τὴν γῆν αὐτῶν),

3 καὶ ναυμαχίας ἀποπειρᾶσθαι ἐβούλοντο, ὁρῶντες τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις τὰς μὲν παρούσας ὀλίγας ναῦς, ταῖς δὲ πλέοσι καὶ μελλούσαις ἥξειν πυνθανόμενοι τὴν νῆσον πολιορκεῖσθαι.

4 εἰ γὰρ κρατήσειαν τῷ ναυτικῷ, τὸ Ῥήγιον ἤλπιζον πεζῇ τε καὶ ναυσὶν ἐφορμοῦντες ῥᾳδίως χειρώσεσθαι, καὶ ἤδη σφῶν ἰσχυρὰ τὰ πράγματα γίγνεσθαι· ξύνεγγυς γὰρ κειμένου τοῦ τε Ῥηγίου ἀκρωτηρίου τῆς Ἰταλίας τῆς τε Μεσσήνης τῆς Σικελίας, τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις [τε] οὐκ ἂν εἶναι ἐφορμεῖν καὶ τοῦ πορθμοῦ κρατεῖν.

5 ἔστι δὲ ὁ πορθμὸς ἡ μεταξὺ Ῥηγίου θάλασσα καὶ Μεσσήνης, ᾗπερ βραχύτατον Σικελία τῆς ἠπείρου ἀπέχει· καὶ ἔστιν ἡ Χάρυβδις κληθεῖσα τοῦτο, ᾗ Ὀδυσσεὺς λέγεται διαπλεῦσαι. διὰ στενότητα δὲ καὶ ἐκ μεγάλων πελαγῶν, τοῦ τε Τυρσηνικοῦ καὶ τοῦ Σικελικοῦ, ἐσπίπτουσα ἡ θάλασσα ἐς αὐτὸ καὶ ῥοώδης οὖσα εἰκότως χαλεπὴ ἐνομίσθη.

Chapter 25

1 ἐν τούτῳ οὖν τῷ μεταξὺ οἱ Συρακόσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ναυσὶν ὀλίγῳ πλέοσιν ἢ τριάκοντα ἠναγκάσθησαν ὀψὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ναυμαχῆσαι περὶ πλοίου διαπλέοντος, ἀντεπαναγόμενοι πρός τε Ἀθηναίων ναῦς ἑκκαίδεκα καὶ Ῥηγίνας ὀκτώ.

2 καὶ νικηθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων διὰ τάχους ἀπέπλευσαν ὡς ἕκαστοι ἔτυχον ἐς τὰ οἰκεῖα στρατόπεδα, τό τε ἐν τῇ Μεσσήνῃ καὶ ἐν τῷ Ῥηγίῳ, μίαν ναῦν ἀπολέσαντες· καὶ νὺξ ἐπεγένετο τῷ ἔργῳ.

3 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο οἱ μὲν Λοκροὶ ἀπῆλθον ἐκ τῆς Ῥηγίνων, ἐπὶ δὲ τὴν Πελωρίδα τῆς Μεσσήνης ξυλλεγεῖσαι αἱ τῶν Συρακοσίων καὶ ξυμμάχων νῆες ὥρμουν καὶ ὁ πεζὸς αὐτοῖς παρῆν.

4 προσπλεύσαντες δὲ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Ῥηγῖνοι ὁρῶντες τὰς ναῦς κενὰς ἐνέβαλον, καὶ χειρὶ σιδηρᾷ ἐπιβληθείσῃ μίαν ναῦν αὐτοὶ ἀπώλεσαν τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀποκολυμβησάντων.

5 καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο τῶν Συρακοσίων ἐσβάντων ἐς τὰς ναῦς καὶ παραπλεόντων ἀπὸ κάλω ἐς τὴν Μεσσήνην, αὖθις προσβαλόντες οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἀποσιμωσάντων ἐκείνων καὶ προεμβαλόντων, ἑτέραν ναῦν ἀπολλύουσιν.

6 καὶ ἐν τῷ παράπλῳ καὶ τῇ ναυμαχίᾳ τοιουτοτρόπῳ γενομένῃ οὐκ ἔλασσον ἔχοντες οἱ Συρακόσιοι παρεκομίσθησαν ἐς τὸν ἐν τῇ Μεσσήνῃ λιμένα.

7 καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι, Καμαρίνης ἀγγελθείσης προδίδοσθαι Συρακοσίοις ὑπ’ Ἀρχίου καὶ τῶν μετ’ αὐτοῦ, ἔπλευσαν ἐκεῖσε· Μεσσήνιοι δ’ ἐν τούτῳ πανδημεὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ ταῖς ναυσὶν ἅμα ἐστράτευσαν ἐπὶ Νάξον τὴν Χαλκιδικὴν ὅμορον οὖσαν.

8 καὶ τῇ πρώτῃ ἡμέρᾳ τειχήρεις ποιήσαντες τοὺς Ναξίους ἐδῄουν τὴν γῆν, τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ ταῖς μὲν ναυσὶ περιπλεύσαντες κατὰ τὸν Ἀκεσίνην ποταμὸν τὴν γῆν ἐδῄουν, τῷ δὲ πεζῷ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἐσέβαλλον.

9 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ οἱ Σικελοὶ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἄκρων πολλοὶ κατέβαινον βοηθοῦντες ἐπὶ τοὺς Μεσσηνίους. καὶ οἱ Νάξιοι ὡς εἶδον, θαρσήσαντες καὶ παρακελευόμενοι ἐν ἑαυτοῖς ὡς οἱ Λεοντῖνοι σφίσι καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι Ἕλληνες ξύμμαχοι ἐς τιμωρίαν ἐπέρχονται, ἐκδραμόντες ἄφνω ἐκ τῆς πόλεως προσπίπτουσι τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις, καὶ τρέψαντες ἀπέκτεινάν τε ὑπὲρ χιλίους καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ χαλεπῶς ἀπεχώρησαν ἐπ’ οἴκου· καὶ γὰρ οἱ βάρβαροι ἐν ταῖς ὁδοῖς ἐπιπεσόντες τοὺς πλείστους διέφθειραν.

10 καὶ αἱ νῆες σχοῦσαι ἐς τὴν Μεσσήνην ὕστερον ἐπ’ οἴκου ἕκασται διεκρίθησαν. Λεοντῖνοι δὲ εὐθὺς καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι μετὰ Ἀθηναίων ἐς τὴν Μεσσήνην ὡς κεκακωμένην ἐστράτευον, καὶ προσβάλλοντες οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι κατὰ τὸν λιμένα ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐπείρων, ὁ δὲ πεζὸς πρὸς τὴν πόλιν.

11 ἐπεκδρομὴν δὲ ποιησάμενοι οἱ Μεσσήνιοι καὶ Λοκρῶν τινὲς μετὰ τοῦ Δημοτέλους, οἳ μετὰ τὸ πάθος ἐγκατελείφθησαν φρουροί, ἐξαπιναίως προσπεσόντες τρέπουσι τοῦ στρατεύματος τῶν Λεοντίνων τὸ πολὺ καὶ ἀπέκτειναν πολλούς. ἰδόντες δὲ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ ἀποβάντες ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν ἐβοήθουν, καὶ κατεδίωξαν τοὺς Μεσσηνίους πάλιν ἐς τὴν πόλιν,τεταραγμένοις ἐπιγενόμενοι· καὶ τροπαῖον στήσαντες ἀνεχώρησαν ἐς τὸ Ῥήγιον.

12 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο οἱ μὲν ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ Ἕλληνες ἄνευ τῶν Ἀθηναίων κατὰ γῆν ἐστράτευον ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλους.

Chapter 26

1 ἐν δὲ τῇ Πύλῳ ἔτι ἐπολιόρκουν τοὺς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ Λακεδαιμονίους οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, καὶ τὸ ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ στρατόπεδον τῶν Πελοποννησίων κατὰ χώραν ἔμενεν.

2 ἐπίπονος δ’ ἦν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἡ φυλακὴ σίτου τε ἀπορίᾳ καὶ ὕδατος· οὐ γὰρ ἦν κρήνη ὅτι μὴ μία ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ἀκροπόλει τῆς Πύλου καὶ αὕτη οὐ μεγάλη, ἀλλὰ διαμώμενοι τὸν κάχληκα οἱ πλεῖστοι ἐπὶ τῇ θαλάσσῃ ἔπινον οἷον εἰκὸς ὕδωρ.

3 στενοχωρία τε ἐν ὀλίγῳ στρατοπεδευομένοις ἐγίγνετο, καὶ τῶν νεῶν οὐκ ἐχουσῶν ὅρμον αἱ μὲν σῖτον ἐν τῇ γῇ ᾑροῦντο κατὰ μέρος, αἱ δὲ μετέωροι ὥρμουν.

4 ἀθυμίαν τε πλείστην ὁ χρόνος παρεῖχε παρὰ λόγον ἐπιγιγνόμενος, οὓς ᾤοντο ἡμερῶν ὀλίγων ἐκπολιορκήσειν ἐν νήσῳ τε ἐρήμῃ καὶ ὕδατι ἁλμυρῷ χρωμένους.

5 αἴτιον δὲ ἦν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι προειπόντες ἐς τὴν νῆσον ἐσάγειν σῖτόν τε τὸν βουλόμενον ἀληλεμένον καὶ οἶνον καὶ τυρὸν καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο βρῶμα, οἷ’ ἂν ἐς πολιορκίαν ξυμφέρῃ, τάξαντες ἀργυρίου πολλοῦ καὶ τῶν Εἱλώτων τῷ ἐσαγαγόντι ἐλευθερίαν ὑπισχνούμενοι.

6 καὶ ἐσῆγον ἄλλοι τε παρακινδυνεύοντες καὶ μάλιστα οἱ Εἵλωτες, ἀπαίροντες ἀπὸ τῆς Πελοποννήσου ὁπόθεν τύχοιεν καὶ καταπλέοντες ἔτι νυκτὸς ἐς τὰ πρὸς τὸ πέλαγος τῆς νήσου.

7 μάλιστα δὲ ἐτήρουν ἀνέμῳ καταφέρεσθαι· ῥᾷον γὰρ τὴν φυλακὴν τῶν τριήρων ἐλάνθανον, ὁπότε πνεῦμα ἐκ πόντου εἴη· ἄπορον γὰρ ἐγίγνετο περιορμεῖν, τοῖς δὲ ἀφειδὴς ὁ κατάπλους καθειστήκει· ἐπώκελλον γὰρ τὰ πλοῖα τετιμημένα χρημάτων, καὶ οἱ ὁπλῖται περὶ τὰς κατάρσεις τῆς νήσου ἐφύλασσον. ὅσοι δὲ γαλήνῃ κινδυνεύσειαν, ἡλίσκοντο.

8 ἐσένεον δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὸν λιμένα κολυμβηταὶ ὕφυδροι,καλῳδίῳ ἐν ἀσκοῖς ἐφέλκοντες μήκωνα μεμελιτωμένην καὶ λίνου σπέρμα κεκομμένον· ὧν τὸ πρῶτον λανθανόντων φυλακαὶ ὕστερον ἐγένοντο.

9 παντί τε τρόπῳ ἑκάτεροι ἐτεχνῶντο οἱ μὲν ἐσπέμπειν τὰ σιτία, οἱ δὲ μὴ λανθάνειν σφᾶς.

Chapter 27

1 ἐν δὲ ταῖς Ἀθήναις πυνθανόμενοι περὶ τῆς στρατιᾶς ὅτι ταλαιπωρεῖται καὶ σῖτος τοῖς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ ὅτι ἐσπλεῖ, ἠπόρουν καὶ ἐδεδοίκεσαν μὴ σφῶν χειμὼν τὴν φυλακὴν ἐπιλάβοι, ὁρῶντες τῶν τε ἐπιτηδείων τὴν περὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον κομιδὴν ἀδύνατον ἐσομένην, ἅμα ἐν χωρίῳ ἐρήμῳ καὶ οὐδ’ ἐν θέρει οἷοί τε ὄντες ἱκανὰ περιπέμπειν, τόν τε ἔφορμον χωρίων ἀλιμένων ὄντων οὐκ ἐσόμενον, ἀλλ’ ἢ σφῶν ἀνέντων τὴν φυλακὴν περιγενήσεσθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας ἢ τοῖς πλοίοις ἃ τὸν σῖτον αὐτοῖς ἦγε χειμῶνα τηρήσαντας ἐκπλεύσεσθαι.

2 πάντων τε ἐφοβοῦντο μάλιστα τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, ὅτι ἔχοντάς τι ἰσχυρὸν αὐτοὺς ἐνόμιζον οὐκέτι σφίσιν ἐπικηρυκεύεσθαι· καὶ μετεμέλοντο τὰς σπονδὰς οὐ δεξάμενοι.

3 Κλέων δὲ γνοὺς αὐτῶν τὴν ἐς αὑτὸν ὑποψίαν περὶ τῆς κωλύμης τῆς ξυμβάσεως οὐ τἀληθῆ ἔφη λέγειν τοὺς ἐξαγγέλλοντας. παραινούντων δὲ τῶν ἀφιγμένων, εἰ μὴ σφίσι πιστεύουσι, κατασκόπους τινὰς πέμψαι, ᾑρέθη κατάσκοπος αὐτὸς μετὰ Θεαγένους ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων.

4 καὶ γνοὺς ὅτι ἀναγκασθήσεται ἢ ταὐτὰ λέγειν οἷς διέβαλλεν ἢ τἀναντία εἰπὼν ψευδὴς φανήσεσθαι, παρῄνει τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, ὁρῶν αὐτοὺς καὶ ὡρμημένους τι τὸ πλέον τῇ γνώμῃ στρατεύειν, ὡς χρὴ κατασκόπους μὲν μὴ πέμπειν μηδὲ διαμέλλειν καιρὸν παριέντας, εἰ δὲ δοκεῖ αὐτοῖς ἀληθῆ εἶναι τὰ ἀγγελλόμενα, πλεῖν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας.

5 καὶ ἐς Νικίαν τὸν Νικηράτου στρατηγὸν ὄντα ἀπεσήμαινεν, ἐχθρὸς ὢν καὶ ἐπιτιμῶν, ῥᾴδιον εἶναι παρασκευῇ, εἰ ἄνδρες εἶεν οἱ στρατηγοί, πλεύσαντας λαβεῖν τοὺς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ, καὶ αὐτός γ’ ἄν, εἰ ἦρχε, ποιῆσαι τοῦτο.

Chapter 28

1 ὁ δὲ Νικίας τῶν τε Ἀθηναίων τι ὑποθορυβησάντων ἐς τὸν Κλέωνα, ὅτι οὐ καὶ νῦν πλεῖ, εἰ ῥᾴδιόν γε αὐτῷ φαίνεται, καὶ ἅμα ὁρῶν αὐτὸν ἐπιτιμῶντα, ἐκέλευεν ἥντινα βούλεται δύναμιν λαβόντα τὸ ἐπὶ σφᾶς εἶναι ἐπιχειρεῖν.

2 ὁ δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οἰόμενος αὐτὸν λόγῳ μόνον ἀφιέναι ἑτοῖμος ἦν, γνοὺς δὲ τῷ ὄντι παραδωσείοντα ἀνεχώρει καὶ οὐκ ἔφη αὐτὸς ἀλλ’ ἐκεῖνον στρατηγεῖν, δεδιὼς ἤδη καὶ οὐκ ἂν οἰόμενός οἱ αὐτὸν τολμῆσαι ὑποχωρῆσαι.

3 αὖθις δὲ ὁ Νικίας ἐκέλευε καὶ ἐξίστατο τῆς ἐπὶ Πύλῳ ἀρχῆς καὶ μάρτυρας τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐποιεῖτο. οἱ δέ, οἷον ὄχλος φιλεῖ ποιεῖν, ὅσῳ μᾶλλον ὁ Κλέων ὑπέφευγε τὸν πλοῦν καὶ ἐξανεχώρει τὰ εἰρημένα, τόσῳ ἐπεκελεύοντο τῷ Νικίᾳ παραδιδόναι τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ ἐκείνῳ ἐπεβόων πλεῖν.

4 ὥστε οὐκ ἔχων ὅπως τῶν εἰρημένων ἔτι ἐξαπαλλαγῇ, ὑφίσταται τὸν πλοῦν, καὶ παρελθὼν οὔτε φοβεῖσθαι ἔφη Λακεδαιμονίους πλεύσεσθαί τε λαβὼν ἐκ μὲν τῆς πόλεως οὐδένα, Λημνίους δὲ καὶ Ἰμβρίους τοὺς παρόντας καὶ πελταστὰς οἳ ἦσαν ἔκ τε Αἴνου βεβοηθηκότες καὶ ἄλλοθεν τοξότας τετρακοσίους· ταῦτα δὲ ἔχων ἔφη πρὸς τοῖς ἐν Πύλω στρατιώταις ἐντὸς ἡμερῶν εἴκοσιν ἢ ἄξειν Λακεδαιμονίους ζῶντας ἢ αὐτοῦ ἀποκτενεῖν.

5 τοῖς δὲ Ἀθηναίοις ἐνέπεσε μέν τι καὶ γέλωτος τῇ κουφολογίᾳ αὐτοῦ, ἀσμένοις δ’ ὅμως ἐγίγνετο τοῖς σώφροσι τῶν ἀνθρώπων, λογιζομένοις δυοῖν ἀγαθοῖν τοῦ ἑτέρου τεύξεσθαι, ἢ Κλέωνος ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι, ὃ μᾶλλον ἤλπιζον, ἢ σφαλεῖσι γνώμης Λακεδαιμονίους σφίσι χειρώσεσθαι.

Chapter 29

1 καὶ πάντα διαπραξάμενος ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ καὶ ψηφισαμένων Ἀθηναίων αὐτῷ τὸν πλοῦν, τῶν τε ἐν Πύλῳ στρατηγῶν ἕνα προσελόμενος Δημοσθένη, τὴν ἀναγωγὴν διὰ τάχους ἐποιεῖτο.

2 τὸν δὲ Δημοσθένη προσέλαβε πυνθανόμενος τὴν ἀπόβασιν αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν νῆσον διανοεῖσθαι. οἱ γὰρ στρατιῶται κακοπαθοῦντες τοῦ χωρίου τῇ ἀπορίᾳ καὶ μᾶλλον πολιορκούμενοι ἢ πολιορκοῦντες ὥρμηντο διακινδυνεῦσαι. καὶ αὐτῷ ἔτι ῥώμην καὶ ἡ νῆσος ἐμπρησθεῖσα παρέσχεν.

3 πρότερον μὲν γὰρ οὔσης αὐτῆς ὑλώδους ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ καὶ ἀτριβοῦς διὰ τὴν αἰεὶ ἐρημίαν ἐφοβεῖτο καὶ πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων τοῦτο ἐνόμιζε μᾶλλον εἶναι· πολλῷ γὰρ ἂν στρατοπέδῳ ἀποβάντι ἐξ ἀφανοῦς χωρίου προσβάλλοντας αὐτοὺς βλάπτειν. σφίσι μὲν γὰρ τὰς ἐκείνων ἁμαρτίας καὶ παρασκευὴν ὑπὸ τῆς ὕλης οὐκ ἂν ὁμοίως δῆλα εἶναι, τοῦ δὲ αὑτῶν στρατοπέδου καταφανῆ ἂν εἶναι πάντα τὰ ἁμαρτήματα, ὥστε προσπίπτειν ἂν αὐτοὺς ἀπροσδοκήτως ᾗ βούλοιντο· ἐπ’ ἐκείνοις γὰρ εἶναι ἂν τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν.

4 εἰ δ’ αὖ ἐς δασὺ χωρίον βιάζοιτο ὁμόσε ἰέναι, τοὺς ἐλάσσους, ἐμπείρους δὲ τῆς χώρας, κρείσσους ἐνόμιζε τῶν πλεόνων ἀπείρων· λανθάνειν τε ἂν τὸ ἑαυτῶν στρατόπεδον πολὺ ὂν διαφθειρόμενον, οὐκ οὔσης τῆς προσόψεως ᾗ χρῆν ἀλλήλοις ἐπιβοηθεῖν.

Chapter 30

1 ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Αἰτωλικοῦ πάθους, ὃ διὰ τὴν ὕλην μέρος τι ἐγένετο, οὐχ ἥκιστα αὐτὸν ταῦτα ἐσῄει.

2 τῶν δὲ στρατιωτῶν ἀναγκασθέντων διὰ τὴν στενοχωρίαν τῆς νήσου τοῖς ἐσχάτοις προσίσχοντας ἀριστοποιεῖσθαι διὰ προφυλακῆς καὶ ἐμπρήσαντός τινος κατὰ μικρὸν τῆς ὕλης ἄκοντος καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου πνεύματος ἐπιγενομένου τὸ πολὺ αὐτῆς ἔλαθε κατακαυθέν.

3 οὕτω δὴ τούς τε Λακεδαιμονίους μᾶλλον κατιδὼν πλείους ὄντας, ὑπονοῶν πρότερον ἐλάσσοσι τὸν σῖτον αὐτοῦ ἐσπέμπειν, τήν τε νῆσον εὐαποβατωτέραν οὖσαν, τότε ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἀξιόχρεων τοὺς Ἀθηναίους μᾶλλον σπουδὴν ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν παρεσκευάζετο, στρατιάν τε μεταπέμπων ἐκ τῶν ἐγγὺς ξυμμάχων καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἑτοιμάζων.

4 Κλέων δὲ ἐκείνῳ τε προπέμψας ἄγγελον ὡς ἥξων καὶ ἔχων στρατιὰν ἣν ᾐτήσατο, ἀφικνεῖται ἐς Πύλον. καὶ ἅμα γενόμενοι πέμπουσι πρῶτον ἐς τὸ ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ στρατόπεδον κήρυκα, προκαλούμενοι, εἰ βούλοιντο, ἄνευ κινδύνου τοὺς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ ἄνδρας σφίσι τά τε ὅπλα καὶ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς κελεύειν παραδοῦναι, ἐφ’ ᾧ φυλακῇ τῇ μετρίᾳ τηρήσονται, ἕως ἄν τι περὶ τοῦ πλέονος ξυμβαθῇ.

Chapter 31

1 οὐ προσδεξαμένων δὲ αὐτῶν μίαν μὲν ἡμέραν ἐπέσχον, τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ ἀνηγάγοντο μὲν νυκτὸς ἐπ’ ὀλίγας ναῦς τοὺς ὁπλίτας πάντας ἐπιβιβάσαντες, πρὸ δὲ τῆς ἕω ὀλίγον ἀπέβαινον τῆς νήσου ἑκατέρωθεν, ἔκ τε τοῦ πελάγους καὶ πρὸς τοῦ λιμένος, ὀκτακόσιοι μάλιστα ὄντες ὁπλῖται, καὶ ἐχώρουν δρόμῳ ἐπὶ τὸ πρῶτον φυλακτήριον τῆς νήσου.

2 ὧδε γὰρ διετετάχατο· ἐν ταύτῃ μὲν τῇ πρώτῃ φυλακῇ ὡς τριάκοντα ἦσαν ὁπλῖται, μέσον δὲ καὶ ὁμαλώτατόν τε καὶ περὶ τὸ ὕδωρ οἱ πλεῖστοι αὐτῶν καὶ Ἐπιτάδας ὁ ἄρχων εἶχε, μέρος δέ τι οὐ πολὺ αὐτὸ τὸ ἔσχατον ἐφύλασσε τῆς νήσου τὸ πρὸς τὴν Πύλον, ὃ ἦν ἔκ τε θαλάσσης ἀπόκρημνον καὶ ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἥκιστα ἐπίμαχον· καὶ γάρ τι καὶ ἔρυμα αὐτόθι ἦν παλαιὸν λίθων λογάδην πεποιημένον, ὃ ἐνόμιζον σφίσιν ὠφέλιμον ἂν εἶναι, εἰ καταλαμβάνοι ἀναχώρησις βιαιοτέρα. οὕτω μὲν τεταγμένοι ἦσαν.

Chapter 32

1 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι τοὺς μὲν πρώτους φύλακας, οἷς ἐπέδραμον, εὐθὺς διαφθείρουσιν ἔν τε ταῖς εὐναῖς ἔτι καὶ ἀναλαμβάνοντας τὰ ὅπλα, λαθόντες τὴν ἀπόβασιν, οἰομένων αὐτῶν τὰς ναῦς κατὰ τὸ ἔθος ἐς ἔφορμον τῆς νυκτὸς πλεῖν.

2 ἅμα δὲ ἕῳ γιγνομένῃ καὶ ὁ ἄλλος στρατὸς ἀπέβαινεν, ἐκ μὲν νεῶν ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ ὀλίγῳ πλεόνων πάντες πλὴν θαλαμιῶν, ὡς ἕκαστοι ἐσκευασμένοι, τοξόται δὲ ὀκτακόσιοι καὶ πελτασταὶ οὐκ ἐλάσσους τούτων, Μεσσηνίων τε οἱ βεβοηθηκότες καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι ὅσοι περὶ Πύλον κατεῖχον πάντες πλὴν τῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους φυλάκων.

3 Δημοσθένους δὲ τάξαντος διέστησαν κατὰ διακοσίους τε καὶ πλείους, ἔστι δ’ ᾗ ἐλάσσους, τῶν χωρίων τὰ μετεωρότατα λαβόντες, ὅπως ὅτι πλείστη ἀπορία ᾖ τοῖς πολεμίοις πανταχόθεν κεκυκλωμένοις καὶ μὴ ἔχωσι πρὸς ὅτι ἀντιτάξωνται, ἀλλ’ ἀμφίβολοι γίγνωνται τῷ πλήθει, εἰ μὲν τοῖς πρόσθεν ἐπίοιεν, ὑπὸ τῶν κατόπιν βαλλόμενοι, εἰ δὲ τοῖς πλαγίοις, ὑπὸ τῶν ἑκατέρωθεν παρατεταγμένων.

4 κατὰ νώτου τε αἰεὶ ἔμελλον αὐτοῖς, ᾗ χωρήσειαν, οἱ πολέμιοι ἔσεσθαι ψιλοὶ καὶ οἱ ἀπορώτατοι, τοξεύμασι καὶ ἀκοντίοις καὶ λίθοις καὶ σφενδόναις ἐκ πολλοῦ ἔχοντες ἀλκήν, οἷς μηδὲ ἐπελθεῖν οἷόν τε ἦν· φεύγοντές τε γὰρ ἐκράτουν καὶ ἀναχωροῦσιν ἐπέκειντο. τοιαύτῃ μὲν γνώμῃ ὁ Δημοσθένης τό τε πρῶτον τὴν ἀπόβασιν ἐπενόει καὶ ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ ἔταξεν·

Chapter 33

1 οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἐπιτάδαν καὶ ὅπερ ἦν πλεῖστον τῶν ἐν τῇ νήσῳ, ὡς εἶδον τό τε πρῶτον φυλακτήριον διεφθαρμένον καὶ στρατὸν σφίσιν ἐπιόντα, ξυνετάξαντο καὶ τοῖς ὁπλίταις τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐπῇσαν, βουλόμενοι ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν· ἐξ ἐναντίας γὰρ οὗτοι καθειστήκεσαν, ἐκ πλαγίου δὲ οἱ ψιλοὶ καὶ κατὰ νώτου.

2 τοῖς μὲν οὖν ὁπλίταις οὐκ ἐδυνήθησαν προσμεῖξαι οὐδὲ τῇ σφετέρᾳ ἐμπειρίᾳ χρήσασθαι· οἱ γὰρ ψιλοὶ ἑκατέρωθεν βάλλοντες εἶργον, καὶ ἅμα ἐκεῖνοι οὐκ ἀντεπῇσαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἡσύχαζον· τοὺς δὲ ψιλούς, ᾗ μάλιστα αὐτοῖς ἐπιθέοντες προσκέοιντο, ἔτρεπον, καὶ οἳ ὑποστρέφοντες ἠμύνοντο, ἄνθρωποι κούφως τε ἐσκευασμένοι καὶ προλαμβάνοντες ῥᾳδίως τῆς φυγῆς χωρίων τε χαλεπότητι καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς πρὶν ἐρημίας τραχέων ὄντων, ἐν οἷς οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι οὐκ ἐδύναντο διώκειν ὅπλα ἔχοντες.

Chapter 34

1 χρόνον μὲν οὖν τινὰ ὀλίγον οὕτω πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἠκροβολίσαντο· τῶν δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων οὐκέτι ὀξέως ἐπεκθεῖν ᾗ προσπίπτοιεν δυναμένων, γνόντες αὐτοὺς οἱ ψιλοὶ βραδυτέρους ἤδη ὄντας τῷ ἀμύνασθαι, καὶ αὐτοὶ τῇ τε ὄψει τοῦ θαρσεῖν τὸ πλεῖστον εἰληφότες πολλαπλάσιοι φαινόμενοι καὶ ξυνειθισμένοι μᾶλλον μηκέτι δεινοὺς αὐτοὺς ὁμοίως σφίσι φαίνεσθαι, ὅτι οὐκ εὐθὺς ἄξια τῆς προσδοκίας ἐπεπόνθεσαν, ὥσπερ ὅτε πρῶτον ἀπέβαινον τῇ γνώμῃ δεδουλωμένοι ὡς ἐπὶ Λακεδαιμονίους, καταφρονήσαντες καὶ ἐμβοήσαντες ἁθρόοι ὥρμησαν ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς καὶ ἔβαλλον λίθοις τε καὶ τοξεύμασι καὶ ἀκοντίοις, ὡς ἕκαστός τι πρόχειρον εἶχεν.

2 γενομένης δὲ τῆς βοῆς ἅμα τῇ ἐπιδρομῇ ἔκπληξίς τε ἐνέπεσεν ἀνθρώποις ἀήθεσι τοιαύτης μάχης καὶ ὁ κονιορτὸς τῆς ὕλης νεωστὶ κεκαυμένης ἐχώρει πολὺς ἄνω, ἄπορόν τε ἦν ἰδεῖν τὸ πρὸ αὑτοῦ ὑπὸ τῶν τοξευμάτων καὶ λίθων ἀπὸ πολλῶν ἀνθρώπων μετὰ τοῦ κονιορτοῦ ἅμα φερομένων.

3 τό τε ἔργον ἐνταῦθα χαλεπὸν τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις καθίστατο· οὔτε γὰρ οἱ πῖλοι ἔστεγον τὰ τοξεύματα, δοράτιά τε ἐναπεκέκλαστο βαλλομένων, εἶχόν τε οὐδὲν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς χρήσασθαι ἀποκεκλῃμένοι μὲν τῇ ὄψει τοῦ προορᾶν, ὑπὸ δὲ τῆς μείζονος βοῆς τῶν πολεμίων τὰ ἐν αὐτοῖς παραγγελλόμενα οὐκ ἐσακούοντες, κινδύνου τε πανταχόθεν περιεστῶτος καὶ οὐκ ἔχοντες ἐλπίδα καθ’ ὅτι χρὴ ἀμυνομένους σωθῆναι.

Chapter 35

1 τέλος δὲ τραυματιζομένων ἤδη πολλῶν διὰ τὸ αἰεὶ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ἀναστρέφεσθαι, ξυγκλῄσαντες ἐχώρησαν ἐς τὸ ἔσχατον ἔρυμα τῆς νήσου, ὃ οὐ πολὺ ἀπεῖχε, καὶ τοὺς ἑαυτῶν φύλακας.

2 ὡς δὲ ἐνέδοσαν, ἐνταῦθα ἤδη πολλῷ ἔτι πλέονι βοῇ τεθαρσηκότες οἱ ψιλοὶ ἐπέκειντο, καὶ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ὅσοι μὲν ὑποχωροῦντες ἐγκατελαμβάνοντο, ἀπέθνῃσκον, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ διαφυγόντες ἐς τὸ ἔρυμα μετὰ τῶν ταύτῃ φυλάκων ἐτάξαντο παρὰ πᾶν ὡς ἀμυνούμενοι ᾗπερ ἦν ἐπίμαχον.

3 καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐπισπόμενοι περίοδον μὲν αὐτῶν καὶ κύκλωσιν χωρίου ἰσχύι οὐκ εἶχον, προσιόντες δὲ ἐξ ἐναντίας ὤσασθαι ἐπειρῶντο.

4 καὶ χρόνον μὲν πολὺν καὶ τῆς ἡμέρας τὸ πλεῖστον ταλαιπωρούμενοι ἀμφότεροι ὑπό τε τῆς μάχης καὶ δίψης καὶ ἡλίου ἀντεῖχον, πειρώμενοι οἱ μὲν ἐξελάσασθαι ἐκ τοῦ μετεώρου, οἱ δὲ μὴ ἐνδοῦναι· ῥᾷον δ’ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἠμύνοντο ἢ ἐν τῷ πρίν, οὐκ οὔσης σφῶν τῆς κυκλώσεως ἐς τὰ πλάγια.

Chapter 36

1 ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἀπέραντον ἦν, προσελθὼν ὁ τῶν Μεσσηνίων στρατηγὸς Κλέωνι καὶ Δημοσθένει ἄλλως ἔφη πονεῖν σφᾶς· εἰ δὲ βούλονται ἑαυτῷ δοῦναι τῶν τοξοτῶν μέρος τι καὶ τῶν ψιλῶν περιιέναι κατὰ νώτου αὐτοῖς ὁδῷ ᾗ ἂν αὐτὸς εὕρῃ, δοκεῖν βιάσεσθαι τὴν ἔφοδον.

2 λαβὼν δὲ ἃ ᾐτήσατο, ἐκ τοῦ ἀφανοῦς ὁρμήσας ὥστε μὴ ἰδεῖν ἐκείνους, κατὰ τὸ αἰεὶ παρεῖκον τοῦ κρημνώδους τῆς νήσου προσβαίνων, καὶ ᾗ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι χωρίου ἰσχύι πιστεύσαντες οὐκ ἐφύλασσον, χαλεπῶς τε καὶ μόλις περιελθὼν ἔλαθε, καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ μετεώρου ἐξαπίνης ἀναφανεὶς κατὰ νώτου αὐτῶν τοὺς μὲν τῷ ἀδοκήτῳ ἐξέπληξε, τοὺς δὲ ἃ προσεδέχοντο ἰδόντας πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἐπέρρωσεν.

3 καὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι βαλλόμενοί τε ἀμφοτέρωθεν ἤδη καὶ γιγνόμενοι ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ξυμπτώματι, ὡς μικρὸν μεγάλῳ εἰκάσαι, τῷ ἐν Θερμοπύλαις, ἐκεῖνοί τε γὰρ τῇ ἀτραπῷ περιελθόντων τῶν Περσῶν διεφθάρησαν, οὗτοί τε ἀμφίβολοι ἤδη ὄντες οὐκέτι ἀντεῖχον, ἀλλὰ πολλοῖς τε ὀλίγοι μαχόμενοι καὶ ἀσθενείᾳ σωμάτων διὰ τὴν σιτοδείαν ὑπεχώρουν, καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐκράτουν ἤδη τῶν ἐφόδων.

Chapter 37

1 γνοὺς δὲ ὁ Κλέων καὶ ὁ Δημοσθένης [ὅτι], εἰ καὶ ὁποσονοῦν μᾶλλον ἐνδώσουσι, διαφθαρησομένους αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ τῆς σφετέρας στρατιᾶς, ἔπαυσαν τὴν μάχην καὶ τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ἀπεῖρξαν, βουλόμενοι ἀγαγεῖν αὐτοὺς Ἀθηναίοις ζῶντας, εἴ πως τοῦ κηρύγματος ἀκούσαντες ἐπικλασθεῖεν τῇ γνώμῃ τὰ ὅπλα παραδοῦναι καὶ ἡσσηθεῖεν τοῦ παρόντος δεινοῦ.

2 ἐκήρυξάν τε, εἰ βούλονται, τὰ ὅπλα παραδοῦναι καὶ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς Ἀθηναίοις ὥστε βουλεῦσαι ὅτι ἂν ἐκείνοις δοκῇ.

Chapter 38

1 οἱ δὲ ἀκούσαντες παρῆκαν τὰς ἀσπίδας οἱ πλεῖστοι καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ἀνέσεισαν, δηλοῦντες προσίεσθαι τὰ κεκηρυγμένα. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα γενομένης τῆς ἀνοκωχῆς ξυνῆλθον ἐς λόγους ὅ τε Κλέων καὶ ὁ Δημοσθένης καὶ ἐκείνων Στύφων ὁ Φάρακος, τῶν πρότερον ἀρχόντων τοῦ μὲν πρώτου τεθνηκότος Ἐπιτάδου, τοῦ δὲ μετ’ αὐτὸν Ἱππαγρέτου ἐφῃρημένου ἐν τοῖς νεκροῖς ἔτι ζῶντος κειμένου ὡς τεθνεῶτος, αὐτὸς τρίτος ἐφῃρημένος ἄρχειν κατὰ νόμον, εἴ τι ἐκεῖνοι πάσχοιεν.

2 ἔλεγε δὲ ὁ Στύφων καὶ οἱ μετ’ αὐτοῦ ὅτι βούλονται διακηρυκεύσασθαι πρὸς τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ Λακεδαιμονίους ὅτι χρὴ σφᾶς ποιεῖν.

3 καὶ ἐκείνων μὲν οὐδένα ἀφέντων, αὐτῶν δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων καλούντων ἐκ τῆς ἠπείρου κήρυκας καὶ γενομένων ἐπερωτήσεων δὶς ἢ τρίς, ὁ τελευταῖος διαπλεύσας αὐτοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν ἐκ τῆς ἠπείρου Λακεδαιμονίων ἀνὴρ ἀπήγγειλεν ὅτι [οἱ] ‘Λακεδαιμόνιοι κελεύουσιν ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς περὶ ὑμῶν αὐτῶν βουλεύεσθαι μηδὲν αἰσχρὸν ποιοῦντασ’· οἱ δὲ καθ’ ἑαυτοὺς βουλευσάμενοι τὰ ὅπλα παρέδοσαν καὶ σφᾶς αὐτούς.

4 καὶ ταύτην μὲν τὴν ἡμέραν καὶ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν νύκτα ἐν φυλακῇ εἶχον αὐτοὺς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι· τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι τροπαῖον στήσαντες ἐν τῇ νήσῳ τἆλλα διεσκευάζοντο ὡς ἐς πλοῦν, καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας τοῖς τριηράρχοις διεδίδοσαν ἐς φυλακήν, οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι κήρυκα πέμψαντες τοὺς νεκροὺς διεκομίσαντο.

5 ἀπέθανον δ’ ἐν τῇ νήσῳ καὶ ζῶντες ἐλήφθησαν τοσοίδε· εἴκοσι μὲν ὁπλῖται διέβησαν καὶ τετρακόσιοι οἱ πάντες· τούτων ζῶντες ἐκομίσθησαν ὀκτὼ ἀποδέοντες τριακόσιοι, οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι ἀπέθανον. καὶ Σπαρτιᾶται τούτων ἦσαν τῶν ζώντων περὶ εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατόν. Ἀθηναίων δὲ οὐ πολλοὶ διεφθάρησαν· ἡ γὰρ μάχη οὐ σταδαία ἦν.

Chapter 39

1 χρόνος δὲ ὁ ξύμπας ἐγένετο ὅσον οἱ ἄνδρες [οἱ] ἐν τῇ νήσῳ ἐπολιορκήθησαν, ἀπὸ τῆς ναυμαχίας μέχρι τῆς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ μάχης, ἑβδομήκοντα ἡμέραι καὶ δύο.

2 τούτων περὶ εἴκοσιν ἡμέρας, ἐν αἷς οἱ πρέσβεις περὶ τῶν σπονδῶν ἀπῇσαν, ἐσιτοδοτοῦντο, τὰς δὲ ἄλλας τοῖς ἐσπλέουσι λάθρᾳ διετρέφοντο. καὶ ἦν σῖτός τις ἐν τῇ νήσῳ καὶ ἄλλα βρώματα ἐγκατελήφθη· ὁ γὰρ ἄρχων Ἐπιτάδας ἐνδεεστέρως ἑκάστῳ παρεῖχεν ἢ πρὸς τὴν ἐξουσίαν.

3 οἱ μὲν δὴ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι ἀνεχώρησαν τῷ στρατῷ ἐκ τῆς Πύλου ἑκάτεροι ἐπ’ οἴκου, καὶ τοῦ Κλέωνος καίπερ μανιώδης οὖσα ἡ ὑπόσχεσις ἀπέβη· ἐντὸς γὰρ εἴκοσιν ἡμερῶν ἤγαγε τοὺς ἄνδρας, ὥσπερ ὑπέστη.

Chapter 40

1 παρὰ γνώμην τε δὴ μάλιστα τῶν κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον τοῦτο τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἐγένετο· τοὺς γὰρ Λακεδαιμονίους οὔτε λιμῷ οὔτ’ ἀνάγκῃ οὐδεμιᾷ ἠξίουν τὰ ὅπλα παραδοῦναι, ἀλλὰ ἔχοντας καὶ μαχομένους ὡς ἐδύναντο ἀποθνῄσκειν.

2 ἀπιστοῦντές τε μὴ εἶναι τοὺς παραδόντας τοῖς τεθνεῶσιν ὁμοίους, καί τινος ἐρομένου ποτὲ ὕστερον τῶν Ἀθηναίων ξυμμάχων δι’ ἀχθηδόνα ἕνα τῶν ἐκ τῆς νήσου αἰχμαλώτων εἰ οἱ τεθνεῶτες αὐτῶν καλοὶ κἀγαθοί, ἀπεκρίνατο αὐτῷ πολλοῦ ἂν ἄξιον εἶναι τὸν ἄτρακτον, λέγων τὸν οἰστόν, εἰ τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς διεγίγνωσκε, δήλωσιν ποιούμενος ὅτι ὁ ἐντυγχάνων τοῖς τε λίθοις καὶ τοξεύμασι διεφθείρετο.

Chapter 41

1 κομισθέντων δὲ τῶν ἀνδρῶν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐβούλευσαν δεσμοῖς μὲν αὐτοὺς φυλάσσειν μέχρι οὗ τι ξυμβῶσιν, ἢν δ’ οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι πρὸ τούτου ἐς τὴν γῆν ἐσβάλωσιν, ἐξαγαγόντες ἀποκτεῖναι.

2 τῆς δὲ Πύλου φυλακὴν κατεστήσαντο, καὶ οἱ ἐκ τῆς Ναυπάκτου Μεσσήνιοι ὡς ἐς πατρίδα ταύτην (ἔστι γὰρ ἡ Πύλος τῆς Μεσσηνίδος ποτὲ οὔσης γῆς) πέμψαντες σφῶν αὐτῶν τοὺς ἐπιτηδειοτάτους ἐλῄζοντό τε τὴν Λακωνικὴν καὶ πλεῖστα ἔβλαπτον ὁμόφωνοι ὄντες.

3 οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἀμαθεῖς ὄντες ἐν τῷ πρὶν χρόνῳ λῃστείας καὶ τοῦ τοιούτου πολέμου, τῶν τε Εἱλώτων αὐτομολούντων καὶ φοβούμενοι μὴ καὶ ἐπὶ μακρότερον σφίσι τι νεωτερισθῇ τῶν κατὰ τὴν χώραν, οὐ ῥᾳδίως ἔφερον, ἀλλὰ καίπερ οὐ βουλόμενοι ἔνδηλοι εἶναι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐπρεσβεύοντο παρ’ αὐτοὺς καὶ ἐπειρῶντο τήν τε Πύλον καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας κομίζεσθαι.

4 οἱ δὲ μειζόνων τε ὠρέγοντο καὶ πολλάκις φοιτώντων αὐτοὺς ἀπράκτους ἀπέπεμπον. ταῦτα μὲν τὰ περὶ Πύλον γενόμενα.

Chapter 42

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ θέρους μετὰ ταῦτα εὐθὺς Ἀθηναῖοι ἐς τὴν Κορινθίαν ἐστράτευσαν ναυσὶν ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ δισχιλίοις ὁπλίταις ἑαυτῶν καὶ ἐν ἱππαγωγοῖς ναυσὶ διακοσίοις ἱππεῦσιν· ἠκολούθουν δὲ καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων Μιλήσιοι καὶ Ἄνδριοι καὶ Καρύστιοι, ἐστρατήγει δὲ Νικίας ὁ Νικηράτου τρίτος αὐτός.

2 πλέοντες δὲ ἅμα ἕῳ ἔσχον μεταξὺ Χερσονήσου τε καὶ Ῥείτου ἐς τὸν αἰγιαλὸν τοῦ χωρίου ὑπὲρ οὗ ὁ Σολύγειος λόφος ἐστίν, ἐφ’ ὃν Δωριῆς τὸ πάλαι ἱδρυθέντες τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει Κορινθίοις ἐπολέμουν οὖσιν Αἰολεῦσιν· καὶ κώμη νῦν ἐπ’ αὐτοῦ Σολύγεια καλουμένη ἐστίν. ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ αἰγιαλοῦ τούτου ἔνθα αἱ νῆες κατέσχον ἡ μὲν κώμη αὕτη δώδεκα σταδίους ἀπέχει, ἡ δὲ Κορινθίων πόλις ἑξήκοντα, ὁ δὲ Ἰσθμὸς εἴκοσι.

3 Κορίνθιοι δὲ προπυθόμενοι ἐξ Ἄργους ὅτι ἡ στρατιὰ ἥξει τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ἐκ πλείονος ἐβοήθησαν ἐς Ἰσθμὸν πάντες πλὴν τῶν ἔξω Ἰσθμοῦ· καὶ ἐν Ἀμπρακίᾳ καὶ ἐν Λευκάδι ἀπῆσαν αὐτῶν πεντακόσιοι φρουροί· οἱ δ’ ἄλλοι πανδημεὶ ἐπετήρουν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους οἷ κατασχήσουσιν.

4 ὡς δὲ αὐτοὺς ἔλαθον νυκτὸς καταπλεύσαντες καὶ τὰ σημεῖα αὐτοῖς ἤρθη, καταλιπόντες τοὺς ἡμίσεις αὐτῶν ἐν Κεγχρειᾷ, ἢν ἄρα οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐπὶ τὸν Κρομμυῶνα ἴωσιν, ἐβοήθουν κατὰ τάχος.

Chapter 43

1 καὶ Βάττος μὲν ὁ ἕτερος τῶν στρατηγῶν (δύο γὰρ ἦσαν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ οἱ παρόντες) λαβὼν λόχον ἦλθεν ἐπὶ τὴν Σολύγειαν κώμην φυλάξων ἀτείχιστον οὖσαν, Λυκόφρων δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις ξυνέβαλεν.

2 καὶ πρῶτα μὲν τῷ δεξιῷ κέρᾳ τῶν Ἀθηναίων εὐθὺς ἀποβεβηκότι πρὸ τῆς Χερσονήσου οἱ Κορίνθιοι ἐπέκειντο, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατεύματι. καὶ ἦν ἡ μάχη καρτερὰ καὶ ἐν χερσὶ πᾶσα.

3 καὶ τὸ μὲν δεξιὸν κέρας τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ Καρυστίων (οὗτοι γὰρ παρατεταγμένοι ἦσαν ἔσχατοι) ἐδέξαντό τε τοὺς Κορινθίους καὶ ἐώσαντο μόλις· οἱ δὲ ὑποχωρήσαντες πρὸς αἱμασιάν (ἦν γὰρ τὸ χωρίον πρόσαντες πᾶν) βάλλοντες τοῖς λίθοις καθύπερθεν ὄντες καὶ παιανίσαντες ἐπῇσαν αὖθις, δεξαμένων δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐν χερσὶν ἦν πάλιν ἡ μάχη.

4 λόχος δέ τις τῶν Κορινθίων ἐπιβοηθήσας τῷ εὐωνύμῳ κέρᾳ ἑαυτῶν ἔτρεψε τῶν Ἀθηναίων τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας καὶ ἐπεδίωξεν ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν· πάλιν δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν ἀνέστρεψαν οἵ τε Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ οἱ Καρύστιοι.

5 τὸ δὲ ἄλλο στρατόπεδον ἀμφοτέρωθεν ἐμάχετο ξυνεχῶς, μάλιστα δὲ τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας τῶν Κορινθίων, ἐφ’ ᾧ ὁ Λυκόφρων ὢν κατὰ τὸ εὐώνυμον τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἠμύνετο· ἤλπιζον γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν Σολύγειαν κώμην πειράσειν.

Chapter 44

1 χρόνον μὲν οὖν πολὺν ἀντεῖχον οὐκ ἐνδιδόντες ἀλλήλοις· ἔπειτα (ἦσαν γὰρ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις οἱ ἱππῆς ὠφέλιμοι ξυμμαχόμενοι, τῶν ἑτέρων οὐκ ἐχόντων ἵππους) ἐτράποντο οἱ Κορίνθιοι καὶ ὑπεχώρησαν πρὸς τὸν λόφον καὶ ἔθεντο τὰ ὅπλα καὶ οὐκέτι κατέβαινον, ἀλλ᾽ ἡσύχαζον.

2 ἐν δὲ τῇ τροπῇ ταύτῃ κατὰ τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας οἱ πλεῖστοί τε αὐτῶν ἀπέθανον καὶ Λυκόφρων ὁ στρατηγός. ἡ δὲ ἄλλη στρατιὰ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ οὐ κατὰ δίωξιν πολλὴν οὐδὲ ταχείας φυγῆς γενομένης, ἐπεὶ ἐβιάσθη, ἐπαναχωρήσασα πρὸς τὰ μετέωρα ἱδρύθη.

3 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι, ὡς οὐκέτι αὐτοῖς ἐπῇσαν ἐς μάχην, τούς τε νεκροὺς ἐσκύλευον καὶ τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ἀνῃροῦντο, τροπαῖόν τε εὐθέως ἔστησαν.

4 τοῖς δ’ ἡμίσεσι τῶν Κορινθίων, οἳ ἐν τῇ Κεγχρειᾷ ἐκάθηντο φύλακες μὴ ἐπὶ τὸν Κρομμυῶνα πλεύσωσι, τούτοις οὐ κατάδηλος ἡ μάχη ἦν ὑπὸ τοῦ ὄρους τοῦ Ὀνείου· κονιορτὸν δὲ ὡς εἶδον καὶ [ὡς] ἔγνωσαν, ἐβοήθουν εὐθύς. ἐβοήθησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως πρεσβύτεροι τῶν Κορινθίων αἰσθόμενοι τὸ γεγενημένον.

5 ἰδόντες δὲ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ξύμπαντας αὐτοὺς ἐπιόντας καὶ νομίσαντες τῶν ἐγγὺς ἀστυγειτόνων Πελοποννησίων βοήθειαν ἐπιέναι, ἀνεχώρουν κατὰ τάχος ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς, ἔχοντες τὰ σκυλεύματα καὶ τοὺς ἑαυτῶν νεκροὺς πλὴν δυοῖν, οὓς ἐγκατέλιπον οὐ δυνάμενοι εὑρεῖν.

6 καὶ ἀναβάντες ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς ἐπεραιώθησαν ἐς τὰς ἐπικειμένας νήσους, ἐκ δ’ αὐτῶν ἐπικηρυκευσάμενοι τοὺς νεκροὺς οὓς ἐγκατέλιπον ὑποσπόνδους ἀνείλοντο. ἀπέθανον δὲ Κορινθίων μὲν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ δώδεκα καὶ διακόσιοι, Ἀθηναίων δὲ ὀλίγῳ ἐλάσσους πεντήκοντα.

Chapter 45

1 ἄραντες δὲ ἐκ τῶν νήσων οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἔπλευσαν αὐθημερὸν ἐς Κρομμυῶνα τῆς Κορινθίας· ἀπέχει δὲ τῆς πόλεως εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν σταδίους. καὶ καθορμισάμενοι τήν τε γῆν ἐδῄωσαν καὶ τὴν νύκτα ηὐλίσαντο.

2 τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ παραπλεύσαντες ἐς τὴν Ἐπιδαυρίαν πρῶτον καὶ ἀπόβασίν τινα ποιησάμενοι ἀφίκοντο ἐς Μέθανα τὴν μεταξὺ Ἐπιδαύρου καὶ Τροιζῆνος, καὶ ἀπολαβόντες τὸν τῆς χερσονήσου ἰσθμὸν ἐτείχισαν, [ἐν ᾧ ἡ Μεθώνη ἐστί,] καὶ φρούριον καταστησάμενοι ἐλῄστευον τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον τήν τε Τροιζηνίαν γῆν καὶ Ἁλιάδα καὶ Ἐπιδαυρίαν. ταῖς δὲ ναυσίν, ἐπειδὴ ἐξετείχισαν τὸ χωρίον, ἀπέπλευσαν ἐπ’ οἴκου.

Chapter 46

1 κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον, καθ’ ὃν ταῦτα ἐγίγνετο, καὶ Εὐρυμέδων καὶ Σοφοκλῆς, ἐπειδὴ ἐκ τῆς Πύλου ἀπῆραν ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν ναυσὶν Ἀθηναίων, ἀφικόμενοι ἐς Κέρκυραν ἐστράτευσαν μετὰ τῶν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν τῷ ὄρει τῆς Ἰστώνης Κερκυραίων καθιδρυμένους, οἳ τότε μετὰ τὴν στάσιν διαβάντες ἐκράτουν τε τῆς γῆς καὶ πολλὰ ἔβλαπτον.

2 προσβαλόντες δὲ τὸ μὲν τείχισμα εἷλον, οἱ δὲ ἄνδρες καταπεφευγότες ἁθρόοι πρὸς μετέωρόν τι ξυνέβησαν ὥστε τοὺς μὲν ἐπικούρους παραδοῦναι, περὶ δὲ σφῶν τὰ ὅπλα παραδόντων τὸν Ἀθηναίων δῆμον διαγνῶναι.

3 καὶ αὐτοὺς ἐς τὴν νῆσον οἱ στρατηγοὶ τὴν Πτυχίαν ἐς φυλακὴν διεκόμισαν ὑποσπόνδους, μέχρι οὗ Ἀθήναζε πεμφθῶσιν, ὥστ᾽, ἐάν τις ἁλῷ ἀποδιδράσκων, ἅπασι λελύσθαι τὰς σπονδάς.

4 οἱ δὲ τοῦ δήμου προστάται τῶν Κερκυραίων, δεδιότες μὴ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τοὺς ἐλθόντας οὐκ ἀποκτείνωσι, μηχανῶνται τοιόνδε τι·

5 τῶν ἐν τῇ νήσῳ πείθουσί τινας ὀλίγους, ὑποπέμψαντες φίλους καὶ διδάξαντες ὡς κατ᾽ εὔνοιαν δὴ λέγειν ὅτι κράτιστον αὐτοῖς εἴη ὡς τάχιστα ἀποδρᾶναι, πλοῖον δέ τι αὐτοὶ ἑτοιμάσειν· μέλλειν γὰρ δὴ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς τῶν Ἀθηναίων παραδώσειν αὐτοὺς τῷ δήμῳ τῶν Κερκυραίων.

Chapter 47

1 ὡς δὲ ἔπεισαν, καὶ μηχανησαμένων τὸ πλοῖον ἐκπλέοντες ἐλήφθησαν, ἐλέλυντό τε αἱ σπονδαὶ καὶ τοῖς Κερκυραίοις παρεδίδοντο οἱ πάντες.

2 ξυνελάβοντο δὲ τοῦ τοιούτου οὐχ ἥκιστα, ὥστε ἀκριβῆ τὴν πρόφασιν γενέσθαι καὶ τοὺς τεχνησαμένους ἀδεέστερον ἐγχειρῆσαι, οἱ στρατηγοὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων κατάδηλοι ὄντες τοὺς ἄνδρας μὴ ἂν βούλεσθαι ὑπ’ ἄλλων κομισθέντας, διότι αὐτοὶ ἐς Σικελίαν ἔπλεον, τὴν τιμὴν τοῖς ἄγουσι προσποιῆσαι.

3 παραλαβόντες δὲ αὐτοὺς οἱ Κερκυραῖοι ἐς οἴκημα μέγα κατεῖρξαν, καὶ ὕστερον ἐξάγοντες κατὰ εἴκοσιν ἄνδρας διῆγον διὰ δυοῖν στοίχοιν ὁπλιτῶν ἑκατέρωθεν παρατεταγμένων, δεδεμένους τε πρὸς ἀλλήλους καὶ παιομένους καὶ κεντουμένους ὑπὸ τῶν παρατεταγμένων, εἴ πού τίς τινα ἴδοι ἐχθρὸν ἑαυτοῦ· μαστιγοφόροι τε παριόντες ἐπετάχυνον τῆς ὁδοῦ τοὺς σχολαίτερον προϊόντας.

Chapter 48

1 καὶ ἐς μὲν ἄνδρας ἑξήκοντα ἔλαθον τοὺς ἐν τῷ οἰκήματι τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ ἐξαγαγόντες καὶ διαφθείραντες (ᾤοντο γὰρ αὐτοὺς μεταστήσοντάς ποι ἄλλοσε ἄγειν)· ὡς δὲ ᾔσθοντο καί τις αὐτοῖς ἐδήλωσε, τούς τε Ἀθηναίους ἐπεκαλοῦντο καὶ ἐκέλευον σφᾶς, εἰ βούλονται, αὐτοὺς διαφθείρειν, ἔκ τε τοῦ οἰκήματος οὐκέτι ἤθελον ἐξιέναι, οὐδ’ ἐσιέναι ἔφασαν κατὰ δύναμιν περιόψεσθαι οὐδένα.

2 οἱ δὲ Κερκυραῖοι κατὰ μὲν τὰς θύρας οὐδ’ αὐτοὶ διενοοῦντο βιάζεσθαι, ἀναβάντες δὲ ἐπὶ τὸ τέγος τοῦ οἰκήματος καὶ διελόντες τὴν ὀροφὴν ἔβαλλον τῷ κεράμῳ καὶ ἐτόξευον κάτω.

3 οἱ δὲ ἐφυλάσσοντό τε ὡς ἐδύναντο καὶ ἅμα οἱ πολλοὶ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς διέφθειρον, οἰστούς τε οὓς ἀφίεσαν ἐκεῖνοι ἐς τὰς σφαγὰς καθιέντες καὶ ἐκ κλινῶν τινῶν αἳ ἔτυχον αὐτοῖς ἐνοῦσαι τοῖς σπάρτοις καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἱματίων παραιρήματα ποιοῦντες ἀπαγχόμενοι, παντί 〈τε〉 τρόπῳ τὸ πολὺ τῆς νυκτός (ἐπεγένετο γὰρ νὺξ τῷ παθήματι) ἀναλοῦντες σφᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ βαλλόμενοι ὑπὸ τῶν ἄνω διεφθάρησαν.

4 καὶ αὐτοὺς οἱ Κερκυραῖοι, ἐπειδὴ ἡμέρα ἐγένετο, φορμηδὸν ἐπὶ ἁμάξας ἐπιβαλόντες ἀπήγαγον ἔξω τῆς πόλεως. τὰς δὲ γυναῖκας, ὅσαι ἐν τῷ τειχίσματι ἑάλωσαν, ἠνδραποδίσαντο.

5 τοιούτῳ μὲν τρόπῳ οἱ ἐκ τοῦ ὄρους Κερκυραῖοι ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου διεφθάρησαν, καὶ ἡ στάσις πολλὴ γενομένη ἐτελεύτησεν ἐς τοῦτο, ὅσα γε κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον τόνδε· οὐ γὰρ ἔτι ἦν ὑπόλοιπον τῶν ἑτέρων ὅτι καὶ ἀξιόλογον.

6 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν, ἵναπερ τὸ πρῶτον ὥρμηντο, ἀποπλεύσαντες μετὰ τῶν ἐκεῖ ξυμμάχων ἐπολέμουν.

Chapter 49

1 καὶ οἱ ἐν τῇ Ναυπάκτῳ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Ἀκαρνᾶνες ἅμα τελευτῶντος τοῦ θέρους στρατευσάμενοι Ἀνακτόριον Κορινθίων πόλιν, ἣ κεῖται ἐπὶ τῷ στόματι τοῦ Ἀμπρακικοῦ κόλπου, ἔλαβον προδοσίᾳ· καὶ ἐκπέμψαντες [Κορινθίους]αὐτοὶ Ἀκαρνᾶνες οἰκήτορας ἀπὸ πάντων ἔσχον τὸ χωρίον. καὶ τὸ θέρος ἐτελεύτα.

Chapter 50

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος Ἀριστείδης ὁ Ἀρχίππου, εἷς τῶν ἀργυρολόγων νεῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατηγός, αἳ ἐξεπέμφθησαν πρὸς τοὺς ξυμμάχους, Ἀρταφέρνην ἄνδρα Πέρσην παρὰ βασιλέως πορευόμενον ἐς Λακεδαίμονα ξυλλαμβάνει ἐν Ἠιόνι τῇ ἐπὶ Στρυμόνι.

2 καὶ αὐτοῦ κομισθέντος οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὰς μὲν ἐπιστολὰς μεταγραψάμενοι ἐκ τῶν Ἀσσυρίων γραμμάτων ἀνέγνωσαν, ἐν αἷς πολλῶν ἄλλων γεγραμμένων κεφάλαιον ἦν πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους, οὐ γιγνώσκειν ὅτι βούλονται· πολλῶν γὰρ ἐλθόντων πρέσβεων οὐδένα ταὐτὰ λέγειν· εἰ οὖν τι βούλονται σαφὲς λέγειν, πέμψαι μετὰ τοῦ Πέρσου ἄνδρας ὡς αὐτόν.

3 τὸν δὲ Ἀρταφέρνην ὕστερον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀποστέλλουσι τριήρει ἐς Ἔφεσον καὶ πρέσβεις ἅμα· οἳ πυθόμενοι αὐτόθι βασιλέα Ἀρταξέρξην τὸν Ξέρξου νεωστὶ τεθνηκότα (κατὰ γὰρ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ἐτελεύτησεν) ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀνεχώρησαν.

Chapter 51

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος καὶ Χῖοι τὸ τεῖχος περιεῖλον τὸ καινὸν κελευσάντων Ἀθηναίων καὶ ὑποπτευσάντων ἐς αὐτούς τι νεωτεριεῖν, ποιησάμενοι μέντοι πρὸς Ἀθηναίους πίστεις καὶ βεβαιότητα ἐκ τῶν δυνατῶν μηδὲν περὶ σφᾶς νεώτερον βουλεύσειν. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἐτελεύτα, καὶ ἕβδομον ἔτος τῷ πολέμῳ ἐτελεύτα τῷδε ὃν Θουκυδίδης ξυνέγραψεν.

Chapter 52

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου θέρους εὐθὺς τοῦ τε ἡλίου ἐκλιπές τι ἐγένετο περὶ νουμηνίαν καὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ μηνὸς ἱσταμένου ἔσεισεν.

2 καὶ οἱ Μυτιληναίων φυγάδες καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Λεσβίων, ὁρμώμενοι οἱ πολλοὶ ἐκ τῆς ἠπείρου καὶ μισθωσάμενοι ἔκ τε Πελοποννήσου ἐπικουρικὸν καὶ αὐτόθεν ξυναγείραντες, αἱροῦσι Ῥοίτειον, καὶ λαβόντες δισχιλίους στατῆρας Φωκαΐτας ἀπέδοσαν πάλιν οὐδὲν ἀδικήσαντες·

3 καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο ἐπὶ Ἄντανδρον στρατεύσαντες προδοσίας γενομένης λαμβάνουσι τὴν πόλιν. καὶ ἦν αὐτῶν ἡ διάνοια τάς τε ἄλλας πόλεις τὰς Ἀκταίας καλουμένας, ἃς πρότερον Μυτιληναίων νεμομένων Ἀθηναῖοι εἶχον, ἐλευθεροῦν, καὶ πάντων μάλιστα τὴν Ἄντανδρον· καὶ κρατυνάμενοι αὐτὴν (ναῦς τε γὰρ εὐπορία ἦν ποιεῖσθαι, αὐτόθεν ξύλων ὑπαρχόντων καὶ τῆς Ἴδης ἐπικειμένης, καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ σκευῇ) ῥᾳδίως ἀπ’ αὐτῆς ὁρμώμενοι τήν τε Λέσβον ἐγγὺς οὖσαν κακώσειν καὶ τὰ ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ Αἰολικὰ πολίσματα χειρώσεσθαι. καὶ οἱ μὲν ταῦτα παρασκευάζεσθαι ἔμελλον.

Chapter 53

1 Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ θέρει ἑξήκοντα ναυσὶ καὶ δισχιλίοις ὁπλίταις ἱππεῦσί τε ὀλίγοις καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων Μιλησίους καὶ ἄλλους τινὰς ἀγαγόντες ἐστράτευσαν ἐπὶ Κύθηρα· ἐστρατήγει δὲ αὐτῶν Νικίας ὁ Νικηράτου καὶ Νικόστρατος ὁ Διειτρέφους καὶ Αὐτοκλῆς ὁ Τολμαίου.

2 τὰ δὲ Κύθηρα νῆσός ἐστιν, ἐπίκειται δὲ τῇ Λακωνικῇ κατὰ Μαλέαν· Λακεδαιμόνιοι δ’ εἰσὶ τῶν περιοίκων, καὶ κυθηροδίκης ἀρχὴ ἐκ τῆς Σπάρτης διέβαινεν αὐτόσε κατὰ ἔτος, ὁπλιτῶν τε φρουρὰν διέπεμπον αἰεὶ καὶ πολλὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ἐποιοῦντο.

3 ἦν γὰρ αὐτοῖς τῶν τε ἀπ’ Αἰγύπτου καὶ Λιβύης ὁλκάδων προσβολή, καὶ λῃσταὶ ἅμα τὴν Λακωνικὴν ἧσσον ἐλύπουν ἐκ θαλάσσης, ᾗπερ μόνον οἷόν τε ἦν κακουργεῖσθαι· πᾶσα γὰρ ἀνέχει πρὸς τὸ Σικελικὸν καὶ Κρητικὸν πέλαγος.

Chapter 54

1 κατασχόντες οὖν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τῷ στρατῷ, δέκα μὲν ναυσὶ καὶ δισχιλίοις Μιλησίων ὁπλίταις τὴν ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ πόλιν Σκάνδειαν καλουμένην αἱροῦσι, τῷ δὲ ἄλλῳ στρατεύματι ἀποβάντες τῆς νήσου ἐς τὰ πρὸς Μαλέαν τετραμμένα ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ τὴν [ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ] πόλιν τῶν Κυθηρίων, καὶ ηὗρον εὐθὺς αὐτοὺς ἐστρατοπεδευμένους ἅπαντας.

2 καὶ μάχης γενομένης ὀλίγον μέν τινα χρόνον ὑπέστησαν οἱ Κυθήριοι, ἔπειτα τραπόμενοι κατέφυγον ἐς τὴν ἄνω πόλιν, καὶ ὕστερον ξυνέβησαν πρὸς Νικίαν καὶ τοὺς ξυνάρχοντας Ἀθηναίοις ἐπιτρέψαι περὶ σφῶν αὐτῶν πλὴν θανάτου.

3 ἦσαν δέ τινες καὶ γενόμενοι τῷ Νικίᾳ λόγοι πρότερον πρός τινας τῶν Κυθηρίων, δι’ ὃ καὶ θᾶσσον καὶ ἐπιτηδειότερον τό τε παραυτίκα καὶ τὸ ἔπειτα τὰ τῆς ὁμολογίας ἐπράχθη αὐτοῖς· ἀνέστησαν γὰρ 〈ἂν〉 οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι Κυθηρίους, Λακεδαιμονίους τε ὄντας καὶ ἐπὶ τῇ Λακωνικῇ τῆς νήσου οὕτως ἐπικειμένης.

4 μετὰ δὲ τὴν ξύμβασιν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τήν τε Σκάνδειαν τὸ ἐπὶ τῷ λιμένι πόλισμα παραλαβόντες καὶ τῶν Κυθήρων φυλακὴν ποιησάμενοι ἔπλευσαν ἔς τε Ἀσίνην καὶ Ἕλος καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν περὶ θάλασσαν, καὶ ἀποβάσεις ποιούμενοι καὶ ἐναυλιζόμενοι τῶν χωρίων οὗ καιρὸς εἴη ἐδῄουν τὴν γῆν ἡμέρας μάλιστα ἑπτά.

Chapter 55

1 οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἰδόντες μὲν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τὰ Κύθηρα ἔχοντας, προσδεχόμενοι δὲ καὶ ἐς τὴν γῆν σφῶν ἀποβάσεις τοιαύτας ποιήσεσθαι, ἁθρόᾳ μὲν οὐδαμοῦ τῇ δυνάμει ἀντετάξαντο, κατὰ δὲ τὴν χώραν φρουρὰς διέπεμψαν, ὁπλιτῶν πλῆθος, ὡς ἑκασταχόσε ἔδει, καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἐν φυλακῇ πολλῇ ἦσαν, φοβούμενοι μὴ σφίσι νεώτερόν τι γένηται τῶν περὶ τὴν κατάστασιν, γεγενημένου μὲν τοῦ ἐν τῇ νήσῳ πάθους ἀνελπίστου καὶ μεγάλου, Πύλου δὲ ἐχομένης καὶ Κυθήρων καὶ πανταχόθεν σφᾶς περιεστῶτος πολέμου ταχέος καὶ ἀπροφυλάκτου,

2 ὥστε παρὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς ἱππέας τετρακοσίους κατεστήσαντο καὶ τοξότας, ἔς τε τὰ πολεμικά, εἴπερ ποτέ, μάλιστα δὴ ὀκνηρότεροι ἐγένοντο, ξυνεστῶτες παρὰ τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν σφῶν ἰδέαν τῆς παρασκευῆς ναυτικῷ ἀγῶνι, καὶ τούτῳ πρὸς Ἀθηναίους, οἷς τὸ μὴ ἐπιχειρούμενον αἰεὶ ἐλλιπὲς ἦν τῆς δοκήσεώς τι πράξειν·

3 καὶ ἅμα τὰ τῆς τύχης πολλὰ καὶ ἐν ὀλίγῳ ξυμβάντα παρὰ λόγον αὐτοῖς ἔκπληξιν μεγίστην παρεῖχε, καὶ ἐδέδισαν μή ποτε αὖθις ξυμφορά τις αὐτοῖς περιτύχῃ οἵα καὶ ἐν τῇ νήσῳ.

4 ἀτολμότεροι δὲ δι’ αὐτὸ ἐς τὰς μάχας ἦσαν, καὶ πᾶν ὅτι κινήσειαν ᾤοντο ἁμαρτήσεσθαι διὰ τὸ τὴν γνώμην ἀνεχέγγυον γεγενῆσθαι ἐκ τῆς πρὶν ἀηθείας τοῦ κακοπραγεῖν.

Chapter 56

1 τοῖς δὲ Ἀθηναίοις τότε τὴν παραθαλάσσιον δῃοῦσι τὰ μὲν πολλὰ ἡσύχασαν, ὡς καθ᾽ ἑκάστην φρουρὰν γίγνοιτό τις ἀπόβασις, πλήθει τε ἐλάσσους ἕκαστοι ἡγούμενοι εἶναι καὶ ἐν τῷ τοιούτῳ· μία δὲ φρουρά, ἥπερ καὶ ἠμύνατο περὶ Κοτύρταν καὶ Ἀφροδιτίαν, τὸν μὲν ὄχλον τῶν ψιλῶν ἐσκεδασμένον ἐφόβησεν ἐπιδρομῇ, τῶν δὲ ὁπλιτῶν δεξαμένων ὑπεχώρησε πάλιν, καὶ ἄνδρες τέ τινες ἀπέθανον αὐτῶν ὀλίγοι καὶ ὅπλα ἐλήφθη, τροπαῖόν τε στήσαντες οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀπέπλευσαν ἐς Κύθηρα.

2 ἐκ δὲ αὐτῶν περιέπλευσαν ἐς Ἐπίδαυρον τὴν Λιμηράν, καὶ δῃώσαντες μέρος τι τῆς γῆς ἀφικνοῦνται ἐπὶ Θυρέαν, ἥ ἐστι μὲν τῆς Κυνουρίας γῆς καλουμένης, μεθορία δὲ τῆς Ἀργείας καὶ Λακωνικῆς· νεμόμενοι δὲ αὐτὴν ἔδοσαν Λακεδαιμόνιοι Αἰγινήταις ἐκπεσοῦσιν ἐνοικεῖν διά τε τὰς ὑπὸ τὸν σεισμὸν σφίσι γενομένας καὶ τῶν Εἱλώτων τὴν ἐπανάστασιν εὐεργεσίας καὶ ὅτι Ἀθηναίων ὑπακούοντες ὅμως πρὸς τὴν ἐκείνων γνώμην αἰεὶ ἕστασαν.

Chapter 57

1 προσπλεόντων οὖν ἔτι τῶν Ἀθηναίων οἱ Αἰγινῆται τὸ μὲν ἐπὶ τῇ θαλάσσῃ ὃ ἔτυχον οἰκοδομοῦντες τεῖχος ἐκλείπουσιν, ἐς δὲ τὴν ἄνω πόλιν, ἐν ᾗ ᾤκουν, ἀπεχώρησαν, ἀπέχουσαν σταδίους μάλιστα δέκα τῆς θαλάσσης.

2 καὶ αὐτοῖς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων φρουρὰ μία τῶν περὶ τὴν χώραν, ἥπερ καὶ ξυνετείχιζε, ξυνεσελθεῖν μὲν ἐς τὸ τεῖχος οὐκ ἠθέλησαν δεομένων τῶν Αἰγινητῶν, ἀλλ’ αὐτοῖς κίνδυνος ἐφαίνετο ἐς τὸ τεῖχος κατακλῄεσθαι· ἀναχωρήσαντες δὲ ἐπὶ τὰ μετέωρα, ὡς οὐκ ἐνόμιζον ἀξιόμαχοι εἶναι, ἡσύχαζον.

3 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι κατασχόντες καὶ χωρήσαντες εὐθὺς πάσῃ τῇ στρατιᾷ αἱροῦσι τὴν Θυρέαν. καὶ τήν τε πόλιν κατέκαυσαν καὶ τὰ ἐνόντα ἐξεπόρθησαν, τούς τε Αἰγινήτας, ὅσοι μὴ ἐν χερσὶ διεφθάρησαν, ἄγοντες ἀφίκοντο ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας καὶ τὸν ἄρχοντα ὃς παρ’ αὐτοῖς ἦν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, Τάνταλον τὸν Πατροκλέους· ἐζωγρήθη γὰρ τετρωμένος.

4 ἦγον δέ τινας καὶ ἐκ τῶν Κυθήρων ἄνδρας ὀλίγους, οὓς ἐδόκει ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκα μεταστῆσαι. καὶ τούτους μὲν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐβουλεύσαντο καταθέσθαι ἐς τὰς νήσους, καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Κυθηρίους οἰκοῦντας τὴν ἑαυτῶν φόρον τέσσαρα τάλαντα φέρειν, Αἰγινήτας δὲ ἀποκτεῖναι πάντας ὅσοι ἑάλωσαν διὰ τὴν προτέραν αἰεί ποτε ἔχθραν, Τάνταλον δὲ παρὰ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ Λακεδαιμονίους καταδῆσαι.

Chapter 58

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ θέρους ἐν Σικελίᾳ Καμαριναίοις καὶ Γελῴοις ἐκεχειρία γίγνεται πρῶτον πρὸς ἀλλήλους· εἶτα καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι Σικελιῶται ξυνελθόντες ἐς Γέλαν, ἀπὸ πασῶν τῶν πόλεων πρέσβεις, ἐς λόγους κατέστησαν ἀλλήλοις, εἴ πως ξυναλλαγεῖεν. καὶ ἄλλαι τε πολλαὶ γνῶμαι ἐλέγοντο ἐπ’ ἀμφότερα, διαφερομένων καὶ ἀξιούντων, ὡς ἕκαστοί τι ἐλασσοῦσθαι ἐνόμιζον, καὶ Ἑρμοκράτης ὁ Ἕρμωνος Συρακόσιος, ὅσπερ καὶ ἔπεισε μάλιστα αὐτούς, ἐς τὸ κοινὸν τοιούτους δὴ λόγους εἶπεν.

Chapter 59

1 ‘οὔτε πόλεως ὢν ἐλαχίστης, ὦ Σικελιῶται, τοὺς λόγους ποιήσομαι οὔτε πονουμένης μάλιστα τῷ πολέμῳ, ἐς κοινὸν δὲ τὴν δοκοῦσάν μοι βελτίστην γνώμην εἶναι ἀποφαινόμενος τῇ Σικελίᾳ πάσῃ.

2 καὶ περὶ μὲν τοῦ πολεμεῖν ὡς χαλεπὸν τί ἄν τις πᾶν τὸ ἐνὸν ἐκλέγων ἐν εἰδόσι μακρηγοροίη; οὐδεὶς γὰρ οὔτε ἀμαθίᾳ ἀναγκάζεται αὐτὸ δρᾶν, οὔτε φόβῳ, ἢν οἴηταί τι πλέον σχήσειν, ἀποτρέπεται. ξυμβαίνει δὲ τοῖς μὲν τὰ κέρδη μείζω φαίνεσθαι τῶν δεινῶν, οἱ δὲ τοὺς κινδύνους ἐθέλουσιν ὑφίστασθαι πρὸ τοῦ αὐτίκα τι ἐλασσοῦσθαι·

3 αὐτὰ δὲ ταῦτα εἰ μὴ ἐν καιρῷ τύχοιεν ἑκάτεροι πράσσοντες, αἱ παραινέσεις τῶν ξυναλλαγῶν ὠφέλιμοι.

4 ὃ καὶ ἡμῖν ἐν τῷ παρόντι πειθομένοις πλείστου ἂν ἄξιον γένοιτο· τὰ γὰρ ἴδια ἕκαστοι εὖ βουλευόμενοι δὴ θέσθαι τό τε πρῶτον ἐπολεμήσαμεν καὶ νῦν πρὸς ἀλλήλους δι’ ἀντιλογιῶν πειρώμεθα καταλλαγῆναι καί, ἢν ἄρα μὴ προχωρήσῃ ἴσον ἑκάστῳ ἔχοντι ἀπελθεῖν, πάλιν πολεμήσομεν.

Chapter 60

1 ‘καίτοι γνῶναι χρὴ ὅτι οὐ περὶ τῶν ἰδίων μόνον, εἰ σωφρονοῦμεν, ἡ ξύνοδος ἔσται, ἀλλ’ εἰ ἐπιβουλευομένην τὴν πᾶσαν Σικελίαν, ὡς ἐγὼ κρίνω, ὑπ’ Ἀθηναίων δυνησόμεθα ἔτι διασῶσαι· καὶ διαλλακτὰς πολὺ τῶν ἐμῶν λόγων ἀναγκαιοτέρους περὶ τῶνδε Ἀθηναίους νομίσαι, οἳ δύναμιν ἔχοντες μεγίστην τῶν Ἑλλήνων τάς τε ἁμαρτίας ἡμῶν τηροῦσιν ὀλίγαις ναυσὶ παρόντες, καὶ ὀνόματι ἐννόμῳ ξυμμαχίας τὸ φύσει πολέμιον εὐπρεπῶς ἐς τὸ ξυμφέρον καθίστανται.

2 πόλεμον γὰρ αἰρομένων ἡμῶν καὶ ἐπαγομένων αὐτούς, ἄνδρας οἳ καὶ τοῖς μὴ ἐπικαλουμένοις αὐτοὶ ἐπιστρατεύουσι, κακῶς τε ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς ποιούντων τέλεσι τοῖς οἰκείοις, καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἅμα προκοπτόντων ἐκείνοις, εἰκός, ὅταν γνῶσιν ἡμᾶς τετρυχωμένους, καὶ πλέονί ποτε στόλῳ ἐλθόντας αὐτοὺς τάδε πάντα πειράσασθαι ὑπὸ σφᾶς ποιεῖσθαι.

Chapter 61

1 ‘καίτοι τῇ ἑαυτῶν ἑκάστους, εἰ σωφρονοῦμεν, χρὴ τὰ μὴ προσήκοντα ἐπικτωμένους μᾶλλον ἢ τὰ ἑτοῖμα βλάπτοντας ξυμμάχους τε ἐπάγεσθαι καὶ τοὺς κινδύνους προσλαμβάνειν, νομίσαι τε στάσιν μάλιστα φθείρειν τὰς πόλεις καὶ τὴν Σικελίαν, ἧς γε οἱ ἔνοικοι ξύμπαντες μὲν ἐπιβουλευόμεθα, κατὰ πόλεις δὲ διέσταμεν.

2 ἃ χρὴ γνόντας καὶ ἰδιώτην ἰδιώτῃ καταλλαγῆναι καὶ πόλιν πόλει, καὶ πειρᾶσθαι κοινῇ σῴζειν τὴν πᾶσαν Σικελίαν, παρεστάναι δὲ μηδενὶ ὡς οἱ μὲν Δωριῆς ἡμῶν πολέμιοι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, τὸ δὲ Χαλκιδικὸν τῇ Ἰάδι ξυγγενείᾳ ἀσφαλές.

3 οὐ γὰρ τοῖς ἔθνεσιν, ὅτι δίχα πέφυκε, τοῦ ἑτέρου ἔχθει ἐπίασιν, ἀλλὰ τῶν ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ ἀγαθῶν ἐφιέμενοι, ἃ κοινῇ κεκτήμεθα.

4 ἐδήλωσαν δὲ νῦν ἐν τῇ τοῦ Χαλκιδικοῦ γένους παρακλήσει· τοῖς γὰρ οὐδεπώποτε σφίσι κατὰ τὸ ξυμμαχικὸν προσβοηθήσασιν αὐτοὶ τὸ δίκαιον μᾶλλον τῆς ξυνθήκης προθύμως παρέσχοντο.

5 καὶ τοὺς μὲν Ἀθηναίους ταῦτα πλεονεκτεῖν τε καὶ προνοεῖσθαι πολλὴ ξυγγνώμη, καὶ οὐ τοῖς ἄρχειν βουλομένοις μέμφομαι, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ὑπακούειν ἑτοιμοτέροις οὖσιν· πέφυκε γὰρ τὸ ἀνθρώπειον διὰ παντὸς ἄρχειν μὲν τοῦ εἴκοντος, φυλάσσεσθαι δὲ τὸ ἐπιόν.

6 ὅσοι δὲ γιγνώσκοντες αὐτὰ μὴ ὀρθῶς προσκοποῦμεν, μηδὲ τοῦτό τις πρεσβύτατον ἥκει κρίνας, τὸ κοινῶς φοβερὸν ἅπαντας εὖ θέσθαι, ἁμαρτάνομεν.

7 τάχιστα δ’ ἂν ἀπαλλαγὴ αὐτοῦ γένοιτο, εἰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ξυμβαῖμεν· οὐ γὰρ ἀπὸ τῆς αὑτῶν ὁρμῶνται Ἀθηναῖοι, ἀλλ’ ἐκ τῆς τῶν ἐπικαλεσαμένων. καὶ οὕτως οὐ πόλεμος πολέμῳ, εἰρήνῃ δὲ διαφοραὶ ἀπραγμόνως παύονται, οἵ τ’ ἐπίκλητοι εὐπρεπῶς ἄδικοι ἐλθόντες εὐλόγως ἄπρακτοι ἀπίασιν.

Chapter 62

1 ‘καὶ τὸ μὲν πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τοσοῦτον ἀγαθὸν εὖ βουλευομένοις εὑρίσκεται·

2 τὴν δὲ ὑπὸ πάντων ὁμολογουμένην ἄριστον εἶναι εἰρήνην πῶς οὐ χρὴ καὶ ἐν ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς ποιήσασθαι; ἢ δοκεῖτε, εἴ τῴ τι ἔστιν ἀγαθὸν ἢ εἴ τῳ τὰ ἐναντία, οὐχ ἡσυχίαν μᾶλλον ἢ πόλεμον τὸ μὲν παῦσαι ἂν ἑκατέρῳ, τὸ δὲ ξυνδιασῶσαι, καὶ τὰς τιμὰς καὶ λαμπρότητας ἀκινδυνοτέρας ἔχειν τὴν εἰρήνην, ἄλλα τε ὅσα ἐν μήκει λόγων ἄν τις διέλθοι, ὥσπερ περὶ τοῦ πολεμεῖν; ἃ χρὴ σκεψαμένους μὴ τοὺς ἐμοὺς λόγους ὑπεριδεῖν, τὴν δὲ αὑτοῦ τινὰ σωτηρίαν μᾶλλον ἀπ’ αὐτῶν προϊδεῖν.

3 καὶ εἴ τις βεβαίως τι ἢ τῷ δικαίῳ ἢ βίᾳ πράξειν οἴεται, τῷ παρ’ ἐλπίδα μὴ χαλεπῶς σφαλλέσθω, γνοὺς ὅτι πλείους ἤδη καὶ τιμωρίαις μετιόντες τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας καὶ ἐλπίσαντες ἕτεροι δυνάμει τινὶ πλεονεκτήσειν, οἱ μὲν οὐχ ὅσον οὐκ ἠμύναντο, ἀλλ’ οὐδ᾽ ἐσώθησαν, τοὺς δ’ ἀντὶ τοῦ πλέον ἔχειν προσκαταλιπεῖν τὰ αὑτῶν ξυνέβη.

4 τιμωρία γὰρ οὐκ εὐτυχεῖ δικαίως, ὅτι καὶ ἀδικεῖται· οὐδὲ ἰσχὺς βέβαιον, διότι καὶ εὔελπι. τὸ δὲ ἀστάθμητον τοῦ μέλλοντος ὡς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον κρατεῖ, πάντων τε σφαλερώτατον ὂν ὅμως καὶ χρησιμώτατον φαίνεται· ἐξ ἴσου γὰρ δεδιότες προμηθίᾳ μᾶλλον ἐπ’ ἀλλήλους ἐρχόμεθα.

Chapter 63

1 ‘καὶ νῦν τοῦ ἀφανοῦς τε τούτου διὰ τὸ ἀτέκμαρτον δέος καὶ διὰ τὸ ἤδη † φοβεροὺς παρόντας Ἀθηναίους, κατ’ ἀμφότερα ἐκπλαγέντες, καὶ τὸ ἐλλιπὲς τῆς γνώμης, ὧν ἕκαστός τι ᾠήθημεν πράξειν, ταῖς κωλύμαις ταύταις ἱκανῶς νομίσαντες εἰρχθῆναι, τοὺς ἐφεστῶτας πολεμίους ἐκ τῆς χώρας ἀποπέμπωμεν, καὶ αὐτοὶ μάλιστα μὲν ἐς ἀίδιον ξυμβῶμεν, εἰ δὲ μή, χρόνον ὡς πλεῖστον σπεισάμενοι τὰς ἰδίας διαφορὰς ἐς αὖθις ἀναβαλώμεθα.

2 τὸ ξύμπαν τε δὴ γνῶμεν πειθόμενοι μὲν ἐμοὶ πόλιν ἕξοντες ἕκαστος ἐλευθέραν, ἀφ’ ἧς αὐτοκράτορες ὄντες τὸν εὖ καὶ κακῶς δρῶντα ἐξ ἴσου ἀρετῇ ἀμυνούμεθα· ἢν δ᾽ ἀπιστήσαντες ἄλλοις ὑπακούσωμεν, οὐ περὶ τοῦ τιμωρήσασθαί τινα, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἄγαν εἰ τύχοιμεν, φίλοι μὲν ἂν τοῖς ἐχθίστοις, διάφοροι δὲ οἷς οὐ χρὴ κατ’ ἀνάγκην γιγνοίμεθα.

Chapter 64

1 ‘καὶ ἐγὼ μέν, ἅπερ καὶ ἀρχόμενος εἶπον, πόλιν τε μεγίστην παρεχόμενος καὶ ἐπιών τῳ μᾶλλον ἢ ἀμυνούμενος ἀξιῶ προιδόμενος αὐτῶν ξυγχωρεῖν, καὶ μὴ τοὺς ἐναντίους οὕτω κακῶς δρᾶν ὥστε αὐτὸς τὰ πλείω βλάπτεσθαι, μηδὲ μωρίᾳ φιλονικῶν ἡγεῖσθαι τῆς τε οἰκείας γνώμης ὁμοίως αὐτοκράτωρ εἶναι καὶ ἧς οὐκ ἄρχω τύχης, ἀλλ’ ὅσον εἰκὸς ἡσσᾶσθαι.

2 καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους δικαιῶ ταὐτό μοι ποιῆσαι, ὑφ’ ὑμῶν αὐτῶν καὶ μὴ ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων τοῦτο παθεῖν.

3 οὐδὲν γὰρ αἰσχρὸν οἰκείους οἰκείων ἡσσᾶσθαι, ἢ Δωριᾶ τινὰ Δωριῶς ἢ Χαλκιδέα τῶν ξυγγενῶν, τὸ δὲ ξύμπαν γείτονας ὄντας καὶ ξυνοίκους μιᾶς χώρας καὶ περιρρύτου καὶ ὄνομα ἓν κεκλημένους Σικελιώτας· οἳ πολεμήσομέν τε, οἶμαι, ὅταν ξυμβῇ, καὶ ξυγχωρησόμεθά γε πάλιν καθ’ ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς λόγοις κοινοῖς χρώμενοι·

4 τοὺς δὲ ἀλλοφύλους ἐπελθόντας ἁθρόοι αἰεί, ἢν σωφρονῶμεν, ἀμυνούμεθα, εἴπερ καὶ καθ᾽ ἑκάστους βλαπτόμενοι ξύμπαντες κινδυνεύομεν· ξυμμάχους δὲ οὐδέποτε τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπαξόμεθα οὐδὲ διαλλακτάς.

5 τάδε γὰρ ποιοῦντες ἔν τε τῷ παρόντι δυοῖν ἀγαθοῖν οὐ στερήσομεν τὴν Σικελίαν, Ἀθηναίων τε ἀπαλλαγῆναι καὶ οἰκείου πολέμου, καὶ ἐς τὸ ἔπειτα καθ’ ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐλευθέραν νεμούμεθα καὶ ὑπὸ ἄλλων ἧσσον ἐπιβουλευομένην.’

Chapter 65

1 τοιαῦτα τοῦ Ἑρμοκράτους εἰπόντος πειθόμενοι οἱ Σικελιῶται αὐτοὶ μὲν κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ξυνηνέχθησαν γνώμῃ ὥστε ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι τοῦ πολέμου ἔχοντες ἃ ἕκαστοι ἔχουσι, τοῖς δὲ Καμαριναίοις Μοργαντίνην εἶναι ἀργύριον τακτὸν τοῖς Συρακοσίοις ἀποδοῦσιν·

2 οἱ δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ξύμμαχοι παρακαλέσαντες αὐτῶν τοὺς ἐν τέλει ὄντας εἶπον ὅτι ξυμβήσονται καὶ αἱ σπονδαὶ ἔσονται κἀκείνοις κοιναί. ἐπαινεσάντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐποιοῦντο τὴν ὁμολογίαν, καὶ αἱ νῆες τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀπέπλευσαν μετὰ ταῦτα ἐκ Σικελίας.

3 ἐλθόντας δὲ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς οἱ ἐν τῇ πόλει Ἀθηναῖοι τοὺς μὲν φυγῇ ἐζημίωσαν, Πυθόδωρον καὶ Σοφοκλέα, τὸν δὲ τρίτον Εὐρυμέδοντα χρήματα ἐπράξαντο, ὡς ἐξὸν αὐτοῖς τὰ ἐν Σικελίᾳ καταστρέψασθαι δώροις πεισθέντες ἀποχωρήσειαν.

4 οὕτω τῇ [τε] παρούσῃ εὐτυχίᾳ χρώμενοι ἠξίουν σφίσι μηδὲν ἐναντιοῦσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ δυνατὰ ἐν ἴσῳ καὶ τὰ ἀπορώτερα μεγάλῃ τε ὁμοίως καὶ ἐνδεεστέρᾳ παρασκευῇ κατεργάζεσθαι. αἰτία δ’ ἦν ἡ παρὰ λόγον τῶν πλεόνων εὐπραγία αὐτοῖς ὑποτιθεῖσα ἰσχὺν τῆς ἐλπίδος.

Chapter 66

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ θέρους Μεγαρῆς οἱ ἐν τῇ πόλει πιεζόμενοι ὑπό τε Ἀθηναίων τῷ πολέμῳ, αἰεὶ κατὰ ἔτος ἕκαστον δὶς ἐσβαλλόντων πανστρατιᾷ ἐς τὴν χώραν, καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν σφετέρων φυγάδων τῶν ἐκ Πηγῶν, οἳ στασιασάντων ἐκπεσόντες ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους χαλεποὶ ἦσαν λῃστεύοντες, ἐποιοῦντο λόγους ἐν ἀλλήλοις ὡς χρὴ δεξαμένους τοὺς φεύγοντας μὴ ἀμφοτέρωθεν τὴν πόλιν φθείρειν.

2 οἱ δὲ φίλοι τῶν ἔξω τὸν θροῦν αἰσθόμενοι φανερῶς μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον καὶ αὐτοὶ ἠξίουν τούτου τοῦ λόγου ἔχεσθαι.

3 γνόντες δὲ οἱ τοῦ δήμου προστάται οὐ δυνατὸν τὸν δῆμον ἐσόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν κακῶν μετὰ σφῶν καρτερεῖν, ποιοῦνται λόγους δείσαντες πρὸς τοὺς τῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατηγούς, Ἱπποκράτη τε τὸν Ἀρίφρονος καὶ Δημοσθένη τὸν Ἀλκισθένους, βουλόμενοι ἐνδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν καὶ νομίζοντες ἐλάσσω σφίσι τὸν κίνδυνον ἢ τοὺς ἐκπεσόντας ὑπὸ σφῶν κατελθεῖν. ξυνέβησάν τε πρῶτα μὲν τὰ μακρὰ τείχη ἑλεῖν Ἀθηναίους (ἦν δὲ σταδίων μάλιστα ὀκτὼ ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ τὴν Νίσαιαν τὸν λιμένα αὐτῶν), ὅπως μὴ ἐπιβοηθήσωσιν ἐκ τῆς Νισαίας οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι, ἐν ᾗ αὐτοὶ μόνοι ἐφρούρουν βεβαιότητος ἕνεκα τῶν Μεγάρων, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τὴν ἄνω πόλιν πειρᾶσθαι ἐνδοῦναι· ῥᾷον δ’ ἤδη ἔμελλον προσχωρήσειν τούτου γεγενημένου.

Chapter 67

1 οἱ οὖν Ἀθηναῖοι, ἐπειδὴ ἀπό τε τῶν ἔργων καὶ τῶν λόγων παρεσκεύαστο ἀμφοτέροις, ὑπὸ νύκτα πλεύσαντες ἐς Μινῴαν τὴν Μεγαρέων νῆσον ὁπλίταις ἑξακοσίοις, ὧν Ἱπποκράτης ἦρχεν, ἐν ὀρύγματι ἐκαθέζοντο, ὅθεν ἐπλίνθευον τὰ τείχη καὶ ἀπεῖχεν οὐ πολύ·

2 οἱ δὲ μετὰ τοῦ Δημοσθένους τοῦ ἑτέρου στρατηγοῦ Πλαταιῆς τε ψιλοὶ καὶ ἕτεροι περίπολοι ἐνήδρευσαν ἐς τὸ Ἐνυάλιον, ὅ ἐστιν ἔλασσον ἄπωθεν. καὶ ᾔσθετο οὐδεὶς εἰ μὴ οἱ ἄνδρες οἷς ἐπιμελὲς ἦν εἰδέναι τὴν νύκτα ταύτην.

3 καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἕως ἔμελλε γίγνεσθαι, οἱ προδιδόντες τῶν Μεγαρέων οὗτοι τοιόνδε ἐποίησαν. ἀκάτιον ἀμφηρικὸν ὡς λῃσταί, ἐκ πολλοῦ τεθεραπευκότες τὴν ἄνοιξιν τῶν πυλῶν, εἰώθεσαν ἐπὶ ἁμάξῃ, πείθοντες τὸν ἄρχοντα, διὰ τῆς τάφρου κατακομίζειν τῆς νυκτὸς ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ ἐκπλεῖν· καὶ πρὶν ἡμέραν εἶναι πάλιν αὐτὸ τῇ ἁμάξῃ κομίσαντες ἐς τὸ τεῖχος κατὰ τὰς πύλας ἐσῆγον, ὅπως τοῖς ἐκ τῆς Μινῴας Ἀθηναίοις ἀφανὴς δὴ εἴη ἡ φυλακή, μὴ ὄντος ἐν τῷ λιμένι πλοίου φανεροῦ μηδενός.

4 καὶ τότε πρὸς ταῖς πύλαις ἤδη ἦν ἡ ἅμαξα, καὶ ἀνοιχθεισῶν κατὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς ὡς τῷ ἀκατίῳ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι (ἐγίγνετο γὰρ ἀπὸ ξυνθήματος τὸ τοιοῦτον) ἰδόντες ἔθεον δρόμῳ ἐκ τῆς ἐνέδρας, βουλόμενοι φθάσαι πρὶν ξυγκλῃσθῆναι πάλιν τὰς πύλας καὶ ἕως ἔτι ἡ ἅμαξα ἐν αὐταῖς ἦν, κώλυμα οὖσα προσθεῖναι· καὶ αὐτοῖς ἅμα καὶ οἱ ξυμπράσσοντες Μεγαρῆς τοὺς κατὰ τὰς πύλας φύλακας κτείνουσιν.

5 καὶ πρῶτον μὲν οἱ περὶ τὸν Δημοσθένη Πλαταιῆς τε καὶ περίπολοι ἐσέδραμον οὗ νῦν τὸ τροπαῖόν ἐστι, καὶ εὐθὺς ἐντὸς τῶν πυλῶν (ᾔσθοντο γὰρ οἱ ἐγγύτατα Πελοποννήσιοι) μαχόμενοι τοὺς προσβοηθοῦντας οἱ Πλαταιῆς ἐκράτησαν καὶ τοῖς τῶν Ἀθηναίων ὁπλίταις ἐπιφερομένοις βεβαίους τὰς πύλας παρέσχον·

Chapter 68

1 ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἤδη ὁ αἰεὶ ἐντὸς γιγνόμενος ἐχώρει ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος.

2 καὶ οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι φρουροὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀντίσχοντες ἠμύνοντο ὀλίγοι, καὶ ἀπέθανόν τινες αὐτῶν, οἱ δὲ πλείους ἐς φυγὴν κατέστησαν, φοβηθέντες ἐν νυκτί τε πολεμίων προσπεπτωκότων καὶ τῶν προδιδόντων Μεγαρέων ἀντιμαχομένων, νομίσαντες τοὺς ἅπαντας σφᾶς Μεγαρέας προδεδωκέναι.

3 ξυνέπεσε γὰρ καὶ τὸν τῶν Ἀθηναίων κήρυκα ἀφ’ ἑαυτοῦ γνώμης κηρύξαι τὸν βουλόμενον ἰέναι Μεγαρέων μετὰ Ἀθηναίων θησόμενον τὰ ὅπλα. οἱ δ’ ὡς ἤκουσαν, οὐκέτι ἀνέμενον, ἀλλὰ τῷ ὄντι νομίσαντες κοινῇ πολεμεῖσθαι κατέφυγον ἐς τὴν Νίσαιαν.

4 ἅμα δὲ ἕῳ ἑαλωκότων ἤδη τῶν τειχῶν καὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει Μεγαρέων θορυβουμένων οἱ πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους πράξαντες καὶ ἄλλο μετ’ αὐτῶν πλῆθος, ὃ ξυνῄδει, ἔφασαν χρῆναι ἀνοίγειν τὰς πύλας καὶ ἐπεξιέναι ἐς μάχην.

5 ξυνέκειτο δὲ αὐτοῖς τῶν πυλῶν ἀνοιχθεισῶν ἐσπίπτειν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, αὐτοὶ δὲ διάδηλοι ἔμελλον ἔσεσθαι (λίπα γὰρ ἀλείψεσθαι), ὅπως μὴ ἀδικῶνται. ἀσφάλεια δὲ αὐτοῖς μᾶλλον ἐγίγνετο τῆς ἀνοίξεως· καὶ γὰρ οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἐλευσῖνος κατὰ τὸ ξυγκείμενον τετρακισχίλιοι ὁπλῖται τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ ἱππῆς ἑξακόσιοι [οἱ] τὴν νύκτα πορευόμενοι παρῆσαν.

6 ἀληλιμμένων δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ ὄντων ἤδη περὶ τὰς πύλας καταγορεύει τις ξυνειδὼς τοῖς ἑτέροις τὸ ἐπιβούλευμα. καὶ οἳ ξυστραφέντες ἁθρόοι ἦλθον καὶ οὐκ ἔφασαν χρῆναι οὔτε ἐπεξιέναι (οὐδὲ γὰρ πρότερόν πω τοῦτο ἰσχύοντες μᾶλλον τολμῆσαι) οὔτε ἐς κίνδυνον φανερὸν τὴν πόλιν καταγαγεῖν· εἴ τε μὴ πείσεταί τις, αὐτοῦ τὴν μάχην ἔσεσθαι. ἐδήλουν δὲ οὐδὲν ὅτι ἴσασι τὰ πρασσόμενα, ἀλλὰ ὡς τὰ βέλτιστα βουλεύοντες ἰσχυρίζοντο, καὶ ἅμα περὶ τὰς πύλας παρέμενον φυλάσσοντες, ὥστε οὐκ ἐγένετο τοῖς ἐπιβουλεύουσι πρᾶξαι ὃ ἔμελλον.

Chapter 69

1 γνόντες δὲ οἱ τῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατηγοὶ ὅτι ἐναντίωμά τι ἐγένετο καὶ τὴν πόλιν βίᾳ οὐχ οἷοί τε ἔσονται λαβεῖν, τὴν Νίσαιαν εὐθὺς περιετείχιζον, νομίζοντες, εἰ πρὶν ἐπιβοηθῆσαί τινας ἐξέλοιεν, θᾶσσον ἂν καὶ

2 τὰ Μέγαρα προσχωρῆσαι (παρεγένετο δὲ σίδηρός τε ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν ταχὺ καὶ λιθουργοὶ καὶ τἆλλα ἐπιτήδεια)· ἀρξάμενοι δ’ ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους ὃ εἶχον καὶ διοικοδομήσαντες τὸ πρὸς Μεγαρέας, ἀπ’ ἐκείνου ἑκατέρωθεν ἐς θάλασσαν τῆς Νισαίας τάφρον τε καὶ τείχη διελομένη ἡ στρατιά, ἔκ τε τοῦ προαστείου λίθοις καὶ πλίνθοις χρώμενοι, καὶ κόπτοντες τὰ δένδρα καὶ ὕλην ἀπεσταύρουν εἴ πῃ δέοιτό τι· καὶ αἱ οἰκίαι τοῦ προαστείου ἐπάλξεις λαμβάνουσαι αὐταὶ ὑπῆρχον ἔρυμα.

3 καὶ ταύτην μὲν τὴν ἡμέραν ὅλην εἰργάζοντο· τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ περὶ δείλην τὸ τεῖχος ὅσον οὐκ ἀπετετέλεστο, καὶ οἱ ἐν τῇ Νισαίᾳ δείσαντες, σίτου τε ἀπορίᾳ (ἐφ’ ἡμέραν γὰρ ἐκ τῆς ἄνω πόλεως ἐχρῶντο) καὶ τοὺς Πελοποννησίους οὐ νομίζοντες ταχὺ ἐπιβοηθήσειν, τούς τε Μεγαρέας πολεμίους ἡγούμενοι, ξυνέβησαν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ῥητοῦ μὲν ἕκαστον ἀργυρίου ἀπολυθῆναι ὅπλα παραδόντας, τοῖς δὲ Λακεδαιμονίοις, τῷ τε ἄρχοντι καὶ εἴ τις ἄλλος ἐνῆν, χρῆσθαι Ἀθηναίους ὅτι ἂν βούλωνται.

4 ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁμολογήσαντες ἐξῆλθον, καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὰ μακρὰ τείχη ἀπορρήξαντες ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν Μεγαρέων πόλεως καὶ τὴν Νίσαιαν παραλαβόντες τἆλλα παρεσκευάζοντο.

Chapter 70

1 Βρασίδας δὲ ὁ Τέλλιδος Λακεδαιμόνιος κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ἐτύγχανε περὶ Σικυῶνα καὶ Κόρινθον ὤν, ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης στρατείαν παρασκευαζόμενος. καὶ ὡς ᾔσθετο τῶν τειχῶν τὴν ἅλωσιν, δείσας περί τε τοῖς ἐν τῇ Νισαίᾳ Πελοποννησίοις καὶ μὴ τὰ Μέγαρα ληφθῇ, πέμπει ἔς τε τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς κελεύων κατὰ τάχος στρατιᾷ ἀπαντῆσαι ἐπὶ Τριποδίσκον (ἔστι δὲ κώμη τῆς Μεγαρίδος ὄνομα τοῦτο ἔχουσα ὑπὸ τῷ ὄρει τῇ Γερανείᾳ), καὶ αὐτὸς ἔχων ἦλθεν ἑπτακοσίους μὲν καὶ δισχιλίους Κορινθίων ὁπλίτας, Φλειασίων δὲ τετρακοσίους, Σικυωνίων δὲ ἑξακοσίους, καὶ τοὺς μεθ’ αὑτοῦ ὅσοι ἤδη ξυνειλεγμένοι ἦσαν, οἰόμενος τὴν Νίσαιαν ἔτι καταλήψεσθαι ἀνάλωτον.

2 ὡς δὲ ἐπύθετο (ἔτυχε γὰρ νυκτὸς ἐπὶ τὸν Τριποδίσκον ἐξελθών), ἀπολέξας τριακοσίους τοῦ στρατοῦ, πρὶν ἔκπυστος γενέσθαι, προσῆλθε τῇ τῶν Μεγαρέων πόλει λαθὼν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ὄντας περὶ τὴν θάλασσαν, βουλόμενος μὲν τῷ λόγῳ καὶ ἅμα, εἰ δύναιτο, ἔργῳ τῆς Νισαίας πειρᾶσαι, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, τὴν τῶν Μεγαρέων πόλιν ἐσελθὼν βεβαιώσασθαι. καὶ ἠξίου δέξασθαι σφᾶς, λέγων ἐν ἐλπίδι εἶναι ἀναλαβεῖν Νίσαιαν.

Chapter 71

1 αἱ δὲ τῶν Μεγαρέων στάσεις φοβούμεναι, οἱ μὲν μὴ τοὺς φεύγοντας σφίσιν ἐσαγαγὼν αὐτοὺς ἐκβάλῃ, οἱ δὲ μὴ αὐτὸ τοῦτο ὁ δῆμος δείσας ἐπίθηται σφίσι καὶ ἡ πόλις ἐν μάχῃ καθ’ αὑτὴν οὖσα ἐγγὺς ἐφεδρευόντων Ἀθηναίων ἀπόληται, οὐκ ἐδέξαντο, ἀλλ’ ἀμφοτέροις ἐδόκει ἡσυχάσασι τὸ μέλλον περιιδεῖν.

2 ἤλπιζον γὰρ καὶ μάχην ἑκάτεροι ἔσεσθαι τῶν τε Ἀθηναίων καὶ τῶν προσβοηθησάντων, καὶ οὕτω σφίσιν ἀσφαλεστέρως ἔχειν, οἷς τις εἴη εὔνους, κρατήσασι προσχωρῆσαι· ὁ δὲ Βρασίδας ὡς οὐκ ἔπειθεν, ἀνεχώρησε πάλιν ἐς τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα.

Chapter 72

1 ἅμα δὲ τῇ ἕῳ οἱ Βοιωτοὶ παρῆσαν, διανενοημένοι μὲν καὶ πρὶν Βρασίδαν πέμψαι βοηθεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ Μέγαρα, ὡς οὐκ ἀλλοτρίου ὄντος τοῦ κινδύνου, καὶ ἤδη ὄντες πανστρατιᾷ Πλαταιᾶσιν· ἐπειδὴ δὲ καὶ ἦλθεν ὁ ἄγγελος, πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἐρρώσθησαν, καὶ ἀποστείλαντες διακοσίους καὶ δισχιλίους ὁπλίτας καὶ ἱππέας ἑξακοσίους τοῖς πλέοσιν ἀπῆλθον πάλιν.

2 παρόντος δὲ ἤδη ξύμπαντος τοῦ στρατεύματος, ὁπλιτῶν οὐκ ἔλασσον ἑξακισχιλίων, καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων τῶν μὲν ὁπλιτῶν περί τε τὴν Νίσαιαν ὄντων καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ἐν τάξει, τῶν δὲ ψιλῶν ἀνὰ τὸ πεδίον ἐσκεδασμένων, οἱ ἱππῆς οἱ τῶν Βοιωτῶν ἀπροσδοκήτοις ἐπιπεσόντες τοῖς ψιλοῖς ἔτρεψαν ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν (ἐν γὰρ τῷ πρὸ τοῦ οὐδεμία βοήθειά πω τοῖς Μεγαρεῦσιν οὐδαμόθεν ἐπῆλθεν)·

3 ἀντεπεξελάσαντες δὲ καὶ οἱ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐς χεῖρας ᾖσαν, καὶ ἐγένετο ἱππομαχία ἐπὶ πολύ, ἐν ᾗ ἀξιοῦσιν ἑκάτεροι οὐχ ἥσσους γενέσθαι.

4 τὸν μὲν γὰρ ἵππαρχον τῶν Βοιωτῶν καὶ ἄλλους τινὰς οὐ πολλοὺς πρὸς αὐτὴν τὴν Νίσαιαν προσελάσαντας οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι [καὶ] ἀποκτείναντες ἐσκύλευσαν, καὶ τῶν τε νεκρῶν τούτων κρατήσαντες ὑποσπόνδους ἀπέδοσαν καὶ τροπαῖον ἔστησαν· οὐ μέντοι ἔν γε τῷ παντὶ ἔργῳ βεβαίως οὐδέτεροι τελευτήσαντες ἀπεκρίθησαν, ἀλλ’ οἱ μὲν Βοιωτοὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἑαυτῶν, οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν Νίσαιαν.

Chapter 73

1 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο Βρασίδας καὶ τὸ στράτευμα ἐχώρουν ἐγγυτέρω τῆς θαλάσσης καὶ τῆς τῶν Μεγαρέων πόλεως, καὶ καταλαβόντες χωρίον ἐπιτήδειον παραταξάμενοι ἡσύχαζον, οἰόμενοι σφίσιν ἐπιέναι τοὺς Ἀθηναίους καὶ τοὺς Μεγαρέας ἐπιστάμενοι περιορωμένους ὁποτέρων ἡ νίκη ἔσται.

2 καλῶς δὲ ἐνόμιζον σφίσιν ἀμφότερα ἔχειν, ἅμα μὲν τὸ μὴ ἐπιχειρεῖν προτέρους μηδὲ μάχης καὶ κινδύνου ἑκόντας ἄρξαι, ἐπειδή γε ἐν φανερῷ ἔδειξαν ἑτοῖμοι ὄντες ἀμύνεσθαι, καὶ αὐτοῖς ὥσπερ ἀκονιτὶ τὴν νίκην δικαίως ἂν τίθεσθαι, ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ δὲ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Μεγαρέας ὀρθῶς ξυμβαίνειν·

3 εἰ μὲν γὰρ μὴ ὤφθησαν ἐλθόντες, οὐκ ἂν ἐν τύχῃ γίγνεσθαι σφίσιν, ἀλλὰ σαφῶς ἂν ὥσπερ ἡσσηθέντων στερηθῆναι εὐθὺς τῆς πόλεως· νῦν δὲ κἂν τυχεῖν αὐτοὺς Ἀθηναίους μὴ βουληθέντας ἀγωνίζεσθαι, ὥστε ἀμαχητὶ ἂν περιγενέσθαι αὐτοῖς ὧν ἕνεκα ἦλθον. ὅπερ καὶ ἐγένετο.

4 οἱ γὰρ Μεγαρῆς, ὡς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐτάξαντο μὲν παρὰ τὰ μακρὰ τείχη ἐξελθόντες, ἡσύχαζον δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ μὴ ἐπιόντων, λογιζόμενοι καὶ οἱ ἐκείνων στρατηγοὶ μὴ ἀντίπαλον εἶναι σφίσι τὸν κίνδυνον, ἐπειδὴ καὶ τὰ πλείω αὐτοῖς προυκεχωρήκει, ἄρξασι μάχης πρὸς πλέονας αὐτῶν ἢ λαβεῖν νικήσαντας Μέγαρα ἢ σφαλέντας τῷ βελτίστῳ τοῦ ὁπλιτικοῦ βλαφθῆναι, τοῖς δὲ ξυμπάσης τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ τῶν παρόντων μέρος ἕκαστον κινδυνεύειν εἰκότως ἐθέλειν τολμᾶν, χρόνον δὲ ἐπισχόντες καὶ ὡς οὐδὲν ἀφ’ ἑκατέρων ἐπεχειρεῖτο, ἀπῆλθον πρότερον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐς τὴν Νίσαιαν καὶ αὖθις οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι ὅθενπερ ὡρμήθησαν. οὕτω δὴ τῷ μὲν Βρασίδᾳ αὐτῷ καὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν πόλεων ἄρχουσιν οἱ τῶν φευγόντων φίλοι Μεγαρῆς, ὡς ἐπικρατήσαντι καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων οὐκέτι ἐθελησάντων μάχεσθαι, θαρσοῦντες μᾶλλον ἀνοίγουσί τε τὰς πύλας καὶ δεξάμενοι καταπεπληγμένων ἤδη τῶν πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους πραξάντων ἐς λόγους ἔρχονται.

Chapter 74

1 καὶ ὕστερον ὁ μὲν διαλυθέντων τῶν ξυμμάχων κατὰ πόλεις ἐπανελθὼν καὶ αὐτὸς ἐς τὴν Κόρινθον τὴν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης στρατείαν παρεσκεύαζεν, ἵναπερ καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ὥρμητο·

2 οἱ δὲ ἐν τῇ πόλει Μεγαρῆς, ἀποχωρησάντων καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐπ’ οἴκου, ὅσοι μὲν τῶν πραγμάτων πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους μάλιστα μετέσχον, εἰδότες ὅτι ὤφθησαν εὐθὺς ὑπεξῆλθον, οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι κοινολογησάμενοι τοῖς τῶν φευγόντων φίλοις κατάγουσι τοὺς ἐκ Πηγῶν, ὁρκώσαντες πίστεσι μεγάλαις μηδὲν μνησικακήσειν, βουλεύσειν δὲ τῇ πόλει τὰ ἄριστα.

3 οἱ δὲ ἐπειδὴ ἐν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς ἐγένοντο καὶ ἐξέτασιν ὅπλων ἐποιήσαντο, διαστήσαντες τοὺς λόχους ἐξελέξαντο τῶν τε ἐχθρῶν καὶ οἳ ἐδόκουν μάλιστα ξυμπρᾶξαι τὰ πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἄνδρας ὡς ἑκατόν, καὶ τούτων πέρι ἀναγκάσαντες τὸν δῆμον ψῆφον φανερὰν διενεγκεῖν, ὡς κατεγνώσθησαν, ἔκτειναν, καὶ ἐς ὀλιγαρχίαν τὰ μάλιστα κατέστησαν τὴν πόλιν.

4 καὶ πλεῖστον δὴ χρόνον αὕτη ὑπ’ ἐλαχίστων γενομένη ἐκ στάσεως μετάστασις ξυνέμεινεν.

Chapter 75

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ θέρους τῆς Ἀντάνδρου ὑπὸ τῶν Μυτιληναίων, ὥσπερ διενοοῦντο, μελλούσης κατασκευάζεσθαι, οἱ τῶν ἀργυρολόγων νεῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατηγοὶ Δημόδοκος καὶ Ἀριστείδης, ὄντες περὶ Ἑλλήσποντον (ὁ γὰρ τρίτος αὐτῶν Λάμαχος δέκα ναυσὶν ἐς τὸν Πόντον ἐσεπεπλεύκει) ὡς ᾐσθάνοντο τὴν παρασκευὴν τοῦ χωρίου καὶ ἐδόκει αὐτοῖς δεινὸν εἶναι μὴ ὥσπερ τὰ Ἄναια ἐπὶ τῇ Σάμῳ γένηται, ἔνθα οἱ φεύγοντες τῶν Σαμίων καταστάντες τούς τε Πελοποννησίους ὠφέλουν ἐς τὰ ναυτικὰ κυβερνήτας πέμποντες καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει Σαμίους ἐς ταραχὴν καθίστασαν καὶ τοὺς ἐξιόντας ἐδέχοντο· οὕτω δὴ ξυναγείραντες ἀπὸ τῶν ξυμμάχων στρατιὰν καὶ πλεύσαντες, μάχῃ τε νικήσαντες τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Ἀντάνδρου ἐπεξελθόντας, ἀναλαμβάνουσι τὸ χωρίον πάλιν.

2 καὶ οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον ἐς τὸν Πόντον ἐσπλεύσας Λάμαχος, ἐν τῇ Ἡρακλεώτιδι ὁρμίσας ἐς τὸν Κάλητα ποταμὸν ἀπόλλυσι τὰς ναῦς ὕδατος ἄνωθεν γενομένου καὶ κατελθόντος αἰφνιδίου τοῦ ῥεύματος· αὐτὸς δὲ καὶ ἡ στρατιὰ πεζῇ διὰ Βιθυνῶν Θρᾳκῶν, οἵ εἰσι πέραν ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ, ἀφικνεῖται ἐς Καλχηδόνα τὴν ἐπὶ τῷ στόματι τοῦ Πόντου Μεγαρέων ἀποικίαν.

Chapter 76

1 ἐν δὲ τῷ αὐτῷ θέρει καὶ Δημοσθένης Ἀθηναίων στρατηγὸς τεσσαράκοντα ναυσὶν ἀφικνεῖται ἐς Ναύπακτον, εὐθὺς μετὰ τὴν ἐκ τῆς Μεγαρίδος ἀναχώρησιν.

2 τῷ γὰρ Ἱπποκράτει καὶ ἐκείνῳ τὰ Βοιώτια πράγματα ἀπό τινων ἀνδρῶν ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν ἐπράσσετο, βουλομένων μεταστῆσαι τὸν κόσμον καὶ ἐς δημοκρατίαν ὥσπερ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τρέψαι· καὶ Πτοιοδώρου μάλιστ’ ἀνδρὸς φυγάδος ἐκ Θηβῶν ἐσηγουμένου τάδε αὐτοῖς παρεσκευάσθη.

3 Σίφας μὲν ἔμελλόν τινες προδώσειν (αἱ δὲ Σῖφαί εἰσι τῆς Θεσπικῆς γῆς ἐν τῷ Κρισαίῳ κόλπῳ ἐπιθαλασσίδιοι)· Χαιρώνειαν δέ, ἣ ἐς Ὀρχομενὸν τὸν Μινύειον πρότερον καλούμενον, νῦν δὲ Βοιώτιον, ξυντελεῖ, ἄλλοι ἐξ Ὀρχομενοῦ ἐνεδίδοσαν, καὶ οἱ Ὀρχομενίων φυγάδες ξυνέπρασσον τὰ μάλιστα καὶ ἄνδρας ἐμισθοῦντο ἐκ Πελοποννήσου (ἔστι δὲ ἡ Χαιρώνεια ἔσχατον τῆς Βοιωτίας πρὸς τῇ Φανοτίδι τῆς Φωκίδος), καὶ Φωκέων μετεῖχόν τινες.

4 τοὺς δὲ Ἀθηναίους ἔδει Δήλιον καταλαβεῖν τὸ ἐν τῇ Ταναγραίᾳ πρὸς Εὔβοιαν τετραμμένον Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερόν, ἅμα δὲ ταῦτα ἐν ἡμέρᾳ ῥητῇ γίγνεσθαι, ὅπως μὴ ξυμβοηθήσωσιν ἐπὶ τὸ Δήλιον οἱ Βοιωτοὶ ἁθρόοι, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν ἕκαστοι κινούμενα.

5 καὶ εἰ κατορθοῖτο ἡ πεῖρα καὶ τὸ Δήλιον τειχισθείη, ῥᾳδίως ἤλπιζον, εἰ καὶ μὴ παραυτίκα νεωτερίζοιτό τι τῶν κατὰ τὰς πολιτείας τοῖς Βοιωτοῖς, ἐχομένων τούτων τῶν χωρίων καὶ λῃστευομένης τῆς γῆς καὶ οὔσης ἑκάστοις διὰ βραχέος ἀποστροφῆς, οὐ μενεῖν κατὰ χώραν τὰ πράγματα, ἀλλὰ χρόνῳ τῶν Ἀθηναίων μὲν προσιόντων τοῖς ἀφεστηκόσι, τοῖς δὲ οὐκ οὔσης ἁθρόας τῆς δυνάμεως, καταστήσειν αὐτὰ ἐς τὸ ἐπιτήδειον.

Chapter 77

1 ἡ μὲν οὖν ἐπιβουλὴ τοιαύτη παρεσκευάζετο, ὁ δὲ Ἱπποκράτης αὐτὸς μὲν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως δύναμιν ἔχων, ὁπότε καιρὸς εἴη, ἔμελλε στρατεύειν ἐς τοὺς Βοιωτούς, τὸν δὲ Δημοσθένη προαπέστειλε ταῖς τεσσαράκοντα ναυσὶν ἐς τὴν Ναύπακτον, ὅπως ἐξ ἐκείνων τῶν χωρίων στρατὸν ξυλλέξας Ἀκαρνάνων τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ξυμμάχων πλέοι ἐπὶ τὰς Σίφας ὡς προδοθησομένας· ἡμέρα δ’ αὐτοῖς εἴρητο ᾗ ἔδει ἅμα ταῦτα πράσσειν.

2 καὶ ὁ μὲν Δημοσθένης ἀφικόμενος, Οἰνιάδας δὲ ὑπό τε Ἀκαρνάνων πάντων κατηναγκασμένους καταλαβὼν ἐς τὴν Ἀθηναίων ξυμμαχίαν καὶ αὐτὸς ἀναστήσας τὸ ξυμμαχικὸν τὸ ἐκείνῃ πᾶν, ἐπὶ Σαλύνθιον καὶ Ἀγραίους στρατεύσας πρῶτον καὶ προσποιησάμενος τἆλλα ἡτοιμάζετο ὡς ἐπὶ τὰς Σίφας, ὅταν δέῃ, ἀπαντησόμενος.

Chapter 78

1 Βρασίδας δὲ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον τοῦ θέρους πορευόμενος ἑπτακοσίοις καὶ χιλίοις ὁπλίταις ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης ἐπειδὴ ἐγένετο ἐν Ἡρακλείᾳ τῇ ἐν Τραχῖνι καί, προπέμψαντος αὐτοῦ ἄγγελον ἐς Φάρσαλον παρὰ τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους, ἀξιοῦντος διάγειν ἑαυτὸν καὶ τὴν στρατιάν, ἦλθον ἐς Μελίτειαν τῆς Ἀχαΐας Πάναιρός τε καὶ Δῶρος καὶ Ἱππολοχίδας καὶ Τορύλαος καὶ Στρόφακος πρόξενος ὢν Χαλκιδέων, τότε δὴ ἐπορεύετο.

2 ἦγον δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι Θεσσαλῶν αὐτὸν καὶ ἐκ Λαρίσης Νικονίδας Περδίκκᾳ ἐπιτήδειος ὤν. τὴν γὰρ Θεσσαλίαν ἄλλως τε οὐκ εὔπορον ἦν διιέναι ἄνευ ἀγωγοῦ καὶ μετὰ ὅπλων γε δή, καὶ τοῖς πᾶσί γε ὁμοίως Ἕλλησιν ὕποπτον καθειστήκει τὴν τῶν πέλας μὴ πείσαντας διιέναι· τοῖς τε Ἀθηναίοις αἰεί ποτε τὸ πλῆθος τῶν Θεσσαλῶν εὔνουν ὑπῆρχεν.

3 ὥστε εἰ μὴ δυναστείᾳ μᾶλλον ἢ ἰσονομίᾳ ἐχρῶντο τὸ ἐγχώριον οἱ Θεσσαλοί, οὐκ ἄν ποτε προῆλθεν, ἐπεὶ καὶ τότε πορευομένῳ αὐτῷ ἀπαντήσαντες ἄλλοι τῶν τἀναντία τούτοις βουλομένων ἐπὶ τῷ Ἐνιπεῖ ποταμῷ ἐκώλυον καὶ ἀδικεῖν ἔφασαν ἄνευ τοῦ πάντων κοινοῦ πορευόμενον.

4 οἱ δὲ ἄγοντες οὔτε ἀκόντων ἔφασαν διάξειν, αἰφνίδιόν τε παραγενόμενον ξένοι ὄντες κομίζειν. ἔλεγε δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ Βρασίδας τῇ Θεσσαλῶν γῇ καὶ αὐτοῖς φίλος ὢν ἰέναι καὶ Ἀθηναίοις πολεμίοις οὖσι καὶ οὐκ ἐκείνοις ὅπλα ἐπιφέρειν, Θεσσαλοῖς τε οὐκ εἰδέναι καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις ἔχθραν οὖσαν ὥστε τῇ ἀλλήλων γῇ μὴ χρῆσθαι, νῦν τε ἀκόντων ἐκείνων οὐκ ἂν προελθεῖν (οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν δύνασθαι), οὐ μέντοι ἀξιοῦν γε εἴργεσθαι.

5 καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀκούσαντες ταῦτα ἀπῆλθον, ὁ δὲ κελευόντων τῶν ἀγωγῶν, πρίν τι πλέον ξυστῆναι τὸ κωλῦσον, ἐχώρει οὐδὲν ἐπισχὼν δρόμῳ. καὶ ταύτῃ μὲν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ, ᾗ ἐκ τῆς Μελιτείας ἀφώρμησεν, ἐς Φάρσαλόν τε ἐτέλεσε καὶ ἐστρατοπεδεύσατο ἐπὶ τῷ Ἀπιδανῷ ποταμῷ, ἐκεῖθεν δὲ ἐς Φάκιον, καὶ ἐξ αὐτοῦ ἐς Περραιβίαν.

6 ἀπὸ δὲ τούτου ἤδη οἱ μὲν τῶν Θεσσαλῶν ἀγωγοὶ πάλιν ἀπῆλθον, οἱ δὲ Περραιβοὶ αὐτόν, ὑπήκοοι ὄντες Θεσσαλῶν, κατέστησαν ἐς Δῖον τῆς Περδίκκου ἀρχῆς, ὃ ὑπὸ τῷ Ὀλύμπῳ Μακεδονίας πρὸς Θεσσαλοὺς πόλισμα κεῖται.

Chapter 79

1 τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ Βρασίδας Θεσσαλίαν φθάσας διέδραμε πρίν τινα κωλύειν παρασκευάσασθαι, καὶ ἀφίκετο ὡς Περδίκκαν καὶ ἐς τὴν Χαλκιδικήν.

2 ἐκ γὰρ τῆς Πελοποννήσου, ὡς τὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ηὐτύχει, δείσαντες οἵ τε ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης ἀφεστῶτες Ἀθηναίων καὶ Περδίκκας ἐξήγαγον τὸν στρατόν, οἱ μὲν Χαλκιδῆς νομίζοντες ἐπὶ σφᾶς πρῶτον ὁρμήσειν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους (καὶ ἅμα αἱ πλησιόχωροι πόλεις αὐτῶν αἱ οὐκ ἀφεστηκυῖαι ξυνεπῆγον κρύφα), Περδίκκας δὲ πολέμιος μὲν οὐκ ὢν ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ, φοβούμενος δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς τὰ παλαιὰ διάφορα τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ μάλιστα βουλόμενος Ἀρραβαῖον τὸν Λυγκηστῶν βασιλέα παραστήσασθαι.

3 ξυνέβη δὲ αὐτοῖς, ὥστε ῥᾷον ἐκ τῆς Πελοποννήσου στρατὸν ἐξαγαγεῖν, ἡ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἐν τῷ παρόντι κακοπραγία.

Chapter 80

1 τῶν γὰρ Ἀθηναίων ἐγκειμένων τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα τῇ ἐκείνων γῇ ἤλπιζον ἀποτρέψειν αὐτοὺς μάλιστα, εἰ ἀντιπαραλυποῖεν πέμψαντες ἐπὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους αὐτῶν στρατιάν, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἑτοίμων ὄντων τρέφειν τε καὶ ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει σφᾶς ἐπικαλουμένων.

2 καὶ ἅμα τῶν Εἱλώτων βουλομένοις ἦν ἐπὶ προφάσει ἐκπέμψαι, μή τι πρὸς τὰ παρόντα τῆς Πύλου ἐχομένης νεωτερίσωσιν·

3 ἐπεὶ καὶ τόδε ἔπραξαν φοβούμενοι αὐτῶν τὴν σκαιότητα καὶ τὸ πλῆθος (αἰεὶ γὰρ τὰ πολλὰ Λακεδαιμονίοις πρὸς τοὺς Εἵλωτας τῆς φυλακῆς πέρι μάλιστα καθειστήκει)· προεῖπον αὐτῶν ὅσοι ἀξιοῦσιν ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις γεγενῆσθαι σφίσιν ἄριστοι,κρίνεσθαι, ὡς ἐλευθερώσοντες, πεῖραν ποιούμενοι καὶ ἡγούμενοι τούτους σφίσιν ὑπὸ φρονήματος, οἵπερ καὶ ἠξίωσαν πρῶτος ἕκαστος ἐλευθεροῦσθαι, μάλιστα ἂν καὶ ἐπιθέσθαι.

4 καὶ προκρίναντες ἐς δισχιλίους, οἱ μὲν ἐστεφανώσαντό τε καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ περιῆλθον ὡς ἠλευθερωμένοι, οἱ δὲ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἠφάνισάν τε αὐτοὺς καὶ οὐδεὶς ᾔσθετο ὅτῳ τρόπῳ ἕκαστος διεφθάρη.

5 καὶ τότε προθύμως τῷ Βρασίδᾳ αὐτῶν ξυνέπεμψαν ἑπτακοσίους ὁπλίτας, τοὺς δ’ ἄλλους ἐκ τῆς Πελοποννήσου μισθῷ πείσας ἐξήγαγεν.

Chapter 81

1 αὐτόν τε Βρασίδαν βουλόμενον μάλιστα Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἀπέστειλαν (προυθυμήθησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ Χαλκιδῆς), ἄνδρα ἔν τε τῇ Σπάρτῃ δοκοῦντα δραστήριον εἶναι ἐς τὰ πάντα καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐξῆλθε πλείστου ἄξιον Λακεδαιμονίοις γενόμενον.

2 τό τε γὰρ παραυτίκα ἑαυτὸν παρασχὼν δίκαιον καὶ μέτριον ἐς τὰς πόλεις ἀπέστησε τὰ πολλά, τὰ δὲ προδοσίᾳ εἷλε τῶν χωρίων, ὥστε τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις γίγνεσθαι ξυμβαίνειν τε βουλομένοις, ὅπερ ἐποίησαν, ἀνταπόδοσιν καὶ ἀποδοχὴν χωρίων καὶ τοῦ πολέμου ἀπὸ τῆς Πελοποννήσου λώφησιν· ἔς τε τὸν χρόνῳ ὕστερον μετὰ τὰ ἐκ Σικελίας πόλεμον ἡ τότε Βρασίδου ἀρετὴ καὶ ξύνεσις, τῶν μὲν πείρᾳ αἰσθομένων, τῶν δὲ ἀκοῇ νομισάντων, μάλιστα ἐπιθυμίαν ἐνεποίει τοῖς Ἀθηναίων ξυμμάχοις ἐς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους.

3 πρῶτος γὰρ ἐξελθὼν καὶ δόξας εἶναι κατὰ πάντα ἀγαθὸς ἐλπίδα ἐγκατέλιπε βέβαιον ὡς καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι τοιοῦτοί εἰσιν.

Chapter 82

1 τότε δ’ οὖν ἀφικομένου αὐτοῦ ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι πυθόμενοι τόν τε Περδίκκαν πολέμιον ποιοῦνται, νομίσαντες αἴτιον εἶναι τῆς παρόδου, καὶ τῶν ταύτῃ ξυμμάχων φυλακὴν πλέονα κατεστήσαντο.

Chapter 83

1 Περδίκκας δὲ Βρασίδαν καὶ τὴν στρατιὰν εὐθὺς λαβὼν μετὰ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ δυνάμεως στρατεύει ἐπὶ Ἀρραβαῖον τὸν Βρομεροῦ Λυγκηστῶν Μακεδόνων βασιλέα ὅμορον ὄντα, διαφορᾶς τε αὐτῷ οὔσης καὶ βουλόμενος καταστρέψασθαι.

2 ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐγένετο τῷ στρατῷ μετὰ τοῦ Βρασίδου ἐπὶ τῇ ἐσβολῇ τῆς Λύγκου, Βρασίδας λόγοις ἔφη βούλεσθαι πρῶτον ἐλθὼν πρὸ πολέμου Ἀρραβαῖον ξύμμαχον Λακεδαιμονίων, ἢν δύνηται, ποιῆσαι.

3 καὶ γάρ τι καὶ Ἀρραβαῖος ἐπεκηρυκεύετο, ἑτοῖμος ὢν Βρασίδᾳ μέσῳ δικαστῇ ἐπιτρέπειν· καὶ οἱ Χαλκιδέων πρέσβεις ξυμπαρόντες ἐδίδασκον αὐτὸν μὴ ὑπεξελεῖν τῷ Περδίκκᾳ τὰ δεινά, ἵνα προθυμοτέρῳ ἔχοιεν καὶ ἐς τὰ ἑαυτῶν χρῆσθαι.

4 ἅμα δέ τι καὶ εἰρήκεσαν τοιοῦτον οἱ παρὰ τοῦ Περδίκκου ἐν τῇ Λακεδαίμονι, ὡς πολλὰ αὐτοῖς τῶν περὶ αὑτὸν χωρίων ξύμμαχα ποιήσοι, ὥστε ἐκ τοῦ τοιούτου κοινῇ μᾶλλον ὁ Βρασίδας τὰ τοῦ Ἀρραβαίου ἠξίου πράσσειν.

5 Περδίκκας δὲ οὔτε δικαστὴν ἔφη Βρασίδαν τῶν σφετέρων διαφορῶν ἀγαγεῖν, μᾶλλον δὲ καθαιρέτην ὧν ἂν αὐτὸς ἀποφαίνῃ πολεμίων, ἀδικήσειν τε εἰ αὐτοῦ τρέφοντος τὸ ἥμισυ τοῦ στρατοῦ ξυνέσται Ἀρραβαίῳ.

6 ὁ δὲ ἄκοντος καὶ ἐκ διαφορᾶς ξυγγίγνεται, καὶ πεισθεὶς τοῖς λόγοις ἀπήγαγε τὴν στρατιὰν πρὶν ἐσβαλεῖν ἐς τὴν χώραν. Περδίκκας δὲ μετὰ τοῦτο τρίτον μέρος ἀνθ’ ἡμίσεος τῆς τροφῆς ἐδίδου, νομίζων ἀδικεῖσθαι.

Chapter 84

1 ἐν δὲ τῷ αὐτῷ θέρει εὐθὺς ὁ Βρασίδας ἔχων καὶ Χαλκιδέας ἐπὶ Ἄκανθον τὴν Ἀνδρίων ἀποικίαν ὀλίγον πρὸ τρυγήτου ἐστράτευσεν.

2 οἱ δὲ περὶ τοῦ δέχεσθαι αὐτὸν κατ’ ἀλλήλους ἐστασίαζον, οἵ τε μετὰ τῶν Χαλκιδέων ξυνεπάγοντες καὶ ὁ δῆμος. ὅμως δὲ διὰ τοῦ καρποῦ τὸ δέος ἔτι ἔξω ὄντος πεισθὲν τὸ πλῆθος ὑπὸ τοῦ Βρασίδου δέξασθαί τε αὐτὸν μόνον καὶ ἀκούσαντας βουλεύσασθαι, δέχεται· καὶ καταστὰς ἐπὶ τὸ πλῆθος (ἦν δὲ οὐδὲ ἀδύνατος, ὡς Λακεδαιμόνιος, εἰπεῖν) ἔλεγε τοιάδε.

Chapter 85

1 ‘ἡ μὲν ἔκπεμψίς μου καὶ τῆς στρατιᾶς ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων, ὦ Ἀκάνθιοι, γεγένηται τὴν αἰτίαν ἐπαληθεύουσα ἣν ἀρχόμενοι τοῦ πολέμου προείπομεν, Ἀθηναίοις ἐλευθεροῦντες τὴν Ἑλλάδα πολεμήσειν·

2 εἰ δὲ χρόνῳ ἐπήλθομεν, σφαλέντες τῆς ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐκεῖ πολέμου δόξης, ᾗ διὰ τάχους αὐτοὶ ἄνευ τοῦ ὑμετέρου κινδύνου ἠλπίσαμεν Ἀθηναίους καθαιρήσειν, μηδεὶς μεμφθῇ· νῦν γάρ, ὅτε παρέσχεν, ἀφιγμένοι καὶ μετὰ ὑμῶν πειρασόμεθα κατεργάζεσθαι αὐτούς.

3 θαυμάζω δὲ τῇ τε ἀποκλῄσει μου τῶν πυλῶν, καὶ εἰ μὴ ἀσμένοις ὑμῖν ἀφῖγμαι.

4 ἡμεῖς μὲν γὰρ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι οἰόμενοί τε παρὰ ξυμμάχους, καὶ πρὶν ἔργῳ ἀφικέσθαι, τῇ γοῦν γνώμῃ ἥξειν καὶ βουλομένοις ἔσεσθαι, κίνδυνόν [τε] τοσόνδε ἀνερρίψαμεν διὰ τῆς ἀλλοτρίας πολλῶν ἡμερῶν ὁδὸν ἰόντες καὶ πᾶν τὸ πρόθυμον παρεχόμενοι·

5 ὑμεῖς δὲ εἴ τι ἄλλο ἐν νῷ ἔχετε ἢ εἰ ἐναντιώσεσθε τῇ τε ὑμετέρᾳ αὐτῶν ἐλευθερίᾳ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων, δεινὸν ἂν εἴη.

6 καὶ γὰρ οὐ μόνον ὅτι αὐτοὶ ἀνθίστασθε, ἀλλὰ καὶ οἷς ἂν ἐπίω, ἧσσόν τις ἐμοὶ πρόσεισι, δυσχερὲς ποιούμενοι εἰ ἐπὶ οὓς πρῶτον ἦλθον ὑμᾶς, καὶ πόλιν ἀξιόχρεων παρεχομένους καὶ ξύνεσιν δοκοῦντας ἔχειν, μὴ ἐδέξασθε· καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν οὐχ ἕξω πιστὴν ἀποδεικνύναι, ἀλλ᾽ ἢ ἄδικον τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἐπιφέρειν ἢ ἀσθενὴς καὶ ἀδύνατος τιμωρῆσαι τὰ πρὸς Ἀθηναίους, ἢν ἐπίωσιν, ἀφῖχθαι.

7 καίτοι στρατιᾷ γε τῇδ’ ἣν νῦν [ἐγὼ] ἔχω ἐπὶ Νίσαιαν ἐμοῦ βοηθήσαντος οὐκ ἠθέλησαν Ἀθηναῖοι πλέονες ὄντες προσμεῖξαι, ὥστε οὐκ εἰκὸς νηίτῃ γε αὐτοὺς τῷ ἐν Νισαίᾳ στρατῷ ἴσον πλῆθος ἐφ’ ὑμᾶς ἀποστεῖλαι.

Chapter 86

1 αὐτός τε οὐκ ἐπὶ κακῷ, ἐπ’ ἐλευθερώσει δὲ τῶν Ἑλλήνων παρελήλυθα, ὅρκοις τε Λακεδαιμονίων καταλαβὼν τὰ τέλη τοῖς μεγίστοις ἦ μὴν οὓς ἂν ἔγωγε προσαγάγωμαι ξυμμάχους ἔσεσθαι αὐτονόμους, καὶ ἅμα οὐχ ἵνα ξυμμάχους ὑμᾶς ἔχωμεν ἢ βίᾳ ἢ ἀπάτῃ προσλαβόντες, ἀλλὰ τοὐναντίον ὑμῖν δεδουλωμένοις ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων ξυμμαχήσοντες.

2 οὔκουν ἀξιῶ οὔτ’ αὐτὸς ὑποπτεύεσθαι, πίστεις γε διδοὺς τὰς μεγίστας, οὐδὲ τιμωρὸς ἀδύνατος νομισθῆναι, προσχωρεῖν τε ὑμᾶς θαρσήσαντας.

3 καὶ εἴ τις ἰδίᾳ τινὰ δεδιὼς ἄρα, μὴ ἐγώ τισι προσθῶ τὴν πόλιν, ἀπρόθυμός ἐστι, πάντων μάλιστα πιστευσάτω.

4 οὐ γὰρ ξυστασιάσων ἥκω, οὐδὲ ἂν σαφῆ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν νομίζω ἐπιφέρειν, εἰ τὸ πάτριον παρεὶς τὸ πλέον τοῖς ὀλίγοις ἢ τὸ ἔλασσον τοῖς πᾶσι δουλώσαιμι.

5 χαλεπωτέρα γὰρ ἂν τῆς ἀλλοφύλου ἀρχῆς εἴη, καὶ ἡμῖν τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις οὐκ ἂν ἀντὶ πόνων χάρις καθίσταιτο, ἀντὶ δὲ τιμῆς καὶ δόξης αἰτία μᾶλλον· οἷς τε τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐγκλήμασι καταπολεμοῦμεν, αὐτοὶ ἂν φαινοίμεθα ἐχθίονα ἢ ὁ μὴ ὑποδείξας ἀρετὴν κατακτώμενοι.

6 ἀπάτῃ γὰρ εὐπρεπεῖ αἴσχιον τοῖς γε ἐν ἀξιώματι πλεονεκτῆσαι ἢ βίᾳ ἐμφανεῖ· τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἰσχύος δικαιώσει, ἣν ἡ τύχη ἔδωκεν, ἐπέρχεται, τὸ δὲ γνώμης ἀδίκου ἐπιβουλῇ.

Chapter 87

1 οὕτω πολλὴν περιωπὴν τῶν ἡμῖν ἐς τὰ μέγιστα διαφόρων ποιούμεθα, καὶ οὐκ ἂν μείζω πρὸς τοῖς ὅρκοις βεβαίωσιν λάβοιτε ἢ οἷς τὰ ἔργα ἐκ τῶν λόγων ἀναθρούμενα δόκησιν ἀναγκαίαν παρέχεται ὡς καὶ ξυμφέρει ὁμοίως ὡς εἶπον.

2 ‘εἰ δ’ ἐμοῦ ταῦτα προϊσχομένου ἀδύνατοι μὲν φήσετε εἶναι, εὖνοι δ’ ὄντες ἀξιώσετε μὴ κακούμενοι διωθεῖσθαι καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν μὴ ἀκίνδυνον ὑμῖν φαίνεσθαι, δίκαιόν τε εἶναι, οἷς καὶ δυνατὸν δέχεσθαι αὐτήν, τούτοις καὶ ἐπιφέρειν, ἄκοντα δὲ μηδένα προσαναγκάζειν, μάρτυρας μὲν θεοὺς καὶ ἥρως τοὺς ἐγχωρίους ποιήσομαι ὡς ἐπ’ ἀγαθῷ ἥκων οὐ πείθω, γῆν δὲ τὴν ὑμετέραν δῃῶν πειράσομαι βιάζεσθαι,

3 καὶ οὐκ ἀδικεῖν ἔτι νομιῶ, προσεῖναι δέ τί μοι καὶ κατὰ δύο ἀνάγκας τὸ εὔλογον, τῶν μὲν Λακεδαιμονίων, ὅπως μὴ τῷ ὑμετέρῳ εὔνῳ, εἰ μὴ προσαχθήσεσθε, τοῖς ἀπὸ ὑμῶν χρήμασι φερομένοις παρ’ Ἀθηναίους βλάπτωνται, οἱ δὲ Ἕλληνες ἵνα μὴ κωλύωνται ὑφ’ ὑμῶν δουλείας ἀπαλλαγῆναι.

4 οὐ γὰρ δὴ εἰκότως γ’ ἂν τάδε πράσσοιμεν, οὐδὲ ὀφείλομεν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὴ κοινοῦ τινὸς ἀγαθοῦ αἰτίᾳ τοὺς μὴ βουλομένους ἐλευθεροῦν·

5 οὐδ’ αὖ ἀρχῆς ἐφιέμεθα, παῦσαι δὲ μᾶλλον ἑτέρους σπεύδοντες τοὺς πλείους ἂν ἀδικοῖμεν, εἰ ξύμπασιν αὐτονομίαν ἐπιφέροντες ὑμᾶς τοὺς ἐναντιουμένους περιίδοιμεν.

6 πρὸς ταῦτα βουλεύεσθε εὖ, καὶ ἀγωνίσασθε τοῖς τε Ἕλλησιν ἄρξαι πρῶτοι ἐλευθερίας καὶ ἀίδιον δόξαν καταθέσθαι, καὶ αὐτοὶ τά τε ἴδια μὴ βλαφθῆναι καὶ ξυμπάσῃ τῇ πόλει τὸ κάλλιστον ὄνομα περιθεῖναι.’

Chapter 88

1 ὁ μὲν Βρασίδας τοσαῦτα εἶπεν. οἱ δὲ Ἀκάνθιοι,πολλῶν λεχθέντων πρότερον ἐπ’ ἀμφότερα, κρύφα διαψηφισάμενοι, διά τε τὸ ἐπαγωγὰ εἰπεῖν τὸν Βρασίδαν καὶ περὶ τοῦ καρποῦ φόβῳ ἔγνωσαν οἱ πλείους ἀφίστασθαι Ἀθηναίων, καὶ πιστώσαντες αὐτὸν τοῖς ὅρκοις οὓς τὰ τέλη τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ὀμόσαντα αὐτὸν ἐξέπεμψαν, ἦ μὴν ἔσεσθαι ξυμμάχους αὐτονόμους οὓς ἂν προσαγάγηται, οὕτω δέχονται τὸν στρατόν.

2 καὶ οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον καὶ Στάγιρος Ἀνδρίων ἀποικία ξυναπέστη. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐν τῷ θέρει τούτῳ ἐγένετο.

Chapter 89

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος εὐθὺς ἀρχομένου, ὡς τῷ Ἱπποκράτει καὶ Δημοσθένει στρατηγοῖς οὖσιν Ἀθηναίων τὰ ἐν τοῖς Βοιωτοῖς ἐνεδίδοτο καὶ ἔδει τὸν μὲν Δημοσθένη ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐς τὰς Σίφας ἀπαντῆσαι, τὸν δ’ ἐπὶ τὸ Δήλιον, γενομένης διαμαρτίας τῶν ἡμερῶν ἐς ἃς ἔδει ἀμφοτέρους στρατεύειν, ὁ μὲν Δημοσθένης πρότερον πλεύσας πρὸς τὰς Σίφας καὶ ἔχων ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν Ἀκαρνᾶνας καὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ πολλοὺς ξυμμάχων, ἄπρακτος γίγνεται μηνυθέντος τοῦ ἐπιβουλεύματος ὑπὸ Νικομάχου ἀνδρὸς Φωκέως ἐκ Φανοτέως, ὃς Λακεδαιμονίοις εἶπεν, ἐκεῖνοι δὲ Βοιωτοῖς·

2 καὶ βοηθείας γενομένης πάντων Βοιωτῶν (οὐ γάρ πω Ἱπποκράτης παρελύπει ἐν τῇ γῇ ὤν) προκαταλαμβάνονται αἵ τε Σῖφαι καὶ ἡ Χαιρώνεια. ὡς δὲ ᾔσθοντο οἱ πράσσοντες τὸ ἁμάρτημα, οὐδὲν ἐκίνησαν τῶν ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν.

Chapter 90

1 ὁ δὲ Ἱπποκράτης ἀναστήσας Ἀθηναίους πανδημεί, αὐτοὺς καὶ τοὺς μετοίκους καὶ ξένων ὅσοι παρῆσαν ὕστερος ἀφικνεῖται ἐπὶ τὸ Δήλιον, ἤδη τῶν Βοιωτῶν ἀνακεχωρηκότων ἀπὸ τῶν Σιφῶν· καὶ καθίσας τὸν στρατὸν Δήλιον ἐτείχιζε τοιῷδε τρόπῳ [τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος].

2 τάφρον μὲν κύκλῳ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τὸν νεὼν ἔσκαπτον, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ ὀρύγματος ἀνέβαλλον ἀντὶ τείχους τὸν χοῦν, καὶ σταυροὺς παρακαταπηγνύντες, ἄμπελον κόπτοντες τὴν περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐσέβαλλον καὶ λίθους ἅμα καὶ πλίνθον ἐκ τῶν οἰκοπέδων τῶν ἐγγὺς καθαιροῦντες, καὶ παντὶ τρόπῳ ἐμετεώριζον τὸ ἔρυμα. πύργους τε ξυλίνους κατέστησαν ᾗ καιρὸς ἦν καὶ τοῦ ἱεροῦ οἰκοδόμημα οὐδὲν ὑπῆρχεν· ἥπερ γὰρ ἦν στοὰ κατεπεπτώκει.

3 ἡμέρᾳ δὲ ἀρξάμενοι τρίτῃ ὡς οἴκοθεν ὥρμησαν ταύτην τε εἰργάζοντο καὶ τὴν τετάρτην καὶ τῆς πέμπτης μέχρι ἀρίστου.

4 ἔπειτα, ὡς τὰ πλεῖστα ἀπετετέλεστο, τὸ μὲν στρατόπεδον προαπεχώρησεν ἀπὸ τοῦ Δηλίου οἷον δέκα σταδίους ὡς ἐπ’ οἴκου πορευόμενον, καὶ οἱ μὲν ψιλοὶ οἱ πλεῖστοι εὐθὺς ἐχώρουν, οἱ δ’ ὁπλῖται θέμενοι τὰ ὅπλα ἡσύχαζον· Ἱπποκράτης δὲ ὑπομένων ἔτι καθίστατο φυλακάς τε καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸ προτείχισμα, ὅσα ἦν ὑπόλοιπα, ὡς χρῆν ἐπιτελέσαι.

Chapter 91

1 οἱ δὲ Βοιωτοὶ ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις ταύταις ξυνελέγοντο ἐς τὴν Τάναγραν· καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἀπὸ πασῶν τῶν πόλεων παρῆσαν καὶ ᾐσθάνοντο τοὺς Ἀθηναίους προχωροῦντας ἐπ’ οἴκου, τῶν ἄλλων βοιωταρχῶν, οἵ εἰσιν ἕνδεκα, οὐ ξυνεπαινούντων μάχεσθαι, ἐπειδὴ οὐκ ἐν τῇ Βοιωτίᾳ ἔτι εἰσί (μάλιστα γὰρ ἐν μεθορίοις τῆς Ὠρωπίας οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἦσαν, ὅτε ἔθεντο τὰ ὅπλα), Παγώνδας ὁ Αἰολάδου βοιωταρχῶν ἐκ Θηβῶν μετ᾽ Ἀριανθίδου τοῦ Λυσιμαχίδου καὶ ἡγεμονίας οὔσης αὐτοῦ βουλόμενος τὴν μάχην ποιῆσαι καὶ νομίζων ἄμεινον εἶναι κινδυνεῦσαι, προσκαλῶν ἑκάστους κατὰ λόχους, ὅπως μὴ ἁθρόοι ἐκλίποιεν τὰ ὅπλα, ἔπειθε τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς ἰέναι ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα ποιεῖσθαι, λέγων τοιάδε.

Chapter 92

1 ‘χρῆν μέν, ὦ ἄνδρες Βοιωτοί, μηδ’ ἐς ἐπίνοιάν τινα ἡμῶν ἐλθεῖν τῶν ἀρχόντων ὡς οὐκ εἰκὸς Ἀθηναίοις, ἢν ἄρα μὴ ἐν τῇ Βοιωτίᾳ ἔτι καταλάβωμεν αὐτούς, διὰ μάχης ἐλθεῖν. τὴν γὰρ Βοιωτίαν ἐκ τῆς ὁμόρου ἐλθόντες τεῖχος ἐνοικοδομησάμενοι μέλλουσι φθείρειν, καὶ εἰσὶ δήπου πολέμιοι ἐν ᾧ τε ἂν χωρίῳ καταληφθῶσι καὶ ὅθεν ἐπελθόντες πολέμια ἔδρασαν.

2 νυνὶ δ’ εἴ τῳ καὶ ἀσφαλέστερον ἔδοξεν εἶναι, μεταγνώτω. οὐ γὰρ τὸ προμηθές, οἷς ἂν ἄλλος ἐπίῃ, περὶ τῆς σφετέρας ὁμοίως ἐνδέχεται λογισμὸν καὶ ὅστις τὰ μὲν ἑαυτοῦ ἔχει, τοῦ πλέονος δὲ ὀρεγόμενος ἑκών τινι ἐπέρχεται.

3 πάτριόν τε ὑμῖν στρατὸν ἀλλόφυλον ἐπελθόντα καὶ ἐν τῇ οἰκείᾳ καὶ ἐν τῇ τῶν πέλας ὁμοίως ἀμύνεσθαι. Ἀθηναίους δὲ καὶ προσέτι ὁμόρους ὄντας πολλῷ μάλιστα δεῖ.

4 πρός τε γὰρ τοὺς ἀστυγείτονας πᾶσι τὸ ἀντίπαλον καὶ ἐλεύθερον καθίσταται, καὶ πρὸς τούτους γε δή, οἳ καὶ μὴ τοὺς ἐγγύς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἄπωθεν πειρῶνται δουλοῦσθαι, πῶς οὐ χρὴ καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ ἔσχατον ἀγῶνος ἐλθεῖν (παράδειγμα δὲ ἔχομεν τούς τε ἀντιπέρας Εὐβοέας καὶ τῆς ἄλλης Ἑλλάδος τὸ πολὺ ὡς αὐτοῖς διάκειται), καὶ γνῶναι ὅτι τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις οἱ πλησιόχωροι περὶ γῆς ὅρων τὰς μάχας ποιοῦνται, ἡμῖν δὲ ἐς πᾶσαν, ἢν νικηθῶμεν, εἷς ὅρος οὐκ ἀντίλεκτος παγήσεται;

5 ἐσελθόντες γὰρ βίᾳ τὰ ἡμέτερα ἕξουσιν. τοσούτῳ ἐπικινδυνοτέραν ἑτέρων τὴν παροίκησιν τῶνδε ἔχομεν. εἰώθασί τε οἱ ἰσχύος που θράσει τοῖς πέλας, ὥσπερ Ἀθηναῖοι νῦν, ἐπιόντες τὸν μὲν ἡσυχάζοντα καὶ ἐν τῇ ἑαυτοῦ μόνον ἀμυνόμενον ἀδεέστερον ἐπιστρατεύειν, τὸν δὲ ἔξω ὅρων προαπαντῶντα καί, ἢν καιρὸς ᾖ, πολέμου ἄρχοντα ἧσσον ἑτοίμως κατέχειν.

6 πεῖραν δὲ ἔχομεν ἡμεῖς αὐτοῦ ἐς τούσδε· νικήσαντες γὰρ ἐν Κορωνείᾳ αὐτούς, ὅτε τὴν γῆν ἡμῶν στασιαζόντων κατέσχον, πολλὴν ἄδειαν τῇ Βοιωτίᾳ μέχρι τοῦδε κατεστήσαμεν.

7 ὧν χρὴ μνησθέντας ἡμᾶς τούς τε πρεσβυτέρους ὁμοιωθῆναι τοῖς πρὶν ἔργοις, τούς τε νεωτέρους πατέρων τῶν τότε ἀγαθῶν γενομένων παῖδας πειρᾶσθαι μὴ αἰσχῦναι τὰς προσηκούσας ἀρετάς, πιστεύσαντας δὲ τῷ θεῷ πρὸς ἡμῶν ἔσεσθαι, οὗ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνόμως τειχίσαντες νέμονται, καὶ τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἃ ἡμῖν θυσαμένοις καλὰ φαίνεται, ὁμόσε χωρῆσαι τοῖσδε καὶ δεῖξαι ὅτι ὧν μὲν ἐφίενται πρὸς τοὺς μὴ ἀμυνομένους ἐπιόντες κτάσθων, οἷς δὲ γενναῖον τήν τε αὑτῶν αἰεὶ ἐλευθεροῦν μάχῃ καὶ τὴν ἄλλων μὴ δουλοῦσθαι ἀδίκως, ἀνανταγώνιστοι ἀπ’ αὐτῶν οὐκ ἀπίασιν.’

Chapter 93

1 τοιαῦτα ὁ Παγώνδας τοῖς Βοιωτοῖς παραινέσας ἔπεισεν ἰέναι ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους. καὶ κατὰ τάχος ἀναστήσας ἦγε τὸν στρατόν (ἤδη γὰρ καὶ τῆς ἡμέρας ὀψὲ ἦν), καὶ ἐπειδὴ προσέμειξεν ἐγγὺς τοῦ στρατεύματος αὐτῶν, ἐς χωρίον καθίσας ὅθεν λόφου ὄντος μεταξὺ οὐκ ἐθεώρουν ἀλλήλους, ἔτασσέ τε καὶ παρεσκευάζετο ὡς ἐς μάχην.

2 τῷ δὲ Ἱπποκράτει ὄντι περὶ τὸ Δήλιον ὡς αὐτῷ ἠγγέλθη ὅτι Βοιωτοὶ ἐπέρχονται, πέμπει ἐς τὸ στράτευμα κελεύων ἐς τάξιν καθίστασθαι, καὶ αὐτὸς οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐπῆλθε, καταλιπὼν ὡς τριακοσίους ἱππέας περὶ τὸ Δήλιον, ὅπως φύλακές τε ἅμα εἶεν, εἴ τις ἐπίοι αὐτῷ, καὶ τοῖς Βοιωτοῖς καιρὸν φυλάξαντες ἐπιγένοιντο ἐν τῇ μάχῃ.

3 Βοιωτοὶ δὲ πρὸς τούτους ἀντικατέστησαν τοὺς ἀμυνουμένους, καὶ ἐπειδὴ καλῶς αὐτοῖς εἶχεν, ὑπερεφάνησαν τοῦ λόφου καὶ ἔθεντο τὰ ὅπλα τεταγμένοι ὥσπερ ἔμελλον, ὁπλῖται ἑπτακισχίλιοι μάλιστα καὶ ψιλοὶ ὑπὲρ μυρίους, ἱππῆς δὲ χίλιοι καὶ πελτασταὶ πεντακόσιοι.

4 εἶχον δὲ δεξιὸν μὲν κέρας Θηβαῖοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμοροι αὐτοῖς· μέσοι δὲ Ἁλιάρτιοι καὶ Κορωναῖοι καὶ Κωπαιῆς καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι οἱ περὶ τὴν λίμνην· τὸ δὲ εὐώνυμον εἶχον Θεσπιῆς καὶ Ταναγραῖοι καὶ Ὀρχομένιοι. ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ κέρᾳ ἑκατέρῳ οἱ ἱππῆς καὶ ψιλοὶ ἦσαν. ἐπ᾽ ἀσπίδας δὲ πέντε μὲν καὶ εἴκοσι Θηβαῖοι ἐτάξαντο, οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι ὡς ἕκαστοι ἔτυχον.

5 αὕτη μὲν Βοιωτῶν παρασκευὴ καὶ διάκοσμος ἦν·

Chapter 94

1 Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ οἱ μὲν ὁπλῖται ἐπὶ ὀκτὼ πᾶν τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐτάξαντο ὄντες πλήθει ἰσοπαλεῖς τοῖς ἐναντίοις, ἱππῆς δὲ ἐφ’ ἑκατέρῳ τῷ κέρᾳ. ψιλοὶ δὲ ἐκ παρασκευῆς μὲν ὡπλισμένοι οὔτε τότε παρῆσαν οὔτε ἐγένοντο τῇ πόλει· οἵπερ δὲ ξυνεσέβαλον ὄντες πολλαπλάσιοι τῶν ἐναντίων, ἄοπλοί τε πολλοὶ ἠκολούθησαν, ἅτε πανστρατιᾶς ξένων τῶν παρόντων καὶ ἀστῶν γενομένης, καὶ ὡς τὸ πρῶτον ὥρμησαν ἐπ’ οἴκου, οὐ παρεγένοντο ὅτι μὴ ὀλίγοι.

2 καθεστώτων δὲ ἐς τὴν τάξιν καὶ ἤδη μελλόντων ξυνιέναι, Ἱπποκράτης ὁ στρατηγὸς ἐπιπαριὼν τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν Ἀθηναίων παρεκελεύετό τε καὶ ἔλεγε τοιάδε.

Chapter 95

1 ‘ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, δι’ ὀλίγου μὲν ἡ παραίνεσις γίγνεται, τὸ ἴσον δὲ πρός γε τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας δύναται καὶ ὑπόμνησιν μᾶλλον ἔχει ἢ ἐπικέλευσιν.

2 παραστῇ δὲ μηδενὶ ὑμῶν ὡς ἐν τῇ ἀλλοτρίᾳ οὐ προσῆκον τοσόνδε κίνδυνον ἀναρριπτοῦμεν. ἐν γὰρ τῇ τούτων ὑπὲρ τῆς ἡμετέρας ὁ ἀγὼν ἔσται· καὶ ἢν νικήσωμεν, οὐ μή ποτε ὑμῖν Πελοποννήσιοι ἐς τὴν χώραν ἄνευ τῆς τῶνδε ἵππου ἐσβάλωσιν, ἐν δὲ μιᾷ μάχῃ τήνδε τε προσκτᾶσθε καὶ ἐκείνην μᾶλλον ἐλευθεροῦτε.

3 χωρήσατε οὖν ἀξίως ἐς αὐτοὺς τῆς τε πόλεως, ἣν ἕκαστος πατρίδα ἔχων πρώτην ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἀγάλλεται, καὶ τῶν πατέρων, οἳ τούσδε μάχῃ κρατοῦντες μετὰ Μυρωνίδου ἐν Οἰνοφύτοις τὴν Βοιωτίαν ποτὲ ἔσχον.’

Chapter 96

1 τοιαῦτα τοῦ Ἱπποκράτους παρακελευομένου καὶ μέχρι μὲν μέσου τοῦ στρατοπέδου ἐπελθόντος, τὸ δὲ πλέον οὐκέτι φθάσαντος, οἱ Βοιωτοί, παρακελευσαμένου καὶ σφίσιν ὡς διὰ ταχέων καὶ ἐνταῦθα Παγώνδου, παιανίσαντες ἐπῇσαν ἀπὸ τοῦ λόφου. ἀντεπῇσαν δὲ καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ προσέμειξαν δρόμῳ.

2 καὶ ἑκατέρων τῶν στρατοπέδων τὰ ἔσχατα οὐκ ἦλθεν ἐς χεῖρας, ἀλλὰ τὸ αὐτὸ ἔπαθεν· ῥύακες γὰρ ἐκώλυσαν. τὸ δὲ ἄλλο καρτερᾷ μάχῃ καὶ ὠθισμῷ ἀσπίδων ξυνειστήκει.

3 καὶ τὸ μὲν εὐώνυμον τῶν Βοιωτῶν καὶ μέχρι μέσου ἡσσᾶτο ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων, καὶ ἐπίεσαν τούς τε ἄλλους ταύτῃ καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα τοὺς Θεσπιᾶς. ὑποχωρησάντων γὰρ αὐτοῖς τῶν παρατεταγμένων, καὶ κυκλωθέντων ἐν ὀλίγῳ, οἵπερ διεφθάρησαν Θεσπιῶν, ἐν χερσὶν ἀμυνόμενοι κατεκόπησαν· καί τινες καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων διὰ τὴν κύκλωσιν ταραχθέντες ἠγνόησάν τε καὶ ἀπέκτειναν ἀλλήλους.

4 τὸ μὲν οὖν ταύτῃ ἡσσᾶτο τῶν Βοιωτῶν καὶ πρὸς τὸ μαχόμενον κατέφυγε, τὸ δὲ δεξιόν, ᾗ οἱ Θηβαῖοι ἦσαν, ἐκράτει τῶν Ἀθηναίων, καὶ ὠσάμενοι κατὰ βραχὺ τὸ πρῶτον ἐπηκολούθουν.

5 καὶ ξυνέβη, Παγώνδου περιπέμψαντος δύο τέλη τῶν ἱππέων ἐκ τοῦ ἀφανοῦς περὶ τὸν λόφον, ὡς ἐπόνει τὸ εὐώνυμον αὐτῶν, καὶ ὑπερφανέντων αἰφνιδίως, τὸ νικῶν τῶν Ἀθηναίων κέρας, νομίσαν ἄλλο στράτευμα ἐπιέναι, ἐς φόβον καταστῆναι·

6 καὶ ἀμφοτέρωθεν ἤδη, ὑπό τε τοῦ τοιούτου καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Θηβαίων ἐφεπομένων καὶ παραρρηγνύντων, φυγὴ καθειστήκει παντὸς τοῦ στρατοῦ τῶν Ἀθηναίων.

7 καὶ οἱ μὲν πρὸς τὸ Δήλιόν τε καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ὥρμησαν, οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ Ὠρωποῦ, ἄλλοι δὲ πρὸς Πάρνηθα τὸ ὄρος, οἱ δὲ ὡς ἕκαστοί τινα εἶχον ἐλπίδα σωτηρίας.

8 Βοιωτοὶ δὲ ἐφεπόμενοι ἔκτεινον, καὶ μάλιστα οἱ ἱππῆς οἵ τε αὐτῶν καὶ οἱ Λοκροὶ βεβοηθηκότες ἄρτι τῆς τροπῆς γιγνομένης· νυκτὸς δὲ ἐπιλαβούσης τὸ ἔργον ῥᾷον τὸ πλῆθος τῶν φευγόντων διεσώθη.

9 καὶ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ οἵ τε ἐκ τοῦ Ὠρωποῦ καὶ οἱ ἐκ τοῦ Δηλίου φυλακὴν ἐγκαταλιπόντες (εἶχον γὰρ αὐτὸ ὅμως ἔτι) ἀπεκομίσθησαν κατὰ θάλασσαν ἐπ’ οἴκου.

Chapter 97

1 καὶ οἱ Βοιωτοὶ τροπαῖον στήσαντες καὶ τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ἀνελόμενοι νεκροὺς τούς τε τῶν πολεμίων σκυλεύσαντες καὶ φυλακὴν καταλιπόντες ἀνεχώρησαν ἐς τὴν Τάναγραν, καὶ τῷ Δηλίῳ ἐπεβούλευον ὡς προσβαλοῦντες.

2 ἐκ δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων κῆρυξ πορευόμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς ἀπαντᾷ κήρυκι Βοιωτῷ, ὃς αὐτὸν ἀποστρέψας καὶ εἰπὼν ὅτι οὐδὲν πράξει πρὶν ἂν αὐτὸς ἀναχωρήσῃ πάλιν, καταστὰς ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἔλεγε τὰ παρὰ τῶν Βοιωτῶν, ὅτι οὐ δικαίως δράσειαν παραβαίνοντες τὰ νόμιμα τῶν Ἑλλήνων·

3 πᾶσι γὰρ εἶναι καθεστηκὸς ἰόντας ἐπὶ τὴν ἀλλήλων ἱερῶν τῶν ἐνόντων ἀπέχεσθαι, Ἀθηναίους δὲ Δήλιον τειχίσαντας ἐνοικεῖν, καὶ ὅσα ἄνθρωποι ἐν βεβήλῳ δρῶσι πάντα γίγνεσθαι αὐτόθι, ὕδωρ τε ὃ ἦν ἄψαυστον σφίσι πλὴν πρὸς τὰ ἱερὰ χέρνιβι χρῆσθαι, ἀνασπάσαντας ὑδρεύεσθαι·

4 ὥστε ὑπέρ τε τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ ἑαυτῶν Βοιωτούς, ἐπικαλουμένους τοὺς ὁμωχέτας δαίμονας καὶ τὸν Ἀπόλλω, προαγορεύειν αὐτοὺς ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἀπιόντας ἀποφέρεσθαι τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν.

Chapter 98

1 τοσαῦτα τοῦ κήρυκος εἰπόντος οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι πέμψαντες παρὰ τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς ἑαυτῶν κήρυκα τοῦ μὲν ἱεροῦ οὔτε ἀδικῆσαι ἔφασαν οὐδὲν οὔτε τοῦ λοιποῦ ἑκόντες βλάψειν· οὐδὲ γὰρ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐσελθεῖν ἐπὶ τούτῳ, ἀλλ’ ἵνα ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας μᾶλλον σφᾶς ἀμύνωνται.

2 τὸν δὲ νόμον τοῖς Ἕλλησιν εἶναι, ὧν ἂν ᾖ τὸ κράτος τῆς γῆς ἑκάστης ἤν τε πλέονος ἤν τε βραχυτέρας, τούτων καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ αἰεὶ γίγνεσθαι, τρόποις θεραπευόμενα οἷς ἂν πρὸς τοῖς εἰωθόσι καὶ δύνωνται.

3 καὶ γὰρ Βοιωτοὺς καὶ τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν ἄλλων, ὅσοι ἐξαναστήσαντές τινα βίᾳ νέμονται γῆν, ἀλλοτρίοις ἱεροῖς τὸ πρῶτον ἐπελθόντας οἰκεῖα νῦν κεκτῆσθαι.

4 καὶ αὐτοί, εἰ μὲν ἐπὶ πλέον δυνηθῆναι τῆς ἐκείνων κρατῆσαι, τοῦτ’ ἂν ἔχειν· νῦν δὲ ἐν ᾧ μέρει εἰσίν, ἑκόντες εἶναι ὡς ἐκ σφετέρου οὐκ ἀπιέναι.

5 ὕδωρ τε ἐν τῇ ἀνάγκῃ κινῆσαι, ἣν οὐκ αὐτοὶ ὕβρει προσθέσθαι, ἀλλ’ ἐκείνους προτέρους ἐπὶ τὴν σφετέραν ἐλθόντας ἀμυνόμενοι βιάζεσθαι χρῆσθαι.

6 πᾶν δ’ εἰκὸς εἶναι τὸ πολέμῳ καὶ δεινῷ τινὶ κατειργόμενον ξύγγνωμόν τι γίγνεσθαι καὶ πρὸς τοῦ θεοῦ. καὶ γὰρ τῶν ἀκουσίων ἁμαρτημάτων καταφυγὴν εἶναι τοὺς βωμούς, παρανομίαν τε ἐπὶ τοῖς μὴ ἀνάγκῃ κακοῖς ὀνομασθῆναι καὶ οὐκ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν ξυμφορῶν τι τολμήσασιν.

7 τούς τε νεκροὺς πολὺ μειζόνως ἐκείνους ἀντὶ ἱερῶν ἀξιοῦντας ἀποδιδόναι ἀσεβεῖν ἢ τοὺς μὴ ἐθέλοντας ἱεροῖς τὰ πρέποντα κομίζεσθαι.

8 σαφῶς τε ἐκέλευον σφίσιν εἰπεῖν μὴ ἀπιοῦσιν ἐκ τῆς Βοιωτῶν γῆς (οὐ γὰρ ἐν τῇ ἐκείνων ἔτι εἶναι, ἐν ᾗ δὲ δορὶ ἐκτήσαντο), ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὰ πάτρια τοὺς νεκροὺς σπένδουσιν ἀναιρεῖσθαι.

Chapter 99

1 οἱ δὲ Βοιωτοὶ ἀπεκρίναντο, εἰ μὲν ἐν τῇ Βοιωτίᾳ εἰσίν, ἀπιόντας ἐκ τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἀποφέρεσθαι τὰ σφέτερα, εἰ δὲ ἐν τῇ ἐκείνων, αὐτοὺς γιγνώσκειν τὸ ποιητέον, νομίζοντες, τὴν μὲν Ὠρωπίαν, ἐν ᾗ τοὺς νεκροὺς ἐν μεθορίοις τῆς μάχης γενομένης κεῖσθαι ξυνέβη, Ἀθηναίων κατὰ τὸ ὑπήκοον εἶναι, καὶ οὐκ ἂν αὐτοὺς βίᾳ σφῶν κρατῆσαι αὐτῶν· οὐδ’ αὖ ἐσπένδοντο δῆθεν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐκείνων· τὸ δὲ ‘ἐκ τῆς ἑαυτῶν’ εὐπρεπὲς εἶναι ἀποκρίνασθαι ‘ἀπιόντας καὶ ἀπολαβεῖν ἃ ἀπαιτοῦσιν.’ ὁ δὲ κῆρυξ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀκούσας ἀπῆλθεν ἄπρακτος.

Chapter 100

1 καὶ οἱ Βοιωτοὶ εὐθὺς μεταπεμψάμενοι ἔκ τε τοῦ Μηλιῶς κόλπου ἀκοντιστὰς καὶ σφενδονήτας, καὶ βεβοηθηκότων αὐτοῖς μετὰ τὴν μάχην Κορινθίων τε δισχιλίων ὁπλιτῶν καὶ τῶν ἐκ Νισαίας ἐξεληλυθότων Πελοποννησίων φρουρῶν καὶ Μεγαρέων ἅμα, ἐστράτευσαν ἐπὶ τὸ Δήλιον καὶ προσέβαλον τῷ τειχίσματι, ἄλλῳ τε τρόπῳ πειράσαντες καὶ μηχανὴν προσήγαγον, ἥπερ εἷλεν αὐτό, τοιάνδε.

2 κεραίαν μεγάλην δίχα πρίσαντες ἐκοίλαναν ἅπασαν καὶ ξυνήρμοσαν πάλιν ἀκριβῶς ὥσπερ αὐλόν, καὶ ἐπ’ ἄκραν λέβητά τε ἤρτησαν ἁλύσεσι καὶ ἀκροφύσιον ἀπὸ τῆς κεραίας σιδηροῦν ἐς αὐτὸν νεῦον καθεῖτο, καὶ ἐσεσιδήρωτο ἐπὶ μέγα καὶ τοῦ ἄλλου ξύλου.

3 προσῆγον δὲ ἐκ πολλοῦ ἁμάξαις τῷ τείχει, ᾗ μάλιστα τῇ ἀμπέλῳ καὶ τοῖς ξύλοις ᾠκοδόμητο· καὶ ὁπότε εἴη ἐγγύς, φύσας μεγάλας ἐσθέντες ἐς τὸ πρὸς ἑαυτῶν ἄκρον τῆς κεραίας ἐφύσων.

4 ἡ δὲ πνοὴ ἰοῦσα στεγανῶς ἐς τὸν λέβητα, ἔχοντα ἄνθρακάς τε ἡμμένους καὶ θεῖον καὶ πίσσαν, φλόγα ἐποίει μεγάλην καὶ ἧψε τοῦ τείχους, ὥστε μηδένα ἔτι ἐπ’ αὐτοῦ μεῖναι, ἀλλὰ ἀπολιπόντας ἐς φυγὴν καταστῆναι καὶ τὸ τείχισμα τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ ἁλῶναι.

5 τῶν δὲ φρουρῶν οἱ μὲν ἀπέθανον, διακόσιοι δὲ ἐλήφθησαν· τῶν δὲ ἄλλων τὸ πλῆθος ἐς τὰς ναῦς ἐσβὰν ἀπεκομίσθη ἐπ’ οἴκου.

Chapter 101

1 τοῦ δὲ Δηλίου ἑπτακαιδεκάτῃ ἡμέρᾳ ληφθέντος μετὰ τὴν μάχην καὶ τοῦ ἀπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων κήρυκος οὐδὲν ἐπισταμένου τῶν γεγενημένων ἐλθόντος οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον αὖθις περὶ τῶν νεκρῶν, ἀπέδοσαν οἱ Βοιωτοὶ καὶ οὐκέτι ταὐτὰ ἀπεκρίναντο.

2 ἀπέθανον δὲ Βοιωτῶν μὲν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ ὀλίγῳ ἐλάσσους πεντακοσίων, Ἀθηναίων δὲ ὀλίγῳ ἐλάσσους χιλίων καὶ Ἱπποκράτης ὁ στρατηγός, ψιλῶν δὲ καὶ σκευοφόρων πολὺς ἀριθμός.

3 μετὰ δὲ τὴν μάχην ταύτην καὶ ὁ Δημοσθένης ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον, ὡς αὐτῷ τότε πλεύσαντι τὰ περὶ τὰς Σίφας τῆς προδοσίας πέρι οὐ προυχώρησεν, ἔχων τὸν στρατὸν ἐπὶ τῶν νεῶν τῶν τε Ἀκαρνάνων καὶ Ἀγραίων καὶ Ἀθηναίων τετρακοσίους ὁπλίτας, ἀπόβασιν ἐποιήσατο ἐς τὴν Σικυωνίαν.

4 καὶ πρὶν πάσας τὰς ναῦς καταπλεῦσαι βοηθήσαντες οἱ Σικυώνιοι τοὺς ἀποβεβηκότας ἔτρεψαν καὶ κατεδίωξαν ἐς τὰς ναῦς, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἀπέκτειναν, τοὺς δὲ ζῶντας ἔλαβον. τροπαῖον δὲ στήσαντες τοὺς νεκροὺς ὑποσπόνδους ἀπέδοσαν.

5 ἀπέθανε δὲ καὶ Σιτάλκης Ὀδρυσῶν βασιλεὺς ὑπὸ τὰς αὐτὰς ἡμέρας τοῖς ἐπὶ Δηλίῳ, στρατεύσας ἐπὶ Τριβαλλοὺς καὶ νικηθεὶς μάχῃ. Σεύθης δὲ ὁ Σπαραδόκου ἀδελφιδοῦς ὢν αὐτοῦ ἐβασίλευσεν Ὀδρυσῶν τε καὶ τῆς ἄλλης Θρᾴκης ἧσπερ καὶ ἐκεῖνος.

Chapter 102

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος Βρασίδας ἔχων τοὺς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης ξυμμάχους ἐστράτευσεν ἐς Ἀμφίπολιν τὴν ἐπὶ Στρυμόνι ποταμῷ Ἀθηναίων ἀποικίαν.

2 τὸ δὲ χωρίον τοῦτο ἐφ’ οὗ νῦν ἡ πόλις ἐστὶν ἐπείρασε μὲν πρότερον καὶ Ἀρισταγόρας ὁ Μιλήσιος φεύγων βασιλέα Δαρεῖον κατοικίσαι, ἀλλὰ ὑπὸ Ἠδώνων ἐξεκρούσθη, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἔτεσι δύο καὶ τριάκοντα ὕστερον, ἐποίκους μυρίους σφῶν τε αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τὸν βουλόμενον πέμψαντες, οἳ διεφθάρησαν ἐν Δραβήσκῳ ὑπὸ Θρᾳκῶν.

3 καὶ αὖθις ἑνὸς δέοντι τριακοστῷ ἔτει ἐλθόντες οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, Ἅγνωνος τοῦ Νικίου οἰκιστοῦ ἐκπεμφθέντος, Ἠδῶνας ἐξελάσαντες ἔκτισαν τὸ χωρίον τοῦτο, ὅπερ πρότερον Ἐννέα ὁδοὶ ἐκαλοῦντο.

4 ὡρμῶντο δὲ ἐκ τῆς Ἠιόνος, ἣν αὐτοὶ εἶχον ἐμπόριον ἐπὶ τῷ στόματι τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐπιθαλάσσιον, πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι σταδίους ἀπέχον ἀπὸ τῆς νῦν πόλεως, ἣν Ἀμφίπολιν Ἅγνων ὠνόμασεν, ὅτι ἐπ’ ἀμφότερα περιρρέοντος τοῦ Στρυμόνος [διὰ τὸ περιέχειν αὐτὴν] τείχει μακρῷ ἀπολαβὼν ἐκ ποταμοῦ ἐς ποταμὸν περιφανῆ ἐς θάλασσάν τε καὶ τὴν ἤπειρον ᾤκισεν.

Chapter 103

1 ἐπὶ ταύτην οὖν ὁ Βρασίδας ἄρας ἐξ Ἀρνῶν τῆς Χαλκιδικῆς ἐπορεύετο τῷ στρατῷ. καὶ ἀφικόμενος περὶ δείλην ἐπὶ τὸν Αὐλῶνα καὶ Βορμίσκον, ᾗ ἡ Βόλβη λίμνη ἐξίησιν ἐς θάλασσαν, καὶ δειπνοποιησάμενος ἐχώρει τὴν νύκτα.

2 χειμὼν δὲ ἦν καὶ ὑπένειφεν· ᾗ καὶ μᾶλλον ὥρμησε, βουλόμενος λαθεῖν τοὺς ἐν τῇ Ἀμφιπόλει πλὴν τῶν προδιδόντων.

3 ἦσαν γὰρ Ἀργιλίων τε ἐν αὐτῇ οἰκήτορες (εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ Ἀργίλιοι Ἀνδρίων ἄποικοι) καὶ ἄλλοι οἳ ξυνέπρασσον ταῦτα, οἱ μὲν Περδίκκᾳ πειθόμενοι, οἱ δὲ Χαλκιδεῦσιν.

4 μάλιστα δὲ οἱ Ἀργίλιοι, ἐγγύς τε προσοικοῦντες καὶ αἰεί ποτε τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ὄντες ὕποπτοι καὶ ἐπιβουλεύοντες τῷ χωρίῳ, ἐπειδὴ παρέτυχεν ὁ καιρὸς καὶ Βρασίδας ἦλθεν, ἔπραξάν τε ἐκ πλέονος πρὸς τοὺς ἐμπολιτεύοντας σφῶν ἐκεῖ ὅπως ἐνδοθήσεται ἡ πόλις, καὶ τότε δεξάμενοι αὐτὸν τῇ πόλει καὶ ἀποστάντες τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐκείνῃ τῇ νυκτὶ κατέστησαν τὸν στρατὸν πρὸ ἕω ἐπὶ τὴν γέφυραν τοῦ ποταμοῦ.

5 ἀπέχει δὲ τὸ πόλισμα πλέον τῆς διαβάσεως, καὶ οὐ καθεῖτο τείχη ὥσπερ νῦν, φυλακὴ δέ τις βραχεῖα καθειστήκει· ἣν βιασάμενος ῥᾳδίως ὁ Βρασίδας, ἅμα μὲν τῆς προδοσίας οὔσης, ἅμα δὲ καὶ χειμῶνος ὄντος καὶ ἀπροσδοκήτοις προσπεσών, διέβη τὴν γέφυραν, καὶ τὰ ἔξω τῶν Ἀμφιπολιτῶν οἰκούντων κατὰ πᾶν τὸ χωρίον εὐθὺς εἶχεν.

Chapter 104

1 τῆς δὲ διαβάσεως αὐτοῦ ἄφνω τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει γεγενημένης, καὶ τῶν ἔξω πολλῶν μὲν ἁλισκομένων, τῶν δὲ καὶ καταφευγόντων ἐς τὸ τεῖχος, οἱ Ἀμφιπολῖται ἐς θόρυβον μέγαν κατέστησαν, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἀλλήλοις ὕποπτοι ὄντες.

2 καὶ λέγεται Βρασίδαν, εἰ ἠθέλησε μὴ ἐφ’ ἁρπαγὴν τῷ στρατῷ τραπέσθαι, ἀλλ’ εὐθὺς χωρῆσαι πρὸς τὴν πόλιν, δοκεῖν ἂν ἑλεῖν.

3 νῦν δὲ ὁ μὲν ἱδρύσας τὸν στρατόν, ἐπεὶ τὰ ἔξω ἐπέδραμε καὶ οὐδὲν αὐτῷ ἀπὸ τῶν ἔνδον ὡς προσεδέχετο ἀπέβαινεν, ἡσύχαζεν·

4 οἱ δὲ ἐναντίοι τοῖς προδιδοῦσι, κρατοῦντες τῷ πλήθει ὥστε μὴ αὐτίκα τὰς πύλας ἀνοίγεσθαι, πέμπουσι μετὰ Εὐκλέους τοῦ στρατηγοῦ, ὃς ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν παρῆν αὐτοῖς φύλαξ τοῦ χωρίου, ἐπὶ τὸν ἕτερον στρατηγὸν τῶν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης, Θουκυδίδην τὸν Ὀλόρου, ὃς τάδε ξυνέγραψεν, ὄντα περὶ Θάσον (ἔστι δὲ ἡ νῆσος Παρίων ἀποικία, ἀπέχουσα τῆς Ἀμφιπόλεως ἡμίσεος ἡμέρας μάλιστα πλοῦν), κελεύοντες σφίσι βοηθεῖν.

5 καὶ ὁ μὲν ἀκούσας κατὰ τάχος ἑπτὰ ναυσὶν αἳ ἔτυχον παροῦσαι ἔπλει, καὶ ἐβούλετο φθάσαι μάλιστα μὲν οὖν τὴν Ἀμφίπολιν, πρίν τι ἐνδοῦναι, εἰ δὲ μή, τὴν Ἠιόνα προκαταλαβών.

Chapter 105

1 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ὁ Βρασίδας δεδιὼς καὶ τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς Θάσου τῶν νεῶν βοήθειαν καὶ πυνθανόμενος τὸν Θουκυδίδην κτῆσίν τε ἔχειν τῶν χρυσείων μετάλλων ἐργασίας ἐν τῇ περὶ ταῦτα Θρᾴκῃ καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ δύνασθαι ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις τῶν ἠπειρωτῶν, ἠπείγετο προκατασχεῖν, εἰ δύναιτο, τὴν πόλιν, μὴ ἀφικνουμένου αὐτοῦ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν Ἀμφιπολιτῶν, ἐλπίσαν ἐκ θαλάσσης ξυμμαχικὸν καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς Θρᾴκης ἀγείραντα αὐτὸν περιποιήσειν σφᾶς, οὐκέτι προσχωροίη.

2 καὶ τὴν ξύμβασιν μετρίαν ἐποιεῖτο, κήρυγμα τόδε ἀνειπών, Ἀμφιπολιτῶν καὶ Ἀθηναίων τῶν ἐνόντων τὸν μὲν βουλόμενον ἐπὶ τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ τῆς ἴσης καὶ ὁμοίας μετέχοντα μένειν, τὸν δὲ μὴ ἐθέλοντα ἀπιέναι τὰ ἑαυτοῦ ἐκφερόμενον πέντε ἡμερῶν.

Chapter 106

1 οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ ἀκούσαντες ἀλλοιότεροι ἐγένοντο τὰς γνώμας, ἄλλως τε καὶ βραχὺ μὲν Ἀθηναίων ἐμπολιτεῦον, τὸ δὲ πλέον ξύμμεικτον, καὶ τῶν ἔξω ληφθέντων συχνοῖς οἰκεῖοι ἔνδον ἦσαν· καὶ τὸ κήρυγμα πρὸς τὸν φόβον δίκαιον εἶναι ὑπελάμβανον, οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι διὰ τὸ ἄσμενοι ἂν ἐξελθεῖν, ἡγούμενοι οὐκ ἐν ὁμοίῳ σφίσι τὰ δεινὰ εἶναι καὶ ἅμα οὐ προσδεχόμενοι βοήθειαν ἐν τάχει, ὁ δὲ ἄλλος ὅμιλος πόλεώς τε ἐν τῷ ἴσῳ οὐ στερισκόμενοι καὶ κινδύνου παρὰ δόξαν ἀφιέμενοι.

2 ὥστε τῶν πρασσόντων τῷ Βρασίδᾳ ἤδη καὶ ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ διαδικαιούντων αὐτά, ἐπειδὴ καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἑώρων τετραμμένον καὶ τοῦ παρόντος Ἀθηναίων στρατηγοῦ οὐκέτι ἀκροώμενον, ἐγένετο ἡ ὁμολογία καὶ προσεδέξαντο ἐφ’ οἷς ἐκήρυξεν.

3 καὶ οἱ μὲν τὴν πόλιν τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ παρέδοσαν, ὁ δὲ Θουκυδίδης καὶ αἱ νῆες ταύτῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ὀψὲ κατέπλεον ἐς τὴν Ἠιόνα.

4 καὶ τὴν μὲν Ἀμφίπολιν Βρασίδας ἄρτι εἶχε, τὴν δὲ Ἠιόνα παρὰ νύκτα ἐγένετο λαβεῖν· εἰ γὰρ μὴ ἐβοήθησαν αἱ νῆες διὰ τάχους, ἅμα ἕῳ ἂν εἴχετο.

Chapter 107

1 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ὁ μὲν τὰ ἐν τῇ Ἠιόνι καθίστατο, ὅπως καὶ τὸ αὐτίκα, ἢν ἐπίῃ ὁ Βρασίδας, καὶ τὸ ἔπειτα ἀσφαλῶς ἕξει, δεξάμενος τοὺς ἐθελήσαντας ἐπιχωρῆσαι ἄνωθεν κατὰ τὰς σπονδάς·

2 ὁ δὲ πρὸς μὲν τὴν Ἠιόνα κατά τε τὸν ποταμὸν πολλοῖς πλοίοις ἄφνω καταπλεύσας, εἴ πως τὴν προύχουσαν ἄκραν ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους λαβὼν κρατοίη τοῦ ἔσπλου, καὶ κατὰ γῆν ἀποπειράσας ἅμα, ἀμφοτέρωθεν ἀπεκρούσθη, τὰ δὲ περὶ τὴν Ἀμφίπολιν ἐξηρτύετο.

3 καὶ Μύρκινός τε αὐτῷ προσεχώρησεν Ἠδωνικὴ πόλις, Πιττακοῦ τοῦ Ἠδώνων βασιλέως ἀποθανόντος ὑπὸ τῶν Γοάξιος παίδων καὶ Βραυροῦς τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ, καὶ Γαληψὸς οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον καὶ Οἰσύμη· εἰσὶ δὲ αὗται Θασίων ἀποικίαι. παρὼν δὲ καὶ Περδίκκας εὐθὺς μετὰ τὴν ἅλωσιν ξυγκαθίστη ταῦτα.

Chapter 108

1 ἐχομένης δὲ τῆς Ἀμφιπόλεως οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐς μέγα δέος κατέστησαν, ἄλλως τε καὶ ὅτι ἡ πόλις αὐτοῖς ἦν ὠφέλιμος ξύλων τε ναυπηγησίμων πομπῇ καὶ χρημάτων προσόδῳ, καὶ ὅτι μέχρι μὲν τοῦ Στρυμόνος ἦν πάροδος Θεσσαλῶν διαγόντων ἐπὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους σφῶν τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, τῆς δὲ γεφύρας μὴ κρατούντων, ἄνωθεν μὲν μεγάλης οὔσης ἐπὶ πολὺ λίμνης τοῦ ποταμοῦ, τὰ δὲ πρὸς Ἠιόνα τριήρεσι τηρουμένων, οὐκ ἂν δύνασθαι προελθεῖν· τότε δὲ ῥᾴδια ἤδη [ἐνόμιζεν] γεγενῆσθαι. καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἐφοβοῦντο μὴ ἀποστῶσιν.

2 ὁ γὰρ Βρασίδας ἔν τε τοῖς ἄλλοις μέτριον ἑαυτὸν παρεῖχε, καὶ ἐν τοῖς λόγοις πανταχοῦ ἐδήλου ὡς ἐλευθερώσων τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐκπεμφθείη.

3 καὶ αἱ πόλεις πυνθανόμεναι αἱ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ὑπήκοοι τῆς τε Ἀμφιπόλεως τὴν ἅλωσιν καὶ ἃ παρέχεται, τήν τε ἐκείνου πραότητα, μάλιστα δὴ ἐπήρθησαν ἐς τὸ νεωτερίζειν, καὶ ἐπεκηρυκεύοντο πρὸς αὐτὸν κρύφα, ἐπιπαριέναι τε κελεύοντες καὶ βουλόμενοι αὐτοὶ ἕκαστοι πρῶτοι ἀποστῆναι.

4 καὶ γὰρ καὶ ἄδεια ἐφαίνετο αὐτοῖς, ἐψευσμένοις μὲν τῆς Ἀθηναίων δυνάμεως ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὅση ὕστερον διεφάνη, τὸ δὲ πλέον βουλήσει κρίνοντες ἀσαφεῖ ἢ προνοίᾳ ἀσφαλεῖ, εἰωθότες οἱ ἄνθρωποι οὗ μὲν ἐπιθυμοῦσιν ἐλπίδι ἀπερισκέπτῳ διδόναι, ὃ δὲ μὴ προσίενται λογισμῷ αὐτοκράτορι διωθεῖσθαι.

5 ἅμα δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐν τοῖς Βοιωτοῖς νεωστὶ πεπληγμένων καὶ τοῦ Βρασίδου ἐφολκὰ καὶ οὐ τὰ ὄντα λέγοντος, ὡς αὐτῷ ἐπὶ Νίσαιαν τῇ ἑαυτοῦ μόνῃ στρατιᾷ οὐκ ἠθέλησαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ξυμβαλεῖν, ἐθάρσουν καὶ ἐπίστευον μηδένα ἂν ἐπὶ σφᾶς βοηθῆσαι.

6 τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, διὰ τὸ ἡδονὴν ἔχον ἐν τῷ αὐτίκα καὶ ὅτι τὸ πρῶτον Λακεδαιμονίων ὀργώντων ἔμελλον πειράσεσθαι, κινδυνεύειν παντὶ τρόπῳ ἑτοῖμοι ἦσαν. ὧν αἰσθανόμενοι οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι φυλακάς, ὡς ἐξ ὀλίγου καὶ ἐν χειμῶνι, διέπεμπον ἐς τὰς πόλεις, ὁ δὲ ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα ἐφιέμενος στρατιάν τε προσαποστέλλειν ἐκέλευε καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν τῷ Στρυμόνι ναυπηγίαν τριήρων παρεσκευάζετο.

7 οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὰ μὲν καὶ φθόνῳ ἀπὸ τῶν πρώτων ἀνδρῶν οὐχ ὑπηρέτησαν αὐτῷ, τὰ δὲ καὶ βουλόμενοι μᾶλλον τούς τε ἄνδρας τοὺς ἐκ τῆς νήσου κομίσασθαι καὶ τὸν πόλεμον καταλῦσαι.

Chapter 109

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος Μεγαρῆς τε τὰ μακρὰ τείχη, ἃ σφῶν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι εἶχον, κατέσκαψαν ἑλόντες ἐς ἔδαφος, καὶ Βρασίδας μετὰ τὴν Ἀμφιπόλεως ἅλωσιν ἔχων τοὺς ξυμμάχους στρατεύει ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀκτὴν καλουμένην.

2 ἔστι δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως διορύγματος ἔσω προύχουσα, καὶ ὁ Ἄθως αὐτῆς ὄρος ὑψηλὸν τελευτᾷ ἐς τὸ Αἰγαῖον πέλαγος.

3 πόλεις δὲ ἔχει Σάνην μὲν Ἀνδρίων ἀποικίαν παρ’ αὐτὴν τὴν διώρυχα, ἐς τὸ πρὸς Εὔβοιαν πέλαγος τετραμμένην, τὰς δὲ ἄλλας Θυσσὸν καὶ Κλεωνὰς καὶ Ἀκροθῴους καὶ Ὀλόφυξον καὶ Δῖον·

4 αἳ οἰκοῦνται ξυμμείκτοις ἔθνεσι βαρβάρων διγλώσσων, καί τι καὶ Χαλκιδικὸν ἔνι βραχύ, τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον Πελασγικόν, τῶν καὶ Λῆμνόν ποτε καὶ Ἀθήνας Τυρσηνῶν οἰκησάντων, καὶ Βισαλτικὸν καὶ Κρηστωνικὸν καὶ Ἠδῶνες· κατὰ δὲ μικρὰ πολίσματα οἰκοῦσιν.

5 καὶ οἱ μὲν πλείους προσεχώρησαν τῷ Βρασίδᾳ, Σάνη δὲ καὶ Δῖον ἀντέστη, καὶ αὐτῶν τὴν χώραν ἐμμείνας τῷ στρατῷ ἐδῄου.

Chapter 110

1 ὡς δ’ οὐκ ἐσήκουον, εὐθὺς στρατεύει ἐπὶ Τορώνην τὴν Χαλκιδικήν, κατεχομένην ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων· καὶ αὐτὸν ἄνδρες ὀλίγοι ἐπήγοντο, ἑτοῖμοι ὄντες τὴν πόλιν παραδοῦναι. καὶ ἀφικόμενος νυκτὸς ἔτι καὶ περὶ ὄρθρον τῷ στρατῷ ἐκαθέζετο πρὸς τὸ Διοσκόρεον,ὃ ἀπέχει τῆς πόλεως τρεῖς μάλιστα σταδίους.

2 τὴν μὲν οὖν ἄλλην πόλιν τῶν Τορωναίων καὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τοὺς ἐμφρουροῦντας ἔλαθεν· οἱ δὲ πράσσοντες αὐτῷ εἰδότες ὅτι ἥξοι, καὶ προελθόντες τινὲς αὐτῶν λάθρᾳ ὀλίγοι, ἐτήρουν τὴν πρόσοδον, καὶ ὡς ᾔσθοντο παρόντα, ἐσκομίζουσι παρ’ αὑτοὺς ἐγχειρίδια ἔχοντας ἄνδρας ψιλοὺς ἑπτά (τοσοῦτοι γὰρ μόνοι ἀνδρῶν εἴκοσι τὸ πρῶτον ταχθέντων οὐ κατέδεισαν ἐσελθεῖν· ἦρχε δὲ αὐτῶν Λυσίστρατος Ὀλύνθιος), οἳ διαδύντες διὰ τοῦ πρὸς τὸ πέλαγος τείχους καὶ λαθόντες τούς τε ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀνωτάτω φυλακτηρίου φρουρούς, οὔσης τῆς πόλεως πρὸς λόφον, ἀναβάντες διέφθειραν καὶ τὴν κατὰ Καναστραῖον πυλίδα διῄρουν.

Chapter 111

1 ὁ δὲ Βρασίδας τῷ μὲν ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἡσύχαζεν ὀλίγον προελθών, ἑκατὸν δὲ πελταστὰς προπέμπει, ὅπως, ὁπότε πύλαι τινὲς ἀνοιχθεῖεν καὶ τὸ σημεῖον ἀρθείη ὃ ξυνέκειτο, πρῶτοι ἐσδράμοιεν.

2 καὶ οἱ μὲν χρόνου ἐγγιγνομένου καὶ θαυμάζοντες κατὰ μικρὸν ἔτυχον ἐγγὺς τῆς πόλεως προσελθόντες· οἱ δὲ τῶν Τορωναίων ἔνδοθεν παρασκευάζοντες μετὰ τῶν ἐσεληλυθότων, ὡς αὐτοῖς ἥ τε πυλὶς διῄρητο καὶ αἱ κατὰ τὴν ἀγορὰν πύλαι τοῦ μοχλοῦ διακοπέντος ἀνεῴγοντο, πρῶτον μὲν κατὰ τὴν πυλίδα τινὰς περιαγαγόντες ἐσεκόμισαν, ὅπως κατὰ νώτου καὶ ἀμφοτέρωθεν τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει οὐδὲν εἰδότας ἐξαπίνης φοβήσειαν, ἔπειτα τὸ σημεῖόν τε τοῦ πυρός, ὡς εἴρητο, ἀνέσχον, καὶ διὰ τῶν κατὰ τὴν ἀγορὰν πυλῶν τοὺς λοιποὺς ἤδη τῶν πελταστῶν ἐσεδέχοντο.

Chapter 112

1 καὶ ὁ Βρασίδας ἰδὼν τὸ ξύνθημα ἔθει δρόμῳ, ἀναστήσας τὸν στρατὸν ἐμβοήσαντάς τε ἁθρόον καὶ ἔκπληξιν πολλὴν τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει παρασχόντας.

2 καὶ οἱ μὲν κατὰ τὰς πύλας εὐθὺς ἐσέπιπτον, οἱ δὲ κατὰ δοκοὺς τετραγώνους, αἳ ἔτυχον τῷ τείχει πεπτωκότι καὶ οἰκοδομουμένῳ πρὸς λίθων ἀνολκὴν προσκείμεναι.

3 Βρασίδας μὲν οὖν καὶ τὸ πλῆθος εὐθὺς ἄνω καὶ ἐπὶ τὰ μετέωρα τῆς πόλεως ἐτράπετο, βουλόμενος κατ’ ἄκρας καὶ βεβαίως ἑλεῖν αὐτήν· ὁ δὲ ἄλλος ὅμιλος κατὰ πάντα ὁμοίως ἐσκεδάννυντο.

Chapter 113

1 τῶν δὲ Τορωναίων γιγνομένης τῆς ἁλώσεως τὸ μὲν πολὺ οὐδὲν εἰδὸς ἐθορυβεῖτο, οἱ δὲ πράσσοντες καὶ οἷς ταῦτα ἤρεσκε μετὰ τῶν ἐσελθόντων εὐθὺς ἦσαν.

2 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι (ἔτυχον γὰρ ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ ὁπλῖται καθεύδοντες ὡς πεντήκοντα) ἐπειδὴ ᾔσθοντο, οἱ μέν τινες ὀλίγοι διαφθείρονται ἐν χερσὶν αὐτῶν, τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν οἱ μὲν πεζῇ, οἱ δὲ ἐς τὰς ναῦς, αἳ ἐφρούρουν δύο, καταφυγόντες διασῴζονται ἐς τὴν Λήκυθον τὸ φρούριον, ὃ εἶχον αὐτοὶ καταλαβόντες, ἄκρον τῆς πόλεως ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν ἀπειλημμένον ἐν στενῷ ἰσθμῷ.

3 κατέφυγον δὲ καὶ τῶν Τορωναίων ἐς αὐτοὺς ὅσοι ἦσαν σφίσιν ἐπιτήδειοι.

Chapter 114

1 γεγενημένης δὲ ἡμέρας ἤδη καὶ βεβαίως τῆς πόλεως ἐχομένης ὁ Βρασίδας τοῖς μὲν μετὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων Τορωναίοις καταπεφευγόσι κήρυγμα ἐποιήσατο τὸν βουλόμενον ἐπὶ τὰ ἑαυτοῦ ἐξελθόντα ἀδεῶς πολιτεύειν, τοῖς δὲ Ἀθηναίοις κήρυκα προσπέμψας ἐξιέναι ἐκέλευεν ἐκ τῆς Ληκύθου ὑποσπόνδους καὶ τὰ ἑαυτῶν ἔχοντας ὡς οὔσης Χαλκιδέων.

2 οἱ δὲ ἐκλείψειν μὲν οὐκ ἔφασαν, σπείσασθαι δὲ σφίσιν ἐκέλευον ἡμέραν τοὺς νεκροὺς ἀνελέσθαι. ὁ δὲ ἐσπείσατο δύο. ἐν ταύταις δὲ αὐτός τε τὰς ἐγγὺς οἰκίας ἐκρατύνατο καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι τὰ σφέτερα.

3 καὶ ξύλλογον τῶν Τορωναίων ποιήσας ἔλεξε τοῖς ἐν τῇ Ἀκάνθῳ παραπλήσια, ὅτι οὐ δίκαιον εἴη οὔτε τοὺς πράξαντας πρὸς αὐτὸν τὴν λῆψιν τῆς πόλεως χείρους οὐδὲ προδότας ἡγεῖσθαι (οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ δουλείᾳ οὐδὲ χρήμασι πεισθέντας δρᾶσαι τοῦτο, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ ἀγαθῷ καὶ ἐλευθερίᾳ τῆς πόλεως) οὔτε τοὺς μὴ μετασχόντας οἴεσθαι μὴ τῶν αὐτῶν τεύξεσθαι· ἀφῖχθαι γὰρ οὐ διαφθερῶν οὔτε πόλιν οὔτε ἰδιώτην οὐδένα.

4 τὸ δὲ κήρυγμα ποιήσασθαι τούτου ἕνεκα τοῖς παρ’ Ἀθηναίους καταπεφευγόσιν, ὡς ἡγούμενος οὐδὲν χείρους τῇ ἐκείνων φιλία· οὐδ’ ἂν σφῶν πειρασαμένους αὐτοὺς [τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων] δοκεῖν ἧσσον, ἀλλὰ πολλῷ μᾶλλον, ὅσῳ δικαιότερα πράσσουσιν, εὔνους ἂν σφίσι γενέσθαι, ἀπειρίᾳ δὲ νῦν πεφοβῆσθαι.

5 τούς τε πάντας παρασκευάζεσθαι ἐκέλευεν ὡς βεβαίους τε ἐσομένους ξυμμάχους καὶ τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦδε ἤδη ὅτι ἂν ἁμαρτάνωσιν αἰτίαν ἕξοντας· τὰ δὲ πρότερα οὐ σφεῖς ἀδικεῖσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκείνους μᾶλλον ὑπ’ ἄλλων κρεισσόνων, καὶ ξυγγνώμην εἶναι εἴ τι ἠναντιοῦντο.

Chapter 115

1 καὶ ὁ μὲν τοιαῦτα εἰπὼν καὶ παραθαρσύνας διελθουσῶν τῶν σπονδῶν τὰς προσβολὰς ἐποιεῖτο τῇ Ληκύθῳ· οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι ἠμύνοντό τε ἐκ φαύλου τειχίσματος καὶ ἀπ’ οἰκιῶν ἐπάλξεις ἐχουσῶν,

2 καὶ μίαν μὲν ἡμέραν ἀπεκρούσαντο· τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ μηχανῆς μελλούσης προσάξεσθαι αὐτοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν ἐναντίων, ἀφ’ ἧς πῦρ ἐνήσειν διενοοῦντο ἐς τὰ ξύλινα παραφράγματα, καὶ προσιόντος ἤδη τοῦ στρατεύματος, ᾗ ᾤοντο μάλιστα αὐτοὺς προσκομιεῖν τὴν μηχανὴν καὶ ἦν ἐπιμαχώτατον, πύργον ξύλινον ἐπ’ οἴκημα ἀντέστησαν, καὶ ὕδατος ἀμφορέας πολλοὺς καὶ πίθους ἀνεφόρησαν καὶ λίθους μεγάλους, ἄνθρωποί τε πολλοὶ ἀνέβησαν.

3 τὸ δὲ οἴκημα λαβὸν μεῖζον ἄχθος ἐξαπίνης κατερράγη καὶ ψόφου πολλοῦ γενομένου τοὺς μὲν ἐγγὺς καὶ ὁρῶντας τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐλύπησε μᾶλλον ἢ ἐφόβησεν, οἱ δὲ ἄπωθεν, καὶ μάλιστα οἱ διὰ πλείστου, νομίσαντες ταύτῃ ἑαλωκέναι ἤδη τὸ χωρίον, φυγῇ ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ τὰς ναῦς ὥρμησαν.

Chapter 116

1 καὶ ὁ Βρασίδας ὡς ᾔσθετο αὐτοὺς ἀπολείποντάς τε τὰς ἐπάλξεις καὶ τὸ γιγνόμενον ὁρῶν, ἐπιφερόμενος τῷ στρατῷ εὐθὺς τὸ τείχισμα λαμβάνει, καὶ ὅσους ἐγκατέλαβε διέφθειρεν.

2 καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι τοῖς τε πλοίοις καὶ ταῖς ναυσὶ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ ἐκλιπόντες τὸ χωρίον ἐς Παλλήνην διεκομίσθησαν· ὁ δὲ Βρασίδας (ἔστι γὰρ ἐν τῇ Ληκύθῳ Ἀθηνᾶς ἱερόν, καὶ ἔτυχε κηρύξας, ὅτε ἔμελλε προσβαλεῖν,τῷ ἐπιβάντι πρώτῳ τοῦ τείχους τριάκοντα μνᾶς ἀργυρίου δώσειν) νομίσας ἄλλῳ τινὶ τρόπῳ ἢ ἀνθρωπείῳ τὴν ἅλωσιν γενέσθαι, τάς τε τριάκοντα μνᾶς τῇ θεῷ ἀπέδωκεν ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τὴν Λήκυθον καθελὼν καὶ ἀνασκευάσας τέμενος ἀνῆκεν ἅπαν.

3 καὶ ὁ μὲν τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦ χειμῶνος ἅ τε εἶχε τῶν χωρίων καθίστατο καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐπεβούλευεν· καὶ τοῦ χειμῶνος διελθόντος ὄγδοον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα τῷ πολέμῳ.

Chapter 117

1 Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι ἅμα ἦρι τοῦ ἐπιγιγνομένου θέρους εὐθὺς ἐκεχειρίαν ἐποιήσαντο ἐνιαύσιον, νομίσαντες Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν οὐκ ἂν ἔτι τὸν Βρασίδαν σφῶν προσαποστῆσαι οὐδὲν πρὶν παρασκευάσαιντο καθ’ ἡσυχίαν, καὶ ἅμα, εἰ καλῶς σφίσιν ἔχοι, καὶ ξυμβῆναι τὰ πλείω, Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ ταῦτα τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἡγούμενοι ἅπερ ἐδέδισαν φοβεῖσθαι, καὶ γενομένης ἀνοκωχῆς κακῶν καὶ ταλαιπωρίας μᾶλλον ἐπιθυμήσειν αὐτοὺς πειρασαμένους ξυναλλαγῆναί τε καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας σφίσιν ἀποδόντας σπονδὰς ποιήσασθαι καὶ ἐς τὸν πλείω χρόνον.

2 τοὺς γὰρ δὴ ἄνδρας περὶ πλέονος ἐποιοῦντο κομίσασθαι, ὡς ἔτι Βρασίδας ηὐτύχει· καὶ ἔμελλον ἐπὶ μεῖζον χωρήσαντος αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀντίπαλα καταστήσαντος τῶν μὲν στέρεσθαι, τοῖς δ’ ἐκ τοῦ ἴσου ἀμυνόμενοι κινδυνεύσειν καὶ κρατήσειν.

3 γίγνεται οὖν ἐκεχειρία αὐτοῖς τε καὶ τοῖς ξυμμάχοις ἥδε.

Chapter 118

1 ‘περὶ μὲν τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ τοῦ μαντείου τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος τοῦ Πυθίου δοκεῖ ἡμῖν χρῆσθαι τὸν βουλόμενον ἀδόλως καὶ ἀδεῶς κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους.

2 τοῖς μὲν Λακεδαιμονίοις ταῦτα δοκεῖ καὶ τοῖς ξυμμάχοις τοῖς παροῦσιν· Βοιωτοὺς δὲ καὶ Φωκέας πείσειν φασὶν ἐς δύναμιν προσκηρυκευόμενοι.

3 περὶ δὲ τῶν χρημάτων τῶν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐπιμέλεσθαι ὅπως τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας ἐξευρήσομεν, ὀρθῶς καὶ δικαίως τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις χρώμενοι καὶ ὑμεῖς καὶ ἡμεῖς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων οἱ βουλόμενοι, τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις χρώμενοι πάντες.

4 περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων ἔδοξε Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ξυμμάχοις κατὰ ταῦτα· τάδε δὲ ἔδοξε Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ξυμμάχοις ἐὰν σπονδὰς ποιῶνται οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῶν μένειν ἑκατέρους ἔχοντας ἅπερ νῦν ἔχομεν, τοὺς μὲν ἐν τῷ Κορυφασίῳ ἐντὸς τῆς Βουφράδος καὶ τοῦ Τομέως μένοντας, τοὺς δὲ ἐν Κυθήροις μὴ ἐπιμισγομένους ἐς τὴν ξυμμαχίαν, μήτε ἡμᾶς πρὸς αὐτοὺς μήτε αὐτοὺς πρὸς ἡμᾶς, τοὺς δ’ ἐν Νισαίᾳ καὶ Μινῴᾳ μὴ ὑπερβαίνοντας τὴν ὁδὸν τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν πυλῶν τῶν παρὰ τοῦ Νίσου ἐπὶ τὸ Ποσειδώνιον, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Ποσειδωνίου εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν γέφυραν τὴν ἐς Μινῴαν (μηδὲ Μεγαρέας καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ὑπερβαίνειν τὴν ὁδὸν ταύτην) καὶ τὴν νῆσον, ἥνπερ ἔλαβον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἔχοντας, μηδὲ ἐπιμισγομένους μηδετέρους μηδετέρωσε, καὶ τὰ ἐν Τροιζῆνι, ὅσαπερ νῦν ἔχουσι, καθ’ ἃ ξυνέθεντο πρὸς Ἀθηναίους·

5 καὶ τῇ θαλάσσῃ χρωμένους, ὅσα ἂν κατὰ τὴν ἑαυτῶν καὶ κατὰ τὴν ξυμμαχίαν, Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους πλεῖν μὴ μακρᾷ νηί, ἄλλῳ δὲ κωπήρει πλοίῳ, ἐς πεντακόσια τάλαντα ἄγοντι μέτρα.

6 κήρυκι δὲ καὶ πρεσβείᾳ καὶ ἀκολούθοις, ὁπόσοις ἂν δοκῇ, περὶ καταλύσεως τοῦ πολέμου καὶ δικῶν ἐς Πελοπόννησον καὶ Ἀθήναζε σπονδὰς εἶναι ἰοῦσι καὶ ἀπιοῦσι καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν.

7 τοὺς δὲ αὐτομόλους μὴ δέχεσθαι ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ, μήτε ἐλεύθερον μήτε δοῦλον, μήτε ὑμᾶς μήτε ἡμᾶς.

8 δίκας τε διδόναι ὑμᾶς τε ἡμῖν καὶ ἡμᾶς ὑμῖν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια, τὰ ἀμφίλογα δίκῃ διαλύοντας ἄνευ πολέμου.

9 τοῖς μὲν Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ τοῖς ξυμμάχοις ταῦτα δοκεῖ· εἰ δέ τι ὑμῖν εἴτε κάλλιον εἴτε δικαιότερον τούτων δοκεῖ εἶναι, ἰόντες ἐς Λακεδαίμονα διδάσκετε· οὐδενὸς γὰρ ἀποστήσονται, ὅσα ἂν δίκαια λέγητε, οὔτε οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι οὔτε οἱ ξύμμαχοι.

10 οἱ δὲ ἰόντες τέλος ἔχοντες ἰόντων, ᾗπερ καὶ ὑμεῖς ἡμᾶς κελεύετε. αἱ δὲ σπονδαὶ ἐνιαυτὸν ἔσονται.

11 ‘ἔδοξεν τῷ δήμῳ. Ἀκαμαντὶς ἐπρυτάνευε, Φαίνιππος ἐγραμμάτευε, Νικιάδης ἐπεστάτει. Λάχης εἶπε, τύχῃ ἀγαθῇ τῇ Ἀθηναίων, ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἐκεχειρίαν καθ’ ἃ ξυγχωροῦσι Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι αὐτῶν καὶ ὡμολόγησαν ἐν τῷ δήμῳ·

12 τὴν 〈δ᾽〉 ἐκεχειρίαν εἶναι ἐνιαυτόν, ἄρχειν δὲ τήνδε τὴν ἡμέραν, τετράδα ἐπὶ δέκα τοῦ Ἐλαφηβολιῶνος μηνός.

13 ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ ἰόντας ὡς ἀλλήλους πρέσβεις καὶ κήρυκας ποιεῖσθαι τοὺς λόγους, καθ᾽ ὅτι ἔσται ἡ κατάλυσις τοῦ πολέμου.

14 ἐκκλησίαν δὲ ποιήσαντας τοὺς στρατηγοὺς καὶ τοὺς πρυτάνεις πρῶτον περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης... βουλεύσασθαι Ἀθηναίους καθ’ ὅτι ἂν ἐσίῃ ἡ πρεσβεία περὶ τῆς καταλύσεως τοῦ πολέμου. σπείσασθαι δὲ αὐτίκα μάλα τὰς πρεσβείας ἐν τῷ δήμῳ τὰς παρούσας ἦ μὴν ἐμμενεῖν ἐν ταῖς σπονδαῖς τὸν ἐνιαυτόν.

Chapter 119

1 ‘ταῦτα ξυνέθεντο Λακεδαιμόνιοι [καὶ ὤμοσαν] καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι Ἀθηναίοις καὶ τοῖς ξυμμάχοις μηνὸς ἐν Λακεδαίμονι Γεραστίου δωδεκάτῃ.

2 ξυνετίθεντο δὲ καὶ ἐσπένδοντο Λακεδαιμονίων μὲν οἵδε· Ταῦρος Ἐχετιμίδα, Ἀθήναιος Περικλείδα, Φιλοχαρίδας Ἐρυξιλαΐδα· Κορινθίων δὲ Αἰνέας Ὠκύτου, Εὐφαμίδας Ἀριστωνύμου· Σικυωνίων δὲ Δαμότιμος Ναυκράτους, Ὀνάσιμος Μεγακλέους· Μεγαρέων δὲ Νίκασος Κεκάλου, Μενεκράτης Ἀμφιδώρου· Ἐπιδαυρίων δὲ Ἀμφίας Εὐπαιΐδα· Ἀθηναίων δὲ οἱ στρατηγοὶ Νικόστρατος Διειτρέφους, Νικίας Νικηράτου, Αὐτοκλῆς Τολμαίου’.

3 ἡ μὲν δὴ ἐκεχειρία αὕτη ἐγένετο, καὶ ξυνῇσαν ἐν αὐτῇ περὶ τῶν μειζόνων σπονδῶν διὰ παντὸς ἐς λόγους.

Chapter 120

1 περὶ δὲ τὰς ἡμέρας ταύτας αἷς ἐπήρχοντο Σκιώνη ἐν τῇ Παλλήνῃ πόλις ἀπέστη ἀπ’ Ἀθηναίων πρὸς Βρασίδαν. φασὶ δὲ οἱ Σκιωναῖοι Πελληνῆς μὲν εἶναι ἐκ Πελοποννήσου, πλέοντας δ’ ἀπὸ Τροίας σφῶν τοὺς πρώτους κατενεχθῆναι ἐς τὸ χωρίον τοῦτο τῷ χειμῶνι ᾧ ἐχρήσαντο Ἀχαιοί, καὶ αὐτοῦ οἰκῆσαι.

2 ἀποστᾶσι δ’ αὐτοῖς ὁ Βρασίδας διέπλευσε νυκτὸς ἐς τὴν Σκιώνην, τριήρει μὲν φιλίᾳ προπλεούσῃ, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐν κελητίῳ ἄπωθεν ἐφεπόμενος, ὅπως, εἰ μέν τινι τοῦ κέλητος μείζονι πλοίῳ περιτυγχάνοι, ἡ τριήρης ἀμύνοι αὐτῷ, ἀντιπάλου δὲ ἄλλης τριήρους ἐπιγενομένης οὐ πρὸς τὸ ἔλασσον νομίζων τρέψεσθαι, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ τὴν ναῦν, καὶ ἐν τούτῳ αὑτὸν διασώσειν.

3 περαιωθεὶς δὲ καὶ ξύλλογον ποιήσας τῶν Σκιωναίων ἔλεγεν ἅ τε ἐν τῇ Ἀκάνθῳ καὶ Τορώνῃ, καὶ προσέτι φάσκων ἀξιωτάτους αὐτοὺς εἶναι ἐπαίνου, οἵτινες τῆς Παλλήνης ἐν τῷ ἰσθμῷ ἀπειλημμένης ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων Ποτείδαιαν ἐχόντων καὶ ὄντες οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ νησιῶται αὐτεπάγγελτοι ἐχώρησαν πρὸς τὴν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ οὐκ ἀνέμειναν ἀτολμίᾳ ἀνάγκην σφίσι προσγενέσθαι περὶ τοῦ φανερῶς οἰκείου ἀγαθοῦ· σημεῖόν τ’ εἶναι τοῦ καὶ ἄλλο τι ἂν αὐτοὺς τῶν μεγίστων ἀνδρείως ὑπομεῖναι· εἴ τε θήσεται κατὰ νοῦν τὰ πράγματα, πιστοτάτους τε τῇ ἀληθείᾳ ἡγήσεσθαι αὐτοὺς Λακεδαιμονίων φίλους καὶ τἆλλα τιμήσειν.

Chapter 121

1 καὶ οἱ μὲν Σκιωναῖοι ἐπήρθησάν τε τοῖς λόγοις καὶ θαρσήσαντες πάντες ὁμοίως, καὶ οἷς πρότερον μὴ ἤρεσκε τὰ πρασσόμενα, τόν τε πόλεμον διενοοῦντο προθύμως οἴσειν καὶ τὸν Βρασίδαν τά τ’ ἄλλα καλῶς ἐδέξαντο καὶ δημοσίᾳ μὲν χρυσῷ στεφάνῳ ἀνέδησαν ὡς ἐλευθεροῦντα τὴν Ἑλλάδα, ἰδίᾳ δὲ ἐταινίουν τε καὶ προσήρχοντο ὥσπερ ἀθλητῇ.

2 ὁ δὲ τό τε παραυτίκα φυλακήν τινα αὐτοῖς ἐγκαταλιπὼν διέβη πάλιν καὶ ὕστερον οὐ πολλῷ στρατιὰν πλείω ἐπεραίωσε, βουλόμενος μετ’ αὐτῶν τῆς τε Μένδης καὶ τῆς Ποτειδαίας ἀποπειρᾶσαι, ἡγούμενος καὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους βοηθῆσαι ἂν ὡς ἐς νῆσον καὶ βουλόμενος φθάσαι· καί τι αὐτῷ καὶ ἐπράσσετο ἐς τὰς πόλεις ταύτας προδοσίας πέρι.

Chapter 122

1 καὶ ὁ μὲν ἔμελλεν ἐγχειρήσειν ταῖς πόλεσι ταύταις, ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τριήρει οἱ τὴν ἐκεχειρίαν περιαγγέλλοντες ἀφικνοῦνται παρ’ αὐτόν, Ἀθηναίων μὲν Ἀριστώνυμος, Λακεδαιμονίων δὲ Ἀθήναιος.

2 καὶ ἡ μὲν στρατιὰ πάλιν διέβη ἐς Τορώνην, οἱ δὲ τῷ Βρασίδᾳ ἀνήγγελλον τὴν ξυνθήκην, καὶ ἐδέξαντο πάντες οἱ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης ξύμμαχοι Λακεδαιμονίων τὰ πεπραγμένα.

3 Ἀριστώνυμος δὲ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις κατῄνει, Σκιωναίους δὲ αἰσθόμενος ἐκ λογισμοῦ τῶν ἡμερῶν ὅτι ὕστερον ἀφεστήκοιεν, οὐκ ἔφη ἐνσπόνδους ἔσεσθαι. Βρασίδας δὲ ἀντέλεγε πολλά, ὡς πρότερον, καὶ οὐκ ἀφίει τὴν πόλιν.

4 ὡς δ’ ἀπήγγελλεν ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας ὁ Ἀριστώνυμος περὶ αὐτῶν, οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι εὐθὺς ἑτοῖμοι ἦσαν στρατεύειν ἐπὶ τὴν Σκιώνην. οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πρέσβεις πέμψαντες παραβήσεσθαι ἔφασαν αὐτοὺς τὰς σπονδάς, καὶ τῆς πόλεως ἀντεποιοῦντο Βρασίδᾳ πιστεύοντες, δίκῃ τε ἑτοῖμοι ἦσαν περὶ αὐτῆς κρίνεσθαι.

5 οἱ δὲ δίκῃ μὲν οὐκ ἤθελον κινδυνεύειν, στρατεύειν δὲ ὡς τάχιστα, ὀργὴν ποιούμενοι εἰ καὶ οἱ ἐν ταῖς νήσοις ἤδη ὄντες ἀξιοῦσι σφῶν ἀφίστασθαι, τῇ κατὰ γῆν Λακεδαιμονίων ἰσχύι ἀνωφελεῖ πιστεύοντες.

6 εἶχε δὲ καὶ ἡ ἀλήθεια περὶ τῆς ἀποστάσεως μᾶλλον ᾗ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐδικαίουν· δύο γὰρ ἡμέραις ὕστερον ἀπέστησαν οἱ Σκιωναῖοι. ψήφισμά τ’ εὐθὺς ἐποιήσαντο, Κλέωνος γνώμῃ πεισθέντες, Σκιωναίους ἐξελεῖν τε καὶ ἀποκτεῖναι. καὶ τἆλλα ἡσυχάζοντες ἐς τοῦτο παρεσκευάζοντο.

Chapter 123

1 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Μένδη ἀφίσταται αὐτῶν, πόλις ἐν τῇ Παλλήνῃ, Ἐρετριῶν ἀποικία. καὶ αὐτοὺς ἐδέξατο ὁ Βρασίδας, οὐ νομίζων ἀδικεῖν, ὅτι ἐν τῇ ἐκεχειρίᾳ φανερῶς προσεχώρησαν· ἔστι γὰρ ἃ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐνεκάλει τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις παραβαίνειν τὰς σπονδάς.

2 δι’ ὃ καὶ οἱ Μενδαῖοι μᾶλλον ἐτόλμησαν, τήν τε τοῦ Βρασίδου γνώμην ὁρῶντες ἑτοίμην, τεκμαιρόμενοι καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς Σκιώνης ὅτι οὐ προυδίδου, καὶ ἅμα τῶν πρασσόντων σφίσιν ὀλίγων τε ὄντων καὶ ὡς τότε ἐμέλλησαν οὐκέτι ἀνέντων, ἀλλὰ περὶ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς φοβουμένων τὸ κατάδηλον καὶ καταβιασαμένων παρὰ γνώμην τοὺς πολλούς.

3 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι εὐθὺς πυθόμενοι, πολλῷ ἔτι μᾶλλον ὀργισθέντες παρεσκευάζοντο ἐπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρας τὰς πόλεις.

4 καὶ Βρασίδας προσδεχόμενος τὸν ἐπίπλουν αὐτῶν ὑπεκκομίζει ἐς Ὄλυνθον τὴν Χαλκιδικὴν παῖδας καὶ γυναῖκας τῶν Σκιωναίων καὶ Μενδαίων, καὶ τῶν Πελοποννησίων αὐτοῖς πεντακοσίους ὁπλίτας διέπεμψε καὶ πελταστὰς τριακοσίους Χαλκιδέων, ἄρχοντά τε τῶν ἁπάντων Πολυδαμίδαν. καὶ οἱ μὲν τὰ περὶ σφᾶς αὐτούς, ὡς ἐν τάχει παρεσομένων τῶν Ἀθηναίων, κοινῇ ηὐτρεπίζοντο.

Chapter 124

1 Βρασίδας δὲ καὶ Περδίκκας ἐν τούτῳ στρατεύουσιν ἅμα ἐπὶ Ἀρραβαῖον τὸ δεύτερον ἐς Λύγκον. καὶ ἦγον ὁ μὲν ὧν ἐκράτει Μακεδόνων τὴν δύναμιν καὶ τῶν ἐνοικούντων Ἑλλήνων ὁπλίτας, ὁ δὲ πρὸς τοῖς αὐτοῦ περιλοίποις τῶν Πελοποννησίων Χαλκιδέας καὶ Ἀκανθίους καὶ τῶν ἄλλων κατὰ δύναμιν ἑκάστων. ξύμπαν δὲ τὸ ὁπλιτικὸν τῶν Ἑλλήνων τρισχίλιοι μάλιστα, ἱππῆς δ’ οἱ πάντες ἠκολούθουν Μακεδόνων ξὺν Χαλκιδεῦσιν ὀλίγου ἐς χιλίους, καὶ ἄλλος ὅμιλος τῶν βαρβάρων πολύς.

2 ἐσβαλόντες δὲ ἐς τὴν Ἀρραβαίου καὶ εὑρόντες ἀντεστρατοπεδευμένους αὑτοῖς τοὺς Λυγκηστὰς ἀντεκαθέζοντο καὶ αὐτοί.

3 καὶ ἐχόντων τῶν μὲν πεζῶν λόφον ἑκατέρωθεν, πεδίου δὲ τοῦ μέσου ὄντος, οἱ ἱππῆς ἐς αὐτὸ καταδραμόντες ἱππομάχησαν πρῶτα ἀμφοτέρων, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ ὁ Βρασίδας καὶ ὁ Περδίκκας, προελθόντων προτέρων ἀπὸ τοῦ λόφου μετὰ τῶν ἱππέων τῶν Λυγκηστῶν ὁπλιτῶν καὶ ἑτοίμων ὄντων μάχεσθαι, ἀντεπαγαγόντες καὶ αὐτοὶ ξυνέβαλον καὶ ἔτρεψαν τοὺς Λυγκηστάς, καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν διέφθειραν, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ διαφυγόντες πρὸς τὰ μετέωρα ἡσύχαζον.

4 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο τροπαῖον στήσαντες δύο μὲν ἢ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ἐπέσχον, τοὺς Ἰλλυριοὺς μένοντες, οἳ ἔτυχον τῷ Περδίκκᾳ μισθοῦ μέλλοντες ἥξειν· ἔπειτα ὁ Περδίκκας ἐβούλετο προϊέναι ἐπὶ τὰς τοῦ Ἀρραβαίου κώμας καὶ μὴ καθῆσθαι, Βρασίδας δὲ τῆς τε Μένδης περιορώμενος, μὴ τῶν Ἀθηναίων πρότερον ἐπιπλευσάντων τι πάθῃ, καὶ ἅμα τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν οὐ παρόντων, οὐ πρόθυμος ἦν, ἀλλὰ ἀναχωρεῖν μᾶλλον.

Chapter 125

1 καὶ ἐν τούτῳ διαφερομένων αὐτῶν ἠγγέλθη ὅτι οἱ Ἰλλυριοὶ μετ’ Ἀρραβαίου προδόντες Περδίκκαν γεγένηνται· ὥστε ἤδη ἀμφοτέροις μὲν δοκοῦν ἀναχωρεῖν διὰ τὸ δέος αὐτῶν ὄντων ἀνθρώπων μαχίμων, κυρωθὲν δὲ οὐδὲν ἐκ τῆς διαφορᾶς ὁπηνίκα χρὴ ὁρμᾶσθαι, νυκτός τε ἐπιγενομένης, οἱ μὲν Μακεδόνες καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν βαρβάρων εὐθὺς φοβηθέντες, ὅπερ φιλεῖ μεγάλα στρατόπεδα ἀσαφῶς ἐκπλήγνυσθαι, καὶ νομίσαντες πολλαπλασίους μὲν ἢ ἦλθον ἐπιέναι, ὅσον δὲ οὔπω παρεῖναι, καταστάντες ἐς αἰφνίδιον φυγὴν ἐχώρουν ἐπ’ οἴκου, καὶ τὸν Περδίκκαν τὸ πρῶτον οὐκ αἰσθανόμενον, ὡς ἔγνω, ἠνάγκασαν πρὶν τὸν Βρασίδαν ἰδεῖν (ἄπωθεν γὰρ πολὺ ἀλλήλων ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο) προαπελθεῖν.

2 Βρασίδας δὲ ἅμα τῇ ἕῳ ὡς εἶδε τοὺς Μακεδόνας προκεχωρηκότας τούς τε Ἰλλυριοὺς καὶ τὸν Ἀρραβαῖον μέλλοντας ἐπιέναι, ξυναγαγὼν καὶ αὐτὸς ἐς τετράγωνον τάξιν τοὺς ὁπλίτας καὶ τὸν ψιλὸν ὅμιλον ἐς μέσον λαβὼν διενοεῖτο ἀναχωρεῖν.

3 ἐκδρόμους δέ, εἴ πῃ προσβάλλοιεν αὐτοῖς, ἔταξε τοὺς νεωτάτους, καὶ αὐτὸς λογάδας ἔχων τριακοσίους τελευταῖος γνώμην εἶχεν ὑποχωρῶν τοῖς τῶν ἐναντίων πρώτοις προσκεισομένοις ἀνθιστάμενος ἀμύνεσθαι.

4 καὶ πρὶν τοὺς πολεμίους ἐγγὺς εἶναι, ὡς διὰ ταχέων παρεκελεύσατο τοῖς στρατιώταις τοιάδε.

Chapter 126

1 ‘εἰ μὲν μὴ ὑπώπτευον, ἄνδρες Πελοποννήσιοι, ὑμᾶς τῷ τε μεμονῶσθαι καὶ ὅτι βάρβαροι οἱ ἐπιόντες καὶ πολλοὶ ἔκπληξιν ἔχειν, οὐκ ἂν ὁμοίως διδαχὴν ἅμα τῇ παρακελεύσει ἐποιούμην· νῦν δὲ πρὸς μὲν τὴν ἀπόλειψιν τῶν ἡμετέρων καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐναντίων βραχεῖ ὑπομνήματι καὶ παραινέσει τὰ μέγιστα πειράσομαι πείθειν.

2 ἀγαθοῖς γὰρ εἶναι ὑμῖν προσήκει τὰ πολέμια οὐ διὰ ξυμμάχων παρουσίαν ἑκάστοτε, ἀλλὰ δι’ οἰκείαν ἀρετήν, καὶ μηδὲν πλῆθος πεφοβῆσθαι ἑτέρων, οἵ γε μηδὲ ἀπὸ πολιτειῶν τοιούτων ἥκετε, ἐν αἷς οὐ πολλοὶ ὀλίγων ἄρχουσιν, ἀλλὰ πλεόνων μᾶλλον ἐλάσσους, οὐκ ἄλλῳ τινὶ κτησάμενοι τὴν δυναστείαν ἢ τῷ μαχόμενοι κρατεῖν.

3 βαρβάρους δὲ οὓς νῦν ἀπειρίᾳ δέδιτε μαθεῖν χρή, ἐξ ὧν τε προηγώνισθε τοῖς Μακεδόσιν αὐτῶν καὶ ἀφ’ ὧν ἐγὼ εἰκάζω τε καὶ ἄλλων ἀκοῇ ἐπίσταμαι, οὐ δεινοὺς ἐσομένους.

4 καὶ γὰρ ὅσα μὲν τῷ ὄντι ἀσθενῆ ὄντα τῶν πολεμίων δόκησιν ἔχει ἰσχύος, διδαχὴ ἀληθὴς προσγενομένη περὶ αὐτῶν ἐθάρσυνε μᾶλλον τοὺς ἀμυνομένους· οἷς δὲ βεβαίως τι πρόσεστιν ἀγαθόν, μὴ προειδώς τις ἂν αὐτοῖς τολμηρότερον προσφέροιτο.

5 οὗτοι δὲ τὴν μέλλησιν μὲν ἔχουσι τοῖς ἀπείροις φοβεράν· καὶ γὰρ πλήθει ὄψεως δεινοὶ καὶ βοῆς μεγέθει ἀφόρητοι, ἥ τε διὰ κενῆς ἐπανάσεισις τῶν ὅπλων ἔχει τινὰ δήλωσιν ἀπειλῆς. προσμεῖξαι δὲ τοῖς ὑπομένουσιν αὐτὰ οὐχ ὁμοῖοι· οὔτε γὰρ τάξιν ἔχοντες αἰσχυνθεῖεν ἂν λιπεῖν τινὰ χώραν βιαζόμενοι ἥ τε φυγὴ καὶ ἡ ἔφοδος αὐτῶν ἴσην ἔχουσα δόξαν τοῦ καλοῦ ἀνεξέλεγκτον καὶ τὸ ἀνδρεῖον ἔχει (αὐτοκράτωρ δὲ μάχη μάλιστ’ ἂν καὶ πρόφασιν τοῦ σῴζεσθαί τινι πρεπόντως πορίσειε), τοῦ τε ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν πιστότερον τὸ ἐκφοβῆσαι ὑμᾶς ἀκινδύνως ἡγοῦνται· ἐκείνῳ γὰρ ἂν πρὸ τούτου ἐχρῶντο.

6 σαφῶς τε πᾶν τὸ προϋπάρχον δεινὸν ἀπ’ αὐτῶν ὁρᾶτε ἔργῳ μὲν βραχὺ ὄν, ὄψει δὲ καὶ ἀκοῇ κατασπέρχον. ὃ ὑπομείναντες ἐπιφερόμενον καί, ὅταν καιρὸς ᾖ, κόσμῳ καὶ τάξει αὖθις ὑπαγαγόντες, ἔς τε τὸ ἀσφαλὲς θᾶσσον ἀφίζεσθε καὶ γνώσεσθε τὸ λοιπὸν ὅτι οἱ τοιοῦτοι ὄχλοι τοῖς μὲν τὴν πρώτην ἔφοδον δεξαμένοις ἄπωθεν ἀπειλαῖς τὸ ἀνδρεῖον μελλήσει ἐπικομποῦσιν, οἳ δ’ ἂν εἴξωσιν αὐτοῖς, κατὰ πόδας τὸ εὔψυχον ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ὀξεῖς ἐνδείκνυνται.’

Chapter 127

1 τοιαῦτα ὁ Βρασίδας παραινέσας ὑπῆγε τὸ στράτευμα. οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι ἰδόντες πολλῇ βοῇ καὶ θορύβῳ προσέκειντο, νομίσαντες φεύγειν τε αὐτὸν καὶ καταλαβόντες διαφθερεῖν.

2 καὶ ὡς αὐτοῖς αἵ τε ἐκδρομαὶ ὅπῃ προσπίπτοιεν ἀπήντων καὶ αὐτὸς ἔχων τοὺς λογάδας ἐπικειμένους ὑφίστατο, τῇ τε πρώτῃ ὁρμῇ παρὰ γνώμην ἀντέστησαν καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπιφερομένους μὲν δεχόμενοι ἠμύνοντο, ἡσυχαζόντων δὲ αὐτοὶ ὑπεχώρουν, τότε δὴ τῶν μετὰ τοῦ Βρασίδου Ἑλλήνων ἐν τῇ εὐρυχωρίᾳ οἱ πολλοὶ τῶν βαρβάρων ἀπέσχοντο, μέρος δέ τι καταλιπόντες αὐτοῖς ἐπακολουθοῦν προσβάλλειν, οἱ λοιποὶ χωρήσαντες δρόμῳ ἐπί τε τοὺς φεύγοντας τῶν Μακεδόνων οἷς ἐντύχοιεν ἔκτεινον καὶ τὴν ἐσβολήν, ἥ ἐστι μεταξὺ δυοῖν λόφοιν στενὴ ἐς τὴν Ἀρραβαίου, φθάσαντες προκατέλαβον, εἰδότες οὐκ οὖσαν ἄλλην τῷ Βρασίδᾳ ἀναχώρησιν. καὶ προσιόντος αὐτοῦ ἐς αὐτὸ ἤδη τὸ ἄπορον τῆς ὁδοῦ κυκλοῦνται ὡς ἀποληψόμενοι.

Chapter 128

1 ὁ δὲ γνοὺς προεῖπε τοῖς μεθ’ αὑτοῦ τριακοσίοις, ὃν ᾤετο μᾶλλον ἂν ἑλεῖν τῶν λόφων, χωρήσαντας πρὸς αὐτὸν δρόμῳ, ὡς τάχιστα ἕκαστος δύναται, ἄνευ τάξεως, πειρᾶσαι ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἐκκροῦσαι τοὺς ἤδη ἐπόντας βαρβάρους, πρὶν καὶ τὴν πλέονα κύκλωσιν σφῶν αὐτόσε προσμεῖξαι.

2 καὶ οἱ μὲν προσπεσόντες ἐκράτησάν τε τῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ λόφου, καὶ ἡ πλείων ἤδη στρατιὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ῥᾷον πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπορεύοντο· οἱ γὰρ βάρβαροι καὶ ἐφοβήθησαν, τῆς τροπῆς αὐτοῖς ἐνταῦθα γενομένης σφῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ μετεώρου,καὶ ἐς τὸ πλέον οὐκέτ’ ἐπηκολούθουν, νομίζοντες καὶ ἐν μεθορίοις εἶναι αὐτοὺς ἤδη καὶ διαπεφευγέναι.

3 Βρασίδας δὲ ὡς ἀντελάβετο τῶν μετεώρων, κατὰ ἀσφάλειαν μᾶλλον ἰὼν αὐθημερὸν ἀφικνεῖται ἐς Ἄρνισαν πρῶτον τῆς Περδίκκου ἀρχῆς.

4 καὶ αὐτοὶ ὀργιζόμενοι οἱ στρατιῶται τῇ προαναχωρήσει τῶν Μακεδόνων, ὅσοις ἐνέτυχον κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ζεύγεσιν αὐτῶν βοεικοῖς ἢ εἴ τινι σκεύει ἐκπεπτωκότι, οἷα ἐν νυκτερινῇ καὶ φοβερᾷ ἀναχωρήσει εἰκὸς ἦν ξυμβῆναι, τὰ μὲν ὑπολύοντες κατέκοπτον, τῶν δὲ οἰκείωσιν ἐποιοῦντο.

5 ἀπὸ τούτου τε πρῶτον Περδίκκας Βρασίδαν τε πολέμιον ἐνόμισε καὶ ἐς τὸ λοιπὸν Πελοποννησίων τῇ μὲν γνώμῃ δι’ Ἀθηναίους οὐ ξύνηθες μῖσος εἶχε, τῶν δὲ ἀναγκαίων ξυμφόρων διαναστὰς ἔπρασσεν ὅτῳ τρόπῳ τάχιστα τοῖς μὲν ξυμβήσεται, τῶν δὲ ἀπαλλάξεται.

Chapter 129

1 Βρασίδας δὲ ἀναχωρήσας ἐκ Μακεδονίας ἐς Τορώνην καταλαμβάνει Ἀθηναίους Μένδην ἤδη ἔχοντας, καὶ αὐτοῦ ἡσυχάζων ἐς μὲν τὴν Παλλήνην ἀδύνατος ἤδη ἐνόμιζεν εἶναι διαβὰς τιμωρεῖν, τὴν δὲ Τορώνην ἐν φυλακῇ εἶχεν.

2 ὑπὸ γὰρ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον τοῖς ἐν τῇ Λύγκῳ ἐξέπλευσαν ἐπί τε τὴν Μένδην καὶ τὴν Σκιώνην οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ὥσπερ παρεσκευάζοντο, ναυσὶ μὲν πεντήκοντα, ὧν ἦσαν δέκα Χῖαι, ὁπλίταις δὲ χιλίοις ἑαυτῶν καὶ τοξόταις ἑξακοσίοις καὶ Θρᾳξὶ μισθωτοῖς χιλίοις καὶ ἄλλοις τῶν αὐτόθεν ξυμμάχων πελτασταῖς· ἐστρατήγει δὲ Νικίας ὁ Νικηράτου καὶ Νικόστρατος ὁ Διειτρέφους.

3 ἄραντες δὲ ἐκ Ποτειδαίας ταῖς ναυσὶ καὶ σχόντες κατὰ τὸ Ποσειδώνιον ἐχώρουν ἐς τοὺς Μενδαίους. οἱ δὲ αὐτοί τε καὶ Σκιωναίων τριακόσιοι βεβοηθηκότες Πελοποννησίων τε οἱ ἐπίκουροι, ξύμπαντες [δὲ] ἑπτακόσιοι ὁπλῖται, καὶ Πολυδαμίδας ὁ ἄρχων αὐτῶν, ἔτυχον ἐξεστρατοπεδευμένοι ἔξω τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ λόφου καρτεροῦ.

4 καὶ αὐτοῖς Νικίας μὲν Μεθωναίους τε ἔχων εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν ψιλοὺς καὶ λογάδας τῶν Ἀθηναίων ὁπλιτῶν ἑξήκοντα καὶ τοὺς τοξότας ἅπαντας κατὰ ἀτραπόν τινα τοῦ λόφου πειρώμενος προσβῆναι καὶ τραυματιζόμενος ὑπ’ αὐτῶν οὐκ ἐδυνήθη βιάσασθαι· Νικόστρατος δὲ ἄλλῃ ἐφόδῳ ἐκ πλέονος παντὶ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατοπέδῳ ἐπιὼν τῷ λόφῳ ὄντι δυσπροσβάτῳ καὶ πάνυ ἐθορυβήθη, καὶ ἐς ὀλίγον ἀφίκετο πᾶν τὸ στράτευμα τῶν Ἀθηναίων νικηθῆναι.

5 καὶ ταύτῃ μὲν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ, ὡς οὐκ ἐνέδοσαν οἱ Μενδαῖοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι, οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀναχωρήσαντες ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο, καὶ οἱ Μενδαῖοι νυκτὸς ἐπελθούσης ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἀπῆλθον.

Chapter 130

1 τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι περιπλεύσαντες ἐς τὸ πρὸς Σκιώνης τό τε προάστειον εἷλον καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν ἅπασαν ἐδῄουν τὴν γῆν οὐδενὸς ἐπεξιόντος (ἦν γάρ τι καὶ στασιασμοῦ ἐν τῇ πόλει), οἱ δὲ τριακόσιοι τῶν Σκιωναίων τῆς ἐπιούσης νυκτὸς ἀπεχώρησαν ἐπ’ οἴκου.

2 καὶ τῇ ἐπιγιγνομένῃ ἡμέρᾳ Νικίας μὲν τῷ ἡμίσει τοῦ στρατοῦ προϊὼν ἅμα ἐς τὰ μεθόρια τῶν Σκιωναίων τὴν γῆν ἐδῄου, Νικόστρατος δὲ τοῖς λοιποῖς κατὰ τὰς ἄνω πύλας, ᾗ ἐπὶ Ποτειδαίας ἔρχονται, προσεκάθητο τῇ πόλει.

3 ὁ δὲ Πολυδαμίδας (ἔτυχε γὰρ ταύτῃ τοῖς Μενδαίοις καὶ ἐπικούροις ἐντὸς τοῦ τείχους τὰ ὅπλα κείμενα) διατάσσει τε ὡς ἐς μάχην καὶ παρῄνει τοῖς Μενδαίοις ἐπεξιέναι.

4 καί τινος αὐτῷ τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ δήμου ἀντειπόντος κατὰ τὸ στασιωτικὸν ὅτι οὐκ ἐπέξεισιν οὐδὲ δέοιτο πολεμεῖν, καὶ ὡς ἀντεῖπεν ἐπισπασθέντος τε τῇ χειρὶ ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ καὶ θορυβηθέντος, ὁ δῆμος εὐθὺς ἀναλαβὼν τὰ ὅπλα περιοργὴς ἐχώρει ἐπί τε Πελοποννησίους καὶ τοὺς τὰ ἐναντία σφίσι μετ’ αὐτῶν πράξαντας.

5 καὶ προσπεσόντες τρέπουσιν ἅμα μὲν μάχῃ αἰφνιδίῳ, ἅμα δὲ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις τῶν πυλῶν ἀνοιγομένων φοβηθέντων· ᾠήθησαν γὰρ ἀπὸ προειρημένου τινὸς αὐτοῖς τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν γενέσθαι.

6 καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν, ὅσοι μὴ αὐτίκα διεφθάρησαν, κατέφυγον, ἥνπερ καὶ τὸ πρότερον αὐτοὶ εἶχον· οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι (ἤδη γὰρ καὶ ὁ Νικίας ἐπαναστρέψας πρὸς τῇ πόλει ἦν) ἐσπεσόντες ἐς τὴν Μένδην πόλιν, ἅτε οὐκ ἀπὸ ξυμβάσεως ἀνοιχθεῖσαν, ἁπάσῃ τῇ στρατιᾷ ὡς κατὰ κράτος ἑλόντες διήρπασαν, καὶ μόλις οἱ στρατηγοὶ κατέσχον ὥστε μὴ καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους διαφθείρεσθαι.

7 καὶ τοὺς μὲν Μενδαίους μετὰ ταῦτα πολιτεύειν ἐκέλευον ὥσπερ εἰώθεσαν, αὐτοὺς κρίναντας ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς εἴ τινας ἡγοῦνται αἰτίους εἶναι τῆς ἀποστάσεως· τοὺς δ’ ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλει ἀπετείχισαν ἑκατέρωθεν τείχει ἐς θάλασσαν καὶ φυλακὴν ἐπικαθίσταντο. ἐπειδὴ δὲ τὰ περὶ τὴν Μένδην κατέσχον, ἐπὶ τὴν Σκιώνην ἐχώρουν.

Chapter 131

1 οἱ δὲ ἀντεπεξελθόντες αὐτοὶ καὶ Πελοποννήσιοι ἱδρύθησαν ἐπὶ λόφου καρτεροῦ πρὸ τῆς πόλεως, ὃν εἰ μὴ ἕλοιεν οἱ ἐναντίοι, οὐκ ἐγίγνετο σφῶν περιτείχισις.

2 προσβαλόντες δ’ αὐτῷ κατὰ κράτος οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ μάχῃ ἐκκρούσαντες τοὺς ἐπόντας ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντό τε καὶ ἐς τὸν περιτειχισμὸν τροπαῖον στήσαντες παρεσκευάζοντο.

3 καὶ αὐτῶν οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον ἤδη ἐν ἔργῳ ὄντων οἱ ἐκ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως ἐν τῇ Μένδῃ πολιορκούμενοι ἐπίκουροι βιασάμενοι παρὰ θάλασσαν τὴν φυλακὴν νυκτὸς ἀφικνοῦνται, καὶ διαφυγόντες οἱ πλεῖστοι τὸ ἐπὶ τῇ Σκιώνῃ στρατόπεδον ἐσῆλθον ἐς αὐτήν.

Chapter 132

1 περιτειχιζομένης δὲ τῆς Σκιώνης Περδίκκας τοῖς τῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατηγοῖς ἐπικηρυκευσάμενος ὁμολογίαν ποιεῖται πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους διὰ τὴν τοῦ Βρασίδου ἔχθραν περὶ τῆς ἐκ τῆς Λύγκου ἀναχωρήσεως, εὐθὺς τότε ἀρξάμενος πράσσειν.

2 καὶ (ἐτύγχανε γὰρ τότε Ἰσχαγόρας ὁ Λακεδαιμόνιος στρατιὰν μέλλων πεζῇ πορεύσειν ὡς Βρασίδαν) ὁ [δὲ] Περδίκκας, ἅμα μὲν κελεύοντος τοῦ Νικίου, ἐπειδὴ ξυνεβεβήκει, ἔνδηλόν τι ποιεῖν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις βεβαιότητος πέρι, ἅμα δ’ αὐτὸς οὐκέτι βουλόμενος Πελοποννησίους ἐς τὴν αὑτοῦ ἀφικνεῖσθαι, παρασκευάσας τοὺς ἐν Θεσσαλίᾳ ξένους,χρώμενος αἰεὶ τοῖς πρώτοις, διεκώλυσε τὸ στράτευμα καὶ τὴν παρασκευήν, ὥστε μηδὲ πειρᾶσθαι Θεσσαλῶν.

3 Ἰσχαγόρας μέντοι καὶ Ἀμεινίας καὶ Ἀριστεὺς αὐτοί τε ὡς Βρασίδαν ἀφίκοντο, ἐπιδεῖν πεμψάντων Λακεδαιμονίων τὰ πράγματα, καὶ τῶν ἡβώντων αὐτῶν παρανόμως ἄνδρας ἐξῆγον ἐκ Σπάρτης, ὥστε τῶν πόλεων ἄρχοντας καθιστάναι καὶ μὴ τοῖς ἐντυχοῦσιν ἐπιτρέπειν. καὶ Κλεαρίδαν μὲν τὸν Κλεωνύμου καθίστησιν ἐν Ἀμφιπόλει, Πασιτελίδαν δὲ τὸν Ἡγησάνδρου ἐν Τορώνῃ.

Chapter 133

1 ἐν δὲ τῷ αὐτῷ θέρει Θηβαῖοι Θεσπιῶν τεῖχος περιεῖλον ἐπικαλέσαντες ἀττικισμόν, βουλόμενοι μὲν καὶ αἰεί, παρεσχηκὸς δὲ ῥᾷον ἐπειδὴ καὶ ἐν τῇ πρὸς Ἀθηναίους μάχῃ ὅτι ἦν αὐτῶν ἄνθος ἀπωλώλει.

2 καὶ ὁ νεὼς τῆς Ἥρας τοῦ αὐτοῦ θέρους ἐν Ἄργει κατεκαύθη, Χρυσίδος τῆς ἱερείας λύχνον τινὰ θείσης ἡμμένον πρὸς τὰ στέμματα καὶ ἐπικαταδαρθούσης, ὥστε ἔλαθεν ἁφθέντα πάντα καὶ καταφλεχθέντα.

3 καὶ ἡ Χρυσὶς μὲν εὐθὺς τῆς νυκτὸς δείσασα τοὺς Ἀργείους ἐς Φλειοῦντα φεύγει· οἱ δὲ ἄλλην ἱέρειαν ἐκ τοῦ νόμου τοῦ προκειμένου κατεστήσαντο Φαεινίδα ὄνομα. ἔτη δὲ ἡ Χρυσὶς τοῦ πολέμου τοῦδε ἐπέλαβεν ὀκτὼ καὶ ἔνατον ἐκ μέσου, ὅτε ἐπεφεύγει.

4 καὶ ἡ Σκιώνη τοῦ θέρους ἤδη τελευτῶντος περιετετείχιστό τε παντελῶς, καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐπ’ αὐτῇ φυλακὴν καταλιπόντες ἀνεχώρησαν τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ.

Chapter 134

1 ἐν δὲ τῷ ἐπιόντι χειμῶνι τὰ μὲν Ἀθηναίων καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων ἡσύχαζε διὰ τὴν ἐκεχειρίαν, Μαντινῆς δὲ καὶ Τεγεᾶται καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἑκατέρων ξυνέβαλον ἐν Λαοδοκείῳ τῆς Ὀρεσθίδος, καὶ νίκη ἀμφιδήριτος ἐγένετο· κέρας γὰρ ἑκάτεροι τρέψαντες τὸ καθ’ αὑτοὺς τροπαῖά τε ἀμφότεροι ἔστησαν καὶ σκῦλα ἐς Δελφοὺς ἀπέπεμψαν.

2 διαφθαρέντων μέντοι πολλῶν ἑκατέροις καὶ ἀγχωμάλου τῆς μάχης γενομένης καὶ ἀφελομένης νυκτὸς τὸ ἔργον οἱ Τεγεᾶται μὲν ἐπηυλίσαντό τε καὶ εὐθὺς ἔστησαν τροπαῖον, Μαντινῆς δὲ ἀπεχώρησάν τε ἐς Βουκολιῶνα καὶ ὕστερον ἀντέστησαν.

Chapter 135

1 ἀπεπείρασε δὲ τοῦ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος καὶ ὁ Βρασίδας τελευτῶντος καὶ πρὸς ἔαρ ἤδη Ποτειδαίας. προσελθὼν γὰρ νυκτὸς καὶ κλίμακα προσθεὶς μέχρι μὲν τούτου ἔλαθεν· τοῦ γὰρ κώδωνος παρενεχθέντος οὕτως ἐς τὸ διάκενον, πρὶν ἐπανελθεῖν τὸν παραδιδόντα αὐτόν, ἡ πρόσθεσις ἐγένετο· ἔπειτα μέντοι εὐθὺς αἰσθομένων, πρὶν προσβῆναι, ἀπήγαγε πάλιν κατὰ τάχος τὴν στρατιὰν καὶ οὐκ ἀνέμεινεν ἡμέραν γενέσθαι.

2 καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἐτελεύτα, καὶ ἔνατον ἔτος τῷ πολέμῳ ἐτελεύτα τῷδε ὃν Θουκυδίδης ξυνέγραψεν.

Chapter 1

1 In the following summer, around the time when the grain was coming into ear, ten Syracusan ships and the same number of Locrian ships sailed to Messene in Sicily and took control of it. The people there had invited them in, and Messene broke away from the Athenians.

2 The Syracusans acted mainly because they saw that the place offered a way into Sicily. They feared that the Athenians might one day use it as a base to attack them with a larger force. The Locrians acted out of hostility toward the people of Rhegium. They wanted to attack them from both sides and defeat them.

3 At the same time, the Locrians had invaded the territory of Rhegium with their whole army to stop its people from helping the Messenians. Exiles from Rhegium who were living among the Locrians also helped bring about the invasion. Rhegium had been divided by civil strife for a long time and was currently unable to defend itself against the Locrians. This made them all the more ready to attack.

4 After laying waste to the land, the Locrian land forces withdrew. But the ships stayed to guard Messene. Other ships were being fitted out and were to make their base there too and carry on the war from there.

Chapter 2

1 Around the same time in the spring, before the grain was fully grown, the Peloponnesians and their allies invaded Attica. Agis son of Archidamus, king of the Lacedaemonians, led them. They established themselves there and laid waste to the land.

2 The Athenians sent the forty ships to Sicily, as they had been preparing to do, along with the two remaining generals, Eurymedon and Sophocles. Pythodorus, the third general, had already gone ahead to Sicily.

3 They also told these generals to look after the Corcyraeans in the city as they sailed past. Exiles in the mountain were raiding them. Sixty Peloponnesian ships had sailed there to support the men in the mountain. There was a severe famine in the city, and the Peloponnesians thought they could easily take control.

4 Demosthenes had held no public office since his return from Acarnania. At his own request, they gave him permission to use these ships around the Peloponnese if he wished.

Chapter 3

1 As they sailed along the coast of Laconia, they learned that the Peloponnesian ships were already at Corcyra. Eurymedon and Sophocles wanted to hurry there. But Demosthenes urged them to put in at Pylos first, do what was needed, and then continue their voyage. They objected, but a storm happened to come up and drove the ships into Pylos.

2 Demosthenes immediately called for the place to be fortified. This was why he had sailed with them. He pointed out that there was plenty of timber and stone. The place was naturally strong, and both it and a large stretch of the surrounding country were uninhabited. Pylos is about four hundred stades from Sparta, in what was once Messenian territory. The Lacedaemonians call it Coryphasium.

3 They replied that the Peloponnese had plenty of deserted headlands, if he wanted to occupy them and make the city spend money. But he thought this place had special advantages over others. It had a harbor, and the Messenians had originally belonged there and spoke the same language as the Lacedaemonians. Using it as a base, they could do the Lacedaemonians a great deal of harm. They would also be reliable guards for the place.

Chapter 4

1 He could not persuade either the generals or the soldiers, even after he later discussed the plan with the commanders of the infantry divisions. So he did nothing while the weather kept them from sailing. Eventually the soldiers themselves, with nothing to do, felt the urge to gather around the site and fortify it.

2 They began work without having any tools for cutting stone. Instead, they picked up stones and carried them over, fitting each one into place however it would go. Where they needed mortar, they had no containers, so they carried it on their backs. They bent forward to keep it in place as much as possible and clasped their hands behind them to stop it from falling off.

3 They hurried in every possible way to finish the most vulnerable points before the Lacedaemonians could arrive to oppose them. Most of the site was naturally strong and needed no wall.

Chapter 5

1 The Lacedaemonians happened to be celebrating a festival. When they heard the news, they took little notice. They thought that once they came out against the Athenians, these would either leave rather than face them or be easily taken by force. They were also held back to some extent because their army was still in Attica.

2 In six days the Athenians fortified the landward side of the site and the other points that most needed it. They left Demosthenes there with five ships to guard it. With the greater part of the fleet, they hurried on toward Corcyra and Sicily.

Chapter 6

1 When the Peloponnesians in Attica learned that Pylos had been occupied, they hurried home. The Lacedaemonians and King Agis thought that the situation at Pylos directly concerned them. Also, they had invaded early, while the grain was still green, and most of the army was short of food. A storm more severe than was usual for the season also came up and caused the troops hardship.

2 Several causes thus combined to make them withdraw sooner and to make this invasion the shortest of all. They stayed in Attica for fifteen days.

Chapter 7

1 Around the same time, the Athenian general Simonides gathered a few Athenians from the garrisons and a large force of local allies. With help from traitors inside, he took Eion in Thrace, a colony of Mende that was hostile to Athens. But the Chalcidians and Bottiaeans immediately came to its aid. He was driven out and lost many of his soldiers.

Chapter 8

1 After the Peloponnesians had withdrawn from Attica, the Spartans themselves and the nearest perioeci immediately marched to help at Pylos. The other Lacedaemonians were slower to advance, since they had only just returned from another campaign.

2 They also sent word throughout the Peloponnese for help to come to Pylos as quickly as possible. They sent for their sixty ships at Corcyra too. These were hauled across the isthmus of Leucas and reached Pylos without being noticed by the Athenian ships at Zacynthus. The land army was already there.

3 While the Peloponnesians were still sailing toward him, Demosthenes managed to send out two ships ahead of them. These were to tell Eurymedon and the Athenians aboard the ships at Zacynthus to come, because the position was in danger.

4 The ships sailed off quickly with Demosthenes' message. Meanwhile the Lacedaemonians prepared to attack the fort by land and sea. They expected to take it easily, since it had been built in a hurry and had only a few defenders inside.

5 They also expected the Athenian ships from Zacynthus to come to its aid. If they had not taken the fort before then, they planned to block the harbor entrances too, so that the Athenians could not anchor inside it.

6 The island called Sphacteria stretches along the harbor and lies close to it. This makes the harbor sheltered and its entrances narrow. At the entrance beside Pylos and the Athenian fort, two ships can pass abreast. At the entrance toward the rest of the mainland, eight or nine can pass. The whole island was wooded and had no paths because it was uninhabited. It was about fifteen stades long.

7 They intended to close the entrances with ships packed closely together, their bows facing outward. They feared that the Athenians might use the island as a base against them, so they sent hoplites across to it and stationed others along the mainland.

8 In this way, they thought, both the island and the mainland would be hostile territory for the Athenians, with no place for them to land. The seaward coast of Pylos itself, outside the harbor entrance, had no harbors, so the Athenians would have no base there from which to help their own men. The Lacedaemonians themselves would probably take the position by siege without risking a sea battle or any other danger. There was no grain inside, and it had been occupied with very little preparation.

9 Once they had decided on this plan, they drew lots among all the companies and sent the selected hoplites across to the island. Other men had already crossed earlier in rotation. The last group, who were also the men cut off there, numbered four hundred and twenty, with their attendant Helots. Their commander was Epitadas son of Molobrus.

Chapter 9

1 Demosthenes saw that the Lacedaemonians were about to attack with their ships and land army together, and made his own preparations. He hauled the remaining triremes from those left with him up beneath the fort and put a stockade around them. He armed their sailors with poor shields, mostly made of wicker. There was no way to get weapons in an uninhabited place. Even these shields came from a Messenian pirate ship with thirty oars and a small boat that happened to arrive. Among these Messenians were also about forty hoplites, whom he used along with the others.

2 He stationed most of the men, both armed and unarmed, at the best-fortified and strongest points of the site on the landward side. He told them to defend it against the land army if it attacked. He himself selected sixty hoplites from the whole force and a few archers, and went outside the wall toward the sea. This was where he most expected the enemy to try to land. The ground was rough and rocky and faced the open sea. But the wall was weakest there, so he thought they would be eager to force their way in at that point.

3 The Athenians had not expected ever to be defeated at sea, and for that reason had not built a strong wall there. If the enemy forced a landing, the position would be open to capture.

4 So he went down to the water's edge at this point and stationed his hoplites there to keep the enemy out if he could. He encouraged them with these words.

Chapter 10

1 “Men who have joined me in facing this danger, in a crisis like this none of you should try to look clever by calculating every danger surrounding us. Instead, face the enemy confidently, without too much thought. That is how you may win. When things reach a crisis like ours, there is very little room for calculation. What is needed is to take the risk as quickly as possible.

2 “I can also see that most of the advantages are on our side, if we are willing to stand our ground. We must not let their numbers terrify us into throwing away the stronger position we already hold.

3 “I count the difficulty of approaching the place as one of our advantages. It helps us if we stay. But if we retreat, the ground will be easy to cross despite its difficulties, because no one will be stopping the enemy. And the enemy will be more dangerous to us because, once ashore, they will find it hard to retreat, even if we press them back. They are easiest to fight off while still aboard their ships. Once they have landed, they are on equal terms with us.

4 “We should not be too afraid of their numbers either. However many there are, only a few will fight at a time, since it is hard to bring ships in to shore. This is not a larger army fighting on land under the same conditions as we are. They are attacking from ships, and many things at sea have to go right for them at the right moment.

5 “So I think their difficulties make up for our small numbers. You are Athenians, and your experience of landing troops against an enemy has taught you this: if a defender stands firm and does not retreat in fear of the waves and the frightening sight of ships sailing in, he can never be forced back. I ask you now to stand firm yourselves. Fight them off at the very edge of the surf, and save both ourselves and this position.”

Chapter 11

1 After this encouragement from Demosthenes, the Athenians felt more confident. They went farther down and took up their positions at the very edge of the sea.

2 The Lacedaemonians advanced and attacked the fort with their land army and, at the same time, with their forty-three ships. Their fleet commander, the Spartan Thrasymelidas son of Cratesicles, sailed with them. He attacked at the very point Demosthenes had expected.

3 The Athenians defended themselves on both sides, against attacks from land and sea. The enemy divided their ships into small groups because there was no room for more to approach. They attacked in turns, resting between attacks. They made every effort and shouted encouragement to each other, hoping somehow to drive the defenders back and take the fort.

4 Brasidas stood out more than anyone. He was commanding a trireme. He saw that, because of the difficult ground, the ship commanders and helmsmen were hesitating even where a landing seemed possible. They were taking care not to wreck their ships. He shouted that they should not spare a few pieces of wood and let the enemy keep a fort they had built in their country. He urged them to smash their own ships if necessary to force a landing. He called on the allies not to hesitate to give their ships to the Lacedaemonians in this crisis, in return for the great benefits they had received. They should run the ships ashore, get off them by any means, and overcome both the men and their position.

Chapter 12

1 He urged the others on in this way and made his own helmsman run the ship ashore. Then he moved onto the gangway. As he tried to land, the Athenians drove him back. He received many wounds and fainted. He fell into the ship's outrigger, and his shield slipped into the sea. It washed ashore, and the Athenians picked it up. Later they used it for the victory trophy they set up to mark this attack.

2 The others tried hard, but they could not land. The ground was difficult, and the Athenians stood firm without giving way at all.

3 Their fortunes had been reversed so completely that Athenians were defending a position on land—Laconian land at that—against an attack by sea. Lacedaemonians were landing from ships to attack Athenians on their own soil, which had become enemy territory. At that time, the prevailing view was that the Lacedaemonians were above all a land power with the best infantry, while the Athenians were a sea power with by far the strongest navy.

Chapter 13

1 After attacking throughout that day and part of the next, they stopped. On the third day they sent some of their ships along the coast to Asine to get timber for siege engines. They hoped to take the wall facing the harbor with these engines. It was high, but that was the easiest place to land.

2 Meanwhile the Athenian ships arrived from Zacynthus, forty in all. Some of the guard ships from Naupactus and four Chian ships had joined them to help.

3 They saw both the mainland and the island crowded with hoplites, and the enemy ships staying inside the harbor instead of sailing out. They did not know where to anchor. So for the moment they sailed to the nearby uninhabited island of Prote and spent the night there. The next day they prepared for a sea battle and put out. If the enemy were willing to sail out against them, they would fight in open water. Otherwise they would sail into the harbor themselves.

4 The enemy neither put out to meet them nor carried out their plan to block the entrances. Instead, they stayed on shore, manning their ships and preparing to fight inside the harbor if anyone sailed in. It was a large harbor.

Chapter 14

1 Once the Athenians saw this, they rushed at them through both entrances. Most of the ships were already afloat and facing them with their bows. The Athenians attacked these and put them to flight. In a short pursuit they damaged many and captured five, one of them with its crew. They rammed the other ships, which had taken refuge by the shore. Some were struck while still being manned, before they could put out. The Athenians also tied towlines to some empty ships and began pulling them away after their crews had fled.

2 The Lacedaemonians saw this and were deeply distressed by the disaster, especially because their men were being cut off on the island. They rushed to help, waded into the sea with their weapons, seized the ships, and pulled against the Athenians. Each man felt that things would be held up unless he personally took part in the action.

3 There was great confusion, and in the struggle over the ships each side's usual way of fighting was reversed. In their eagerness and alarm, the Lacedaemonians were practically fighting a sea battle from the land. The Athenians had the upper hand and wanted to make the most of their present good fortune. They were fighting a land battle from their ships.

4 After much hard fighting and many wounds on both sides, they separated. The Lacedaemonians saved the empty ships, apart from those captured at the start.

5 Both sides returned to their camps. The Athenians set up a victory trophy, gave back the enemy dead, and took possession of the wrecks. They immediately began sailing around the island and keeping watch over it, since the men there were now cut off. The Peloponnesians on the mainland, now reinforced from all their communities, stayed in position at Pylos.

Chapter 15

1 When the news of what had happened at Pylos reached Sparta, the Lacedaemonians treated it as a great disaster. They decided that the authorities should go down to the camp, see things for themselves, and immediately decide what to do.

2 They saw that they could not help the men on the island. They did not want to risk the men either dying of hunger or being overwhelmed and captured by a larger force. So they decided to arrange a truce over Pylos with the Athenian generals, if these were willing, and send envoys to Athens to negotiate a settlement. They would try to get their men back as quickly as possible.

Chapter 16

1 The generals accepted the proposal, and a truce was made on these terms. The Lacedaemonians were to bring to Pylos and hand over to the Athenians the ships they had fought with and all the warships in Laconia. They were not to attack the fort by land or sea. The Athenians were to allow the Lacedaemonians on the mainland to send fixed rations of kneaded barley meal to the men on the island: two Attic choenices for each man, along with two cotylae of wine and some meat. Each servant was to receive half these amounts. These supplies were to be brought in under Athenian supervision, and no boat was to slip in secretly. The Athenians were to keep watch over the island just as closely as before, but without landing on it. They were not to attack the Peloponnesian army by land or sea.

2 If either side broke any part of these terms, however small, the truce would end at once. It was to last until the Lacedaemonian envoys returned from Athens. The Athenians were to send them there in a trireme and bring them back again. On their return, the truce would end, and the Athenians were to give back the ships in the same condition as when they received them.

3 The truce was made on these terms. The ships, about sixty in all, were handed over, and the envoys were sent off. When they reached Athens, they spoke as follows.

Chapter 17

1 “Athenians, the Lacedaemonians sent us to negotiate about the men on the island. We want to persuade you to accept a settlement that benefits you and, at the same time, preserves as much dignity for us in our misfortune as the present situation allows.

2 “Our speech is longer than usual, but this is not a departure from our custom. At home we use few words when few are enough. But we use more when the occasion calls for us to explain something important and use words to achieve what is needed.

3 “Do not receive our words with hostility, or feel that we are teaching you because you lack understanding. Think of them instead as a reminder to people who already know how to make a good decision.

4 “You can put your present good fortune to good use. You can keep what you have gained and add honor and a good reputation. You need not make the mistake of people who are unused to good fortune. Because their present success has come as a surprise, they keep reaching out in the hope of getting more.

5 “People who have experienced the most changes of fortune, both good and bad, have the best reason to distrust success. Given our experience, this should apply especially to your city and to us.

Chapter 18

1 “Look at our present misfortunes and recognize the truth of this. We have the highest standing among the Greeks, yet we have come to you. Before, we thought we had more power to grant others what we are now here to ask you for.

2 “This did not happen because we lacked power, or because we gained more power and became arrogant. We had our usual resources but made a mistake in judgment. Anyone is equally liable to do the same.

3 “So you should not assume that fortune will always be on your side because your city is strong now and has gained these additional advantages.

4 “Sensible people put their gains somewhere safe against an uncertain future. Those same people would also handle misfortunes more intelligently. They recognize that war does not stay within whatever limits someone chooses for his own part in it. Instead, events go where chance takes them. Such people make the fewest mistakes because they do not become overconfident and get carried away when the war goes well. They are most likely to end it while their luck is good.

5 “Athenians, this is a good time for you to do that with us. Otherwise, if you reject our advice and later suffer a setback—and there are many ways that could happen—people may think that even your present successes were due to luck. Yet you have the chance to leave behind an enduring reputation for strength and good judgment without taking a risk.

Chapter 19

1 “The Lacedaemonians invite you to make a treaty and end the war. We offer peace, an alliance, and close friendship and ties between us in other ways too. In return, we ask for the men on the island. We think it better for both sides not to take a gamble on their fate: they might force their way out if some chance of rescue arose, or they might instead be forced into submission by the siege and captured.

2 “We believe that bitter hostilities can be ended most securely in this way. It is not by retaliating, gaining the upper hand in most of the fighting, and then forcing an unequal settlement on the enemy and binding him to it by oaths. Rather, when you have the power to do that, you should choose fairness, outdo him in generosity, and agree to more moderate terms than he expected.

3 “The enemy then feels that he owes you generosity in return, rather than retaliation for being forced to submit. His sense of shame makes him readier to keep the agreement he has made.

4 “People are more likely to act this way toward their bitterest enemies than toward those with whom they have only ordinary disagreements. It is human nature to give way gladly in return to those who freely yield, but to risk everything against overbearing demands, even against one's own better judgment.

Chapter 20

1 “If there was ever a good time for both of us to reach a settlement, it is now. We should act before something beyond repair happens to us in the meantime. That would force us to add a lasting personal hatred of you to our hostility as a state, while you would lose the benefits we now offer.

2 “Let us come to terms while the outcome is still undecided. You can gain a good reputation and our friendship. We can settle our misfortune on reasonable terms before anything disgraceful happens. Let us choose peace instead of war for ourselves and give the other Greeks relief from their suffering. They will give you the greater credit for this. They are caught up in a war, and it is unclear which side started it. But if it ends—and you now have the greater power to bring this about—they will give you their thanks.

3 “If you decide to do this, you can become firm friends with the Lacedaemonians. They themselves have made the offer, and you will have done them a favor rather than forced them to submit.

4 “Consider how many benefits this is likely to bring. If you and we agree, you know that the rest of the Greeks, being weaker, will show us the greatest respect.”

Chapter 21

1 That was what the Lacedaemonians said. They thought the Athenians had previously wanted a treaty but that Lacedaemonian opposition had prevented it. Now that peace was being offered, they expected the Athenians to accept it gladly and give back the men.

2 But the Athenians believed that, with the men on the island in their power, they could already make a treaty with the Lacedaemonians whenever they wished. They wanted more.

3 Cleon son of Cleaenetus encouraged them most. At that time he was a popular leader with more influence over the people than anyone else. He persuaded them to give this answer: the men on the island must first surrender their weapons and themselves and be brought to Athens. Once they were there, the Lacedaemonians must give back Nisaea, Pegae, Troezen, and Achaea. They had not gained these places in war. They had received them under the previous agreement, when the Athenians had given them up because of their misfortunes and their greater need for a treaty at that time. After returning them, the Lacedaemonians could recover their men and make a treaty for whatever period both sides thought suitable.

Chapter 22

1 They did not argue against this answer. Instead, they asked the Athenians to choose representatives to meet with them. These would discuss each point, listening as well as speaking, and quietly reach agreement wherever they could persuade one another.

2 At this Cleon attacked them fiercely. He said he had already known that they had no fair proposal in mind. Now it was clear: they would say nothing to the people, but wanted to meet with a small group of men. If they had anything reasonable in mind, he told them to say it to everyone.

3 The Lacedaemonians saw that they could not speak before the people about any concessions their misfortune might make them willing to offer. If they offered these and failed to reach agreement, their allies might turn against them. They also saw that the Athenians would not accept the settlement they proposed on reasonable terms. So they left Athens without achieving anything.

Chapter 23

1 As soon as they returned, the truce at Pylos ended. The Lacedaemonians demanded their ships back, as agreed. But the Athenians refused to return them. They complained of an attack on their fort in breach of the truce and of other incidents that seemed unimportant. They insisted that the agreement said that any breach at all would end the truce. The Lacedaemonians disputed this and called the withholding of the ships an injustice. They went away and resumed the war.

2 Both sides fought hard around Pylos. During the day, the Athenians constantly sailed two ships around the island in opposite directions. At night their whole fleet lay around it, except on the seaward side when the wind was blowing. Twenty ships also arrived from Athens to help with the blockade, bringing the total to seventy. The Peloponnesians kept their camp on the mainland and attacked the wall. They watched for any chance to rescue their men.

Chapter 24

1 Meanwhile in Sicily, the Syracusans and their allies brought up the rest of the fleet they were preparing to join the ships guarding Messene.

2 They conducted the war from Messene. The Locrians urged them on more than anyone, because of their hatred of the people of Rhegium. The Locrians had also invaded their territory with their full force.

3 They wanted to try a sea battle. They saw that the Athenians had few ships there, and they had heard that the larger fleet that was supposed to come was blockading the island.

4 If they won control at sea, they hoped to take Rhegium easily by attacking it with troops and ships. Their position would then be strong. Rhegium, on the tip of Italy, lies close to Messene in Sicily. With both places in their hands, the Athenians would have no base for their ships and could not control the strait.

5 The strait is the stretch of sea between Rhegium and Messene, where Sicily is closest to the mainland. This is the place called Charybdis, through which Odysseus is said to have sailed. It is narrow, and the water pours into it from two great seas, the Tyrrhenian and the Sicilian, creating strong currents. It was therefore quite reasonably considered dangerous.

Chapter 25

1 Here in the strait, late in the day, the Syracusans and their allies were forced into a sea battle over a ship making the crossing. They put out with a little more than thirty ships against sixteen Athenian ships and eight from Rhegium.

2 The Athenians defeated them, and they quickly sailed away, each as best it could, to their respective camps at Messene and Rhegium. They lost one ship. Nightfall ended the action.

3 After this the Locrians left the territory of Rhegium. The ships of the Syracusans and their allies gathered at Peloris, in the territory of Messene, and anchored there. Their land army was there too.

4 The Athenians and the men of Rhegium sailed up, saw the ships without their crews, and attacked. But a grappling hook caught one of their own ships, and they lost it. Its crew swam away.

5 After this the Syracusans boarded their ships and moved along the coast toward Messene using a towline. The Athenians attacked again, but the Syracusans turned their bows out to sea and rammed first. The Athenians lost another ship.

6 The Syracusans thus reached the harbor at Messene without getting the worse of either the coastal passage or the sea battle that took place during it.

7 The Athenians then heard that Archias and his supporters were betraying Camarina to the Syracusans, and sailed there. Meanwhile the people of Messene attacked neighboring Naxos, a Chalcidian city, with their whole force by land and their fleet at the same time.

8 On the first day they forced the Naxians inside their walls and laid waste to their territory. On the next day they sailed around to the Acesines River and devastated the land there, while their land army advanced toward the city.

9 Meanwhile large numbers of Sicels were coming down over the heights to help against the men of Messene. When the Naxians saw them, they took courage. They encouraged one another by saying that the people of Leontini and their other Greek allies were coming to their aid. They suddenly rushed out of the city and attacked the men of Messene. They routed them and killed over a thousand. The rest had difficulty getting home, for the non-Greeks also attacked them on the roads and killed most of them.

10 The ships put in at Messene and later separated, each returning home. The people of Leontini and their allies, together with the Athenians, immediately attacked Messene, taking advantage of its weakened state. The Athenians attacked the harbor with their ships, while the land army attacked the city.

11 The men of Messene came out with some Locrians under Demoteles, who had been left as a garrison after the disaster. Their sudden attack routed most of the army from Leontini and killed many men. When the Athenians saw this, they landed from their ships to help. They fell on the men of Messene while these were in confusion and chased them back into the city. They set up a victory marker and withdrew to Rhegium.

12 After this the Greeks in Sicily continued their land campaigns against one another without the Athenians.

Chapter 26

1 At Pylos the Athenians were still blockading the Lacedaemonians on the island. The Peloponnesian army on the mainland stayed in its position.

2 The blockade was hard work for the Athenians because they lacked food and water. There was only one spring, in the stronghold of Pylos itself, and it was small. Most of the men dug through the pebbles along the shore and drank the sort of water one would expect to find there.

3 They were also crowded into a small camp. There was no anchorage for the ships, so they took turns bringing their crews ashore for food, while the others lay at anchor offshore.

4 The unexpected length of the blockade was especially discouraging. They had thought they would force the men to surrender within a few days, since they were on a deserted island and had only brackish water to drink.

5 The reason was that the Lacedaemonians had announced that anyone willing should take ground grain, wine, cheese, or any other food useful during a siege to the island. They offered high payments and promised freedom to any Helot who got supplies through.

6 Others took the risk of bringing supplies, but the Helots did so most of all. They sailed from whatever point in the Peloponnese they could and reached the seaward side of the island while it was still night.

7 They especially watched for a wind that would carry them in. It was easier to evade the triremes on guard when a wind blew from the open sea, since the ships could not maintain their stations around the island. The supply boats could make their landing without concern for damage: their value had been guaranteed in money, so the men simply ran them aground. The hoplites kept watch at the island's landing places. Those who risked coming in calm weather were caught.

8 Swimmers also came through the harbor underwater. They towed skins on a thin cord, carrying poppy seed mixed with honey and crushed flaxseed. At first they escaped notice, but later guards were posted against them.

9 Each side tried every device it could: one to get food in, the other to prevent any supplies getting through unnoticed.

Chapter 27

1 When the people at Athens learned that their army was suffering and food was reaching the men on the island, they were at a loss. They feared that winter would come before the blockade ended. They saw that bringing supplies around the Peloponnese would become impossible. The place was deserted, and even in summer they could not send enough supplies around to it. Nor could they maintain the naval blockade, since there were no harbors there. Either they would have to abandon their guard and let the men survive, or the men would wait for stormy weather and sail away in the boats that brought them food.

2 Above all, they were afraid of the Lacedaemonians. They thought these must have some strong grounds for confidence, since they no longer sent heralds to negotiate with them. They regretted not accepting the peace agreement.

3 Cleon realized that they blamed him for blocking the agreement. He said that the men bringing the reports were not telling the truth. The men who had arrived suggested that, if the Athenians did not believe them, they should send observers. The Athenians chose Cleon himself, along with Theagenes, for this job.

4 Cleon realized that he would have to give the same report as the men he had accused, or else contradict them and be exposed as a liar. He also saw that the Athenians were now more inclined to send out an expedition. So he urged them not to send observers or waste time and miss their chance. If they thought the reports were true, they should sail against the men on the island.

5 He pointed at Nicias son of Niceratus, who was a general. Cleon was his enemy and was criticizing him. He said that, if the generals were real men, it would be easy to sail there with a force and capture the men on the island. He himself would do it, if he were in command.

Chapter 28

1 Some Athenians shouted at Cleon to ask why he did not sail there now, if he thought it so easy. Nicias heard them and saw that Cleon was attacking him. He told Cleon to take whatever force he wanted and make the attempt, as far as the generals were concerned.

2 At first Cleon thought Nicias was only making a verbal offer, and he was ready to accept. But when he realized that Nicias really meant to hand over the command, he backed away. He said that Nicias, not he, was the general. He was frightened now: he had not thought Nicias would dare to give way to him.

3 Nicias repeated his offer and gave up his command at Pylos, calling the Athenians as witnesses. As crowds tend to do, the more Cleon tried to avoid the voyage and take back his words, the more they urged Nicias to hand over the command and shouted at Cleon to sail.

4 So, unable to find any escape from what he had said, Cleon agreed to sail. He came forward and said he was not afraid of the Lacedaemonians. He would sail without taking anyone from the city itself. Instead he would take the Lemnians and Imbrians who were there, the peltasts who had come to help from Aenus and elsewhere, and four hundred archers. With these men added to the troops at Pylos, he said, within twenty days he would either bring the Lacedaemonians back alive or kill them on the spot.

5 The Athenians laughed a little at his reckless talk. Still, the more sensible among them were pleased. They reckoned that one of two good things would happen. Either they would be rid of Cleon, which they expected more, or their judgment would prove wrong and he would capture the Lacedaemonians for them.

Chapter 29

1 Cleon settled everything in the assembly, and the Athenians voted to send him out. He chose Demosthenes, one of the generals at Pylos, to join him in command, and quickly set sail.

2 He chose Demosthenes because he had heard that he was planning a landing on the island. The soldiers were suffering from the lack of resources at their position. They felt more like the besieged than the besiegers and were eager to risk a battle. The fact that the island had burned also gave Demosthenes more confidence.

3 Previously, most of the island had been wooded, with no paths because it had always been uninhabited. This worried him, and he thought it gave the enemy an advantage. Even if he landed a large army, they could attack from cover and hurt it. The woods would keep the enemy's mistakes and preparations from being as clear to his men. But every mistake his own army made would be visible. The enemy could therefore make surprise attacks wherever they wanted, since the choice of when to attack would be theirs.

4 If he forced his way into the thick woods to meet them, he thought their smaller force, familiar with the ground, would be stronger than his larger force, which did not know it. His own army, large as it was, might be destroyed without its men knowing what was happening. They would not be able to see where they needed to help one another.

Chapter 30

1 These thoughts weighed on him especially because of his disaster in Aetolia, which had been partly caused by the woods.

2 But because space was so short, the soldiers had been forced to put in at the edges of the island to prepare their midday meal, posting guards for protection. Someone accidentally set fire to a small patch of the woods. Then a wind came up, and before they realized it, most of the woods had burned down.

3 Demosthenes could now see the Lacedaemonians more clearly and saw that there were more of them than he had thought. Previously he had suspected that the food was being brought in for a smaller number. He also saw that the island was easier to land on. So he began preparing the attack, believing that the Athenians now had a more worthwhile target and should make a greater effort. He sent for troops from the nearby allies and made his other preparations.

4 Cleon sent a messenger ahead to tell Demosthenes he was coming, and arrived at Pylos with the troops he had requested. Once together, they first sent a herald to the camp on the mainland. They invited the commanders there, if they wished, to avoid a battle by ordering the men on the island to surrender themselves and their weapons to the Athenians. The men would be held under reasonable guard until a broader settlement was reached.

Chapter 31

1 The Lacedaemonians rejected this offer, and the Athenians waited one day. The next night they put all their hoplites aboard a few ships and sailed out. Shortly before dawn they landed on both sides of the island, from the open sea and from the harbor. There were about eight hundred hoplites, and they ran toward the first guard post on the island.

2 The enemy had been stationed as follows. About thirty hoplites were at this first post. Most of the men, with their commander Epitadas, held the center of the island, where the ground was most level and the water was. A small detachment guarded the far end facing Pylos. This had steep cliffs above the sea and was very difficult to attack by land. There was also an old defensive wall there, made of loosely fitted stones. They thought it would be useful if they were forced to retreat. These were their positions.

Chapter 32

1 The Athenians immediately killed the guards at the first post they rushed, some still in their beds and others picking up their weapons. The landing had gone unnoticed, since the guards thought the ships were sailing to their usual stations for the night blockade.

2 At dawn the rest of the army began landing too. All the men from a little over seventy ships came ashore except the lowest bank of rowers, each with whatever equipment he had. There were also eight hundred archers and at least as many peltasts. The Messenians who had come to help landed too, along with all the other men holding positions around Pylos, except the guards on the wall.

3 On Demosthenes' orders they spread out in groups of two hundred or more, and sometimes fewer, taking the highest ground. This was meant to leave the enemy surrounded and as helpless as possible. They would not know which way to turn and face an attack, but would be caught between large forces. If they advanced against the men in front, those behind would shoot at them. If they turned against those on one side, the troops on either side of them would attack.

4 Whichever way they moved, the enemy would always be behind them. These lightly armed men were the hardest to deal with. They could fight at long range with arrows, javelins, stones, and slings, and it was impossible to come to grips with them. Even when they ran away they kept the advantage, and when their opponents retreated they pressed after them. This was the plan Demosthenes had in mind when he first proposed the landing, and these were the arrangements he made in the battle.

Chapter 33

1 Epitadas and the main body of troops on the island saw that the first guard post had been destroyed and an army was advancing against them. They formed up and advanced against the Athenian hoplites, wanting to fight at close quarters. The hoplites were directly in front of them, while the light troops were on their flanks and behind them.

2 But they could not reach the hoplites or use their own fighting experience. The light troops kept them back with missiles from both sides, while the hoplites stayed still instead of advancing to meet them. Wherever the light troops pressed them hardest, they charged and drove them away. But the light troops turned back and continued fighting. Their equipment was light, so they could easily get a head start when they ran away. The ground was difficult and rough because it had previously been uninhabited, and the Lacedaemonians could not pursue them there in heavy armor.

Chapter 34

1 For a short time they skirmished like this. Then the Lacedaemonians could no longer rush out quickly against attacks. The light troops noticed that their defense was now slower. The sight of their own force, many times larger than the enemy's, had given them most of their confidence. They were also getting used to their opponents and no longer found them so frightening. They had not immediately suffered the losses they had expected when they first landed, intimidated by the thought that they were going to face Lacedaemonians. Now they looked down on them, raised a shout, and rushed at them together. They hurled stones, arrows, and javelins, each using whatever he had at hand.

2 The shouting and the rush together threw the men into confusion: they were not used to this kind of fighting. Great clouds of dust rose from the recently burned woods. With arrows and stones flying from so many men through the dust, they could not see what was in front of them.

3 The fighting now became very difficult for the Lacedaemonians. Their felt headgear did not stop the arrows, and their spears had been broken by the blows they took. They had no way to use their skills. They could not see ahead, and the enemy's louder shouting kept them from hearing their own orders. Danger surrounded them, and they had no hope of finding a way to defend themselves and survive.

Chapter 35

1 At last, with many men now wounded because they were constantly moving about in the same area, they closed ranks and moved to the defensive position at the far end of the island. It was not far away, and their own guards were there.

2 As soon as they gave way, the light troops pressed after them with even louder shouts, full of confidence. Any Lacedaemonians caught during the retreat were killed. But most escaped to the defensive position. With the guards already there, they formed a line along every part where an attack was possible, ready to defend it.

3 The Athenians followed. The strength of the position prevented them from going around and surrounding the enemy, so they advanced from the front and tried to drive them back.

4 For a long time, through most of the day, both sides held on, worn out by the fighting, thirst, and sun. The Athenians tried to drive the enemy from the high ground; the Lacedaemonians tried not to give way. The Lacedaemonians found it easier to defend themselves than before, since they were not being surrounded on their flanks.

Chapter 36

1 When the fighting seemed to have no end, the Messenian general came to Cleon and Demosthenes and said they were struggling for nothing. If they would give him some of the archers and light troops, he would take them around behind the enemy by whatever route he could find. He thought he could force a way in.

2 He was given the men he had asked for and started from a concealed position so that the enemy would not see him. He climbed along the cliffs of the island wherever he could find a way through. The Lacedaemonians had trusted the strength of the ground here and left it unguarded. With great difficulty he worked his way around unnoticed, then suddenly appeared on the heights behind them. The surprise stunned the Lacedaemonians, while the Athenians were greatly encouraged at seeing what they had hoped for.

3 The Lacedaemonians were now being attacked from both sides. To compare a small event with a great one, they were in the same situation as the men at Thermopylae. Those men had been destroyed when the Persians went around them by the path. Here too, caught between two attacks, the Lacedaemonians could hold out no longer. They were few fighting many, and their bodies were weak from lack of food. They began falling back, and the Athenians now controlled the approaches.

Chapter 37

1 Cleon and Demosthenes realized [that] if the Lacedaemonians gave way even a little further, their own army would kill them. They stopped the battle and held their men back. They wanted to bring the Lacedaemonians to Athens alive, if hearing an offer might soften their resolve and persuade them to surrender their weapons, giving in to the terror of their present position.

2 They had a herald announce that, if they wished, they could surrender themselves and their weapons to the Athenians, who would decide what to do with them.

Chapter 38

1 When they heard this, most lowered their shields and waved their hands to show that they accepted the offer. The fighting stopped. Cleon and Demosthenes then met for talks with Styphon son of Pharax, who represented the enemy. Of their previous commanders, Epitadas, the first in command, was dead. Hippagretes, appointed next after him, was lying among the dead, still alive but taken for dead. Styphon himself had been appointed third in command under the law, to take over if anything happened to the other two.

2 Styphon and the men with him said they wanted to send a herald to the Lacedaemonians on the mainland to ask what they should do.

3 The Athenians would not let any of them go. Instead, they themselves called for heralds from the mainland. After questions had passed back and forth two or three times, the last man to cross from the Lacedaemonians on the mainland gave this message: “The Lacedaemonians tell you to decide for yourselves about your own situation, without doing anything dishonorable.” After discussing it among themselves, the men surrendered their weapons and themselves.

4 The Athenians kept them under guard that day and the following night. The next day the Athenians set up a victory marker on the island and made their other preparations to sail. They divided the prisoners among the trireme captains to guard. The Lacedaemonians sent a herald and brought their dead back across.

5 These were the numbers killed and taken alive on the island. In all, four hundred and twenty hoplites had crossed over. Of these, two hundred and ninety-two were brought back alive; the rest were killed. About one hundred and twenty of the survivors were Spartans. Not many Athenians were killed, since the battle was not fought at close quarters.

Chapter 39

1 The men on the island were under siege for seventy-two days in all, from the sea battle to the battle on the island.

2 For about twenty of those days, while the envoys were away negotiating the truce, they received regular supplies of food. For the rest of the time they lived on what people secretly brought in by sea. Some grain and other food were still found on the island when it was taken. Their commander Epitadas had given each man less than the available supplies allowed.

3 The Athenians and Peloponnesians then withdrew their armies from Pylos and returned home. Cleon's promise, crazy as it had seemed, came true. He brought the men back within twenty days, just as he had undertaken to do.

Chapter 40

1 Of all the events of the war, this was the one that most surprised the Greeks. They had thought that neither hunger nor any other pressure would make the Lacedaemonians surrender their weapons. Instead, they expected them to keep their weapons and die fighting as best they could.

2 They could hardly believe that the men who surrendered were of the same quality as those who died. Later, one of the Athenian allies spitefully asked a prisoner from the island whether the men on their side who had died were the brave ones. He answered that a spindle—meaning an arrow—would be worth a great deal if it could tell brave men from the rest. He meant that stones and arrows killed whoever happened to be hit.

Chapter 41

1 When the men had been brought to Athens, the Athenians decided to keep them in chains until an agreement was reached. If the Peloponnesians invaded their territory before then, they would bring the prisoners out and kill them.

2 They stationed a garrison at Pylos. The Messenians from Naupactus sent the most suitable of their own men there, treating it as their homeland, since Pylos is in what was once Messenian territory. These men raided Laconia and did very great damage, helped by speaking the same language as the inhabitants.

3 The Lacedaemonians had no previous experience of raids and this kind of warfare. Helots were deserting, and they feared that unrest in their territory might spread further. They found the situation hard to bear. Although they did not want the Athenians to see this, they sent envoys to them and tried to recover Pylos and the prisoners.

4 But the Athenians wanted greater gains. The envoys came repeatedly, and the Athenians sent them away without achieving anything. These were the events at Pylos.

Chapter 42

1 Immediately afterward, in the same summer, the Athenians attacked Corinthian territory with eighty ships, two thousand of their own hoplites, and two hundred cavalry carried in horse transports. Their allies from Miletus, Andros, and Carystus went with them. Nicias son of Niceratus commanded, with two other generals.

2 They sailed in and reached the beach between Chersonesus and Rheitus at dawn. Above this spot stands the Solygean hill. Long ago the Dorians established themselves on it and fought the Corinthians in the city, who were Aeolians. A village called Solygea now stands on the hill. From the beach where the ships landed, this village is twelve stades away, the city of Corinth sixty, and the Isthmus twenty.

3 The Corinthians had received advance information from Argos that the Athenian force was coming. They had gone to the Isthmus well beforehand, all except those who lived outside the Isthmus. Five hundred of their men were also away on garrison duty in Ambracia and Leucas. All the others kept watch to see where the Athenians would land.

4 The Athenians sailed in during the night without being noticed. When signals were raised to inform the Corinthians, they left half their men at Cenchreae in case the Athenians went toward Crommyon. The others hurried to meet the attack.

Chapter 43

1 Battus, one of their generals—two were present at the battle—took a company to guard the village of Solygea, which had no walls. Lycophron engaged the enemy with the remaining troops.

2 The Corinthians first attacked the Athenian right wing, which had just landed in front of Chersonesus, and then the rest of the army as well. The fighting was fierce and entirely hand to hand.

3 The Athenian right wing, including the Carystians, who were stationed at the outer end of the line, met the Corinthians and drove them back with difficulty. The Corinthians retreated to a dry-stone wall, since the whole area sloped upward. From their higher position they threw stones, then sang the battle song and advanced again. The Athenians met them, and the fighting was again hand to hand.

4 A Corinthian company came to help its own left wing. It routed the Athenian right and chased it down to the sea. But the Athenians and Carystians turned back from the ships and advanced again.

5 The rest of both armies kept fighting without a break. The fighting was especially fierce on the Corinthian right, where Lycophron faced the Athenian left and held it off. They expected the Athenians to try to reach the village of Solygea.

Chapter 44

1 For a long time they held their ground, neither side giving way. But the Athenians received valuable help from their cavalry, while the other side had no cavalry. Eventually the Corinthians were routed. They withdrew to the hill, grounded their weapons, and stayed there without coming down again.

2 Most of the Corinthian losses in this retreat were on the right wing, where their general Lycophron also died. The rest of the army was not pursued far and did not flee in haste. Once forced back, it withdrew to the higher ground and took up a position there.

3 When the Corinthians no longer came forward to fight, the Athenians stripped the enemy dead and collected their own. They immediately set up a victory monument.

4 The half of the Corinthian force stationed at Cenchreae, guarding against an Athenian voyage to Crommyon, could not see the battle because Mount Oneum blocked their view. But when they saw the dust and [when] they realized what was happening, they immediately came to help. The older Corinthians in the city also came to help when they learned what had happened.

5 The Athenians saw all these men approaching and thought they were reinforcements coming from the neighboring Peloponnesian communities. They hurried back to their ships with the captured equipment and their own dead, except for two whom they could not find and left behind.

6 They boarded their ships and crossed to the nearby islands. From there they sent a herald and recovered the bodies they had left behind under a truce. Two hundred and twelve Corinthians died in the battle, and a little fewer than fifty Athenians.

Chapter 45

1 The Athenians left the islands and sailed that same day to Crommyon in Corinthian territory. It is a hundred and twenty stades from the city. They anchored, destroyed the crops and property in the area, and camped for the night.

2 The next day they first sailed along the coast to Epidaurian territory and made a landing there. Then they reached Methana, between Epidaurus and Troezen. They cut off the peninsula by building a wall across its isthmus, [where Methone stands,] and established a fort. From then on they used it to raid the territories of Troezen, Halieis, and Epidaurus. Once they had finished fortifying the place, they sailed home with their fleet.

Chapter 46

1 At about the same time, while these events were taking place, Eurymedon and Sophocles left Pylos with the Athenian fleet bound for Sicily. They reached Corcyra and joined the people in the city in an attack on the Corcyraeans established on Mount Istone. These were the men who had crossed over after the earlier civil strife, taken control of the countryside, and done great damage.

2 The attackers stormed and captured their fort. The defenders fled together to some higher ground and agreed to surrender their mercenaries. They themselves would hand over their weapons and leave the Athenian people to decide their fate.

3 The generals took them across to the island of Ptychia to be kept under guard until they could be sent to Athens. The agreement protected them, but stipulated that if anyone was caught trying to escape, the agreement would be canceled for all of them.

4 The leaders of the Corcyraean people feared that the Athenians might not put the men to death when they arrived. So they devised the following plan.

5 They secretly sent friends to persuade a few of the men on the island to escape. These friends had been instructed to speak as though they meant well. They were to say that the prisoners' best course was to escape as quickly as possible, and that they would prepare a boat for them. For, they claimed, the Athenian generals were about to hand the prisoners over to the Corcyraean people.

Chapter 47

1 The men were persuaded. A boat was arranged, and they were caught sailing away. The agreement was canceled, and all the prisoners were handed over to the Corcyraeans.

2 The Athenian generals did a great deal to help bring this about. They made it clear that, since they themselves were sailing to Sicily, they did not want other men to take the prisoners to Athens and win the credit for bringing them. This made the excuse for canceling the agreement secure and gave those who had planned the scheme greater confidence to carry it out.

3 The Corcyraeans took charge of the prisoners and shut them in a large building. Later they brought them out twenty at a time, tied to one another, and led them between two lines of hoplites drawn up on either side. Whenever one of these men recognized a personal enemy, he struck and stabbed him. Men carrying whips walked alongside and made those moving too slowly quicken their pace.

Chapter 48

1 They brought out and killed about sixty men in this way without those inside the building realizing it. The prisoners thought the men were being taken away to be moved somewhere else. But when they understood and someone told them what was happening, they called on the Athenians and asked them to kill them themselves, if that was what they wanted. They refused to leave the building any longer and said they would do all they could to stop anyone from entering.

2 The Corcyraeans had no intention of forcing their way through the doors either. They climbed onto the building's roof, broke it open, and threw down tiles and shot arrows at the men below.

3 The prisoners defended themselves as best they could, while most also began killing themselves. They pushed the arrows shot at them into their throats. They hanged themselves with cords from some beds that happened to be in the building, or with strips torn from their clothes. Night fell during the ordeal. Through most of it, they died in every possible way, killing themselves or being hit by the men above.

4 When day came, the Corcyraeans piled the bodies in layers on wagons and took them outside the city. They sold into slavery all the women who had been captured in the fort.

5 This was how the Corcyraeans from the mountain were killed by the people. The civil strife had been widespread, and this brought it to an end, at least for the duration of this war. No significant part of the other side was left.

6 The Athenians sailed on to Sicily, their original destination, and fought alongside their allies there.

Chapter 49

1 At the end of the summer, the Athenians at Naupactus and the Acarnanians made a joint expedition against Anactorium, a Corinthian city at the mouth of the Ambracian Gulf. They captured it through betrayal. After expelling [the Corinthians], the Acarnanians themselves occupied the place, bringing settlers from all their communities. The summer ended.

Chapter 50

1 In the following winter, Aristides son of Archippus, one of the commanders of the Athenian ships sent to collect money from the allies, arrested a Persian named Artaphernes at Eion on the Strymon. He was traveling from the king to Lacedaemon.

2 When he was brought to Athens, the Athenians translated his letters from the Assyrian script and read them. Among many other things, their main message to the Lacedaemonians was that the king did not understand what they wanted. Many envoys had come, but none said the same thing. If they wanted to make a clear proposal, they should send men to him with the Persian.

3 Later the Athenians sent Artaphernes to Ephesus in a trireme, along with envoys of their own. There the envoys learned that King Artaxerxes son of Xerxes had recently died—his death occurred about this time—and returned home.

Chapter 51

1 In the same winter, the Chians tore down their new wall at the Athenians' orders. The Athenians suspected that they were planning a revolt. The Chians did, however, obtain pledges from the Athenians and the strongest assurance they could that no change in their status would be planned. The winter ended, and the seventh year of this war, which Thucydides wrote about, came to an end.

Chapter 52

1 At the very beginning of the following summer there was a partial eclipse of the sun around the new moon. There was also an earthquake early in the same month.

2 The exiles from Mytilene and the rest of Lesbos, most of them operating from the mainland, hired mercenaries from the Peloponnese and gathered others locally. They captured Rhoeteum, but gave it back unharmed after receiving two thousand Phocaean staters.

3 After this they attacked Antandrus and captured the city through betrayal. Their plan was to free the other cities known as the Actaean cities, which the Mytilenaeans had formerly controlled but the Athenians now held, and above all Antandrus. They would strengthen Antandrus and use it as a base. Ships could easily be built there, since timber was available locally and Mount Ida stood close by; other equipment was also readily available. From there they could easily attack nearby Lesbos and take control of the Aeolian towns on the mainland. They were preparing to carry out these plans.

Chapter 53

1 In the same summer the Athenians attacked Cythera with sixty ships, two thousand hoplites, a few cavalry, and allied troops from Miletus and some other places. Their generals were Nicias son of Niceratus, Nicostratus son of Diitrephes, and Autocles son of Tolmaeus.

2 Cythera is an island off Laconia, opposite Malea. Its people are Lacedaemonians of the perioeci class. Every year an official called the Cytherodices went over from Sparta. The Lacedaemonians also regularly sent a garrison of hoplites and took great care of the island.

3 It was a stopping place for their merchant ships coming from Egypt and Libya. It also reduced the damage pirates could do to Laconia from the sea, the only direction from which the country was open to their attacks. The whole of it faces the Sicilian and Cretan seas.

Chapter 54

1 When the Athenian force arrived, ten ships and two thousand Milesian hoplites captured the coastal town called Scandea. The rest of the army landed on the side of the island facing Malea and advanced toward the Cytherians' city [on the coast]. They immediately found the whole Cytherian force drawn up there.

2 In the battle that followed, the Cytherians stood their ground for a short time. Then they were routed and fled to the upper city. Later they agreed with Nicias and his fellow commanders to let the Athenians decide their fate, provided they were not put to death.

3 Nicias had already held discussions with some of the Cytherians. Because of this, the terms of the agreement were settled more quickly and more favorably for them, both for the moment and for the future. Otherwise the Athenians would have removed the Cytherians from their homes, since they were Lacedaemonians and their island lay so close to Laconia.

4 After the agreement, the Athenians took over Scandea, the town by the harbor, and established a garrison on Cythera. Then they sailed to Asine, Helos, and most of the places along the coast. For about seven days they made landings, camped wherever the opportunity arose, and destroyed crops and property in the countryside.

Chapter 55

1 The Lacedaemonians saw that the Athenians held Cythera and expected them to make similar landings in their territory. They nowhere opposed them with their whole force. Instead they sent garrisons around the country, assigning as many hoplites as each place needed. In other respects, too, they were very much on their guard. They feared that there might be some disturbance of their political order. The disaster on the island had been unexpected and severe. Pylos and Cythera were occupied, and on every side they faced warfare that moved quickly and gave no warning.

2 As a result, they departed from their usual practice and raised a force of four hundred cavalry, as well as archers. They became more reluctant than ever to take military action. Their existing way of preparing for war did not fit the naval struggle they now faced, especially against the Athenians. To the Athenians, not attempting something always meant falling short of what they thought they could achieve.

3 At the same time, so many unexpected blows of fortune had fallen on them so quickly that they were deeply shaken. They feared that they might suffer another disaster like the one on the island.

4 This made them less willing to risk battle. They thought that any move they made would go wrong. They had not been used to failure before, and this had now made them lose confidence in their own judgment.

Chapter 56

1 So, when the Athenians were destroying property along their coast, the Lacedaemonians mostly stayed still. Whenever a landing took place near a garrison, its men thought they were outnumbered and were in this state of mind. Only one garrison, near Cotyrta and Aphroditia, offered resistance. It rushed at the scattered mass of lightly armed troops and put them to flight. But when the hoplites stood against it, it withdrew again. A few of its men were killed and some weapons captured. The Athenians set up a victory monument and sailed back to Cythera.

2 From there they sailed around to Epidaurus Limera. After destroying property in part of its territory, they reached Thyrea. This lies in the region called Cynuria, on the border between Argive and Laconian territory. The Lacedaemonians controlled it and had given it to the Aeginetans to live in after their expulsion. This was partly in return for the help the Aeginetans had given them at the time of the earthquake and the Helot revolt. It was also because, even while subject to Athens, the Aeginetans had always supported the Lacedaemonian point of view.

Chapter 57

1 While the Athenians were still approaching by sea, the Aeginetans abandoned the wall they were building on the coast. They withdrew to the upper city where they lived, about ten stades from the sea.

2 One of the Lacedaemonian garrisons stationed around the country had been helping them build the wall. Despite the Aeginetans' pleas, these men refused to go inside the city walls with them. They thought it dangerous to shut themselves in. Instead they withdrew to the higher ground and stayed still, thinking they were not strong enough to fight.

3 Meanwhile the Athenians landed, immediately advanced with their whole army, and captured Thyrea. They burned the city and looted everything in it. They returned to Athens with all the Aeginetans who had not been killed in the fighting and with Tantalus son of Patrocles, the Lacedaemonian commander stationed among them. He had been wounded and captured alive.

4 They also brought a few men from Cythera whom they thought it safer to remove. The Athenians decided to place these men on the islands. The other Cytherians were to stay in their own country and pay four talents in tribute. They decided to kill all the captured Aeginetans because of their long-standing hostility, and to put Tantalus in chains with the other Lacedaemonians captured on the island.

Chapter 58

1 In the same summer in Sicily, the people of Camarina and Gela first made a truce with one another. Then the other Sicilian Greeks also met at Gela, with envoys from every city, and began talks to see whether they could reach a settlement. Many views were expressed on both sides. Each side argued and pressed its claims wherever it thought it was being treated unfairly. Hermocrates son of Hermon, a Syracusan, spoke to the gathering as follows. He did more than anyone else to persuade them.

Chapter 59

1 “Fellow Sicilian Greeks, I do not speak as a citizen of one of the smallest cities, or of one suffering the most from the war. I want to set out publicly what I believe is the best policy for Sicily as a whole.

2 “Why should anyone give a long speech listing all the hardships of war to people who already know them? It is not ignorance of these hardships that drives anyone to war. Nor does fear stop anyone who thinks he will gain something. Some people think the gains will outweigh the dangers. Others are willing to face those dangers rather than accept an immediate loss.

3 “But if either side chooses the wrong moment to act in this way, advice to make peace can be useful.

4 “It could be extremely valuable to us too, if we listened to it now. Each of us began the war thinking we would improve our own position. Now we are trying to settle our differences through argument. And if we cannot manage to go home on equal terms, we will go to war again.

Chapter 60

1 “But we must understand that, if we are sensible, this meeting will not just deal with our separate interests. It will decide whether we can still save the whole of Sicily from what I judge to be an Athenian plot against it. We should regard the Athenians as a much stronger reason to settle these disputes than anything I can say. They have the greatest power among the Greeks and are here with a few ships, watching for our mistakes. Under the legitimate name of an alliance, they make their natural hostility look respectable and turn it to their own advantage.

2 “We choose war and call them in, although they are men who attack even those who do not call them. We harm ourselves at our own expense and at the same time help extend their empire. Once they see us worn out, they will naturally come here with a larger fleet and try to bring this whole country under their rule.

Chapter 61

1 “If we are sensible, each of us should bring allies into our own country and take on risks to gain what we do not have, rather than to damage what we already possess. We should recognize that civil strife does more than anything else to destroy our cities and Sicily. All of us who live here are under threat together, yet we are divided city by city.

2 “Once we recognize this, individuals must settle their differences with individuals, and cities with cities. We must try to save the whole of Sicily together. No one should imagine that only the Dorians among us are enemies of the Athenians, while the Chalcidian population is safe because of its Ionian kinship with them.

3 “They are not attacking us out of hostility to one of the two ethnic groups into which we are divided. They want the good things in Sicily that we all possess together.

4 “They have shown this now in responding to the appeal of the Chalcidian people. Those people had never helped them as allies. Yet the Athenians eagerly offered them more support than their obligations under the treaty required.

5 “It is quite understandable that the Athenians should pursue these gains and plan ahead. I do not blame those who want to rule, but those who are too ready to submit. Human nature has always been to rule those who give way and to defend against those who attack.

6 “But we are at fault if we know this and still fail to take the right precautions. Each of us should have come here having decided that our first priority is to deal properly, all together, with our common danger.

7 “The quickest way to get rid of it would be to reach an agreement with one another. The Athenians are not operating from their own country, but from the country of those who invited them. In this way we end our differences without trouble, through peace rather than by meeting war with war. Those who were invited here came under a respectable pretext to do wrong. They can leave without achieving anything, with a sound reason for going.

Chapter 62

1 “If we make the right decision, then, this is the great advantage we gain in dealing with the Athenians.

2 “But everyone agrees that peace is best. Why shouldn't we make peace among ourselves too? Suppose one of us is doing well and another badly. Don't you think peace, rather than war, would end the trouble for the one and help preserve the good fortune of the other? Peace also makes honors and public distinction less risky. It has many other benefits that someone could discuss at length, just as people discuss warfare. Think about these things. Don't dismiss what I say. Instead, each of you should use it to look ahead to your own safety.

3 “And if anyone feels sure he will achieve something through justice or force, he should not be bitterly disappointed if things turn out otherwise. He should remember how many people before him have sought to punish those who wronged them, while others hoped to use their power to gain more. The first group not only failed to get revenge but did not even survive. The second, instead of gaining more, ended up losing what they already had.

4 “Revenge does not succeed just because the person seeking it has been wronged. Nor is strength reliable just because it gives someone confidence. The uncertainty of the future has the greatest influence on events. Nothing is more likely to upset our plans, yet it also proves very useful. When both sides are equally afraid, we act more carefully toward one another.

Chapter 63

1 “So let us now take both dangers seriously: our fear of an unknown future that cannot be predicted, and the Athenians, whose presence already threatens us. Let us accept that these obstacles are reason enough for our plans to fall short of what each of us thought he would achieve. Let us send the enemy now facing us out of our country. Above all, let us make a lasting settlement among ourselves. If we cannot do that, let us make a truce for as long as possible and put off our private disputes until later.

2 “In short, we must realize this. If you listen to me, each of us will have a free city. We will control our own affairs and repay those who help or harm us on equal terms, according to our ability. If you reject my advice and submit to others, there will be no question of getting revenge on anyone. Even if we are very lucky, we will be forced to become friends with our worst enemies and fall out with people we should not oppose.

Chapter 64

1 “As I said at the start, I represent the greatest city here, and I am more likely to attack someone else than to have to defend myself. Even so, I think I should look ahead and make concessions. I should not hurt my opponents so much that I suffer even greater harm myself. Nor should I be so foolishly set on winning that I think I control fortune, which I do not rule, as fully as I control my own judgment. Instead, I should give way as far as is reasonable.

2 “I ask the rest of you to do the same as I do. Make these concessions to one another, rather than have your enemies force them on you.

3 “There is nothing shameful in relatives giving way to relatives, whether a Dorian gives way to Dorians or a Chalcidian to his own people. In any case, we are neighbors who share a single country surrounded by the sea, and we all have the same name: Sicilians. We will fight, I suppose, when circumstances lead us to. But we will also settle our differences again on our own, by discussing them together.

4 “If we are sensible, we will always unite to fight off invaders from outside our people. When any one of us is harmed, we are all in danger. In the future we will never bring in outsiders as allies or as mediators.

5 “By doing this, we will not deny Sicily either of two benefits now: freedom from the Athenians and freedom from war among ourselves. In the future we will live in it on our own as a free country, less exposed to plots by others.”

Chapter 65

1 The Sicilians accepted what Hermocrates had said. They agreed among themselves to end the war, with each side keeping what it held. Camarina was to have Morgantina in return for paying Syracuse a fixed sum of money.

2 The allies of the Athenians called in the Athenian officials and told them they would make a settlement, and that the truce would include them too. The officials approved. The agreement was made, and afterward the Athenian ships sailed away from Sicily.

3 When the generals returned, the Athenians at home sentenced two of them, Pythodorus and Sophocles, to exile. They fined the third, Eurymedon. The charge was that they could have conquered Sicily but had taken bribes to withdraw.

4 Their success at the time made the Athenians think nothing should stand in their way. They thought they could achieve both easy and more difficult goals equally well, whether their preparations were extensive or inadequate. The reason was that most of their successes had exceeded reasonable expectations, making their hopes grow stronger.

Chapter 66

1 During the same summer, the Megarians in the city were under pressure from two sides. The Athenians were waging war against them and regularly invaded their land twice a year with their whole army. Their own exiles at Pegae were also causing serious trouble through raids. These men had been driven out by the people during civil strife. The Megarians began discussing among themselves whether they should take the exiles back, rather than let the city be ruined from both sides.

2 The friends of the exiles heard about this talk. They too began arguing, more openly than before, that this proposal should be followed.

3 The leaders of the people realized that these hardships would make it impossible for the people to keep supporting them. In fear, they began talks with the Athenian generals, Hippocrates son of Ariphron and Demosthenes son of Alcisthenes. They wanted to hand over the city. They thought this would be less dangerous for them than the return of the men they had expelled. First they agreed that the Athenians should capture the Long Walls. These ran for about eight stades from the city to Nisaea, its harbor. This would stop the Peloponnesians from coming to help from Nisaea, where they alone provided the garrison to keep Megara securely under their control. Then the leaders would try to hand over the upper city as well. Once the walls were taken, the city would be more likely to come over.

Chapter 67

1 Once both sides had settled the arrangements and made their practical preparations, the Athenians sailed after dark to Minoa, the Megarians' island. They had six hundred hoplites commanded by Hippocrates. These men took up a position in a pit from which clay had been dug to make bricks for the walls. It was not far from the walls.

2 The lightly armed Plataeans and other patrol troops with Demosthenes, the other general, hid in ambush at the sanctuary of Enyalius, which was even closer. No one knew about their presence that night except the men who needed to know.

3 Just before dawn, the Megarians who were betraying the city put the following plan into action. For a long time they had arranged for the gates to be opened as part of this routine. With the commander's permission, they would take a small boat with oars on both sides down through the ditch on a cart at night, launch it, and sail out as raiders. Before daylight they would bring it back on the cart and take it through the gates into the walls. Their purpose was to keep their patrols hidden from the Athenians on Minoa, since no boat would be visible in the harbor.

4 Now the cart was already at the gates. When these were opened as usual for the boat, the Athenians saw it and ran from their hiding places. This was the agreed signal. They wanted to get there before the gates were closed again, while the cart was still in the gateway and prevented them from being shut. At the same time, the Megarians working with them killed the guards at the gates.

5 The Plataeans and patrol troops with Demosthenes were the first to run in, at the spot where the victory monument now stands. The Peloponnesians nearest to them had noticed what was happening. Fighting just inside the gates, the Plataeans defeated those who came to help and secured the gates for the Athenian hoplites advancing behind them.

Chapter 68

1 After this, each group of Athenians that came inside moved onto the wall.

2 At first a few of the Peloponnesian guards stood their ground and fought back. Some were killed. Most of them, however, fled. They were frightened by the enemy's sudden night attack and by the Megarian traitors fighting against them. They thought all the Megarians had betrayed them.

3 As it happened, the Athenian herald had also announced, on his own initiative, that any Megarian who wanted to could come and take his place under arms with the Athenians. When the guards heard this, they did not wait any longer. Convinced that the whole population was attacking them, they took refuge in Nisaea.

4 At dawn the walls had already been captured, and the Megarians inside the city were in confusion. The men who had negotiated with the Athenians, together with a large number of others who knew about the plan, said they should open the gates and go out to fight.

5 They had agreed that the Athenians would rush in as soon as the gates were opened. They themselves would be easy to recognize, because they would cover themselves with oil, so that they would not be harmed. Opening the gates was now safer for them. The four thousand Athenian hoplites and six hundred cavalry from Eleusis had also arrived as agreed, after marching through the night.

6 They had already oiled themselves and were near the gates when someone who knew about the plot revealed it to the other side. These men gathered in a body and came up. They said there must be no attack outside the walls. They had never dared to do that before, even when they were stronger. Nor should they put the city in obvious danger. If anyone refused to listen, the fighting would take place right there. They gave no sign that they knew about the plot. They simply insisted that their advice was best, and stayed on guard at the gates. As a result, the plotters could not carry out their plan.

Chapter 69

1 The Athenian generals realized that something had gone wrong and that they could not take the city by force. They immediately began building a wall around Nisaea. They thought that, if they captured it before any reinforcements arrived,

2 Megara too would surrender sooner. Iron tools, stonemasons, and the other things they needed arrived quickly from Athens. They started from the wall they held and built a cross-wall on the side facing Megara. From there the army divided up the work of digging a ditch and building walls down to the sea on either side of Nisaea. They used stones and bricks from the suburb. They cut down trees and brushwood to make palisades wherever these were needed. The houses in the suburb themselves served as defenses once battlements had been added.

3 They worked for the whole of that day. By late afternoon the next day the wall was almost complete. Those inside Nisaea were frightened. They had no supply of food, since they had been getting it each day from the upper city. They did not think the Peloponnesians would come to help quickly, and they regarded the Megarians as enemies. So they agreed with the Athenians to hand over their weapons and be released, each man paying a fixed sum. The Athenians could do whatever they wanted with the Lacedaemonians—the commander and any others who were there.

4 They accepted these terms and came out. The Athenians broke the connection between the Long Walls and the city of Megara, took possession of Nisaea, and made their other preparations.

Chapter 70

1 At this time Brasidas son of Tellis, a Lacedaemonian, happened to be near Sicyon and Corinth preparing an expedition to the Thracian coast. When he learned that the walls had been taken, he feared for the Peloponnesians in Nisaea and worried that Megara might be captured. He sent word to the Boeotians, telling them to meet him quickly with an army at Tripodiscus. This was a village in Megarian territory below Mount Geraneia. He himself went there with two thousand seven hundred Corinthian hoplites, four hundred from Phlius, six hundred from Sicyon, and as many of his own troops as had already assembled. He thought he would reach Nisaea before it was taken.

2 He arrived at Tripodiscus at night and learned that Nisaea had fallen. Before his presence became known, he chose three hundred men from the army and approached the city of Megara. The Athenians, who were near the sea, did not notice him. His stated purpose was to make an attempt on Nisaea, and he meant to do so in practice as well if he could. But his main aim was to enter Megara and secure it. He asked the Megarians to let his men in, saying he hoped to recover Nisaea.

Chapter 71

1 The two factions at Megara were afraid. One feared that Brasidas would bring back the exiles and expel them. The other feared that the people, alarmed at that very prospect, would attack them. The city might then be destroyed by fighting within it, with the Athenians waiting close by. So they did not admit him. Both sides thought they should stay quiet and wait to see what happened.

2 Both expected a battle between the Athenians and the army that had come to help. They thought it would be safer to join the side they favored once it had won. When Brasidas failed to persuade them, he returned to the rest of his army.

Chapter 72

1 The Boeotians arrived at dawn. Even before Brasidas sent his message, they had decided to help Megara, since the danger concerned them too. Their whole army was already at Plataea. When the messenger arrived, they were all the more determined. They sent two thousand two hundred hoplites and six hundred cavalry, and went home with the rest.

2 The whole force had now assembled, with no fewer than six thousand hoplites. The Athenian hoplites were drawn up near Nisaea and the sea, but their lightly armed troops were scattered across the plain. The Boeotian cavalry fell on these troops unexpectedly and drove them toward the sea. Until then, no reinforcements had come to the Megarians from anywhere.

3 The Athenian cavalry rode out to meet them and joined the fight. A long cavalry battle followed, in which each side claims it did no worse than the other.

4 The Athenians killed the Boeotian cavalry commander and a few others who rode right up to Nisaea, and stripped their bodies. They kept control of these bodies, returned them under a truce, and set up a victory monument. But neither side had gained a clear advantage in the battle as a whole when they separated. The Boeotians went back to their own army and the Athenians to Nisaea.

Chapter 73

1 After this, Brasidas and his army moved closer to the sea and the city of Megara. They took up a suitable position, formed their battle line, and waited. They expected the Athenians to attack them and knew that the Megarians were waiting to see which side won.

2 They thought this served them well in both respects. They would not attack first or willingly start a dangerous battle. But since they had openly shown their readiness to defend themselves, they could fairly count the result as a victory without a fight. At the same time, this would work in their favor with the Megarians too.

3 If they had not been seen coming to help, the outcome would not even have been uncertain. They would clearly have lost the city at once, just as if they had been defeated. As things stood, the Athenians might choose not to fight, and they would then achieve what they had come for without a battle. This was what happened.

4 The Athenians came out and formed their line beside the Long Walls. They too waited, since the other side was not attacking. Their generals calculated that the risks were not equal. They had already achieved most of their aims. If they started a battle against a larger army, victory would give them Megara, but defeat would mean losses among the best of their hoplite force. For their opponents, by contrast, each contingent represented only part of their total forces and even of the army present. It was reasonable for them to be willing to take the risk. Both sides waited for a time, and neither made a move. Then the Athenians withdrew first to Nisaea, and afterward the Peloponnesians went back to where they had started. The Megarian friends of the exiles now felt more confident, treating Brasidas as the winner since the Athenians were no longer willing to fight. They opened the gates to Brasidas himself and the commanders from the various cities. After admitting them, they began discussions. By now the men who had negotiated with the Athenians were terrified.

Chapter 74

1 Later, after the allies had dispersed to their own cities, Brasidas himself returned to Corinth. He continued preparing the expedition to the Thracian coast that he had originally set out to make.

2 The Athenians also went home. Of the Megarians inside the city, those who had been most involved in the dealings with Athens knew they had been discovered and immediately slipped away. The others discussed matters with the friends of the exiles and brought back the men from Pegae. They required them to swear binding oaths that they would not take revenge for the past, but would make the best decisions for the city.

3 But once the returning exiles held office, they held a review of the men under arms. They separated the companies and picked out about a hundred men from among their enemies and those thought to have been most involved in the dealings with Athens. They forced the people to vote openly on these men. Once they had been condemned, they killed them and made the city's government a very narrow oligarchy.

4 This change of government, brought about through civil strife by a very small group, lasted an exceptionally long time.

Chapter 75

1 During the same summer the Mytilenaeans were about to fortify Antandrus, as they had planned. The Athenian generals commanding the ships that collected money, Demodocus and Aristides, were near the Hellespont. Their third colleague, Lamachus, had sailed into the Black Sea with ten ships. When the first two learned about the preparations at Antandrus, they were alarmed. They feared it might become another Anaea, the base opposite Samos. Samian exiles had settled there and helped the Peloponnesians with their navy by sending them helmsmen. They also caused trouble among the Samians in the city and took in those who left it. So the generals gathered an army from the allies and sailed to Antandrus. They defeated the troops who came out to fight them and recaptured the place.

2 Not long afterward Lamachus, who had sailed into the Black Sea, lost his ships after anchoring in the river Cales in the territory of Heraclea. Rain fell upstream, and the resulting flood swept down without warning. He and his army traveled on foot through the territory of the Bithynian Thracians, who live on the Asian side of the sea. They reached Chalcedon, a Megarian colony at the entrance to the Black Sea.

Chapter 76

1 During the same summer, immediately after withdrawing from Megarian territory, the Athenian general Demosthenes arrived at Naupactus with forty ships.

2 Some men in the Boeotian cities were working with him and Hippocrates on a plan for Boeotia. They wanted to change the existing system and introduce democracy, as at Athens. Mainly at the suggestion of Ptoeodorus, an exile from Thebes, they made the following arrangements.

3 Some men were going to betray Siphae, a coastal town in the territory of Thespiae on the Crisaean Gulf. Others from Orchomenus were offering to hand over Chaeronea, which was under the authority of Orchomenus. Orchomenus had formerly been called Minyan and was now called Boeotian. The Orchomenian exiles were particularly active in the scheme and were hiring men from the Peloponnese. Chaeronea lies at the edge of Boeotia, next to the district of Phanotis in Phocis. Some Phocians were involved as well.

4 The Athenians were to seize Delium, the sanctuary of Apollo in the territory of Tanagra facing Euboea. All these actions were to take place at the same time on a fixed day. This would prevent the Boeotians from gathering their whole force to defend Delium. Instead, each would have to deal with unrest at home.

5 They hoped that if the attempt succeeded and Delium was fortified, it would be easy to bring affairs in Boeotia around to their advantage. Even if there was no immediate change in the Boeotian governments, things would not stay as they were. These places would be occupied, the land would be raided, and each group would have a refuge close by. In time, the Athenians would come to help the rebels, while their opponents would be unable to unite their forces.

Chapter 77

1 These were the preparations for the plot. Hippocrates intended to march into Boeotia with a force from Athens when the time came. He sent Demosthenes ahead with the forty ships to Naupactus. Demosthenes was to gather an army of Acarnanians and the other allies from that area and sail to Siphae, which was to be handed over. They had fixed a day on which these actions were to take place together.

2 When Demosthenes arrived, he found that all the other Acarnanians had forced Oeniadae to join the Athenian alliance. He himself called up the entire allied force in the area. First he campaigned against Salynthius and the Agraeans and won them over. Then he made the rest of his preparations, ready to reach Siphae when the time came.

Chapter 78

1 At about the same time that summer, Brasidas was marching toward the Thracian coast with seventeen hundred hoplites. He reached Heraclea in Trachis and sent a messenger ahead to his friends at Pharsalus, asking them to guide him and his army through. Panaerus, Dorus, Hippolochidas, Torylaus, and Strophacus, who represented the interests of the Chalcidians, came to Melitaea in Achaea. Only then did he continue his march.

2 Other Thessalians also guided him, including Niconidas from Larisa, a friend of Perdiccas. It was not easy to pass through Thessaly without a guide in any circumstances, and certainly not with an armed force. Throughout Greece, passing through a neighbor's territory without permission was regarded with suspicion. Besides, the mass of the Thessalian people had always been friendly to the Athenians.

3 If Thessaly had been governed under equal laws rather than by powerful families, he would never have got through. Even as things were, some men who opposed his guides met him at the river Enipeus during his march and tried to stop him. They said he was acting wrongly by passing through without the consent of the whole community.

4 His guides said they would not take him through against the Thessalians' wishes. He had arrived unexpectedly, and they were escorting him as his friends. Brasidas himself also said that he was passing through as a friend of Thessaly and its people. He was taking his army against the Athenians, who were his enemies, not against the Thessalians. He knew of no hostility between the Thessalians and Lacedaemonians that should prevent either from using the other's land. He would not go on now against their wishes—indeed, he could not—but he thought he should not be stopped.

5 After hearing this, the men went away. At his guides' urging, Brasidas pressed on at speed without delay, before a larger force could gather to stop him. On the very day he left Melitaea he reached Pharsalus and camped by the river Apidanus. From there he went to Phacium and then into Perrhaebia.

6 At this point his Thessalian guides went home. The Perrhaebians, who were subjects of the Thessalians, took him to Dium in Perdiccas' kingdom. This small Macedonian town lies below Olympus, on the side facing Thessaly.

Chapter 79

1 In this way Brasidas hurried through Thessaly before anyone could prepare to stop him. He reached Perdiccas and Chalcidice.

2 Perdiccas and those in the Thracian region who had rebelled against Athens had brought the army out of the Peloponnese. They were alarmed by the Athenians' success. The Chalcidians thought the Athenians would attack them first. Their neighboring cities that had not rebelled also secretly helped bring the army there. Perdiccas was not openly at war with Athens. But he too was afraid because of his old disputes with the Athenians. Above all, he wanted to bring Arrhabaeus, king of the Lyncestians, under his control.

3 The Lacedaemonians' difficulties at the time made it easier for them to bring an army out of the Peloponnese.

Chapter 80

1 The Athenians were pressing hard on the Peloponnese, especially on Lacedaemonian territory. The Lacedaemonians thought their best hope of drawing them away was to send an army against their allies and cause trouble in return. This was especially promising because the allies were ready to support the army and were calling for their help in rebelling.

2 They also wanted an excuse to send some of the Helots away. They feared that, with Pylos occupied, the Helots might take advantage of the present situation to revolt.

3 Fear of the Helots' defiance and their numbers had also led them to do the following. Most Lacedaemonian policies had always been mainly concerned with guarding against the Helots. They announced that any Helots who thought they had served them best in the wars should present themselves for selection, with the promise of freedom. This was a test. They believed that those whose pride led them to claim that they deserved to be freed before anyone else would also be the most likely to attack them.

4 They selected about two thousand. These men put on wreaths and went around the sanctuaries as freed men. Not long afterward, the Lacedaemonians made them disappear. No one knew how each of them was killed.

5 So on this occasion they gladly sent seven hundred Helot hoplites with Brasidas. He recruited the rest of his men in the Peloponnese with an offer of pay and led them out.

Chapter 81

1 Brasidas himself was very eager to go, and the Lacedaemonians sent him. The Chalcidians were also keen to have him. In Sparta he was thought to be energetic in everything he did. Once he went abroad, he proved extremely valuable to the Lacedaemonians.

2 For the immediate future, his fair and reasonable treatment of the cities brought most of them over in revolt. He captured some places through betrayal. This gave the Lacedaemonians places to exchange for the recovery of their own when they wanted a settlement, as they later did. It also gave the Peloponnese relief from the war. Later, in the war that followed the events in Sicily, the courage and good judgment Brasidas showed at this time did more than anything else to make Athens' allies eager to turn to the Lacedaemonians. Some had experienced these qualities themselves; others believed what they had heard about them.

3 He was the first to go abroad, and he was thought to be a good man in every way. He left behind a firm expectation that the others were like him too.

Chapter 82

1 At this time, then, when the Athenians heard of his arrival in the Thracian region, they declared Perdiccas an enemy. They thought he was responsible for Brasidas' passage. They also increased their watch over their allies in that region.

Chapter 83

1 Perdiccas immediately took Brasidas and his army, together with his own forces, on a campaign against his neighbor Arrhabaeus, son of Bromerus and king of the Lyncestian Macedonians. He had a dispute with him and wanted to conquer him.

2 But when Perdiccas and Brasidas reached the entrance to Lyncus with the army, Brasidas said he wanted to approach Arrhabaeus first and talk to him before going to war. He hoped to make him an ally of the Lacedaemonians if he could.

3 Arrhabaeus had also made some approaches through heralds. He was ready to submit the dispute to Brasidas as a neutral judge. The Chalcidian envoys who were there also urged Brasidas not to remove Perdiccas' troubles for him. They wanted Perdiccas to be more eager to help with their own affairs as well.

4 Besides, Perdiccas' representatives at Lacedaemon had said something to the effect that he would make many of the places around him their allies. For this reason, Brasidas thought it right to deal with Arrhabaeus in the common interest rather than in Perdiccas' alone.

5 Perdiccas said he had not brought Brasidas to judge his disputes, but to destroy whichever enemies he pointed out. Brasidas would be treating him unfairly if he met with Arrhabaeus while Perdiccas was supporting half the army.

6 Despite Perdiccas' opposition and the disagreement between them, Brasidas met Arrhabaeus. What Arrhabaeus said persuaded him, and he took the army away before it invaded the country. After this, Perdiccas paid for a third of the army's supplies instead of half, because he thought he had been treated unfairly.

Chapter 84

1 Still in the same summer, Brasidas immediately marched against Acanthus, a colony of Andros. He had Chalcidian troops with him. It was shortly before the grape harvest.

2 The people of Acanthus were divided over whether to admit him. Those working with the Chalcidians to bring him in were opposed by the people. But their crops were still outside the walls, and the majority feared for them. Brasidas persuaded them to let him in alone and hear him before deciding. They admitted him, and he addressed the people as follows. For a Lacedaemonian, he was not a bad speaker.

Chapter 85

1 “People of Acanthus, the Lacedaemonians have sent me and this army to carry out the reason we gave at the start of the war. We said we would fight the Athenians to free Hellas.

2 “Do not blame us if we have been slow to arrive. We were mistaken about the war back home. We hoped to defeat the Athenians quickly on our own, without exposing you to danger. Now that we have had the chance, we have come here and will try to defeat them with your help too.

3 “But I am surprised that you have shut your gates against me, and that my arrival may not be welcome to you.

4 “We Lacedaemonians thought we were coming to people who were already our allies in spirit, even before we actually arrived, and who would welcome us. That is why we took this great risk, traveling for many days through foreign country and putting all our energy into it.

5 “It would be a terrible thing if you have something else in mind, or if you intend to oppose your own freedom and that of the other Greeks.

6 “It is not just that you yourselves are resisting. People in the other places I approach will be less likely to join me. They will be troubled that you, the first people I came to, did not accept me, although your city is important and you are thought to be sensible. I will have no convincing explanation to offer. People will think either that the freedom I offer is unjust, or that I have arrived too weak and powerless to protect you against the Athenians if they attack.

7 “Yet when [I] brought this army I now command to help Nisaea, the Athenians refused to fight us, although they had more men. So they are not likely to send an army by sea against you as large as the one they had at Nisaea.

Chapter 86

1 “I have come not to harm the Greeks but to free them. I have bound the Lacedaemonian authorities by the most solemn oaths that any allies I bring over will govern themselves. At the same time, we do not mean to force or trick you into becoming our allies. Just the opposite: we mean to be your allies against the Athenians who have enslaved you.

2 “So, since I give you the strongest assurances, I ask you not to suspect me or think me powerless to protect you. I ask you to join us with confidence.

3 “If anyone is holding back because of some private fear that I might hand the city over to a particular group, he should feel more confident than anyone.

4 “I have not come to take sides in civil strife. Nor would I think I was bringing genuine freedom if I set aside your traditional arrangements and enslaved the majority to the few, or the minority to the whole people.

5 “That would be harder to bear than foreign rule. We Lacedaemonians would receive no thanks for our efforts. Instead of honor and a good reputation, we would get blame. We would plainly be earning the very accusations on which we base our war against the Athenians. And we would be hated more for them than someone who had made no claim to good conduct.

6 “For people with a reputation to maintain, taking advantage through deception that looks respectable is more shameful than doing so by open force. The use of force rests on a claim to the strength that chance has given; deception rests on a deliberately dishonest scheme.

Chapter 87

1 “That is how carefully we look after our most important interests. Apart from the oaths, you could have no stronger assurance than this: compare our actions with our words, and you must conclude that it is also in our interest to act as I have said.

2 “But suppose that, despite these assurances, you say you cannot join us. Suppose you claim to be friendly and ask to be left alone without suffering harm. You may say that freedom seems dangerous to you, that it is right to offer it only to those who can accept it, and that no one should be forced to take it against their will. In that case, I will call the local gods and heroes to witness that I have come to help you but cannot persuade you. Then I will try to force you by laying waste your land.

3 “I will not think that I am then acting unjustly. I will think I also have reasonable grounds because of two needs. First, if you do not join us, the Lacedaemonians must not be harmed by the money you send the Athenians, despite your goodwill toward us. Second, you must not stop the Greeks from escaping slavery.

4 “Otherwise we would have no reasonable grounds for doing this. We Lacedaemonians have no right to free people against their will except for some common good.

5 “Nor are we seeking an empire. Instead, we are working to end the empire of others. We would wrong the greater number if, while offering everyone self-government, we let you stand in the way.

6 “Think carefully about this. Try to be the first to begin the Greeks' freedom and win a reputation that lasts forever. At the same time, keep your own property safe and give your whole city the finest possible name.”

Chapter 88

1 That was what Brasidas said. After much discussion on both sides, the Acanthians voted in secret. Brasidas' persuasive speech and fear for their crops led the majority to decide to rebel against the Athenians. They made him pledge himself to the oaths the Lacedaemonian authorities had sworn before sending him out: any allies he brought over would govern themselves. Only then did they admit the army.

2 Not long afterward, Stagirus, another colony of Andros, joined the revolt. These were the events of that summer.

Chapter 89

1 At the very beginning of the following winter, the plans to hand places in Boeotia over to the Athenian generals Hippocrates and Demosthenes were going ahead. Demosthenes was to arrive at Siphae with the ships, and Hippocrates at Delium. But there was a mistake over the days on which the two were to campaign. Demosthenes sailed to Siphae too early, with Acarnanians and many of the allies from that region on board his ships. He achieved nothing because Nicomachus, a Phocian from Phanoteus, had revealed the plot. He had told the Lacedaemonians, and they had told the Boeotians.

2 All the Boeotians came to help, since Hippocrates had not yet entered their country to cause trouble. They occupied Siphae and Chaeronea before the Athenians could reach them. When the conspirators realized the mistake, they made no move in the cities.

Chapter 90

1 Hippocrates called out the whole Athenian population: citizens, resident foreigners, and any other foreigners who were there. He reached Delium later, after the Boeotians had already withdrawn from Siphae. He encamped his army and fortified Delium [the sanctuary of Apollo] in the following way.

2 They dug a ditch in a circle around the sanctuary and the temple. They piled the excavated earth into a wall, driving stakes in alongside it. They cut down the vines around the sanctuary and threw them in, along with stones and bricks from nearby houses they pulled down. They used every possible means to raise the defenses. They also put up wooden towers wherever these were useful and there was no sanctuary building already standing. The colonnade that had once been there had fallen down.

3 Counting from their departure from home, they started work on the third day. They worked that day, the fourth day, and until lunchtime on the fifth.

4 Then, when most of the work was finished, the army moved ahead about ten stades from Delium on its way home. Most of the light troops went straight on, but the hoplites halted and rested with their weapons grounded. Hippocrates stayed behind to organize the guards and finish whatever work on the outer defenses still needed doing.

Chapter 91

1 During these days the Boeotians were gathering at Tanagra. Once the troops from all the cities were there, they learned that the Athenians were moving homeward. The other Boeotarchs did not agree to fight, since the Athenians were no longer in Boeotia. There are eleven Boeotarchs in all. The Athenians had in fact halted near the borders of the territory of Oropus. But Pagondas, son of Aeoladas, wanted to fight and thought it better to take the risk. He was a Boeotarch for Thebes along with Arianthides, son of Lysimachides, and it was his turn to command. He called the men over company by company, so that they would not all leave their weapons at once. He urged the Boeotians to advance against the Athenians and fight, speaking as follows.

Chapter 92

1 “Men of Boeotia, none of us commanders should even have considered it wrong to fight the Athenians if we happened to catch them outside Boeotia. They have come from the neighboring country and built a fort inside Boeotia, and they intend to destroy our country. They are surely our enemies wherever we catch them, and in the place they came from to attack us.

2 “If anyone thought it safer not to fight, let him change his mind now. Someone whose own country is being attacked cannot take the same cautious approach as someone whose possessions are safe and who chooses to attack another country because he wants more.

3 “It is your tradition to resist an invading foreign army, whether it is in your own country or in your neighbors' territory. This is all the more necessary with the Athenians, who are also our immediate neighbors.

4 “For everyone, freedom from neighboring cities depends on equal strength. And these people try to enslave not only those nearby but also those far away. How can we fail to fight them with every effort? We have examples in the Euboeans across the water and most of the rest of Hellas: we can see how they stand in relation to Athens. We must recognize this difference. Other peoples fight their neighbors over the boundaries of their land. But if we are defeated, one boundary will be fixed for our entire country, and we will have no say about it.

5 “They will force their way in and hold what is ours. That is how much more dangerous they are to live beside than other people. Those who attack their neighbors with the confidence of superior strength, as the Athenians do now, generally feel less fear about invading someone who stays quiet and defends himself only on his own land. They are less ready to try to dominate someone who goes beyond his borders to meet them and, when the opportunity comes, starts the war himself.

6 “We have had experience of this with these very people. When they occupied our country during our civil strife, we defeated them at Coronea. That victory has given Boeotia great security right up to the present.

7 “We must remember this. The older men must match their earlier achievements. The younger men, whose fathers proved brave on that occasion, must try not to disgrace their families' courage. We must trust that the god will be on our side: they have fortified his sanctuary against sacred law and are occupying it. We must also trust the favorable signs we see in the sacrifices we have offered. Let us advance against these men and show them this: when they attack people who will not resist, they may gain what they want. But they will not get away without a fight from men whose pride is always to keep their own country free in battle and not to enslave the country of others unjustly.”

Chapter 93

1 With this encouragement, Pagondas persuaded the Boeotians to advance against the Athenians. He quickly got the army moving, since it was already late in the day. When he came close to the Athenian army, he halted in a position where a hill between them kept the two armies from seeing each other. He then arranged his forces and prepared for battle.

2 When Hippocrates, who was at Delium, received word that the Boeotians were advancing, he sent orders to the army to form up. He joined it himself not long afterward. He left about three hundred cavalry at Delium, both to guard it if anyone attacked and to watch for a chance to attack the Boeotians during the battle.

3 The Boeotians stationed troops to oppose these cavalry. When their arrangements were complete, they appeared over the hill and halted with their weapons grounded, in the formation they intended to fight in. They had about seven thousand hoplites, over ten thousand light troops, a thousand cavalry, and five hundred peltasts.

4 The Thebans and those who shared their district held the right wing. In the center were the Haliartians, Coronaeans, Copaeans, and the others who lived around the lake. The Thespians, Tanagraeans, and Orchomenians held the left wing. Cavalry and light troops were stationed on each wing. The Thebans formed up twenty-five shields deep. The others used whatever depth suited each contingent.

5 These were the Boeotians' forces and their arrangement.

Chapter 94

1 The Athenian hoplites formed up eight deep across the whole army. Their numbers matched those of the enemy hoplites, and they had cavalry on each wing. They had no properly equipped force of light troops there. The city had never organized one. The light troops who had joined the invasion were many times more numerous than the enemy's. Many men had followed without weapons, since there had been a general mobilization of citizens and foreigners who were present. But they had been the first to start for home, so only a few were there for the battle.

2 When they had taken their positions and were about to engage, Hippocrates, the general, went along the Athenian lines encouraging the men. He spoke as follows.

Chapter 95

1 “Athenians, my words of encouragement will be brief. But for brave men they are just as effective as a longer speech. They are more a reminder than an order.

2 “None of you should think that we are taking this great risk in a foreign country for no good reason. We will be fighting on their land to defend our own. If we win, the Peloponnesians will never invade your country without the cavalry of these men. In a single battle you can win this country and make your own more securely free.

3 “So advance against them in a way worthy of our city, which each of you is proud to call his home, the foremost city among the Greeks. Be worthy too of your fathers, who defeated these men in battle with Myronides at Oenophyta and once held Boeotia.”

Chapter 96

1 Hippocrates was still giving this encouragement. He had gone only halfway along the army and had no time to reach the rest. Pagondas had also spoken a few quick words of encouragement to his men on the spot. The Boeotians sang their battle hymn and advanced down the hill. The Athenians advanced to meet them and charged into contact at a run.

2 The outermost troops of both armies did not come to blows. Both had the same problem: streams blocked their way. The rest were locked in fierce fighting, pushing shield against shield.

3 The Athenians were defeating the Boeotian left wing and the troops as far as the center. They pressed hard on the troops there, especially the Thespians. The men stationed alongside the Thespians had withdrawn, leaving them surrounded in a small space. Those Thespians who died were cut down while resisting hand to hand. Some Athenians also became confused as they encircled the enemy, failed to recognize one another, and killed each other.

4 The Boeotians on this side were defeated and fled toward the part of their army that was still fighting. But their right wing, where the Thebans were, was beating the Athenians. They pushed them back, slowly at first, and followed them up.

5 Because their left wing was in trouble, Pagondas had sent two cavalry units out of sight around the hill. When they suddenly appeared, the victorious Athenian wing panicked, thinking that another army was coming against it.

6 Both wings now gave way. This alarm, together with the Thebans' pursuit and their breaking through the Athenian line, put the whole Athenian army to flight.

7 Some fled toward Delium and the sea, others toward Oropus, and others toward Mount Parnes. The rest went wherever each thought he had some hope of safety.

8 The Boeotians pursued and killed them. The cavalry did the most killing, both the Boeotians' own and the Locrians who had arrived to help just as the rout began. But night fell during the pursuit, making it easier for most of the fleeing men to escape.

9 The next day, those at Oropus and those at Delium went home by sea. They left a garrison at Delium, which they still held despite the defeat.

Chapter 97

1 The Boeotians set up a victory trophy, recovered their own dead, and stripped the enemy dead. They left a guard and withdrew to Tanagra, where they planned an attack on Delium.

2 An Athenian herald on his way to arrange the recovery of the dead met a Boeotian herald. The Boeotian turned him back, saying he would achieve nothing until the Boeotian himself had returned. Then he went before the Athenians and delivered the Boeotians' message. They said the Athenians had acted wrongly by breaking the established customs of the Greeks.

3 It was the rule for everyone invading another people's country to leave its sanctuaries untouched. But the Athenians had fortified Delium and were living in it. Everything people did on ordinary, unconsecrated ground was going on there. They were even drawing water for their own use that the Boeotians were forbidden to touch except to wash their hands for sacrifices.

4 So, on behalf of the god and themselves, the Boeotians called on the divine powers who shared the altar, and on Apollo, and ordered the Athenians to leave the sanctuary and take away what belonged to them.

Chapter 98

1 After the herald had said this, the Athenians sent a herald of their own to the Boeotians. They said they had done no wrong to the sanctuary and would not deliberately damage it in the future. They had not entered it for that purpose in the first place. They wanted to use it as a base from which to defend themselves against those who were wronging them.

2 The custom among the Greeks, they said, was that whoever controlled a piece of land, large or small, also took possession of its sanctuaries. They cared for these with whatever observances they could manage in addition to the customary ones.

3 The Boeotians themselves, like most other peoples who had driven someone out by force and occupied their land, had first taken over sanctuaries belonging to others. They now owned them as their own.

4 If the Athenians themselves had been able to conquer more of Boeotian territory, they would have kept it. As things stood, they would not willingly leave the part they occupied, because they regarded it as their own.

5 They had drawn the water out of necessity. They had not brought this necessity on themselves through reckless aggression. The Boeotians had invaded their land first, and in defending themselves they were forced to use it.

6 It was only reasonable to expect even the god to forgive anything done under the pressure of war or some terrible danger. Altars were, after all, a refuge for people who had done wrong unintentionally. The charge of breaking sacred law applied to those who did evil without being forced to, not to those whom misfortune drove to take such risks.

7 The Boeotians were acting far more irreverently by demanding the sanctuaries in exchange for returning the dead than the Athenians were by refusing to use sacred places to recover what was due to them.

8 They asked the Boeotians to give them a clear answer about recovering their dead under a truce, as ancestral custom allowed. This was not a request made on condition that they leave Boeotian land. They were no longer on land belonging to the Boeotians, but on land they had won by force of arms.

Chapter 99

1 The Boeotians replied that if the Athenians were in Boeotia, they should leave Boeotian land and take away what was theirs. If they were on their own land, they could decide for themselves what to do. Their reasoning was that the territory of Oropus belonged to Athens as a dependency. The dead were lying there because the battle had taken place on the border, but the Athenians could not recover them by force against the Boeotians' will. On the other hand, the Boeotians did not intend to grant a truce for land supposedly belonging to the Athenians. They thought it more respectable to answer, “Leave our land and recover what you are asking for.” The Athenian herald heard this and left without achieving anything.

Chapter 100

1 The Boeotians immediately sent for javelin throwers and slingers from the Malian Gulf. Two thousand Corinthian hoplites had also come to help them after the battle, along with the Peloponnesian garrison troops who had left Nisaea and some Megarians. With these forces they marched against Delium and attacked the fort. They tried other methods as well, but brought up the following machine, which captured it.

2 They sawed a large beam in half, hollowed it out along its whole length, and fitted the halves back together closely to make a tube. At its far end they hung a cauldron on chains. An iron nozzle ran down from the beam and pointed into the cauldron. A considerable length of the rest of the wood was also covered in iron.

3 They brought it up from a distance on wagons toward the part of the wall built mostly of vine branches and timber. When it was close, they fitted large bellows into the end of the beam nearest them and pumped them.

4 The air passed through the airtight tube into the cauldron, which held burning charcoal, sulfur, and pitch. It produced a great flame and set fire to the wall. No one could stay on it any longer. The defenders abandoned it and fled, and this was how the fort was captured.

5 Some of the garrison were killed, and two hundred were taken prisoner. Most of the rest boarded the ships and were carried home.

Chapter 101

1 Delium was captured on the seventeenth day after the battle. Not long afterward the Athenian herald came back again about the dead, unaware of what had happened. The Boeotians returned them and no longer gave the same answer.

2 Slightly fewer than five hundred Boeotians died in the battle. The Athenian dead numbered slightly fewer than a thousand, including the general Hippocrates. Large numbers of light troops and baggage carriers also died.

3 A little after this battle, Demosthenes also made a landing in Sicyonian territory. When he had sailed to Siphae earlier, the plan to have it betrayed to him had failed. He still had his army aboard the ships: Acarnanians, Agraeans, and four hundred Athenian hoplites.

4 Before all the ships had arrived, the Sicyonians came to meet the attack. They routed those who had landed and chased them back to the ships, killing some and capturing others alive. They set up a victory monument and returned the dead under a truce.

5 Around the same time as the events at Delium, Sitalces, king of the Odrysians, also died. He had marched against the Triballians and been defeated in battle. His nephew Seuthes, son of Sparadocus, became king of the Odrysians and of the rest of the Thracian territory Sitalces had ruled.

Chapter 102

1 That same winter, Brasidas took his allies in Thrace and marched against Amphipolis, the Athenian colony on the Strymon River.

2 Aristagoras of Miletus had earlier tried to settle the site where the city now stands while fleeing from King Darius. But the Edonians drove him out. Thirty-two years later the Athenians tried as well. They sent ten thousand settlers, including their own citizens and anyone else who wished to go. The Thracians destroyed them at Drabescus.

3 In the twenty-ninth year after that, the Athenians came again. They sent Hagnon, son of Nicias, to found the colony. They drove out the Edonians and settled this site, which had previously been called Nine Roads.

4 They used Eion as their base. They held this trading port on the coast at the river's mouth, twenty-five stades from the present city. Hagnon named the city Amphipolis because the Strymon flowed around it on both sides [because it enclosed it]. He blocked off the space with a long wall running from one part of the river to the other, and founded the city on a site clearly visible from both the sea and the mainland.

Chapter 103

1 Brasidas set out against Amphipolis with his army from Arnae in Chalcidice. Around evening he reached Aulon and Bormiscus, where Lake Bolbe drains into the sea. After the men had eaten, he continued through the night.

2 The weather was stormy, with a little snow. This made him all the more eager to press on. He wanted to reach Amphipolis without anyone knowing, except those who were betraying it to him.

3 Some Argilians lived in the city—the Argilians were colonists from Andros—and they and others were helping with the plan. Some were acting at Perdiccas' urging, others at that of the Chalcidians.

4 The Argilians were especially active. They lived nearby, had always been distrusted by the Athenians, and had long been plotting against the place. When the opportunity came with Brasidas' arrival, they had already been negotiating for some time with their fellow citizens living in Amphipolis about handing over the city. That night they admitted Brasidas into their own city and broke with Athens. Before dawn they brought his army to the bridge over the river.

5 The city is some distance from the crossing. At that time its walls did not extend down to the bridge as they do now, and only a small guard was posted there. Brasidas easily overpowered it. Betrayal helped him, as did the bad weather and the unexpected attack. He crossed the bridge and immediately took control of the property of the Amphipolitans living outside the walls, throughout the whole district.

Chapter 104

1 The crossing took the people in the city by surprise. Many of those outside were being captured, while others were escaping inside the wall. The Amphipolitans were thrown into great confusion, especially since they also distrusted one another.

2 It is said that Brasidas would probably have taken the city if he had chosen to advance on it immediately instead of allowing his army to turn to plundering.

3 Instead, after overrunning the land outside, he made camp and waited. Events inside were not turning out as he had expected.

4 The opponents of the traitors were strong enough in numbers to prevent the gates from being opened immediately. Together with Eucles, the general who had come from Athens to guard the city, they sent to the other general in Thrace, Thucydides, son of Olorus, who wrote this history. He was near Thasos, an island colonized by the Parians, about half a day's sail from Amphipolis. They asked him to come to their aid.

5 When he heard this, he immediately sailed with the seven ships that happened to be available. His first aim was to reach Amphipolis before it surrendered. Failing that, he wanted to secure Eion before the enemy could take it.

Chapter 105

1 Meanwhile, Brasidas feared the arrival of help by sea from Thasos. He also learned that Thucydides owned the rights to work the gold mines in that part of Thrace, and because of this was one of the most influential men on the mainland. He hurried to secure the city before Thucydides could arrive, if possible. Otherwise the majority of the Amphipolitans might refuse to come over to him. They might hope that Thucydides would gather an allied force by sea and another from Thrace and keep them safe.

2 He therefore offered moderate terms. He proclaimed that any Amphipolitan or Athenian in the city who wished could stay, keeping his property and enjoying equal civic rights. Anyone unwilling to stay could leave within five days, taking his belongings.

Chapter 106

1 When the majority heard this, they began to change their minds. This was all the more so because only a small part of the citizen population was Athenian. Most were of mixed origins, and many of those captured outside had relatives inside. Given their fears, they thought the offer fair. The Athenians would be glad to leave. They thought they faced greater danger than the others and did not expect help to arrive soon. The rest would not lose their city and would keep equal rights, while unexpectedly escaping danger.

2 Those working with Brasidas now argued openly for his terms. They could see that the majority had changed sides and would no longer listen to the Athenian general present. So an agreement was made, and they admitted Brasidas on the terms he had proclaimed.

3 That was how they surrendered the city. Thucydides and his ships sailed into Eion late that same day.

4 Brasidas had only just taken Amphipolis, and Eion escaped capture by only a night's margin. If the ships had not come to its aid quickly, it would have been taken at dawn.

Chapter 107

1 After this, Thucydides organized affairs at Eion so that it would be secure both against an immediate attack by Brasidas and in the future. He also admitted those who chose to move down from Amphipolis under the agreement.

2 Brasidas suddenly sailed down the river against Eion with many boats. He hoped to seize the point projecting from the wall and so control the entrance to the harbor. He also tried an attack by land at the same time. Both attacks were driven back, and he turned to putting affairs at Amphipolis in order.

3 The Edonian city of Myrcinus came over to him after Pittacus, the Edonian king, was killed by the sons of Goaxis and by his own wife, Brauro. Not long afterward Galepsus and Oesyme joined him too. These were colonies of the Thasians. Perdiccas also arrived immediately after the capture of Amphipolis and helped organize these developments.

Chapter 108

1 The capture of Amphipolis greatly alarmed the Athenians. The city was valuable to them for its shipments of shipbuilding timber and its financial income. There was also the problem of access to their allies. With Thessalian guides, the Lacedaemonians could travel as far as the Strymon, but without control of the bridge they could not get farther. Upstream the river formed a large lake stretching a long way, while the approaches toward Eion were guarded by triremes. Now, however, passage had become easy, [they thought]. They also feared that their allies might revolt.

2 Brasidas behaved moderately in other ways too, and everywhere he spoke he declared that he had been sent to free Hellas.

3 The cities subject to Athens heard about the capture of Amphipolis, the terms Brasidas offered, and his mild behavior. This strongly encouraged them to revolt. They secretly sent heralds to him, asking him to come to them. Each wanted to be the first to break away.

4 They thought they could do so safely. They badly underestimated the power Athens later proved to have. Their judgments rested more on uncertain wishes than on sound foresight. People generally hand over what they want to unthinking hope, and dismiss what they dislike with reasoning that accepts no challenge.

5 The Athenians had also recently suffered their defeat in Boeotia. Brasidas made attractive but untrue claims that the Athenians had refused to fight him at Nisaea when he had only his own army with him. This encouraged the cities, and they believed no force would come against them.

6 Most importantly, they were ready to take any risk because of the immediate pleasure of revolt and because this would be their first chance to try it while the Lacedaemonians were eager to help. The Athenians realized this and sent out garrisons to the cities, as far as they could at short notice and in winter. Brasidas sent to Lacedaemon to press for additional troops. He himself began preparing to build triremes on the Strymon.

7 The Lacedaemonians did not meet his request. This was partly because their leading men were jealous of him, and partly because they preferred to recover their men from the island and end the war.

Chapter 109

1 That same winter, the Megarians captured and completely demolished their Long Walls, which the Athenians had held. After taking Amphipolis, Brasidas marched with his allies against the region called Acte.

2 Acte projects out beyond the King's canal. Its high mountain, Athos, ends at the Aegean Sea.

3 Its cities include Sane, a colony of Andros beside the canal itself, facing the sea toward Euboea. The others are Thyssus, Cleonae, Acrothoi, Olophyxus, and Dium.

4 These are inhabited by a mixture of non-Greek peoples who speak two languages. There is also a small Chalcidian population. Most are Pelasgians, descended from the Tyrrhenians who once lived in Lemnos and Athens. There are also Bisaltians, Crestonians, and Edonians. They live in small towns.

5 Most of them went over to Brasidas, but Sane and Dium resisted. He stayed with his army and laid waste to their territory.

Chapter 110

1 When they would not give in, he immediately marched against Torone in Chalcidice, which the Athenians held. A few men were inviting him there and were ready to hand over the city. He arrived with his army while it was still night, near dawn, and took up a position by the shrine of the Dioscuri, about three stades from the city.

2 The rest of the people of Torone and the Athenian garrison did not know he was there. But those working with him knew he was coming. A few had secretly gone out and were watching for his approach. Once they realized he had arrived, they brought seven lightly armed men with daggers inside to join them. Of the twenty men originally assigned, only these seven had not been too afraid to enter. Their leader was Lysistratus of Olynthus. They slipped through the wall facing the open sea without being noticed. Since the city stood on a hillside, they climbed up, killed the guards at the highest watchpost, and broke through the small gate facing Canastraeum.

Chapter 111

1 Brasidas advanced a little and waited with the main army. He sent a hundred peltasts ahead. They were to run in first when a gate was opened and the agreed signal was raised.

2 As time passed, the peltasts became puzzled and gradually moved close to the city. Inside, the Toronaeans working on the plan and the men who had entered made their preparations. The small gate had been broken through, and the gates by the marketplace were being opened after their bar was cut. First they led some men around and brought them in through the small gate. They wanted to cause sudden panic among the unsuspecting people in the city by attacking from behind and from both sides. Then they raised the agreed fire signal and admitted the rest of the peltasts through the gates by the marketplace.

Chapter 112

1 Brasidas saw the signal, got his army moving, and ran forward. The men all shouted together, terrifying the people inside the city.

2 Some immediately rushed in through the gates. Others climbed over square beams that happened to be leaning against a collapsed section of wall under repair. The beams were there for hauling up stones.

3 Brasidas and the main body immediately turned toward the upper, higher parts of the city. He wanted to take it completely and hold it securely. The remaining troops spread out everywhere.

Chapter 113

1 As Torone was being taken, most of its people had no idea what was happening and were thrown into confusion. But those involved in the plot, and those who approved of it, immediately joined the men who had entered.

2 About fifty Athenian hoplites happened to be sleeping in the marketplace. When they realized what was happening, a few were killed in close fighting. The rest escaped safely to the fort at Lecythus, some going on foot and others taking refuge aboard the two ships on guard duty. The Athenians had occupied this fort themselves. It was a headland projecting from the city into the sea, cut off at a narrow isthmus.

3 The Toronaeans who supported them also fled to join them there.

Chapter 114

1 When daylight came and the city was securely in his hands, Brasidas made a proclamation to the Toronaeans who had fled with the Athenians. Any who wished could come back to their property and live as citizens without fear. He sent a herald to the Athenians, telling them to leave Lecythus under a truce and take their belongings, because the place belonged to the Chalcidians.

2 They refused to leave but asked for a one-day truce to recover their dead. He granted two days. During this time he strengthened the neighboring houses, and the Athenians strengthened their own positions.

3 He called a meeting of the Toronaeans and spoke much as he had at Acanthus. He said they should not think worse of the men who had worked with him to capture the city, or regard them as traitors. They had not acted to enslave the city or because they had been bribed. They had acted for its good and its freedom. Nor should those who had taken no part think they would be treated less well. He had not come to harm either the city or any individual.

4 That was why he had made his proclamation to those who had fled to the Athenians. He thought no worse of them for their friendship with Athens. Once they had experience of his side [the Lacedaemonians], he believed they would be no less friendly to them, but much more so, because they acted with much greater fairness. For now, lack of experience made them afraid.

5 He told everyone to prepare to be dependable allies. From now on they would be held responsible for any wrongdoing. But as for the past, it was not his side that had been wronged. Rather, the Toronaeans themselves had suffered at the hands of others more powerful than they were. If they had opposed him, they could be forgiven.

Chapter 115

1 After saying this and reassuring them, Brasidas began attacking Lecythus once the truce had expired. The Athenians defended themselves from a poor wall and from houses fitted with battlements.

2 They held off the attack for one day. The next day the enemy planned to bring up a machine from which they intended to throw fire onto the wooden defenses. The army was already approaching. At the spot where the Athenians thought the machine was most likely to be brought up, and where their position was most open to attack, they built a wooden tower on top of a house. They carried up many jars and large storage pots of water, along with large stones. Many men also climbed onto it.

3 The house suddenly collapsed under the excessive weight, making a tremendous noise. The Athenians nearby who saw what had happened were more upset than frightened. But those farther away, especially the most distant, thought the position had already been captured there. They rushed to escape to the sea and the ships.

Chapter 116

1 Brasidas noticed them abandoning the battlements and saw what was happening. He immediately brought his army forward, captured the fort, and killed everyone he found inside.

2 This was how the Athenians abandoned the place. They crossed to Pallene in boats and warships. There was a sanctuary of Athena in Lecythus, and before the attack Brasidas had happened to promise thirty minas of silver to the first man to get onto the wall. He now thought that something beyond human action had caused its capture. He therefore paid the thirty minas into the goddess's sanctuary. He demolished and cleared Lecythus and set the whole area aside as sacred land.

3 For the rest of the winter he put the places he held in order and made plans against the others. With the end of winter, the eighth year of the war came to an end.

Chapter 117

1 At the very beginning of spring in the following summer season, the Lacedaemonians and Athenians made a one-year truce. The Athenians thought Brasidas would then be unable to get any more of their subjects to revolt before they could prepare without interference. At the same time, if things went well for them, they might reach a more general agreement. The Lacedaemonians believed these were the things the Athenians feared, as indeed they did. They thought that once the Athenians had experienced a break from suffering and hardship, they would be more eager for a settlement. They would return the prisoners and agree to a longer peace.

2 The Lacedaemonians put a higher value on recovering their men while Brasidas was still successful. If he made further progress and brought the two sides' strength into balance, they were likely to lose the men. They would then have to risk an evenly matched struggle with the Athenians to win.

3 The truce between them and their allies was therefore made on the following terms.

Chapter 118

1 “Concerning the sanctuary and oracle of Pythian Apollo, we agree that anyone who wishes may use them without deception or fear, according to ancestral laws.

2 “The Lacedaemonians and the allies present agree to this. They say they will send heralds to the Boeotians and Phocians and do all they can to persuade them as well.

3 “Concerning the god's property, we must take care to discover those who have wronged him. Both you and we, and any others who wish to join us, must act correctly and justly according to ancestral laws. All must follow ancestral laws.

4 “The Lacedaemonians and the other allies have agreed to these provisions on those subjects. If the Athenians make a truce, the Lacedaemonians and the other allies also agree to the following. Each side is to remain in its own territory, keeping what we now hold. Those at Coryphasium must stay within Buphras and Tomeus. Those in Cythera must not enter our allied territory. Neither we nor they may enter the other's territory. Those at Nisaea and Minoa must not cross the road from the gates beside the shrine of Nisus to the temple of Poseidon, and from that temple straight to the bridge leading to Minoa. The Megarians and their allies must not cross this road either. The Athenians are to keep the island they captured. Neither side may cross over to the other side's territory. The positions in Troezen are to remain as they now are, in accordance with the agreement made with the Athenians.

5 “The Lacedaemonians and their allies may use the sea along their own coasts and those of their allies. They may not sail in warships, but may use other oared vessels with a carrying capacity of up to five hundred talents.

6 “Heralds and embassies, with as many attendants as they think appropriate, are to have safe passage to and from the Peloponnese and Athens, by land and sea, to discuss ending the war and settling disputes.

7 “During this period, neither you nor we may receive deserters, whether free people or slaves.

8 “You must submit to legal proceedings brought by us, and we to proceedings brought by you, according to ancestral practice. Disputed matters must be settled through legal judgment without war.

9 “The Lacedaemonians and their allies agree to these terms. If you think anything could be better or fairer, come to Lacedaemon and explain it. Neither the Lacedaemonians nor their allies will reject any fair proposals you make.

10 “Those who come must have full authority, just as you require of us. The truce will last one year.”

11 “The people approved this resolution. The tribe Acamantis held the presidency, Phaenippus was secretary, and Niciades was chairman. Laches proposed: With good fortune for the Athenians, a truce is to be made on the terms the Lacedaemonians and their allies accept and have agreed to in the assembly.

12 “The truce is to last one year, beginning today, the fourteenth day of the month Elaphebolion.

13 “During this period, embassies and heralds are to travel between the two sides and hold discussions about how the war can be ended.

14 “The generals and presiding officials are to call an assembly, and the Athenians are to give first consideration to peace … in response to any embassy that comes to discuss ending the war. The embassies now present must immediately swear before the people that they will keep to the truce for the year.”

Chapter 119

1 “The Lacedaemonians and their allies agreed to these terms [and swore to keep them] with the Athenians and their allies on the twelfth day of the month Gerastius at Lacedaemon.

2 “The following men made the agreement and concluded the truce: for the Lacedaemonians, Taurus son of Echetimidas, Athenaeus son of Periclidas, and Philocharidas son of Eryxilaidas; for the Corinthians, Aeneas son of Ocytus and Euphamidas son of Aristonymus; for the Sicyonians, Damotimus son of Naucrates and Onasimus son of Megacles; for the Megarians, Nicasus son of Cecalus and Menecrates son of Amphidorus; for the Epidaurians, Amphias son of Eupaidas; and for the Athenians, the generals Nicostratus son of Diitrephes, Nicias son of Niceratus, and Autocles son of Tolmaeus.”

3 This was how the truce came about. Throughout it, the two sides kept meeting to discuss a more lasting peace treaty.

Chapter 120

1 During these same days, Scione, a city in Pallene, revolted from the Athenians and joined Brasidas. The Scionaeans say that they came from Pellene in the Peloponnese. Their first settlers were sailing home from Troy when the storm that struck the Achaeans drove them to this place, and they settled there.

2 After their revolt, Brasidas sailed across to Scione at night. A friendly trireme sailed ahead, while he followed some distance behind in a small, fast boat. His plan was that, if he met a vessel larger than his small boat, the trireme would protect him. If an enemy trireme appeared, he thought it would turn against his warship rather than the smaller boat. Meanwhile he would escape safely.

3 After crossing over, he called the Scionaeans together and repeated what he had said at Acanthus and Torone. He also said that they deserved the highest praise. The Athenians held Potidaea and had cut off Pallene at the isthmus, so the Scionaeans were effectively islanders. Even so, they had moved toward freedom of their own accord. They had not timidly waited to be forced to act for what was clearly their own good. This showed that they would also face other very great dangers bravely. If things went as he hoped, he would regard them as the Lacedaemonians' most genuinely faithful friends and honor them in other ways as well.

Chapter 121

1 His words lifted the Scionaeans' spirits and gave them all confidence, including those who had previously opposed what was happening. They resolved to support the war enthusiastically. Besides giving Brasidas a warm welcome in other ways, they publicly crowned him with a gold crown as the man who was freeing Hellas. As individuals, they came up to him and tied ribbons around him as if he were a victorious athlete.

2 For the moment, he left a small garrison with them and crossed back. Not long afterward he brought a larger force across. He wanted to attack Mende and Potidaea with the Scionaeans' help. He expected the Athenians to come to the rescue, as they would to an island, and wanted to act first. He was also negotiating with people in these cities who were planning to betray them to him.

Chapter 122

1 He was about to make his attempt on these cities when the men announcing the truce arrived to see him in a trireme. They were Aristonymus for the Athenians and Athenaeus for the Lacedaemonians.

2 The army crossed back to Torone, and the envoys told Brasidas about the agreement. All the Lacedaemonians' allies in the Thracian region accepted what had been done.

3 Aristonymus approved the arrangements in other respects. But when he calculated the dates and realized that the Scionaeans had revolted after the truce, he said they would not be covered by it. Brasidas argued at length that they had revolted earlier, and he refused to give up the city.

4 When Aristonymus reported the situation to Athens, the Athenians were immediately ready to march against Scione. The Lacedaemonians sent envoys to say that this would break the truce. Trusting Brasidas' account, they claimed the city and were willing to submit the dispute over it to arbitration.

5 The Athenians did not want to risk arbitration. They wanted to attack as quickly as possible. They were angry that even people who were effectively on islands now thought they could revolt from Athens, trusting in the Lacedaemonians' land power, which could not help them.

6 The facts about the revolt actually supported the Athenians' claim more strongly: the Scionaeans had revolted two days after the truce. The Athenians immediately passed a decree, on Cleon's proposal, to capture the Scionaeans and put them to death. They left other matters alone and prepared for this operation.

Chapter 123

1 Meanwhile Mende, a city in Pallene and a colony of the Eretrians, revolted from them. Brasidas accepted its people too. He did not think he was doing wrong, even though they had clearly joined him during the truce. He himself accused the Athenians of breaking the treaty in certain respects.

2 This made the Mendaeans more confident about acting. They saw that Brasidas was willing to receive them, and his conduct toward Scione showed them that he would not abandon them. At the same time, the small group organizing the revolt, now that the moment for action had come, refused to back down. Afraid that they themselves would be exposed, they forced the majority to act against its wishes.

3 As soon as the Athenians heard the news, they became much angrier still and prepared to attack both cities.

4 Expecting their fleet to arrive, Brasidas moved the children and women of the Scionaeans and Mendaeans to safety at Olynthus in Chalcidice. He sent the cities five hundred Peloponnesian hoplites and three hundred Chalcidian peltasts, with Polydamidas in command of them all. They made their defensive preparations together, expecting the Athenians to arrive shortly.

Chapter 124

1 Meanwhile Brasidas and Perdiccas marched together against Arrhabaeus into Lyncus for a second time. Perdiccas brought the Macedonian force under his control and hoplites from the Greeks living there. Brasidas brought his remaining Peloponnesians, Chalcidians, Acanthians, and troops from each of the other allies according to its strength. Altogether there were about three thousand Greek hoplites. The Macedonian and Chalcidian cavalry accompanying them totaled nearly a thousand. There was also a large body of other non-Greek troops.

2 They invaded Arrhabaeus' territory and found the Lyncestians camped opposite them. They too settled into camp facing the enemy.

3 The infantry on each side held a hill, with a plain between them. First the cavalry of both sides rode down onto the plain and fought. Then the Lyncestian hoplites came down from their hill first, joining their cavalry and preparing to fight. Brasidas and Perdiccas led their own troops forward to meet them. They fought and routed the Lyncestians, killing many of them. The rest escaped to the higher ground and stayed there without further action.

4 After this, they set up a trophy and waited for two or three days. They were expecting the Illyrians whom Perdiccas had hired and who were due to arrive. Then Perdiccas wanted to advance against Arrhabaeus' villages rather than stay where they were. But Brasidas was worried about Mende. He feared that the Athenians might sail there before he did and harm it. With the Illyrians still absent as well, he was unwilling to advance and preferred to retreat.

Chapter 125

1 While they were arguing about this, news came that the Illyrians had betrayed Perdiccas and joined Arrhabaeus. Both commanders now thought they should retreat, because they feared the Illyrians, who were warlike people. But because of their disagreement they had settled nothing about when to start. Night fell, and the Macedonians and the mass of non-Greek troops suddenly panicked. Large armies often take fright like this for no clear reason. They imagined that the approaching enemy was many times stronger than it really was and was about to arrive. They suddenly took flight and headed home. Perdiccas did not notice at first. When he realized what was happening, they forced him to leave before seeing Brasidas. Their camps were a long way apart.

2 At dawn Brasidas saw that the Macedonians had already left and that the Illyrians and Arrhabaeus were about to attack. He drew his hoplites together in a square, put the mass of lightly armed troops in the center, and prepared to retreat.

3 He assigned the youngest men to rush out wherever the enemy attacked them. He himself planned to follow at the rear with three hundred picked men. As he withdrew, he would turn to face and fight off the first of the enemy to press the attack.

4 Before the enemy came close, he quickly gave his soldiers this encouragement:

Chapter 126

1 “Peloponnesians, if I did not suspect that you were frightened because we have been left alone and the approaching enemy are non-Greeks in great numbers, I would not be giving you an explanation as well as encouragement. As it is, I will briefly remind you of a few things and offer some advice. I will try to convince you of the most important points about our friends' departure and the enemy's numbers.

2 “You should be good soldiers because of your own courage, not because allies happen to be with you. Nor should you fear any number of other men. You do not come from states where the many rule the few. Instead, the few rule the many, and they gained their power by nothing other than victory in battle.

3 “You are afraid of these non-Greeks now because you do not know them. But you must learn that they will not be formidable opponents. You can judge from the fighting you have already done against some of them alongside the Macedonians. I judge this too, and know it from what others have told me.

4 “When an enemy's strength is more apparent than real, learning the truth about it gives those defending themselves greater confidence. But against an enemy with some solid advantage, a man would act more boldly if he did not know about it beforehand.

5 “These men are frightening to anyone unfamiliar with them while their attack is still to come. Their numbers look terrifying, the volume of their shouting is unbearable, and their pointless waving of weapons has a threatening effect. But when they close with men who stand their ground against all this, they are not the same. They have no fixed formation that would make them ashamed to leave their position when pressed. Retreating and attacking bring them equal credit, so their courage is never put to the test. When each man fights as he chooses, he can very easily find a respectable excuse for saving himself. They think that frightening you without taking risks is more reliable than fighting you hand to hand. Otherwise they would have chosen to fight instead.

6 “You can clearly see that all the terror they cause in advance amounts to little in practice. It is what you see and hear that makes it overwhelming. Stand your ground against their attack, and then, when the time is right, pull back again in good order and in formation. You will reach safety sooner, and you will know in the future that, against men who withstand their first attack, mobs like these boast about their courage with threats from a distance, without getting on with it. But if anyone gives way to them, they are quick to show how brave they are by chasing him, when they can do so safely.”

Chapter 127

1 After giving this advice, Brasidas began to withdraw his army. When the non-Greeks saw it, they pressed forward with loud shouting and uproar. They thought he was running away and that they would catch and destroy him.

2 But wherever they attacked, the men assigned to rush out met them, while Brasidas himself stood against them with his picked troops. Contrary to the enemy's expectations, the Greeks held off the first charge. After that, they faced and fought the enemy whenever it advanced and withdrew whenever it stopped. Most of the non-Greeks then stopped attacking Brasidas' Greeks in the open ground. They left a small force to follow and harass them. The rest ran after the fleeing Macedonians, killing any they met. They also hurried ahead to occupy the narrow entrance into Arrhabaeus' territory between two hills. They knew Brasidas had no other route for retreat. As he approached this difficult stretch of road, they began to surround him, intending to cut him off.

Chapter 128

1 Brasidas realized this and ordered the three hundred men with him to run toward whichever of the hills he thought would be easier to capture. Each man was to run as fast as he could, without keeping formation. They were to try to drive off the non-Greeks already on it before the larger force surrounding them could reach that point too.

2 They attacked and defeated the men on the hill. The main body of the Greek army could now make its way toward it more easily. The non-Greeks were frightened by the rout of their men from the high ground there. They stopped following the Greeks any farther, thinking that they were already at the border and had escaped.

3 Once Brasidas had secured the high ground, he marched more safely. That same day he reached Arnissa, the first place in Perdiccas' kingdom.

4 His soldiers were angry that the Macedonians had retreated ahead of them. Along the road they came across Macedonian ox teams and equipment that had been left behind, as was likely in a frightened retreat at night. They unyoked and slaughtered the oxen and took the equipment for themselves.

5 From this point Perdiccas first began to regard Brasidas as an enemy. From then on he felt an unusual hatred for the Peloponnesians, considering his relations with the Athenians. He put aside his urgent interests and worked to make peace with the Athenians as quickly as possible and get rid of the Peloponnesians.

Chapter 129

1 When Brasidas returned from Macedonia to Torone, he found that the Athenians already held Mende. He stayed where he was, thinking it was now impossible to cross to Pallene and bring help. Instead, he kept Torone under guard.

2 For about the same time as the events in Lyncus, the Athenians had sailed against Mende and Scione, as they had been preparing to do. They had fifty ships, ten of them from Chios, a thousand of their own hoplites, six hundred archers, a thousand Thracian mercenaries, and other peltasts from the local allies. Their generals were Nicias son of Niceratus and Nicostratus son of Diitrephes.

3 They sailed from Potidaea, put in near the temple of Poseidon, and advanced against the Mendaeans. The Mendaeans, three hundred Scionaeans who had come to help them, and the Peloponnesian mercenaries—seven hundred hoplites altogether—with their commander Polydamidas, happened to be camped outside the city on a strong hill.

4 Nicias took a hundred and twenty lightly armed Methonaeans, sixty picked Athenian hoplites, and all the archers, and tried to go up a path on the hill. But the defenders wounded him, and he could not force his way through. Nicostratus brought all the rest of the army by a longer route against another part of the hill. It was difficult to attack, and his force fell into serious confusion. The whole Athenian army came close to defeat.

5 The Mendaeans and their allies did not give way that day, so the Athenians withdrew and camped. When night fell, the Mendaeans went back into the city.

Chapter 130

1 The next day the Athenians sailed around to the side facing Scione and captured the suburb. They spent the whole day ravaging the land, and no one came out against them. There was also some civil strife in the city. The following night the three hundred Scionaeans went home.

2 On the next day Nicias advanced with half the army toward the Scionaean border, ravaging the land as he went. Nicostratus took the rest and settled in front of the city by the upper gates, where the road leads toward Potidaea.

3 The Mendaeans and the hired troops happened to be stationed inside the wall at this point. Polydamidas drew them up for battle and urged the Mendaeans to march out.

4 One of the men from the people's party, speaking in opposition as a member of the rival faction, told him that he would not go out and did not want to fight. At this refusal, Polydamidas grabbed him with his hand and manhandled him. The people immediately picked up their weapons in fury and advanced against the Peloponnesians and those who had worked with them against the people's interests.

5 They attacked and routed them. Their opponents were caught by the sudden fighting and also frightened when the gates were opened to the Athenians. They thought the attack had been arranged with the Athenians beforehand.

6 Those who were not killed at once fled to the acropolis, which they had already been holding. The Athenians rushed into Mende. Nicias had now returned and was also outside the city. Since the city had not been opened to them under an agreement, the whole army looted it as if they had taken it by force. The generals could barely stop them from killing the inhabitants as well.

7 After this they told the Mendaeans to govern themselves as they had before. They were to hold their own trials of anyone they thought responsible for the revolt. The Athenians shut off the men in the acropolis with a wall on either side running down to the sea, and posted a guard. Once they had secured Mende, they moved against Scione.

Chapter 131

1 The Scionaeans and the Peloponnesians came out to meet them and took up a position on a strong hill in front of the city. Unless the Athenians captured it, they could not surround the city with a wall.

2 The Athenians attacked the hill in full force and drove off its defenders in battle. They made camp, set up a trophy, and prepared to build the wall around the city.

3 Not long afterward, when they were already at work, the hired troops besieged in the acropolis at Mende forced their way past the guard beside the sea and arrived by night. Most of them slipped past the army outside Scione and got into the city.

Chapter 132

1 While the Athenians were building the wall around Scione, Perdiccas sent a herald to their generals and made an agreement with Athens. His hostility toward Brasidas over the retreat from Lyncus was the reason. He had started the negotiations immediately after that retreat.

2 At this time Ischagoras the Lacedaemonian was about to lead an army overland to Brasidas. Now that Perdiccas had made his agreement, Nicias told him to give the Athenians some clear proof that he would keep it. Perdiccas himself also no longer wanted Peloponnesians coming into his country. He therefore enlisted his friends in Thessaly, where he always dealt with the leading men, and blocked the army and its preparations. They did not even attempt to pass through Thessaly.

3 Ischagoras, Ameinias, and Aristeus themselves did, however, reach Brasidas. The Lacedaemonians had sent them to inspect the situation. They also brought some of their own men of military age out of Sparta, contrary to the law, to put them in command of the cities rather than leave these to just anyone. Brasidas appointed Clearidas son of Cleonymus at Amphipolis and Pasitelidas son of Hegesander at Torone.

Chapter 133

1 During the same summer the Thebans demolished the wall of Thespiae, accusing its people of supporting Athens. They had always wanted to do this. It had become easier now because the best of the Thespians had been killed in the battle against the Athenians.

2 That same summer the temple of Hera at Argos burned down. Chrysis, the priestess, had put a burning lamp near the garlands and then fallen asleep. Everything caught fire and burned down without her noticing.

3 Afraid of the Argives, Chrysis fled immediately that night to Phlius. Following the established law, they appointed another priestess, named Phaeinis. When Chrysis fled, she had served through eight years of this war and half the ninth.

4 By the end of the summer, the wall around Scione was completely finished. The Athenians left a force to guard it and withdrew with the rest of the army.

Chapter 134

1 During the following winter the Athenians and Lacedaemonians remained inactive because of the truce. But the Mantineans and Tegeans, with the allies of each, fought at Laodocium in Oresthis. The outcome was disputed. Each side routed the wing facing it, and both set up trophies and sent captured armor to Delphi.

2 There were, however, heavy losses on both sides, and the battle was very evenly matched. Nightfall ended the fighting. The Tegeans camped on the battlefield and immediately set up a trophy. The Mantineans withdrew to Bucolion and later set up a rival trophy.

Chapter 135

1 Toward the end of the same winter, when spring was already close, Brasidas also made an attempt on Potidaea. He approached at night and put a ladder against the wall, remaining undetected up to that point. The ladder went up in the gap after the bell had been carried past, before the man passing it on returned. But the defenders noticed at once, before his men could climb up. He quickly led his army away again without waiting for daylight.

2 The winter ended, and the ninth year of this war, which Thucydides wrote, came to an end.

Book 5

Chapter 1

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου θέρους αἱ μὲν ἐνιαύσιοι σπονδαὶ διελέλυντο μέχρι Πυθίων, καὶ ἐν τῇ ἐκεχειρίᾳ Ἀθηναῖοι Δηλίους ἀνέστησαν ἐκ Δήλου, ἡγησάμενοι κατὰ παλαιάν τινα αἰτίαν οὐ καθαροὺς ὄντας ἱερῶσθαι, καὶ ἅμα ἐλλιπὲς σφίσιν εἶναι τοῦτο τῆς καθάρσεως, ᾗ πρότερόν μοι δεδήλωται ὡς ἀνελόντες τὰς θήκας τῶν τεθνεώτων ὀρθῶς ἐνόμισαν ποιῆσαι. καὶ οἱ μὲν Δήλιοι Ἀτραμύττιον Φαρνάκου δόντος αὐτοῖς ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ ᾤκησαν, οὕτως ὡς ἕκαστος ὥρμητο.

Chapter 2

1 Κλέων δὲ Ἀθηναίους πείσας ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης χωρία ἐξέπλευσε μετὰ τὴν ἐκεχειρίαν, Ἀθηναίων μὲν ὁπλίτας ἔχων διακοσίους καὶ χιλίους καὶ ἱππέας τριακοσίους, τῶν δὲ ξυμμάχων πλείους, ναῦς δὲ τριάκοντα.

2 σχὼν δὲ ἐς Σκιώνην πρῶτον ἔτι πολιορκουμένην καὶ προσλαβὼν αὐτόθεν ὁπλίτας τῶν φρουρῶν, κατέπλευσεν ἐς τὸν Κωφὸν λιμένα τῶν Τορωναίων ἀπέχοντα οὐ πολὺ τῆς πόλεως.

3 ἐκ δ’ αὐτοῦ, αἰσθόμενος ὑπ’ αὐτομόλων ὅτι οὔτε Βρασίδας ἐν τῇ Τορώνῃ οὔτε οἱ ἐνόντες ἀξιόμαχοι εἶεν, τῇ μὲν στρατιᾷ τῇ πεζῇ ἐχώρει ἐς τὴν πόλιν, ναῦς δὲ περιέπεμψε δέκα 〈ἐς 〉 τὸν λιμένα περιπλεῖν.

4 καὶ πρὸς τὸ περιτείχισμα πρῶτον ἀφικνεῖται, ὃ προσπεριέβαλε τῇ πόλει ὁ Βρασίδας ἐντὸς βουλόμενος ποιῆσαι τὸ προάστειον, καὶ διελὼν τοῦ παλαιοῦ τείχους μίαν αὐτὴν ἐποίησε πόλιν.

Chapter 3

1 βοηθήσαντες δὲ ἐς αὐτὸ Πασιτελίδας τε ὁ Λακεδαιμόνιος ἄρχων καὶ ἡ παροῦσα φυλακὴ προσβαλόντων τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἠμύνοντο. καὶ ὡς ἐβιάζοντο καὶ αἱ νῆες ἅμα περιέπλεον 〈αἱ〉 ἐς τὸν λιμένα περιπεμφθεῖσαι, δείσας ὁ Πασιτελίδας μὴ αἵ τε νῆες φθάσωσι λαβοῦσαι ἐρῆμον τὴν πόλιν καὶ τοῦ τειχίσματος ἁλισκομένου ἐγκαταληφθῇ, ἀπολιπὼν αὐτὸ δρόμῳ ἐχώρει ἐς τὴν πόλιν.

2 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι φθάνουσιν οἵ τε ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν ἑλόντες τὴν Τορώνην καὶ ὁ πεζὸς ἐπισπόμενος αὐτοβοεὶ κατὰ τὸ διῃρημένον τοῦ παλαιοῦ τείχους ξυνεσπεσών. καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἀπέκτειναν τῶν Πελοποννησίων καὶ Τορωναίων εὐθὺς ἐν χερσί, τοὺς δὲ ζῶντας ἔλαβον, καὶ Πασιτελίδαν τὸν ἄρχοντα.

3 Βρασίδας δὲ ἐβοήθει μὲν τῇ Τορώνῃ, αἰσθόμενος δὲ καθ’ ὁδὸν ἑαλωκυῖαν ἀνεχώρησεν, ἀποσχὼν τεσσαράκοντα μάλιστα σταδίους μὴ φθάσαι ἐλθών.

4 ὁ δὲ Κλέων καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τροπαῖά τε ἔστησαν δύο, τὸ μὲν κατὰ τὸν λιμένα, τὸ δὲ πρὸς τῷ τειχίσματι, καὶ τῶν Τορωναίων γυναῖκας μὲν καὶ παῖδας ἠνδραπόδισαν, αὐτοὺς δὲ καὶ Πελοποννησίους καὶ εἴ τις ἄλλος Χαλκιδέων ἦν, ξύμπαντας ἐς ἑπτακοσίους, ἀπέπεμψαν ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας· καὶ αὐτοῖς τὸ μὲν Πελοποννήσιον ὕστερον ἐν ταῖς γενομέναις σπονδαῖς ἀπῆλθε, τὸ δὲ ἄλλο ἐκομίσθη ὑπ’ Ὀλυνθίων, ἀνὴρ ἀντ’ ἀνδρὸς λυθείς.

5 εἷλον δὲ καὶ Πάνακτον Ἀθηναίων ἐν μεθορίοις τεῖχος Βοιωτοὶ ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον προδοσίᾳ.

6 καὶ ὁ μὲν Κλέων φυλακὴν καταστησάμενος τῆς Τορώνης ἄρας περιέπλει τὸν Ἄθων ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀμφίπολιν.

Chapter 4

1 Φαίαξ δὲ ὁ Ἐρασιστράτου τρίτος αὐτὸς Ἀθηναίων πεμπόντων ναυσὶ δύο ἐς Ἰταλίαν καὶ Σικελίαν πρεσβευτὴς ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ἐξέπλευσεν.

2 Λεοντῖνοι γὰρ ἀπελθόντων Ἀθηναίων ἐκ Σικελίας μετὰ τὴν ξύμβασιν πολίτας τε ἐπεγράψαντο πολλοὺς καὶ ὁ δῆμος τὴν γῆν ἐπενόει ἀναδάσασθαι.

3 οἱ δὲ δυνατοὶ αἰσθόμενοι Συρακοσίους τε ἐπάγονται καὶ ἐκβάλλουσι τὸν δῆμον. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπλανήθησαν ὡς ἕκαστοι, οἱ δὲ δυνατοὶ ὁμολογήσαντες Συρακοσίοις καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐκλιπόντες καὶ ἐρημώσαντες Συρακούσας ἐπὶ πολιτείᾳ ᾤκησαν.

4 καὶ ὕστερον πάλιν αὐτῶν τινὲς διὰ τὸ μὴ ἀρέσκεσθαι ἀπολιπόντες ἐκ τῶν Συρακουσῶν Φωκαίας τε τῆς πόλεώς τι τῆς Λεοντίνων χωρίον καλούμενον καταλαμβάνουσι καὶ Βρικιννίας ὂν ἔρυμα ἐν τῇ Λεοντίνῃ. καὶ τῶν τοῦ δήμου τότε ἐκπεσόντων οἱ πολλοὶ ἦλθον ὡς αὐτούς, καὶ καταστάντες ἐκ τῶν τειχῶν ἐπολέμουν.

5 ἃ πυνθανόμενοι οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὸν Φαίακα πέμπουσιν, εἴ πως πείσαντες τοὺς σφίσιν ὄντας αὐτόθι ξυμμάχους καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους, ἢν δύνωνται, Σικελιώτας κοινῇ ὡς Συρακοσίων δύναμιν περιποιουμένων ἐπιστρατεῦσαι, διασώσειαν τὸν δῆμον τῶν Λεοντίνων.

6 ὁ δὲ Φαίαξ ἀφικόμενος τοὺς μὲν Καμαριναίους πείθει καὶ Ἀκραγαντίνους, ἐν δὲ Γέλᾳ ἀντιστάντος αὐτῷ τοῦ πράγματος οὐκέτι ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἔρχεται, αἰσθόμενος οὐκ ἂν πείθειν αὐτούς, ἀλλ’ ἀναχωρήσας διὰ τῶν Σικελῶν ἐς Κατάνην καὶ ἅμα ἐν τῇ παρόδῳ καὶ ἐς τὰς Βρικιννίας ἐλθὼν καὶ παραθαρσύνας ἀπέπλει.

Chapter 5

1 ἐν δὲ τῇ παρακομιδῇ τῇ ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν καὶ πάλιν ἀναχωρήσει καὶ ἐν τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ τισὶ πόλεσιν ἐχρημάτισε περὶ φιλίας τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, καὶ Λοκρῶν ἐντυγχάνει τοῖς ἐκ Μεσσήνης ἐποίκοις ἐκπεπτωκόσιν, οἳ μετὰ τὴν τῶν Σικελιωτῶν ὁμολογίαν στασιασάντων Μεσσηνίων καὶ ἐπαγαγομένων τῶν ἑτέρων Λοκροὺς ἔποικοι ἐξεπέμφθησαν, καὶ ἐγένετο Μεσσήνη Λοκρῶν τινὰ χρόνον.

2 τούτοις οὖν ὁ Φαίαξ ἐντυχὼν τοῖς κομιζομένοις οὐκ ἠδίκησεν· ἐγεγένητο γὰρ τοῖς Λοκροῖς πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁμολογία ξυμβάσεως πέρι πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους.

3 μόνοι γὰρ τῶν ξυμμάχων, ὅτε Σικελιῶται ξυνηλλάσσοντο, οὐκ ἐσπείσαντο Ἀθηναίοις, οὐδ᾽ ἂν τότε, εἰ μὴ αὐτοὺς κατεῖχεν ὁ πρὸς Ἱππωνιᾶς καὶ Μεδμαίους πόλεμος ὁμόρους τε ὄντας καὶ ἀποίκους. καὶ ὁ μὲν Φαίαξ ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας χρόνῳ ὕστερον ἀφίκετο.

Chapter 6

1 ὁ δὲ Κλέων ὡς ἀπὸ τῆς Τορώνης τότε περιέπλευσεν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀμφίπολιν, ὁρμώμενος ἐκ τῆς Ἠιόνος Σταγίρῳ μὲν προσβάλλει Ἀνδρίων ἀποικίᾳ καὶ οὐχ εἷλε, Ἀληψὸν δὲ τὴν Θασίων ἀποικίαν λαμβάνει κατὰ κράτος.

2 καὶ πέμψας ὡς Περδίκκαν πρέσβεις, ὅπως παραγένοιτο στρατιᾷ κατὰ τὸ ξυμμαχικόν, καὶ ἐς τὴν Θρᾴκην ἄλλους παρὰ Πολλῆν τὸν Ὀδομάντων βασιλέα, ἄξοντας μισθοῦ Θρᾷκας ὡς πλείστους, αὐτὸς ἡσύχαζε περιμένων ἐν τῇ Ἠιόνι.

3 Βρασίδας δὲ πυνθανόμενος ταῦτα ἀντεκάθητο καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τῷ Κερδυλίῳ· ἔστι δὲ τὸ χωρίον τοῦτο Ἀργιλίων ἐπὶ μετεώρου πέραν τοῦ ποταμοῦ, οὐ πολὺ ἀπέχον τῆς Ἀμφιπόλεως, καὶ κατεφαίνετο πάντα αὐτόθεν, ὥστε οὐκ ἂν ἔλαθεν αὐτὸν ὁρμώμενος ὁ Κλέων τῷ στρατῷ· ὅπερ προσεδέχετο ποιήσειν αὐτόν, ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀμφίπολιν, ὑπεριδόντα σφῶν τὸ πλῆθος, τῇ παρούσῃ στρατιᾷ ἀναβήσεσθαι.

4 ἅμα δὲ καὶ παρεσκευάζετο Θρᾷκάς τε μισθωτοὺς πεντακοσίους καὶ χιλίους, καὶ τοὺς Ἠδῶνας πάντας παρακαλῶν, πελταστὰς καὶ ἱππέας· καὶ Μυρκινίων καὶ Χαλκιδέων χιλίους πελταστὰς εἶχε πρὸς τοῖς ἐν Ἀμφιπόλει.

5 τὸ δ’ ὁπλιτικὸν ξύμπαν ἡθροίσθη δισχίλιοι μάλιστα καὶ ἱππῆς Ἕλληνες τριακόσιοι. τούτων Βρασίδας μὲν ἔχων ἐπὶ Κερδυλίῳ ἐκάθητο ἐς πεντακοσίους καὶ χιλίους, οἱ δ’ ἄλλοι ἐν Ἀμφιπόλει μετὰ Κλεαρίδου ἐτετάχατο.

Chapter 7

1 ὁ δὲ Κλέων τέως μὲν ἡσύχαζεν, ἔπειτα ἠναγκάσθη ποιῆσαι ὅπερ ὁ Βρασίδας προσεδέχετο.

2 τῶν γὰρ στρατιωτῶν ἀχθομένων μὲν τῇ ἕδρᾳ, ἀναλογιζομένων δὲ τὴν ἐκείνου ἡγεμονίαν πρὸς οἵαν ἐμπειρίαν καὶ τόλμαν μετὰ οἵας ἀνεπιστημοσύνης καὶ μαλακίας γενήσοιτο καὶ οἴκοθεν ὡς ἄκοντες αὐτῷ ξυνῆλθον, αἰσθόμενος τὸν θροῦν καὶ οὐ βουλόμενος αὐτοὺς διὰ τὸ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ καθημένους βαρύνεσθαι, ἀναλαβὼν ἦγεν.

3 καὶ ἐχρήσατο τῷ τρόπῳ ᾧπερ καὶ ἐς τὴν Πύλον εὐτυχήσας ἐπίστευσέ τι φρονεῖν· ἐς μάχην μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲ ἤλπισέν οἱ ἐπεξιέναι οὐδένα, κατὰ θέαν δὲ μᾶλλον ἔφη ἀναβαίνειν τοῦ χωρίου, καὶ τὴν μείζω παρασκευὴν περιέμενεν, οὐχ ὡς τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ, ἢν ἀναγκάζηται, περισχήσων, ἀλλ’ ὡς κύκλῳ περιστὰς βίᾳ αἱρήσων τὴν πόλιν.

4 ἐλθών τε καὶ καθίσας ἐπὶ λόφου καρτεροῦ πρὸ τῆς Ἀμφιπόλεως τὸν στρατὸν αὐτὸς ἐθεᾶτο τὸ λιμνῶδες τοῦ Στρυμόνος καὶ τὴν θέσιν τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ τῇ Θρᾴκῃ ὡς ἔχοι.

5 ἀπιέναι τε ἐνόμιζεν, ὁπόταν βούληται, ἀμαχεί· καὶ γὰρ οὐδὲ ἐφαίνετο οὔτ’ ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους οὐδεὶς οὔτε κατὰ πύλας ἐξῄει, κεκλῃμέναι τε ἦσαν πᾶσαι. ὥστε καὶ μηχανὰς ὅτι οὐκ ἀνῆλθεν ἔχων, ἁμαρτεῖν ἐδόκει· ἑλεῖν γὰρ ἂν τὴν πόλιν διὰ τὸ ἐρῆμον.

Chapter 8

1 ὁ δὲ Βρασίδας εὐθὺς ὡς εἶδε κινουμένους τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, καταβὰς καὶ αὐτὸς ἀπὸ τοῦ Κερδυλίου ἐσέρχεται ἐς τὴν Ἀμφίπολιν.

2 καὶ ἐπέξοδον μὲν καὶ ἀντίταξιν οὐκ ἐποιήσατο πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, δεδιὼς τὴν αὑτοῦ παρασκευὴν καὶ νομίζων ὑποδεεστέρους εἶναι, οὐ τῷ πλήθει (ἀντίπαλα γάρ πως ἦν), ἀλλὰ τῷ ἀξιώματι (τῶν γὰρ Ἀθηναίων ὅπερ ἐστράτευε καθαρὸν ἐξῆλθε καὶ Λημνίων καὶ Ἰμβρίων τὸ κράτιστον), τέχνῃ δὲ παρεσκευάζετο ἐπιθησόμενος.

3 εἰ γὰρ δείξειε τοῖς ἐναντίοις τό τε πλῆθος καὶ τὴν ὅπλισιν ἀναγκαίαν οὖσαν τῶν μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ, οὐκ ἂν ἡγεῖτο μᾶλλον περιγενέσθαι ἢ ἄνευ προόψεώς τε αὐτῶν καὶ μὴ ἀπὸ τοῦ ὄντος καταφρονήσεως.

4 ἀπολεξάμενος οὖν αὐτὸς πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν ὁπλίτας καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Κλεαρίδᾳ προστάξας ἐβουλεύετο ἐπιχειρεῖν αἰφνιδίως πρὶν ἀπελθεῖν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, οὐκ ἂν νομίζων αὐτοὺς ὁμοίως ἀπολαβεῖν αὖθις μεμονωμένους, εἰ τύχοι ἐλθοῦσα αὐτοῖς ἡ βοήθεια.ξυγκαλέσας δὲ τοὺς πάντας στρατιώτας καὶ βουλόμενος παραθαρσῦναί τε καὶ τὴν ἐπίνοιαν φράσαι, ἔλεγε τοιάδε.

Chapter 9

1 ‘ἄνδρες Πελοποννήσιοι, ἀπὸ μὲν οἵας χώρας ἥκομεν, ὅτι αἰεὶ διὰ τὸ εὔψυχον ἐλευθέρας, καὶ ὅτι Δωριῆς μέλλετε Ἴωσι μάχεσθαι, ὧν εἰώθατε κρείσσους εἶναι, ἀρκείτω βραχέως δεδηλωμένον·

2 τὴν δὲ ἐπιχείρησιν ᾧ τρόπῳ διανοοῦμαι ποιεῖσθαι, διδάξω, ἵνα μή τῳ τὸ κατ’ ὀλίγον καὶ μὴ ἅπαντας κινδυνεύειν ἐνδεὲς φαινόμενον ἀτολμίαν παράσχῃ.

3 τοὺς γὰρ ἐναντίους εἰκάζω καταφρονήσει τε ἡμῶν καὶ οὐκ ἂν ἐλπίσαντας ὡς ἂν ἐπεξέλθοι τις αὐτοῖς ἐς μάχην ἀναβῆναί τε πρὸς τὸ χωρίον καὶ νῦν ἀτάκτως κατὰ θέαν τετραμμένους ὀλιγωρεῖν.

4 ὅστις δὲ τὰς τοιαύτας ἁμαρτίας τῶν ἐναντίων κάλλιστα ἰδὼν καὶ ἅμα πρὸς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ δύναμιν τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν ποιεῖται μὴ ἀπὸ τοῦ προφανοῦς μᾶλλον καὶ ἀντιπαραταχθέντος ἢ ἐκ τοῦ πρὸς τὸ παρὸν ξυμφέροντος, πλεῖστ’ ἂν ὀρθοῖτο·

5 καὶ τὰ κλέμματα ταῦτα καλλίστην δόξαν ἔχει ἃ τὸν πολέμιον μάλιστ’ ἄν τις ἀπατήσας τοὺς φίλους μέγιστ’ ἂν ὠφελήσειεν.

6 ἕως οὖν ἔτι ἀπαράσκευοι θαρσοῦσι καὶ τοῦ ὑπαπιέναι πλέον ἢ τοῦ μένοντος, ἐξ ὧν ἐμοὶ φαίνονται, τὴν διάνοιαν ἔχουσιν, ἐν τῷ ἀνειμένῳ αὐτῶν τῆς γνώμης καὶ πρὶν ξυνταθῆναι μᾶλλον τὴν δόξαν, ἐγὼ μὲν ἔχων τοὺς μετ’ ἐμαυτοῦ καὶ φθάσας, ἢν δύνωμαι, προσπεσοῦμαι δρόμῳ κατὰ μέσον τὸ στράτευμα·

7 σὺ δέ, Κλεαρίδα, ὕστερον, ὅταν ἐμὲ ὁρᾷς ἤδη προσκείμενον καὶ κατὰ τὸ εἰκὸς φοβοῦντα αὐτούς, τοὺς μετὰ σεαυτοῦ τούς τ’ Ἀμφιπολίτας καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ξυμμάχους ἄγων αἰφνιδίως τὰς πύλας ἀνοίξας ἐπεκθεῖν καὶ ἐπείγεσθαι ὡς τάχιστα ξυμμεῖξαι.

8 ἐλπὶς γὰρ μάλιστα αὐτοὺς οὕτω φοβηθῆναι· τὸ γὰρ ἐπιὸν ὕστερον δεινότερον τοῖς πολεμίοις τοῦ παρόντος καὶ μαχομένου.

9 καὶ αὐτός τε ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς γίγνου, ὥσπερ σε εἰκὸς ὄντα Σπαρτιάτην, καὶ ὑμεῖς, ὦ ἄνδρες ξύμμαχοι, ἀκολουθήσατε ἀνδρείως, καὶ νομίσατε 〈τρία〉 εἶναι τοῦ καλῶς πολεμεῖν τὸ ἐθέλειν καὶ τὸ αἰσχύνεσθαι καὶ 〈τὸ〉 τοῖς ἄρχουσι πείθεσθαι, καὶ τῇδε ὑμῖν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἢ ἀγαθοῖς γενομένοις ἐλευθερίαν τε ὑπάρχειν καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων ξυμμάχοις κεκλῆσθαι, ἢ Ἀθηναίων τε δούλοις, ἢν τὰ ἄριστα ἄνευ ἀνδραποδισμοῦ ἢ θανατώσεως πράξητε, καὶ δουλείαν χαλεπωτέραν ἢ πρὶν εἴχετε, τοῖς δὲ λοιποῖς Ἕλλησι κωλυταῖς γενέσθαι ἐλευθερώσεως.

10 ἀλλὰ μήτε ὑμεῖς μαλακισθῆτε, ὁρῶντες περὶ ὅσων ὁ ἀγών ἐστιν, ἐγώ τε δείξω οὐ παραινέσαι οἷός τε ὢν μᾶλλον τοῖς πέλας ἢ καὶ αὐτὸς ἔργῳ ἐπεξελθεῖν.’

Chapter 10

1 ὁ μὲν Βρασίδας τοσαῦτα εἰπὼν τήν τε ἔξοδον παρεσκευάζετο αὐτὸς καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους μετὰ τοῦ Κλεαρίδα καθίστη ἐπὶ τὰς Θρᾳκίας καλουμένας τῶν πυλῶν, ὅπως ὥσπερ εἴρητο ἐπεξίοιεν.

2 τῷ δὲ Κλέωνι, φανεροῦ γενομένου αὐτοῦ ἀπὸ τοῦ Κερδυλίου καταβάντος καὶ ἐν τῇ πόλει ἐπιφανεῖ οὔσῃ ἔξωθεν περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς θυομένου καὶ ταῦτα πράσσοντος, ἀγγέλλεται (προυκεχωρήκει γὰρ τότε κατὰ τὴν θέαν) ὅτι ἥ τε στρατιὰ ἅπασα φανερὰ τῶν πολεμίων ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ ὑπὸ τὰς πύλας ἵππων τε πόδες πολλοὶ καὶ ἀνθρώπων ὡς ἐξιόντων ὑποφαίνονται.

3 ὁ δὲ ἀκούσας ἐπῆλθεν· καὶ ὡς εἶδεν, οὐ βουλόμενος μάχῃ διαγωνίσασθαι πρίν οἱ καὶ τοὺς βοηθοὺς ἥκειν καὶ οἰόμενος φθήσεσθαι ἀπελθών, σημαίνειν τε ἅμα ἐκέλευεν ἀναχώρησιν καὶ παρήγγειλε τοῖς ἀπιοῦσιν ἐπὶ τὸ εὐώνυμον κέρας, ὥσπερ μόνον οἷόν τ’ ἦν, ὑπάγειν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἠιόνος.

4 ὡς δ’ αὐτῷ ἐδόκει σχολὴ γίγνεσθαι, αὐτὸς ἐπιστρέψας τὸ δεξιὸν καὶ τὰ γυμνὰ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους δοὺς ἀπῆγε τὴν στρατιάν.

5 κἀν τούτῳ Βρασίδας ὡς ὁρᾷ τὸν καιρὸν καὶ τὸ στράτευμα τῶν Ἀθηναίων κινούμενον, λέγει τοῖς μεθ’ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ὅτι ‘οἱ ἄνδρες ἡμᾶς οὐ μενοῦσιν. δῆλοι δὲ τῶν τε δοράτων τῇ κινήσει καὶ τῶν κεφαλῶν· οἷς γὰρ ἂν τοῦτο γίγνηται, οὐκ εἰώθασι μένειν τοὺς ἐπιόντας. ἀλλὰ τάς τε πύλας τις ἀνοιγέτω ἐμοὶ ἃς εἴρηται, καὶ ἐπεξίωμεν ὡς τάχιστα θαρσοῦντες.’

6 καὶ ὁ μὲν κατὰ τὰς ἐπὶ τὸ σταύρωμα πύλας καὶ τὰς πρώτας τοῦ μακροῦ τείχους τότε ὄντος ἐξελθὼν ἔθει δρόμῳ τὴν ὁδὸν ταύτην εὐθεῖαν, ᾗπερ νῦν κατὰ τὸ καρτερώτατον τοῦ χωρίου ἰόντι τροπαῖον ἕστηκε, καὶ προσβαλὼν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις πεφοβημένοις τε ἅμα τῇ σφετέρᾳ ἀταξίᾳ καὶ τὴν τόλμαν αὐτοῦ ἐκπεπληγμένοις κατὰ μέσον τὸ στράτευμα τρέπει.

7 καὶ ὁ Κλεαρίδας, ὥσπερ εἴρητο, ἅμα κατὰ τὰς Θρᾳκίας πύλας ἐπεξελθὼν τῷ στρατῷ ἐπεφέρετο. ξυνέβη τε τῷ ἀδοκήτῳ καὶ ἐξαπίνης ἀμφοτέρωθεν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους θορυβηθῆναι,

8 καὶ τὸ μὲν εὐώνυμον κέρας αὐτῶν τὸ πρὸς τὴν Ἠιόνα, ὅπερ δὴ καὶ προυκεχωρήκει, εὐθὺς ἀπορραγὲν ἔφευγεν· καὶ ὁ Βρασίδας ὑποχωροῦντος ἤδη αὐτοῦ ἐπιπαριὼν τῷ δεξιῷ τιτρώσκεται, καὶ πεσόντα αὐτὸν οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι οὐκ αἰσθάνονται, οἱ δὲ πλησίον ἄραντες ἀπήνεγκαν.

9 τὸ δὲ δεξιὸν τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἔμενέ [τε] μᾶλλον, καὶ ὁ μὲν Κλέων, ὡς τὸ πρῶτον οὐ διενοεῖτο μένειν, εὐθὺς φεύγων καὶ καταληφθεὶς ὑπὸ Μυρκινίου πελταστοῦ ἀποθνῄσκει, οἱ δὲ αὐτοῦ ξυστραφέντες ὁπλῖται ἐπὶ τὸν λόφον τόν τε Κλεαρίδαν ἠμύνοντο καὶ δὶς ἢ τρὶς προσβαλόντα, καὶ οὐ πρότερον ἐνέδοσαν πρὶν ἥ τε Μυρκινία καὶ ἡ Χαλκιδικὴ ἵππος καὶ οἱ πελτασταὶ περιστάντες καὶ ἐσακοντίζοντες αὐτοὺς ἔτρεψαν.

10 οὕτω δὴ τὸ στράτευμα πᾶν ἤδη τῶν Ἀθηναίων φυγὸν χαλεπῶς καὶ πολλὰς ὁδοὺς τραπόμενοι κατὰ ὄρη, ὅσοι μὴ διεφθάρησαν ἢ αὐτίκα ἐν χερσὶν ἢ ὑπὸ τῆς Χαλκιδικῆς ἵππου καὶ τῶν πελταστῶν, οἱ λοιποὶ ἀπεκομίσθησαν ἐς τὴν Ἠιόνα.

11 οἱ δὲ τὸν Βρασίδαν ἄραντες ἐκ τῆς μάχης καὶ διασώσαντες ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἔτι ἔμπνουν ἐσεκόμισαν· καὶ ᾔσθετο μὲν ὅτι νικῶσιν οἱ μεθ’ αὑτοῦ, οὐ πολὺ δὲ διαλιπὼν ἐτελεύτησεν.

12 καὶ ἡ ἄλλη στρατιὰ ἀναχωρήσασα μετὰ τοῦ Κλεαρίδου ἐκ τῆς διώξεως νεκρούς τε ἐσκύλευσε καὶ τροπαῖον ἔστησεν.

Chapter 11

1 μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τὸν Βρασίδαν οἱ ξύμμαχοι πάντες ξὺν ὅπλοις ἐπισπόμενοι δημοσίᾳ ἔθαψαν ἐν τῇ πόλει πρὸ τῆς νῦν ἀγορᾶς οὔσης· καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν οἱ Ἀμφιπολῖται, περιείρξαντες αὐτοῦ τὸ μνημεῖον, ὡς ἥρωί τε ἐντέμνουσι καὶ τιμὰς δεδώκασιν ἀγῶνας καὶ ἐτησίους θυσίας, καὶ τὴν ἀποικίαν ὡς οἰκιστῇ προσέθεσαν, καταβαλόντες τὰ Ἁγνώνεια οἰκοδομήματα καὶ ἀφανίσαντες εἴ τι μνημόσυνόν που ἔμελλεν αὐτοῦ τῆς οἰκίσεως περιέσεσθαι, νομίσαντες τὸν μὲν Βρασίδαν σωτῆρά τε σφῶν γεγενῆσθαι καὶ ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἅμα τὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ξυμμαχίαν φόβῳ τῶν Ἀθηναίων θεραπεύοντες, τὸν δὲ Ἅγνωνα κατὰ τὸ πολέμιον τῶν Ἀθηναίων οὐκ ἂν ὁμοίως σφίσι ξυμφόρως οὐδ’ ἂν ἡδέως τὰς τιμὰς ἔχειν.

2 καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἀπέδοσαν. ἀπέθανον δὲ Ἀθηναίων μὲν περὶ ἑξακοσίους, τῶν δ’ ἐναντίων ἑπτά, διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐκ παρατάξεως, ἀπὸ δὲ τοιαύτης ξυντυχίας καὶ προεκφοβήσεως τὴν μάχην μᾶλλον γενέσθαι.

3 μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἀναίρεσιν οἱ μὲν ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀπέπλευσαν, οἱ δὲ μετὰ τοῦ Κλεαρίδου τὰ περὶ τὴν Ἀμφίπολιν καθίσταντο.

Chapter 12

1 καὶ ὑπὸ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους τοῦ θέρους τελευτῶντος Ῥαμφίας καὶ Αὐτοχαρίδας καὶ Ἐπικυδίδας Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης χωρία βοήθειαν ἦγον ἐνακοσίων ὁπλιτῶν, καὶ ἀφικόμενοι ἐς Ἡράκλειαν τὴν ἐν Τραχῖνι καθίσταντο ὅτι αὐτοῖς ἐδόκει μὴ καλῶς ἔχειν.

2 ἐνδιατριβόντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἔτυχεν ἡ μάχη αὕτη γενομένη, καὶ τὸ θέρος ἐτελεύτα.

Chapter 13

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος εὐθὺς μέχρι μὲν Πιερίου τῆς Θεσσαλίας διῆλθον οἱ περὶ τὸν Ῥαμφίαν, κωλυόντων δὲ τῶν Θεσσαλῶν καὶ ἅμα Βρασίδου τεθνεῶτος, ᾧπερ ἦγον τὴν στρατιάν, ἀπετράποντο ἐπ’ οἴκου, νομίσαντες οὐδένα καιρὸν ἔτι εἶναι τῶν τε Ἀθηναίων ἥσσῃ ἀπεληλυθότων καὶ οὐκ ἀξιόχρεων αὐτῶν ὄντων δρᾶν τι ὧν κἀκεῖνος ἐπενόει.

2 μάλιστα δὲ ἀπῆλθον εἰδότες τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, ὅτε ἐξῇσαν, πρὸς τὴν εἰρήνην μᾶλλον τὴν γνώμην ἔχοντας.

Chapter 14

1 ξυνέβη τε εὐθὺς μετὰ τὴν ἐν Ἀμφιπόλει μάχην καὶ τὴν Ῥαμφίου ἀναχώρησιν ἐκ Θεσσαλίας ὥστε πολέμου μὲν μηδὲν ἔτι ἅψασθαι μηδετέρους, πρὸς δὲ τὴν εἰρήνην μᾶλλον τὴν γνώμην εἶχον, οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι πληγέντες ἐπί τε τῷ Δηλίῳ καὶ δι’ ὀλίγου αὖθις ἐν Ἀμφιπόλει, καὶ οὐκ ἔχοντες τὴν ἐλπίδα τῆς ῥώμης πιστὴν ἔτι, ᾗπερ οὐ προσεδέχοντο πρότερον τὰς σπονδάς, δοκοῦντες τῇ παρούσῃ εὐτυχίᾳ καθυπέρτεροι γενήσεσθαι·

2 καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἅμα ἐδέδισαν σφῶν μὴ διὰ τὰ σφάλματα ἐπαιρόμενοι ἐπὶ πλέον ἀποστῶσι, μετεμέλοντό τε ὅτι μετὰ τὰ ἐν Πύλῳ καλῶς παρασχὸν οὐ ξυνέβησαν·

3 οἱ δ’ αὖ Λακεδαιμόνιοι παρὰ γνώμην μὲν ἀποβαίνοντος σφίσι τοῦ πολέμου, ἐν ᾧ ᾤοντο ὀλίγων ἐτῶν καθαιρήσειν τὴν τῶν Ἀθηναίων δύναμιν, εἰ τὴν γῆν τέμνοιεν, περιπεσόντες δὲ τῇ ἐν τῇ νήσῳ ξυμφορᾷ, οἵα οὔπω ἐγεγένητο τῇ Σπάρτῃ, καὶ λῃστευομένης τῆς χώρας ἐκ τῆς Πύλου καὶ Κυθήρων, αὐτομολούντων τε τῶν Εἱλώτων καὶ αἰεὶ προσδοκίας οὔσης μή τι καὶ οἱ ὑπομένοντες τοῖς ἔξω πίσυνοι πρὸς τὰ παρόντα σφίσιν ὥσπερ καὶ πρότερον νεωτερίσωσιν.

4 ξυνέβαινε δὲ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Ἀργείους αὐτοῖς τὰς τριακοντούτεις σπονδὰς ἐπ’ ἐξόδῳ εἶναι, καὶ ἄλλας οὐκ ἤθελον σπένδεσθαι οἱ Ἀργεῖοι εἰ μή τις αὐτοῖς τὴν Κυνουρίαν γῆν ἀποδώσει, ὥστ’ ἀδύνατα εἶναι ἐφαίνετο Ἀργείοις καὶ Ἀθηναίοις ἅμα πολεμεῖν. τῶν τε ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ πόλεων ὑπώπτευόν τινας ἀποστήσεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς Ἀργείους· ὅπερ καὶ ἐγένετο.

Chapter 15

1 ταῦτ’ οὖν ἀμφοτέροις αὐτοῖς λογιζομένοις ἐδόκει ποιητέα εἶναι ἡ ξύμβασις, καὶ οὐχ ἧσσον τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, ἐπιθυμίᾳ τῶν ἀνδρῶν τῶν ἐκ τῆς νήσου κομίσασθαι· ἦσαν γὰρ οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται αὐτῶν πρῶτοί τε καὶ † ὁμοίως † σφίσι ξυγγενεῖς.

2 ἤρξαντο μὲν οὖν καὶ εὐθὺς μετὰ τὴν ἅλωσιν αὐτῶν πράσσειν, ἀλλ’ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι οὔπως ἤθελον, εὖ φερόμενοι, ἐπὶ τῇ ἴσῃ καταλύεσθαι. σφαλέντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τῷ Δηλίῳ παραχρῆμα οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, γνόντες νῦν μᾶλλον ἂν ἐνδεξαμένους, ποιοῦνται τὴν ἐνιαύσιον ἐκεχειρίαν, ἐν ᾗ ἔδει ξυνιόντας καὶ περὶ τοῦ πλέονος χρόνου βουλεύεσθαι.

Chapter 16

1 ἐπειδὴ δὲ καὶ ἡ ἐν Ἀμφιπόλει ἧσσα τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐγεγένητο καὶ ἐτεθνήκει Κλέων τε καὶ Βρασίδας, οἵπερ ἀμφοτέρωθεν μάλιστα ἠναντιοῦντο τῇ εἰρήνῃ, ὁ μὲν διὰ τὸ εὐτυχεῖν τε καὶ τιμᾶσθαι ἐκ τοῦ πολεμεῖν, ὁ δὲ γενομένης ἡσυχίας καταφανέστερος νομίζων ἂν εἶναι κακουργῶν καὶ ἀπιστότερος διαβάλλων, τότε δὴ ἑκατέρᾳ τῇ πόλει σπεύδοντες τὰ μάλιστα τὴν ἡγεμονίαν Πλειστοάναξ τε ὁ Παυσανίου βασιλεὺς Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Νικίας ὁ Νικηράτου, πλεῖστα τῶν τότε εὖ φερόμενος ἐν στρατηγίαις, πολλῷ δὴ μᾶλλον προυθυμοῦντο, Νικίας μὲν βουλόμενος, ἐν ᾧ ἀπαθὴς ἦν καὶ ἠξιοῦτο, διασώσασθαι τὴν εὐτυχίαν, καὶ ἔς τε τὸ αὐτίκα πόνων πεπαῦσθαι καὶ αὐτὸς καὶ τοὺς πολίτας παῦσαι καὶ τῷ μέλλοντι χρόνῳ καταλιπεῖν ὄνομα ὡς οὐδὲν σφήλας τὴν πόλιν διεγένετο, νομίζων ἐκ τοῦ ἀκινδύνου τοῦτο ξυμβαίνειν καὶ ὅστις ἐλάχιστα τύχῃ αὑτὸν παραδίδωσι, τὸ δὲ ἀκίνδυνον τὴν εἰρήνην παρέχειν, Πλειστοάναξ δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν διαβαλλόμενος περὶ τῆς καθόδου, καὶ ἐς ἐνθυμίαν τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις αἰεὶ προβαλλόμενος ὑπ’ αὐτῶν, ὁπότε τι πταίσειαν, ὡς διὰ τὴν ἐκείνου κάθοδον παρανομηθεῖσαν ταῦτα ξυμβαίνοι.

2 τὴν γὰρ πρόμαντιν τὴν ἐν Δελφοῖς ἐπῃτιῶντο αὐτὸν πεῖσαι μετ’ Ἀριστοκλέους τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ ὥστε χρῆσαι Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐπὶ πολὺ τάδε θεωροῖς ἀφικνουμένοις, Διὸς υἱοῦ ἡμιθέου τὸ σπέρμα ἐκ τῆς ἀλλοτρίας ἐς τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἀναφέρειν, εἰ δὲ μή, ἀργυρέᾳ εὐλάκᾳ εὐλαξεῖν·

3 χρόνῳ δὲ προτρέψαι τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους φεύγοντα αὐτὸν ἐς Λύκαιον διὰ τὴν ἐκ τῆς Ἀττικῆς ποτὲ μετὰ δώρων δοκήσεως ἀναχώρησιν, καὶ ἥμισυ τῆς οἰκίας τοῦ ἱεροῦ τότε τοῦ Διὸς οἰκοῦντα φόβῳ τῷ Λακεδαιμονίων, ἔτει ἑνὸς δέοντι εἰκοστῷ τοῖς ὁμοίοις χοροῖς καὶ θυσίαις καταγαγεῖν ὥσπερ ὅτε τὸ πρῶτον Λακεδαίμονα κτίζοντες τοὺς βασιλέας καθίσταντο.

Chapter 17

1 ἀχθόμενος οὖν τῇ διαβολῇ ταύτῃ καὶ νομίζων ἐν εἰρήνῃ μὲν οὐδενὸς σφάλματος γιγνομένου καὶ ἅμα τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων τοὺς ἄνδρας κομιζομένων κἂν αὐτὸς τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἀνεπίληπτος εἶναι, πολέμου δὲ καθεστῶτος αἰεὶ ἀνάγκην εἶναι τοὺς προύχοντας ἀπὸ τῶν ξυμφορῶν διαβάλλεσθαι, προυθυμήθη τὴν ξύμβασιν.

2 καὶ τόν τε χειμῶνα τοῦτον ᾖσαν ἐς λόγους καὶ πρὸς τὸ ἔαρ ἤδη παρασκευή τε προεπανεσείσθη ἀπὸ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων περιαγγελλομένη κατὰ πόλεις ὡς 〈ἐς 〉 ἐπιτειχισμόν, ὅπως οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι μᾶλλον ἐσακούοιεν, καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐκ τῶν ξυνόδων ἅμα πολλὰς δικαιώσεις προενεγκόντων ἀλλήλοις ξυνεχωρεῖτο ὥστε ἃ ἑκάτεροι πολέμῳ ἔσχον ἀποδόντας τὴν εἰρήνην ποιεῖσθαι, Νίσαιαν δ’ ἔχειν Ἀθηναίους (ἀνταπαιτούντων γὰρ Πλάταιαν οἱ Θηβαῖοι ἔφασαν οὐ βίᾳ, ἀλλ’ ὁμολογίᾳ αὐτῶν προσχωρησάντων καὶ οὐ προδόντων ἔχειν τὸ χωρίον, καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τῷ αὐτῷ τρόπῳ τὴν Νίσαιαν), τότε δὴ παρακαλέσαντες τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ξυμμάχους οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, καὶ ψηφισαμένων πλὴν Βοιωτῶν καὶ Κορινθίων καὶ Ἠλείων καὶ Μεγαρέων τῶν ἄλλων ὥστε καταλύεσθαι (τούτοις δὲ οὐκ ἤρεσκε τὰ πρασσόμενα), ποιοῦνται τὴν ξύμβασιν καὶ ἐσπείσαντο πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους καὶ ὤμοσαν, ἐκεῖνοί τε πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, τάδε.

Chapter 18

1 ‘σπονδὰς ἐποιήσαντο Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι κατὰ τάδε, καὶ ὤμοσαν κατὰ πόλεις.

2 περὶ μὲν τῶν ἱερῶν τῶν κοινῶν, θύειν καὶ ἰέναι καὶ μαντεύεσθαι καὶ θεωρεῖν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια τὸν βουλόμενον καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν ἀδεῶς. τὸ δ’ ἱερὸν καὶ τὸν νεὼν τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖς τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος καὶ Δελφοὺς αὐτονόμους εἶναι καὶ αὐτοτελεῖς καὶ αὐτοδίκους καὶ αὑτῶν καὶ τῆς γῆς τῆς ἑαυτῶν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια.

3 ἔτη δὲ εἶναι τὰς σπονδὰς πεντήκοντα Ἀθηναίοις καὶ τοῖς ξυμμάχοις τοῖς Ἀθηναίων καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ τοῖς ξυμμάχοις τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίων ἀδόλους καὶ ἀβλαβεῖς καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν.

4 ὅπλα δὲ μὴ ἐξέστω ἐπιφέρειν ἐπὶ πημονῇ μήτε Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἐπ᾽ Ἀθηναίους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους μήτε Ἀθηναίους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἐπὶ Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους, μήτε τέχνῃ μήτε μηχανῇ μηδεμιᾷ. ἢν δέ τι διάφορον ᾖ πρὸς ἀλλήλους, δικαίῳ χρήσθων καὶ ὅρκοις, καθ’ ὅτι ἂν ξυνθῶνται.

5 ἀποδόντων δὲ Ἀθηναίοις Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι Ἀμφίπολιν. ὅσας δὲ πόλεις παρέδοσαν Λακεδαιμόνιοι Ἀθηναίοις, ἐξέστω ἀπιέναι ὅποι ἂν βούλωνται αὐτοὺς καὶ τὰ ἑαυτῶν ἔχοντας· τὰς δὲ πόλεις φερούσας τὸν φόρον τὸν ἐπ’ Ἀριστείδου αὐτονόμους εἶναι. ὅπλα δὲ μὴ ἐξέστω ἐπιφέρειν Ἀθηναίους μηδὲ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἐπὶ κακῷ, ἀποδιδόντων τὸν φόρον, ἐπειδὴ αἱ σπονδαὶ ἐγένοντο. εἰσὶ δὲ Ἄργιλος, Στάγιρος, Ἄκανθος, Σκῶλος, Ὄλυνθος, Σπάρτωλος. ξυμμάχους δ’ εἶναι μηδετέρων, μήτε Λακεδαιμονίων μήτε Ἀθηναίων· ἢν δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι πείθωσι τὰς πόλεις, βουλομένας ταύτας ἐξέστω ξυμμάχους ποιεῖσθαι αὐτοὺς Ἀθηναίοις.

6 Μηκυβερναίους δὲ καὶ Σαναίους καὶ Σιγγαίους οἰκεῖν τὰς πόλεις τὰς ἑαυτῶν, καθάπερ Ὀλύνθιοι καὶ Ἀκάνθιοι.

7 ἀποδόντων δὲ Ἀθηναίοις Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι Πάνακτον. ἀποδόντων δὲ καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι Λακεδαιμονίοις Κορυφάσιον καὶ Κύθηρα καὶ Μέθανα καὶ Πτελεὸν καὶ Ἀταλάντην καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ὅσοι εἰσὶ Λακεδαιμονίων ἐν τῷ δημοσίῳ τῷ Ἀθηναίων ἢ ἄλλοθί που ὅσης Ἀθηναῖοι ἄρχουσιν ἐν δημοσίῳ· καὶ τοὺς ἐν Σκιώνῃ πολιορκουμένους Πελοποννησίων ἀφεῖναι καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ὅσοι Λακεδαιμονίων ξύμμαχοι ἐν Σκιώνῃ εἰσὶ καὶ ὅσους Βρασίδας ἐσέπεμψε καὶ εἴ τις τῶν ξυμμάχων τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἐν Ἀθήναις ἐστὶν ἐν τῷ δημοσίῳ ἢ ἄλλοθί που ἧς Ἀθηναῖοι ἄρχουσιν ἐν δημοσίῳ. ἀποδόντων δὲ καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι οὕστινας ἔχουσιν Ἀθηναίων καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων κατὰ ταὐτά.

8 Σκιωναίων δὲ καὶ Τορωναίων καὶ Σερμυλιῶν καὶ εἴ τινα ἄλλην πόλιν ἔχουσιν Ἀθηναῖοι, Ἀθηναίους βουλεύεσθαι περὶ αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων ὅτι ἂν δοκῇ αὐτοῖς.

9 ὅρκους δὲ ποιήσασθαι Ἀθηναίους πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους κατὰ πόλεις. ὀμνύντων δὲ τὸν ἐπιχώριον ὅρκον ἑκάτεροι τὸν μέγιστον ἑπτὰ καὶ δέκα ἑκάστης πόλεως. ὁ δ’ ὅρκος ἔστω ὅδε· “ἐμμενῶ ταῖς ξυνθήκαις καὶ ταῖς σπονδαῖς ταῖσδε δικαίως καὶ ἀδόλως.” ἔστω δὲ Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ τοῖς ξυμμάχοις κατὰ ταὐτὰ ὅρκος πρὸς Ἀθηναίους,

10 τὸν δὲ ὅρκον ἀνανεοῦσθαι κατ’ ἐνιαυτὸν ἀμφοτέρους. στήλας δὲ στῆσαι Ὀλυμπίασι καὶ Πυθοῖ καὶ Ἰσθμοῖ καὶ Ἀθήνησιν ἐν πόλει καὶ ἐν Λακεδαίμονι ἐν Ἀμυκλαίῳ.

11 εἰ δέ τι ἀμνημονοῦσιν ὁποτεροιοῦν καὶ ὅτου πέρι, λόγοις δικαίοις χρωμένοις εὔορκον εἶναι ἀμφοτέροις ταύτῃ μεταθεῖναι ὅπῃ ἂν δοκῇ ἀμφοτέροις, Ἀθηναίοις καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις.

Chapter 19

1 ‘ἄρχει δὲ τῶν σπονδῶν 〈ἐν μὲν Λακεδαίμονι〉 ἔφορος Πλειστόλας Ἀρτεμισίου μηνὸς τετάρτῃ φθίνοντος, ἐν δὲ Ἀθήναις ἄρχων Ἀλκαῖος Ἐλαφηβολιῶνος μηνὸς ἕκτῃ φθίνοντος. ὤμνυον δὲ οἵδε καὶ ἐσπένδοντο.

2 Λακεδαιμονίων μὲν 〈Πλειστοάναξ, Ἆγις,〉 Πλειστόλας, Δαμάγητος, Χίονις, Μεταγένης, Ἄκανθος, Δάιθος, Ἰσχαγόρας, Φιλοχαρίδας, Ζευξίδας, Ἄντιππος, Τέλλις, Ἀλκινάδας, Ἐμπεδίας, Μηνᾶς, Λάφιλος. Ἀθηναίων δὲ οἵδε. Λάμπων, Ἰσθμιόνικος, Νικίας, Λάχης, Εὐθύδημος, Προκλῆς, Πυθόδωρος, Ἅγνων, Μυρτίλος, Θρασυκλῆς, Θεαγένης, Ἀριστοκράτης, Ἰώλκιος, Τιμοκράτης, Λέων, Λάμαχος, Δημοσθένης.’

Chapter 20

1 αὗται αἱ σπονδαὶ ἐγένοντο τελευτῶντος τοῦ χειμῶνος ἅμα ἦρι, ἐκ Διονυσίων εὐθὺς τῶν ἀστικῶν, αὐτόδεκα ἐτῶν διελθόντων καὶ ἡμερῶν ὀλίγων παρενεγκουσῶν ἢ ὡς τὸ πρῶτον ἡ ἐσβολὴ ἡ ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν καὶ ἡ ἀρχὴ τοῦ πολέμου τοῦδε ἐγένετο.

2 σκοπείτω δέ τις κατὰ τοὺς χρόνους καὶ μὴ τῶν ἑκασταχοῦ ἢ ἀρχόντων ἢ ἀπὸ τιμῆς τινὸς ἐς τὰ προγεγενημένα σημαινόντων τὴν ἀπαρίθμησιν τῶν ὀνομάτων πιστεύσας μᾶλλον. οὐ γὰρ ἀκριβές ἐστιν, οἷς καὶ ἀρχομένοις καὶ μεσοῦσι καὶ ὅπως ἔτυχέ τῳ ἐπεγένετό τι.

3 κατὰ θέρη δὲ καὶ χειμῶνας ἀριθμῶν, ὥσπερ γέγραπται, εὑρήσει, ἐξ ἡμισείας ἑκατέρου τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ τὴν δύναμιν ἔχοντος, δέκα μὲν θέρη, ἴσους δὲ χειμῶνας τῷ πρώτῳ πολέμῳ τῷδε γεγενημένους.

Chapter 21

1 Λακεδαιμόνιοι δέ (ἔλαχον γὰρ πρότεροι ἀποδιδόναι ἃ εἶχον) τούς τε ἄνδρας εὐθὺς τοὺς παρὰ σφίσιν αἰχμαλώτους ἀφίεσαν καὶ πέμψαντες ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης πρέσβεις Ἰσχαγόραν καὶ Μηνᾶν καὶ Φιλοχαρίδαν ἐκέλευον τὸν Κλεαρίδαν τὴν Ἀμφίπολιν παραδιδόναι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τὰς σπονδάς, ὡς εἴρητο ἑκάστοις, δέχεσθαι.

2 οἱ δ’ οὐκ ἤθελον, νομίζοντες οὐκ ἐπιτηδείας εἶναι· οὐδὲ ὁ Κλεαρίδας παρέδωκε τὴν πόλιν, χαριζόμενος τοῖς Χαλκιδεῦσι, λέγων ὡς οὐ δυνατὸς εἴη βίᾳ ἐκείνων παραδιδόναι.

3 ἐλθὼν δὲ αὐτὸς κατὰ τάχος μετὰ πρέσβεων αὐτόθεν ἀπολογησόμενός τε ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα, ἢν κατηγορῶσιν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἰσχαγόραν ὅτι οὐκ ἐπείθετο, καὶ ἅμα βουλόμενος εἰδέναι εἰ ἔτι μετακινητὴ εἴη ἡ ὁμολογία, ἐπειδὴ ηὗρε κατειλημμένους, αὐτὸς μὲν πάλιν πεμπόντων τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ κελευόντων μάλιστα μὲν καὶ τὸ χωρίον παραδοῦναι, εἰ δὲ μή, ὁπόσοι Πελοποννησίων ἔνεισιν ἐξαγαγεῖν, κατὰ τάχος ἐπορεύετο.

Chapter 22

1 οἱ δὲ ξύμμαχοι ἐν τῇ Λακεδαίμονι αὐτοὶ ἔτυχον ὄντες, καὶ αὐτῶν τοὺς μὴ δεξαμένους τὰς σπονδὰς ἐκέλευον οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ποιεῖσθαι. οἱ δὲ τῇ αὐτῇ προφάσει ᾗπερ καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἀπεώσαντο οὐκ ἔφασαν δέξεσθαι, ἢν μή τινας δικαιοτέρας τούτων ποιῶνται.

2 ὡς δ’ αὐτῶν οὐκ ἐσήκουον, ἐκείνους μὲν ἀπέπεμψαν, αὐτοὶ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ξυμμαχίαν ἐποιοῦντο, νομίζοντες ἥκιστα ἂν σφίσι τούς τε Ἀργείους, ἐπειδὴ οὐκ ἤθελον Ἀμπελίδου καὶ Λίχου ἐλθόντων ἐπισπένδεσθαι νομίσαντες αὐτοὺς ἄνευ Ἀθηναίων οὐ δεινοὺς εἶναι, καὶ τὴν ἄλλην Πελοπόννησον μάλιστ’ ἂν ἡσυχάζειν· πρὸς γὰρ ἂν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, εἰ ἐξῆν, χωρεῖν.

3 παρόντων οὖν πρέσβεων ἀπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ γενομένων λόγων ξυνέβησαν, καὶ ἐγένοντο ὅρκοι καὶ ξυμμαχία ἥδε.

Chapter 23

1 ‘κατὰ τάδε ξύμμαχοι ἔσονται Λακεδαιμόνιοι 〈καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι〉 πεντήκοντα ἔτη. ἢν [δέ] τινες ἴωσιν ἐς τὴν γῆν πολέμιοι τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ κακῶς ποιῶσι Λακεδαιμονίους, ὠφελεῖν Ἀθηναίους Λακεδαιμονίους τρόπῳ ὁποίῳ ἂν δύνωνται ἰσχυροτάτῳ κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν· ἢν δὲ δῃώσαντες οἴχωνται, πολεμίαν εἶναι ταύτην τὴν πόλιν Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ Ἀθηναίοις καὶ κακῶς πάσχειν ὑπὸ ἀμφοτέρων, καταλύειν δὲ ἅμα ἄμφω τὼ πόλεε. ταῦτα δ’ εἶναι δικαίως καὶ προθύμως καὶ ἀδόλως.

2 καὶ ἤν τινες ἐς τὴν Ἀθηναίων γῆν ἴωσι πολέμιοι καὶ κακῶς ποιῶσιν Ἀθηναίους, ὠφελεῖν Λακεδαιμονίους 〈Ἀθηναίους 〉 τρόπῳ ὅτῳ ἂν δύνωνται ἰσχυροτάτῳ κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν· ἢν δὲ δῃώσαντες οἴχωνται, πολεμίαν εἶναι ταύτην τὴν πόλιν Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ Ἀθηναίοις καὶ κακῶς πάσχειν ὑπ’ ἀμφοτέρων, καταλύειν δὲ ἅμα ἄμφω τὼ πόλεε.

3 ταῦτα δ’ εἶναι δικαίως καὶ προθύμως καὶ ἀδόλως. ἢν δὲ ἡ δουλεία ἐπανιστῆται, ἐπικουρεῖν Ἀθηναίους Λακεδαιμονίοις παντὶ σθένει κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν.

4 ὀμοῦνται δὲ ταῦτα οἵπερ καὶ τὰς ἄλλας σπονδὰς ὤμνυον ἑκατέρων. ἀνανεοῦσθαι δὲ 〈τὸν ὅρκον〉 κατ’ ἐνιαυτὸν Λακεδαιμονίους μὲν ἰόντας ἐς Ἀθήνας πρὸς τὰ Διονύσια, Ἀθηναίους δὲ ἰόντας ἐς Λακεδαίμονα πρὸς τὰ Ὑακίνθια.

5 στήλην δὲ ἑκατέρους στῆσαι, τὴν μὲν ἐν Λακεδαίμονι παρ’ Ἀπόλλωνι ἐν Ἀμυκλαίῳ, τὴν δὲ ἐν Ἀθήναις ἐν πόλει παρ’ Ἀθηνᾷ.

6 ἢν δέ τι δοκῇ Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ Ἀθηναίοις προσθεῖναι καὶ ἀφελεῖν περὶ τῆς ξυμμαχίας, ὅτι ἂν δοκῇ, εὔορκον ἀμφοτέροις εἶναι.

Chapter 24

1 ‘τὸν δὲ ὅρκον ὤμνυον Λακεδαιμονίων μὲν οἵδε, Πλειστοάναξ, Ἆγις, Πλειστόλας, Δαμάγητος, Χίονις, Μεταγένης, Ἄκανθος, Δάιθος, Ἰσχαγόρας, Φιλοχαρίδας, Ζευξίδας, Ἄντιππος, Ἀλκινάδας, Τέλλις, Ἐμπεδίας, Μηνᾶς, Λάφιλος, Ἀθηναίων δὲ Λάμπων, Ἰσθμιόνικος, Λάχης, Νικίας, Εὐθύδημος, Προκλῆς, Πυθόδωρος, Ἅγνων, Μυρτίλος, Θρασυκλῆς, Θεαγένης, Ἀριστοκράτης, Ἰώλκιος, Τιμοκράτης, Λέων, Λάμαχος, Δημοσθένης.’

2 αὕτη ἡ ξυμμαχία ἐγένετο μετὰ τὰς σπονδὰς οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον, καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας τοὺς ἐκ τῆς νήσου ἀπέδοσαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, καὶ τὸ θέρος ἦρχε τοῦ ἑνδεκάτου ἔτους. ταῦτα δὲ τὰ δέκα ἔτη ὁ πρῶτος πόλεμος ξυνεχῶς γενόμενος γέγραπται.

Chapter 25

1 μετὰ δὲ τὰς σπονδὰς καὶ τὴν ξυμμαχίαν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων, αἳ ἐγένοντο μετὰ τὸν δεκέτη πόλεμον ἐπὶ Πλειστόλα μὲν ἐν Λακεδαίμονι ἐφόρου, Ἀλκαίου δ’ ἄρχοντος Ἀθήνησι, τοῖς μὲν δεξαμένοις αὐτὰς εἰρήνη ἦν, οἱ δὲ Κορίνθιοι καὶ τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ πόλεών τινες διεκίνουν τὰ πεπραγμένα, καὶ εὐθὺς ἄλλη ταραχὴ καθίστατο τῶν ξυμμάχων πρὸς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα.

2 καὶ ἅμα καὶ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι προϊόντος τοῦ χρόνου ὕποπτοι ἐγένοντο ἔστιν ἐν οἷς οὐ ποιοῦντες ἐκ τῶν ξυγκειμένων ἃ εἴρητο.

3 καὶ ἐπὶ ἓξ ἔτη μὲν καὶ δέκα μῆνας ἀπέσχοντο μὴ ἐπὶ τὴν ἑκατέρων γῆν στρατεῦσαι, ἔξωθεν δὲ μετ’ ἀνοκωχῆς οὐ βεβαίου ἔβλαπτον ἀλλήλους τὰ μάλιστα· ἔπειτα μέντοι καὶ ἀναγκασθέντες λῦσαι τὰς μετὰ τὰ δέκα ἔτη σπονδὰς αὖθις ἐς πόλεμον φανερὸν κατέστησαν.

Chapter 26

1 γέγραφε δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ὁ αὐτὸς Θουκυδίδης Ἀθηναῖος ἑξῆς, ὡς ἕκαστα ἐγένετο, κατὰ θέρη καὶ χειμῶνας, μέχρι οὗ τήν τε ἀρχὴν κατέπαυσαν τῶν Ἀθηναίων Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι, καὶ τὰ μακρὰ τείχη καὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ κατέλαβον. ἔτη δὲ ἐς τοῦτο τὰ ξύμπαντα ἐγένετο τῷ πολέμῳ ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι.

2 καὶ τὴν διὰ μέσου ξύμβασιν εἴ τις μὴ ἀξιώσει πόλεμον νομίζειν, οὐκ ὀρθῶς δικαιώσει. τοῖς [τε] γὰρ ἔργοις ὡς διῄρηται ἀθρείτω, καὶ εὑρήσει οὐκ εἰκὸς ὂν εἰρήνην αὐτὴν κριθῆναι, ἐν ᾗ οὔτε ἀπέδοσαν πάντα οὔτ’ ἀπεδέξαντο ἃ ξυνέθεντο, ἔξω τε τούτων πρὸς τὸν Μαντινικὸν καὶ Ἐπιδαύριον πόλεμον καὶ ἐς ἄλλα ἀμφοτέροις ἁμαρτήματα ἐγένοντο καὶ οἱ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης ξύμμαχοι οὐδὲν ἧσσον πολέμιοι ἦσαν Βοιωτοί τε ἐκεχειρίαν δεχήμερον ἦγον.

3 ὥστε ξὺν τῷ πρώτῳ πολέμῳ τῷ δεκέτει καὶ τῇ μετ’ αὐτὸν ὑπόπτῳ ἀνοκωχῇ καὶ τῷ ὕστερον ἐξ αὐτῆς πολέμῳ εὑρήσει τις τοσαῦτα ἔτη, λογιζόμενος κατὰ τοὺς χρόνους, καὶ ἡμέρας οὐ πολλὰς παρενεγκούσας, καὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ χρησμῶν τι ἰσχυρισαμένοις μόνον δὴ τοῦτο ἐχυρῶς ξυμβάν.

4 αἰεὶ γὰρ ἔγωγε μέμνημαι, καὶ ἀρχομένου τοῦ πολέμου καὶ μέχρι οὗ ἐτελεύτησε, προφερόμενον ὑπὸ πολλῶν ὅτι τρὶς ἐννέα ἔτη δέοι γενέσθαι αὐτόν.

5 ἐπεβίων δὲ διὰ παντὸς αὐτοῦ αἰσθανόμενός τε τῇ ἡλικίᾳ καὶ προσέχων τὴν γνώμην, ὅπως ἀκριβές τι εἴσομαι· καὶ ξυνέβη μοι φεύγειν τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ ἔτη εἴκοσι μετὰ τὴν ἐς Ἀμφίπολιν στρατηγίαν, καὶ γενομένῳ παρ’ ἀμφοτέροις τοῖς πράγμασι, καὶ οὐχ ἧσσον τοῖς Πελοποννησίων διὰ τὴν φυγήν, καθ’ ἡσυχίαν τι αὐτῶν μᾶλλον αἰσθέσθαι.

6 τὴν οὖν μετὰ τὰ δέκα ἔτη διαφοράν τε καὶ ξύγχυσιν τῶν σπονδῶν καὶ τὰ ἔπειτα ὡς ἐπολεμήθη ἐξηγήσομαι.

Chapter 27

1 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ αἱ πεντηκοντούτεις σπονδαὶ ἐγένοντο καὶ ὕστερον ἡ ξυμμαχία, καὶ αἱ ἀπὸ τῆς Πελοποννήσου πρεσβεῖαι, αἵπερ παρεκλήθησαν ἐς αὐτά, ἀνεχώρουν ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος·

2 καὶ οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀπῆλθον, Κορίνθιοι δὲ ἐς Ἄργος τραπόμενοι πρῶτον λόγους ποιοῦνται πρός τινας τῶν ἐν τέλει ὄντων Ἀργείων ὡς χρή, ἐπειδὴ Λακεδαιμόνιοι οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθῷ, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ καταδουλώσει τῆς Πελοποννήσου σπονδὰς καὶ ξυμμαχίαν πρὸς Ἀθηναίους τοὺς πρὶν ἐχθίστους πεποίηνται, ὁρᾶν τοὺς Ἀργείους ὅπως σωθήσεται ἡ Πελοπόννησος καὶ ψηφίσασθαι τὴν βουλομένην πόλιν τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ἥτις αὐτόνομός τέ ἐστι καὶ δίκας ἴσας καὶ ὁμοίας δίδωσι, πρὸς Ἀργείους ξυμμαχίαν ποιεῖσθαι ὥστε τῇ ἀλλήλων ἐπιμαχεῖν, ἀποδεῖξαι δὲ ἄνδρας ὀλίγους ἀρχὴν αὐτοκράτορας καὶ μὴ πρὸς τὸν δῆμον τοὺς λόγους εἶναι, τοῦ μὴ καταφανεῖς γίγνεσθαι τοὺς μὴ πείσαντας τὸ πλῆθος· ἔφασαν δὲ πολλοὺς προσχωρήσεσθαι μίσει τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων.

3 καὶ οἱ μὲν Κορίνθιοι διδάξαντες ταῦτα ἀνεχώρησαν ἐπ’ οἴκου·

Chapter 28

1 οἱ δὲ τῶν Ἀργείων ἄνδρες ἀκούσαντες ἐπειδὴ ἀνήνεγκαν τοὺς λόγους ἔς τε τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ τὸν δῆμον, ἐψηφίσαντο Ἀργεῖοι καὶ ἄνδρας εἵλοντο δώδεκα, πρὸς οὓς τὸν βουλόμενον τῶν Ἑλλήνων ξυμμαχίαν ποιεῖσθαι πλὴν Ἀθηναίων καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων· τούτων δὲ μηδετέροις ἐξεῖναι ἄνευ τοῦ δήμου τοῦ Ἀργείων σπείσασθαι.

2 ἐδέξαντό τε ταῦτα οἱ Ἀργεῖοι μᾶλλον ὁρῶντες τόν τε Λακεδαιμονίων σφίσι πόλεμον ἐσόμενον (ἐπ’ ἐξόδῳ γὰρ πρὸς αὐτοὺς αἱ σπονδαὶ ἦσαν) καὶ ἅμα ἐλπίσαντες τῆς Πελοποννήσου ἡγήσεσθαι· κατὰ γὰρ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον ἥ τε Λακεδαίμων μάλιστα δὴ κακῶς ἤκουσε καὶ ὑπερώφθη διὰ τὰς ξυμφοράς, οἵ τε Ἀργεῖοι ἄριστα ἔσχον τοῖς πᾶσιν, οὐ ξυναράμενοι τοῦ Ἀττικοῦ πολέμου, ἀμφοτέροις δὲ μᾶλλον ἔνσπονδοι ὄντες ἐκκαρπωσάμενοι.

3 οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἀργεῖοι οὕτως ἐς τὴν ξυμμαχίαν προσεδέχοντο τοὺς ἐθέλοντας τῶν Ἑλλήνων,

Chapter 29

1 Μαντινῆς δ’ αὐτοῖς καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι αὐτῶν πρῶτοι προσεχώρησαν, δεδιότες τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους. τοῖς γὰρ Μαντινεῦσι μέρος τι τῆς Ἀρκαδίας κατέστραπτο ὑπήκοον ἔτι τοῦ πρὸς Ἀθηναίους πολέμου ὄντος, καὶ ἐνόμιζον οὐ περιόψεσθαι σφᾶς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἄρχειν, ἐπειδὴ καὶ σχολὴν ἦγον· ὥστε ἄσμενοι πρὸς τοὺς Ἀργείους ἐτράποντο, πόλιν τε μεγάλην νομίζοντες καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις αἰεὶ διάφορον, δημοκρατουμένην τε ὥσπερ καὶ αὐτοί.

2 ἀποστάντων δὲ τῶν Μαντινέων καὶ ἡ ἄλλη Πελοπόννησος ἐς θροῦν καθίστατο ὡς καὶ σφίσι ποιητέον τοῦτο, νομίσαντες πλέον τέ τι εἰδότας μεταστῆναι αὐτοὺς καὶ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἅμα δι’ ὀργῆς ἔχοντες, ἐν ἄλλοις τε καὶ ὅτι ἐν ταῖς σπονδαῖς ταῖς Ἀττικαῖς ἐγέγραπτο εὔορκον εἶναι προσθεῖναι καὶ ἀφελεῖν ὅτι ἂν ἀμφοῖν τοῖν πολέοιν δοκῇ, Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ Ἀθηναίοις.

3 τοῦτο γὰρ τὸ γράμμα μάλιστα τὴν Πελοπόννησον διεθορύβει καὶ ἐς ὑποψίαν καθίστη μὴ μετὰ Ἀθηναίων σφᾶς βούλωνται Λακεδαιμόνιοι δουλώσασθαι· δίκαιον γὰρ εἶναι πᾶσι τοῖς ξυμμάχοις γεγράφθαι τὴν μετάθεσιν.

4 ὥστε φοβούμενοι οἱ πολλοὶ ὥρμηντο πρὸς τοὺς Ἀργείους καὶ αὐτοὶ ἕκαστοι ξυμμαχίαν ποιεῖσθαι.

Chapter 30

1 Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ αἰσθόμενοι τὸν θροῦν τοῦτον ἐν τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ καθεστῶτα καὶ τοὺς Κορινθίους διδασκάλους τε γενομένους καὶ αὐτοὺς μέλλοντας σπείσεσθαι πρὸς τὸ Ἄργος, πέμπουσι πρέσβεις ἐς τὴν Κόρινθον βουλόμενοι προκαταλαβεῖν τὸ μέλλον, καὶ ᾐτιῶντο τήν τε ἐσήγησιν τοῦ παντὸς καὶ εἰ Ἀργείοις σφῶν ἀποστάντες ξύμμαχοι ἔσονται, παραβήσεσθαί τε ἔφασαν αὐτοὺς τοὺς ὅρκους, καὶ ἤδη ἀδικεῖν ὅτι οὐ δέχονται τὰς Ἀθηναίων σπονδάς, εἰρημένον κύριον εἶναι ὅτι ἂν τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ξυμμάχων ψηφίσηται, ἢν μή τι θεῶν ἢ ἡρώων κώλυμα ᾖ.

2 Κορίνθιοι δὲ παρόντων σφίσι τῶν ξυμμάχων ὅσοι οὐδ’ αὐτοὶ ἐδέξαντο τὰς σπονδάς (παρεκάλεσαν δὲ αὐτοὺς αὐτοὶ πρότερον), ἀντέλεγον τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, ἃ μὲν ἠδικοῦντο οὐ δηλοῦντες ἄντικρυς, ὅτι οὔτε Σόλλιον σφίσιν ἀπέλαβον παρ’ Ἀθηναίων οὔτε Ἀνακτόριον εἴ τέ τι ἄλλο ἐνόμιζον ἐλασσοῦσθαι, πρόσχημα δὲ ποιούμενοι τοὺς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης μὴ προδώσειν· ὀμόσαι γὰρ αὐτοῖς ὅρκους ἰδίᾳ τε, ὅτε μετὰ Ποτειδεατῶν τὸ πρῶτον ἀφίσταντο, καὶ ἄλλους ὕστερον.

3 οὔκουν παραβαίνειν τοὺς τῶν ξυμμάχων ὅρκους ἔφασαν οὐκ ἐσιόντες ἐς τὰς τῶν Ἀθηναίων σπονδάς· θεῶν γὰρ πίστεις ὀμόσαντες ἐκείνοις οὐκ ἂν εὐορκεῖν προδιδόντες αὐτούς. εἰρῆσθαι δ’ ὅτι ‘ἢν μὴ θεῶν ἢ ἡρώων κώλυμα ᾖ· ’ φαίνεσθαι οὖν σφίσι κώλυμα θεῖον τοῦτο.

4 καὶ περὶ μὲν τῶν παλαιῶν ὅρκων τοσαῦτα εἶπον, περὶ δὲ τῆς Ἀργείων ξυμμαχίας μετὰ τῶν φίλων βουλευσάμενοι ποιήσειν ὅτι ἂν δίκαιον ᾖ.

5 καὶ οἱ μὲν Λακεδαιμονίων πρέσβεις ἀνεχώρησαν ἐπ’ οἴκου· ἔτυχον δὲ παρόντες ἐν Κορίνθῳ καὶ Ἀργείων πρέσβεις, οἳ ἐκέλευον τοὺς Κορινθίους ἰέναι ἐς τὴν ξυμμαχίαν καὶ μὴ μέλλειν· οἱ δὲ ἐς τὸν ὕστερον ξύλλογον αὐτοῖς τὸν παρὰ σφίσι προεῖπον ἥκειν.

Chapter 31

1 ἦλθε δὲ καὶ Ἠλείων πρεσβεία εὐθὺς καὶ ἐποιήσατο πρὸς Κορινθίους ξυμμαχίαν πρῶτον, ἔπειτα ἐκεῖθεν ἐς Ἄργος ἐλθόντες, καθάπερ προείρητο, Ἀργείων ξύμμαχοι ἐγένοντο. διαφερόμενοι γὰρ ἐτύγχανον τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις περὶ Λεπρέου.

2 πολέμου γὰρ γενομένου ποτὲ πρὸς Ἀρκάδων τινὰς Λεπρεάταις καὶ Ἠλείων παρακληθέντων ὑπὸ Λεπρεατῶν ἐς ξυμμαχίαν ἐπὶ τῇ ἡμισείᾳ τῆς γῆς καὶ λυσάντων τὸν πόλεμον Ἠλεῖοι τὴν γῆν νεμομένοις αὐτοῖς τοῖς Λεπρεάταις τάλαντον ἔταξαν τῷ Διὶ τῷ Ὀλυμπίῳ ἀποφέρειν.

3 καὶ μέχρι μὲν τοῦ Ἀττικοῦ πολέμου ἀπέφερον, ἔπειτα παυσαμένων διὰ πρόφασιν τοῦ πολέμου οἱ Ἠλεῖοι ἐπηνάγκαζον, οἱ δ’ ἐτράποντο πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους. καὶ δίκης Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐπιτραπείσης ὑποτοπήσαντες οἱ Ἠλεῖοι μὴ ἴσον ἕξειν ἀνέντες τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν Λερεατῶν τὴν γῆν ἔτεμον.

4 οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι οὐδὲν ἧσσον ἐδίκασαν αὐτονόμους εἶναι Λεπρεάτας καὶ ἀδικεῖν Ἠλείους, καὶ ὡς οὐκ ἐμμεινάντων τῇ ἐπιτροπῇ φρουρὰν ὁπλιτῶν ἐσέπεμψαν ἐς Λέπρεον.

5 οἱ δὲ Ἠλεῖοι νομίζοντες πόλιν σφῶν ἀφεστηκυῖαν δέξασθαι τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ τὴν ξυνθήκην προφέροντες ἐν ᾗ εἴρητο, ἃ ἔχοντες ἐς τὸν Ἀττικὸν πόλεμον καθίσταντό τινες, ταῦτα ἔχοντας καὶ ἐξελθεῖν, ὡς οὐκ ἴσον ἔχοντες ἀφίστανται πρὸς τοὺς Ἀργείους, καὶ τὴν ξυμμαχίαν, ὥσπερ προείρητο, καὶ οὗτοι ἐποιήσαντο.

6 ἐγένοντο δὲ καὶ οἱ Κορίνθιοι εὐθὺς μετ’ ἐκείνους καὶ οἱ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης Χαλκιδῆς Ἀργείων ξύμμαχοι. Βοιωτοὶ δὲ καὶ Μεγαρῆς τὸ αὐτὸ λέγοντες ἡσύχαζον, περιορώμενοι ὑπὸ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ νομίζοντες σφίσι τὴν Ἀργείων δημοκρατίαν αὐτοῖς ὀλιγαρχουμένοις ἧσσον ξύμφορον εἶναι τῆς Λακεδαιμονίων πολιτείας.

Chapter 32

1 περὶ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους τοῦ θέρους τούτου Σκιωναίους μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι ἐκπολιορκήσαντες ἀπέκτειναν τοὺς ἡβῶντας, παῖδας δὲ καὶ γυναῖκας ἠνδραπόδισαν, καὶ τὴν γῆν Πλαταιεῦσιν ἔδοσαν νέμεσθαι, Δηλίους δὲ κατήγαγον πάλιν ἐς Δῆλον, ἐνθυμούμενοι τάς τε ἐν ταῖς μάχαις ξυμφορὰς καὶ τοῦ ἐν Δελφοῖς θεοῦ χρήσαντος.

2 καὶ Φωκῆς καὶ Λοκροὶ ἤρξαντο πολεμεῖν.

3 καὶ Κορίνθιοι καὶ Ἀργεῖοι ἤδη ξύμμαχοι ὄντες ἔρχονται ἐς Τεγέαν ἀποστήσοντες Λακεδαιμονίων, ὁρῶντες μέγα μέρος ὂν καί, εἰ σφίσι προσγένοιτο, νομίζοντες ἅπασαν ἂν ἔχειν Πελοπόννησον.

4 ὡς δὲ οὐδὲν ἂν ἔφασαν ἐναντιωθῆναι οἱ Τεγεᾶται Λακεδαιμονίοις, οἱ Κορίνθιοι μέχρι τούτου προθύμως πράσσοντες ἀνεῖσαν τῆς φιλονικίας καὶ ὠρρώδησαν μὴ οὐδεὶς σφίσιν ἔτι τῶν ἄλλων προσχωρῇ.

5 ὅμως δὲ ἐλθόντες ἐς τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς ἐδέοντο σφῶν τε καὶ Ἀργείων γίγνεσθαι ξυμμάχους καὶ τἆλλα κοινῇ πράσσειν· τάς τε δεχημέρους ἐπισπονδάς, αἳ ἦσαν Ἀθηναίοις καὶ Βοιωτοῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον γενόμεναι [τούτων] τῶν πεντηκοντουτίδων σπονδῶν, ἐκέλευον οἱ Κορίνθιοι τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς ἀκολουθήσαντας Ἀθήναζε καὶ σφίσι ποιῆσαι, [ὥσπερ Βοιωτοὶ εἶχον,] μὴ δεχομένων δὲ Ἀθηναίων ἀπειπεῖν τὴν ἐκεχειρίαν καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν μὴ σπένδεσθαι ἄνευ αὐτῶν.

6 Βοιωτοὶ δὲ δεομένων τῶν Κορινθίων περὶ μὲν τῆς Ἀργείων ξυμμαχίας ἐπισχεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐκέλευον, ἐλθόντες δὲ Ἀθήναζε μετὰ Κορινθίων οὐχ ηὕροντο τὰς δεχημέρους σπονδάς, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπεκρίναντο οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι Κορινθίοις εἶναι σπονδάς, εἴπερ Λακεδαιμονίων εἰσὶ ξύμμαχοι.

7 Βοιωτοὶ μὲν οὖν οὐδὲν μᾶλλον ἀπεῖπον τὰς δεχημέρους, ἀξιούντων καὶ αἰτιωμένων Κορινθίων ξυνθέσθαι σφίσιν· Κορινθίοις δὲ ἀνοκωχὴ ἄσπονδος ἦν πρὸς Ἀθηναίους.

Chapter 33

1 Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ τοῦ αὐτοῦ θέρους πανδημεὶ ἐστράτευσαν, Πλειστοάνακτος τοῦ Παυσανίου Λακεδαιμονίων Βασιλέως ἡγουμένου, τῆς Ἀρκαδίας ἐς Παρρασίους, Μαντινέων ὑπηκόους ὄντας, κατὰ στάσιν ἐπικαλεσαμένων σφᾶς, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸ ἐν Κυψέλοις τεῖχος ἀναιρήσοντες, ἢν δύνωνται, ὃ ἐτείχισαν Μαντινῆς καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐφρούρουν, ἐν τῇ Παρρασικῇ κείμενον ἐπὶ τῇ Σκιρίτιδι τῆς Λακωνικῆς.

2 καὶ οἱ μὲν Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὴν γῆν τῶν Παρρασίων ἐδῄουν, οἱ δὲ Μαντινῆς τὴν πόλιν Ἀργείοις φύλαξι παραδόντες αὐτοὶ τὴν ξυμμαχίδα ἐφρούρουν· ἀδύνατοι δ’ ὄντες διασῶσαι τό τε ἐν Κυψέλοις τεῖχος καὶ τὰς ἐν Παρρασίοις πόλεις ἀπῆλθον.

3 Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ τούς τε Παρρασίους αὐτονόμους ποιήσαντες καὶ τὸ τεῖχος καθελόντες ἀνεχώρησαν ἐπ’ οἴκου.

Chapter 34

1 καὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ θέρους ἤδη ἡκόντων αὐτοῖς τῶν ἀπὸ Θρᾴκης μετὰ Βρασίδου ἐξελθόντων στρατιωτῶν, οὓς ὁ Κλεαρίδας μετὰ τὰς σπονδὰς ἐκόμισεν, οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐψηφίσαντο τοὺς μὲν μετὰ Βρασίδου Εἵλωτας μαχεσαμένους ἐλευθέρους εἶναι καὶ οἰκεῖν ὅπου ἂν βούλωνται, καὶ ὕστερον οὐ πολλῷ αὐτοὺς μετὰ τῶν νεοδαμωδῶν ἐς Λέπρεον κατέστησαν, κείμενον ἐπὶ τῆς Λακωνικῆς καὶ τῆς Ἠλείας, ὄντες ἤδη διάφοροι Ἠλείοις·

2 τοὺς δ’ ἐκ τῆς νήσου ληφθέντας σφῶν καὶ τὰ ὅπλα παραδόντας, δείσαντες μή τι διὰ τὴν ξυμφορὰν νομίσαντες ἐλασσωθήσεσθαι καὶ ὄντες ἐπίτιμοι νεωτερίσωσιν, ἤδη καὶ ἀρχάς τινας ἔχοντας ἀτίμους ἐποίησαν, ἀτιμίαν δὲ τοιάνδε ὥστε μήτε ἄρχειν μήτε πριαμένους τι ἢ πωλοῦντας κυρίους εἶναι. ὕστερον δὲ αὖθις χρόνῳ ἐπίτιμοι ἐγένοντο.

Chapter 35

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ θέρους καὶ Θυσσὸν τὴν ἐν τῇ Ἄθω Ἀκτῇ Διῆς εἷλον, Ἀθηναίων οὖσαν ξύμμαχον.

2 καὶ τὸ θέρος τοῦτο πᾶν ἐπιμειξίαι μὲν ἦσαν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις καὶ Πελοποννησίοις, ὑπώπτευον δὲ ἀλλήλους εὐθὺς μετὰ τὰς σπονδὰς οἵ τε Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι κατὰ τὴν τῶν χωρίων ἀλλήλοις οὐκ ἀπόδοσιν.

3 τὴν γὰρ Ἀμφίπολιν πρότεροι λαχόντες οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἀποδιδόναι καὶ τἆλλα οὐκ ἀπεδεδώκεσαν, οὐδὲ τοὺς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης παρεῖχον ξυμμάχους τὰς σπονδὰς δεχομένους οὐδὲ Βοιωτοὺς οὐδὲ Κορινθίους, λέγοντες αἰεὶ ὡς μετ’ Ἀθηναίων τούτους, ἢν μὴ ᾽θέλωσι, κοινῇ ἀναγκάσουσιν· χρόνους τε προύθεντο ἄνευ ξυγγραφῆς ἐν οἷς χρῆν τοὺς μὴ ἐσιόντας ἀμφοτέροις πολεμίους εἶναι.

4 τούτων οὖν ὁρῶντες οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι οὐδὲν ἔργῳ γιγνόμενον ὑπώπτευον τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους μηδὲν δίκαιον διανοεῖσθαι, ὥστε οὔτε Πύλον ἀπαιτούντων αὐτῶν ἀπεδίδοσαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς νήσου δεσμώτας μετεμέλοντο ἀποδεδωκότες, τά τε ἄλλα χωρία εἶχον, μένοντες ἕως σφίσι κἀκεῖνοι ποιήσειαν τὰ εἰρημένα.

5 Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ τὰ μὲν δυνατὰ ἔφασαν πεποιηκέναι· τοὺς γὰρ παρὰ σφίσι δεσμώτας ὄντας Ἀθηναίων ἀποδοῦναι καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης στρατιώτας ἀπαγαγεῖν καὶ εἴ του ἄλλου ἐγκρατεῖς ἦσαν· Ἀμφιπόλεως δὲ οὐκ ἔφασαν κρατεῖν ὥστε παραδοῦναι, Βοιωτοὺς δὲ πειράσεσθαι καὶ Κορινθίους ἐς τὰς σπονδὰς ἐσαγαγεῖν καὶ Πάνακτον ἀπολαβεῖν καὶ Ἀθηναίων ὅσοι ἦσαν ἐν Βοιωτοῖς αἰχμάλωτοι κομιεῖν.

6 πύλον μέντοι ἠξίουν σφίσιν ἀποδοῦναι· εἰ δὲ μή, Μεσσηνίους γε καὶ τοὺς Εἵλωτας ἐξαγαγεῖν, ὥσπερ καὶ αὐτοὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ Θρᾴκης, Ἀθηναίους δὲ φρουρεῖν τὸ χωρίον αὐτούς, εἰ βούλονται.

7 πολλάκις δὲ καὶ πολλῶν λόγων γενομένων ἐν τῷ θέρει τούτῳ ἔπεισαν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ὥστε ἐξαγαγεῖν ἐκ Πύλου Μεσσηνίους καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Εἵλωτάς τε καὶ ὅσοι ηὐτομολήκεσαν ἐκ τῆς Λακωνικῆς· καὶ κατῴκισαν αὐτοὺς ἐν Κρανίοις τῆς Κεφαλληνίας.

8 τὸ μὲν οὖν θέρος τοῦτο ἡσυχία ἦν καὶ ἔφοδοι παρ’ ἀλλήλους.

Chapter 36

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος (ἔτυχον γὰρ ἔφοροι ἕτεροι καὶ οὐκ ἐφ’ ὧν αἱ σπονδαὶ ἐγένοντο ἄρχοντες ἤδη, καί τινες αὐτῶν καὶ ἐναντίοι 〈ταῖς 〉 σπονδαῖς) ἐλθουσῶν πρεσβειῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ξυμμαχίδος καὶ παρόντων Ἀθηναίων καὶ Βοιωτῶν καὶ Κορινθίων καὶ πολλὰ ἐν ἀλλήλοις εἰπόντων καὶ οὐδὲν ξυμβάντων, ὡς ἀπῇσαν ἐπ’ οἴκου, τοῖς Βοιωτοῖς καὶ Κορινθίοις Κλεόβουλος καὶ Ξενάρης, οὗτοι οἵπερ τῶν ἐφόρων ἐβούλοντο μάλιστα διαλῦσαι τὰς σπονδάς, λόγους ποιοῦνται ἰδίους, παραινοῦντες ὅτι μάλιστα ταῦτά τε γιγνώσκειν καὶ πειρᾶσθαι Βοιωτούς, Ἀργείων γενομένους πρῶτον αὐτοὺς ξυμμάχους, αὖθις μετὰ Βοιωτῶν Ἀργείους Λακεδαιμονίοις ποιῆσαι ξυμμάχους (οὕτω γὰρ ἥκιστ’ ἂν ἀναγασθῆναι Βοιωτοὺς ἐς τὰς Ἀττικὰς σπονδὰς ἐσελθεῖν· ἑλέσθαι γὰρ Λακεδαιμονίους πρὸ τῆς Ἀθηναίων ἔχθρας καὶ διαλύσεως τῶν σπονδῶν Ἀργείους σφίσι φίλους καὶ ξυμμάχους γενέσθαι· τὸ γὰρ Ἄργος αἰεὶ ἠπίσταντο ἐπιθυμοῦντας τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους καλῶς σφίσι φίλιον γενέσθαι), ἡγούμενοι τὸν ἔξω Πελοποννήσου πόλεμον ῥᾴω ἂν εἶναι.

2 τὸ μέντοι Πάνακτον ἐδέοντο Βοιωτοὺς ὅπως παραδώσουσι Λακεδαιμονίοις, ἵνα ἀντ’ αὐτοῦ Πύλον, ἢν δύνωνται, ἀπολαβόντες ῥᾷον καθιστῶνται Ἀθηναίοις ἐς πόλεμον.

Chapter 37

1 καὶ οἱ μὲν Βοιωτοὶ καὶ Κορίνθιοι ταῦτα ἐπεσταλμένοι ἀπό τε τοῦ Ξενάρους καὶ Κλεοβούλου καὶ ὅσοι φίλοι ἦσαν αὐτοῖς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ὥστε ἀπαγγεῖλαι ἐπὶ τὰ κοινά, ἑκάτεροι ἀνεχώρουν.

2 Ἀργείων δὲ δύο ἄνδρες τῆς ἀρχῆς τῆς μεγίστης ἐπετήρουν ἀπιόντας αὐτοὺς καθ’ ὁδὸν καὶ ξυγγενόμενοι ἐς λόγους ἦλθον, εἴ πως οἱ Βοιωτοὶ σφίσι ξύμμαχοι γένοιντο ὥσπερ Κορίνθιοι καὶ Ἠλεῖοι καὶ Μαντινῆς· νομίζειν γὰρ ἂν τούτου προχωρήσαντος ῥᾳδίως ἤδη καὶ πολεμεῖν καὶ σπένδεσθαι καὶ πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους, εἰ βούλοιντο, κοινῷ λόγῳ χρωμένους, καὶ εἴ τινα πρὸς ἄλλον δέοι.

3 τοῖς δὲ τῶν Βοιωτῶν πρέσβεσιν ἀκούουσιν ἤρεσκεν· κατὰ τύχην γὰρ ἐδέοντο τούτων ὧνπερ καὶ οἱ ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος αὐτοῖς φίλοι ἐπεστάλκεσαν. καὶ οἱ τῶν Ἀργείων ἄνδρες ὡς ᾔσθοντο αὐτοὺς δεχομένους τὸν λόγον, εἰπόντες ὅτι πρέσβεις πέμψουσιν ἐς Βοιωτοὺς ἀπῆλθον.

4 ἀφικόμενοι δὲ οἱ Βοιωτοὶ ἀπήγγειλαν τοῖς βοιωτάρχαις τά τε ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος καὶ τὰ ἀπὸ τῶν ξυγγενομένων Ἀργείων· καὶ οἱ βοιωτάρχαι ἠρέσκοντό τε καὶ πολλῷ προθυμότεροι ἦσαν, ὅτι ἀμφοτέρωθεν ξυνεβεβήκει αὐτοῖς τούς τε φίλους τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων τῶν αὐτῶν δεῖσθαι καὶ τοὺς Ἀργείους ἐς τὰ ὁμοῖα σπεύδειν.

5 καὶ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον πρέσβεις παρῆσαν Ἀργείων τὰ εἰρημένα προκαλούμενοι· καὶ αὐτοὺς ἀπέπεμψαν ἐπαινέσαντες τοὺς λόγους οἱ βοιωτάρχαι καὶ πρέσβεις ὑποσχόμενοι ἀποστελεῖν περὶ τῆς ξυμμαχίας ἐς Ἄργος.

Chapter 38

1 ἐν δὲ τούτῳ ἐδόκει πρῶτον τοῖς βοιωτάρχαις καὶ Κορινθίοις καὶ Μεγαρεῦσι καὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ Θρᾴκης πρέσβεσιν ὀμόσαι ὅρκους ἀλλήλοις ἦ μὴν ἔν τε τῷ παρατυχόντι ἀμυνεῖν τῷ δεομένῳ καὶ μὴ πολεμήσειν τῳ μηδὲ ξυμβήσεσθαι ἄνευ κοινῆς γνώμης, καὶ οὕτως ἤδη τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς καὶ Μεγαρέας (τὸ γὰρ αὐτὸ ἐποίουν) πρὸς τοὺς Ἀργείους σπένδεσθαι.

2 πρὶν δὲ τοὺς ὅρκους γενέσθαι οἱ βοιωτάρχαι ἐκοίνωσαν ταῖς τέσσαρσι βουλαῖς τῶν Βοιωτῶν ταῦτα, αἵπερ ἅπαν τὸ κῦρος ἔχουσιν, καὶ παρῄνουν γενέσθαι ὅρκους ταῖς πόλεσιν, ὅσαι βούλονται ἐπ’ ὠφελίᾳ σφίσι ξυνομνύναι.

3 οἱ δ’ ἐν ταῖς βουλαῖς τῶν Βοιωτῶν ὄντες οὐ προσδέχονται τὸν λόγον, δεδιότες μὴ ἐναντία Λακεδαιμονίοις ποιήσωσι, τοῖς ἐκείνων ἀφεστῶσι Κορινθίοις ξυνομνύντες· οὐ γὰρ εἶπον αὐτοῖς οἱ βοιωτάρχαι τὰ ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος, ὅτι τῶν τε ἐφόρων Κλεόβουλος καὶ Ξενάρης καὶ οἱ φίλοι παραινοῦσιν Ἀργείων πρῶτον καὶ Κορινθίων γενομένους ξυμμάχους ὕστερον μετὰ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων γίγνεσθαι, οἰόμενοι τὴν βουλήν, κἂν μὴ εἴπωσιν, οὐκ ἄλλα ψηφιεῖσθαι ἢ ἃ σφίσι προδιαγνόντες παραινοῦσιν.

4 ὡς δὲ ἀντέστη τὸ πρᾶγμα, οἱ μὲν Κορίνθιοι καὶ οἱ ἀπὸ Θρᾴκης πρέσβεις ἄπρακτοι ἀπῆλθον, οἱ δὲ βοιωτάρχαι μέλλοντες πρότερον, εἰ ταῦτα ἔπεισαν, καὶ τὴν ξυμμαχίαν πειράσεσθαι πρὸς Ἀργείους ποιεῖν, οὐκέτι ἐσήνεγκαν περὶ Ἀργείων ἐς τὰς βουλάς, οὐδὲ ἐς τὸ Ἄργος τοὺς πρέσβεις οὓς ὑπέσχοντο ἔπεμπον, ἀμέλεια δέ τις ἐνῆν καὶ διατριβὴ τῶν πάντων.

Chapter 39

1 καὶ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ χειμῶνι τούτῳ Μηκύβερναν Ὀλύνθιοι, Ἀθηναίων φρουρούντων, ἐπιδραμόντες εἷλον.

2 μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα (ἐγίγνοντο γὰρ αἰεὶ λόγοι τοῖς τε Ἀθηναίοις καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις περὶ ὧν εἶχον ἀλλήλων) ἐλπίζοντες οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, εἰ Πάνακτον Ἀθηναῖοι παρὰ Βοιωτῶν ἀπολάβοιεν, κομίσασθαι ἂν αὐτοὶ Πύλον, ἦλθον ἐς τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς πρεσβευόμενοι καὶ ἐδέοντο σφίσι Πάνακτόν τε καὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίων δεσμώτας παραδοῦναι, ἵνα ἀντ’ αὐτῶν Πύλον κομίσωνται.

3 οἱ δὲ Βοιωτοὶ οὐκ ἔφασαν ἀποδώσειν, ἢν μὴ σφίσι ξυμμαχίαν ἰδίαν ποιήσωνται ὥσπερ Ἀθηναίοις. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ εἰδότες μὲν ὅτι ἀδικήσουσιν Ἀθηναίους, εἰρημένον ἄνευ ἀλλήλων μήτε σπένδεσθαί τῳ μήτε πολεμεῖν, βουλόμενοι δὲ τὸ Πάνακτον παραλαβεῖν ὡς τὴν Πύλον ἀντ’ αὐτοῦ κομιούμενοι, καὶ ἅμα τῶν ξυγχέαι σπευδόντων τὰς σπονδὰς προθυμουμένων τὰ ἐς Βοιωτούς, ἐποιήσαντο τὴν ξυμμαχίαν τοῦ χειμῶνος τελευτῶντος ἤδη καὶ πρὸς ἔαρ· καὶ τὸ Πάνακτον εὐθὺς καθῃρεῖτο. καὶ ἑνδέκατον ἔτος τῷ πολέμῳ ἐτελεύτα.

Chapter 40

1 ἅμα δὲ τῷ ἦρι εὐθὺς τοῦ ἐπιγιγνομένου θέρους οἱ Ἀργεῖοι, ὡς οἵ τε πρέσβεις τῶν Βοιωτῶν οὓς ἔφασαν πέμψειν οὐχ ἧκον τό τε Πάνακτον ᾔσθοντο καθαιρούμενον καὶ ξυμμαχίαν ἰδίαν γεγενημένην τοῖς Βοιωτοῖς πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, ἔδεισαν μὴ μονωθῶσι καὶ ἐς Λακεδαιμονίους πᾶσα ἡ ξυμμαχία χωρήσῃ·

2 τοὺς γὰρ Βοιωτοὺς ᾤοντο πεπεῖσθαι ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων τό τε Πάνακτον καθελεῖν καὶ ἐς τὰς Ἀθηναίων σπονδὰς ἐσιέναι, τούς τε Ἀθηναίους εἰδέναι ταῦτα, ὥστε οὐδὲ πρὸς Ἀθηναίους ἔτι σφίσιν εἶναι ξυμμαχίαν ποιήσασθαι, πρότερον ἐλπίζοντες ἐκ τῶν διαφορῶν, εἰ μὴ μείνειαν αὐτοῖς αἱ πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους σπονδαί, τοῖς γοῦν Ἀθηναίοις ξύμμαχοι ἔσεσθαι.

3 ἀποροῦντες οὖν ταῦτα οἱ Ἀργεῖοι, καὶ φοβούμενοι μὴ Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ Τεγεάταις, Βοιωτοῖς καὶ Ἀθηναίοις ἅμα πολεμῶσι, πρότερον οὐ δεχόμενοι τὰς Λακεδαιμονίων σπονδάς, ἀλλ’ ἐν φρονήματι ὄντες τῆς Πελοποννήσου ἡγήσεσθαι, ἔπεμπον ὡς ἐδύναντο τάχιστα ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα πρέσβεις Εὔστροφον καὶ Αἴσωνα, οἳ ἐδόκουν προσφιλέστατοι αὐτοῖς εἶναι, ἡγούμενοι ἐκ τῶν παρόντων κράτιστα πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους σπονδὰς ποιησάμενοι, ὅπῃ ἂν ξυγχωρῇ, ἡσυχίαν ἔχειν.

Chapter 41

1 καὶ οἱ πρέσβεις ἀφικόμενοι αὐτῶν λόγους ἐποιοῦντο πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐφ’ ᾧ ἂν σφίσιν αἱ σπονδαὶ γίγνοιντο.

2 καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οἱ Ἀργεῖοι ἠξίουν δίκης ἐπιτροπὴν σφίσι γενέσθαι ἢ ἐς πόλιν τινὰ ἢ ἰδιώτην περὶ τῆς Κυνουρίας γῆς, ἧς αἰεὶ πέρι διαφέρονται μεθορίας οὔσης (ἔχει δὲ ἐν αὑτῇ Θυρέαν καὶ Ἀνθήνην πόλιν, νέμονται δ’ αὐτὴν Λακεδαιμόνιοι)· ἔπειτα δ’ οὐκ ἐώντων Λακεδαιμονίων μεμνῆσθαι περὶ αὐτῆς, ἀλλ᾽, εἰ βούλονται σπένδεσθαι ὥσπερ πρότερον, ἑτοῖμοι εἶναι, οἱ Ἀργεῖοι πρέσβεις τάδε ὅμως ἐπηγάγοντο τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ξυγχωρῆσαι, ἐν μὲν τῷ παρόντι σπονδὰς ποιήσασθαι ἔτη πεντήκοντα, ἐξεῖναι δ᾽ ὁποτεροισοῦν προκαλεσαμένοις, μήτε νόσου οὔσης μήτε πολέμου Λακεδαίμονι καὶ Ἄργει, διαμάχεσθαι περὶ τῆς γῆς ταύτης, ὥσπερ καὶ πρότερόν ποτε ὅτε αὐτοὶ ἑκάτεροι ἠξίωσαν νικᾶν, διώκειν δὲ μὴ ἐξεῖναι περαιτέρω τῶν πρὸς Ἄργος καὶ Λακεδαίμονα ὅρων.

3 τοῖς δὲ Λακεδαιμονίοις τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐδόκει μωρία εἶναι ταῦτα, ἔπειτα (ἐπεθύμουν γὰρ τὸ Ἄργος πάντως φίλιον ἔχειν) ξυνεχώρησαν ἐφ’ οἷς ἠξίουν καὶ ξυνεγράψαντο. ἐκέλευον δ᾽ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, πρὶν τέλος τι αὐτῶν ἔχειν, ἐς τὸ Ἄργος πρῶτον ἐπαναχωρήσαντας αὐτοὺς δεῖξαι τῷ πλήθει, καὶ ἢν ἀρέσκοντα ᾖ, ἥκειν ἐς τὰ Ὑακίνθια τοὺς ὅρκους ποιησομένους. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀνεχώρησαν·

Chapter 42

1 ἐν δὲ τῷ χρόνῳ τούτῳ ᾧ οἱ Ἀργεῖοι ταῦτα ἔπρασσον, οἱ πρέσβεις τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων Ἀνδρομένης καὶ Φαίδιμος καὶ Ἀντιμενίδας, οὓς ἔδει τὸ Πάνακτον καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας τοὺς παρὰ Βοιωτῶν παραλαβόντας Ἀθηναίοις ἀποδοῦναι, τὸ μὲν Πάνακτον ὑπὸ τῶν Βοιωτῶν αὐτῶν καθῃρημένον ηὗρον, ἐπὶ προφάσει ὡς ἦσάν ποτε Ἀθηναίοις καὶ Βοιωτοῖς ἐκ διαφορᾶς περὶ αὐτοῦ ὅρκοι παλαιοὶ μηδετέρους οἰκεῖν τὸ χωρίον, ἀλλὰ κοινῇ νέμειν, τοὺς δ’ ἄνδρας οὓς εἶχον αἰχμαλώτους Βοιωτοὶ Ἀθηναίων παραλαβόντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀνδρομένη ἐκόμισαν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις καὶ ἀπέδοσαν, τοῦ τε Πανάκτου τὴν καθαίρεσιν ἔλεγον αὐτοῖς, νομίζοντες καὶ τοῦτο ἀποδιδόναι· πολέμιον γὰρ οὐκέτι ἐν αὐτῷ Ἀθηναίοις οἰκήσειν οὐδένα.

2 λεγομένων δὲ τούτων οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι δεινὰ ἐποίουν, νομίζοντες ἀδικεῖσθαι ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων τοῦ τε Πανάκτου τῇ καθαιρέσει, ὃ ἔδει ὀρθὸν παραδοῦναι, καὶ πυνθανόμενοι ὅτι καὶ Βοιωτοῖς ἰδίᾳ ξυμμαχίαν πεποίηνται, φάσκοντες πρότερον κοινῇ τοὺς μὴ δεχομένους τὰς σπονδὰς προσαναγκάσειν. τά τε ἄλλα ἐσκόπουν ὅσα ἐξελελοίπεσαν τῆς ξυνθήκης καὶ ἐνόμιζον ἐξηπατῆσθαι, ὥστε χαλεπῶς πρὸς τοὺς πρέσβεις ἀποκρινάμενοι ἀπέπεμψαν.

Chapter 43

1 κατὰ τοιαύτην δὴ διαφορὰν ὄντων τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, οἱ ἐν ταῖς Ἀθήναις αὖ βουλόμενοι λῦσαι τὰς σπονδὰς εὐθὺς ἐνέκειντο.

2 ἦσαν δὲ ἄλλοι τε καὶ Ἀλκιβιάδης ὁ Κλεινίου, ἀνὴρ ἡλικίᾳ μὲν ἔτι τότε ὢν νέος ὡς ἐν ἄλλῃ πόλει, ἀξιώματι δὲ προγόνων τιμώμενος· ᾧ ἐδόκει μὲν καὶ ἄμεινον εἶναι πρὸς τοὺς Ἀργείους μᾶλλον χωρεῖν, οὐ μέντοι ἀλλὰ καὶ φρονήματι φιλονικῶν ἠναντιοῦτο, ὅτι Λακεδαιμόνιοι διὰ Νικίου καὶ Λάχητος ἔπραξαν τὰς σπονδάς, ἑαυτὸν κατά τε τὴν νεότητα ὑπεριδόντες καὶ κατὰ τὴν παλαιὰν προξενίαν ποτὲ οὖσαν οὐ τιμήσαντες, ἣν τοῦ πάππου ἀπειπόντος αὐτὸς τοὺς ἐκ τῆς νήσου αὐτῶν αἰχμαλώτους θεραπεύων διενοεῖτο ἀνανεώσασθαι.

3 πανταχόθεν τε νομίζων ἐλασσοῦσθαι τό τε πρῶτον ἀντεῖπεν, οὐ βεβαίους φάσκων εἶναι Λακεδαιμονίους, ἀλλ’ ἵνα Ἀργείους σφίσι σπεισάμενοι ἐξέλωσι καὶ αὖθις ἐπ’ Ἀθηναίους μόνους ἴωσι, τούτου ἕνεκα σπένδεσθαι αὐτούς, καὶ τότε, ἐπειδὴ ἡ διαφορὰ ἐγεγένητο, πέμπει εὐθὺς ἐς Ἄργος ἰδίᾳ, κελεύων ὡς τάχιστα ἐπὶ τὴν ξυμμαχίαν προκαλουμένους ἥκειν μετὰ Μαντινέων καὶ Ἠλείων, ὡς καιροῦ ὄντος καὶ αὐτὸς ξυμπράξων τὰ μάλιστα.

Chapter 44

1 οἱ δὲ Ἀργεῖοι ἀκούσαντες τῆς τε ἀγγελίας καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἔγνωσαν οὐ μετ’ Ἀθηναίων πραχθεῖσαν τὴν τῶν Βοιωτῶν ξυμμαχίαν, ἀλλ’ ἐς διαφορὰν μεγάλην καθεστῶτας αὐτοὺς πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, τῶν μὲν ἐν Λακεδαίμονι πρέσβεων, οἳ σφίσι περὶ τῶν σπονδῶν ἔτυχον ἀπόντες, ἠμέλουν, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους μᾶλλον τὴν γνώμην εἶχον, νομίζοντες πόλιν τε σφίσι φιλίαν ἀπὸ παλαιοῦ καὶ δημοκρατουμένην ὥσπερ καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ δύναμιν μεγάλην ἔχουσαν τὴν κατὰ θάλασσαν ξυμπολεμήσειν σφίσιν, ἢν καθιστῶνται ἐς πόλεμον.

2 ἔπεμπον οὖν εὐθὺς πρέσβεις ὡς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους περὶ τῆς ξυμμαχίας· ξυνεπρεσβεύοντο δὲ καὶ Ἠλεῖοι καὶ Μαντινῆς.

3 ἀφίκοντο δὲ καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων πρέσβεις κατὰ τάχος, δοκοῦντες ἐπιτήδειοι εἶναι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, Φιλοχαρίδας καὶ Λέων καὶ Ἔνδιος, δείσαντες μὴ τήν τε ξυμμαχίαν ὀργιζόμενοι πρὸς τοὺς Ἀργείους ποιήσωνται, καὶ ἅμα Πύλον ἀπαιτήσοντες ἀντὶ Πανάκτου καὶ περὶ τῆς Βοιωτῶν ξυμμαχίας ἀπολογησόμενοι, ὡς οὐκ ἐπὶ κακῷ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐποιήσαντο.

Chapter 45

1 καὶ λέγοντες ἐν τῇ βουλῇ περί τε τούτων καὶ ὡς αὐτοκράτορες ἥκουσι περὶ πάντων ξυμβῆναι τῶν διαφόρων, τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην ἐφόβουν μὴ καί, ἢν ἐς τὸν δῆμον ταῦτα λέγωσιν, ἐπαγάγωνται τὸ πλῆθος καὶ ἀπωσθῇ ἡ Ἀργείων ξυμμαχία.

2 μηχανᾶται δὲ πρὸς αὐτοὺς τοιόνδε τι ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης· τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους πείθει πίστιν αὐτοῖς δούς, ἢν μὴ ὁμολογήσωσιν ἐν τῷ δήμῳ αὐτοκράτορες ἥκειν, Πύλον τε αὐτοῖς ἀποδώσειν (πείσειν γὰρ αὐτὸς Ἀθηναίους, ὥσπερ καὶ νῦν ἀντιλέγειν) καὶ τἆλλα ξυναλλάξειν.

3 βουλόμενος δὲ αὐτοὺς Νικίου τε ἀποστῆσαι ταῦτα ἔπρασσε καὶ ὅπως ἐν τῷ δήμῳ διαβαλὼν αὐτοὺς ὡς οὐδὲν ἀληθὲς ἐν νῷ ἔχουσιν οὐδὲ λέγουσιν οὐδέποτε ταὐτά, τοὺς Ἀργείους καὶ Ἠλείους καὶ Μαντινέας ξυμμάχους ποιήσῃ. καὶ ἐγένετο οὕτως.

4 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἐς τὸν δῆμον παρελθόντες καὶ ἐπερωτώμενοι οὐκ ἔφασαν ὥσπερ ἐν τῇ βουλῇ αὐτοκράτορες ἥκειν, οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι οὐκέτι ἠνείχοντο, ἀλλὰ τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον καταβοῶντος τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἐσήκουόν τε καὶ ἑτοῖμοι ἦσαν εὐθὺς παραγαγόντες τοὺς Ἀργείους καὶ τοὺς μετ’ αὐτῶν ξυμμάχους ποιεῖσθαι· σεισμοῦ δὲ γενομένου πρίν τι ἐπικυρωθῆναι, ἡ ἐκκλησία αὕτη ἀνεβλήθη.

Chapter 46

1 τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ ἐκκλησίᾳ ὁ Νικίας, καίπερ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων αὐτῶν ἠπατημένων καὶ αὐτὸς ἐξηπατημένος περὶ τοῦ μὴ αὐτοκράτορας ὁμολογῆσαι ἥκειν, ὅμως τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἔφη χρῆναι φίλους μᾶλλον γίγνεσθαι, καὶ ἐπισχόντας τὰ πρὸς Ἀργείους πέμψαι ἔτι ὡς αὐτοὺς καὶ εἰδέναι ὅτι διανοοῦνται, λέγων ἐν μὲν τῷ σφετέρῳ καλῷ, ἐν δὲ τῷ ἐκείνων ἀπρεπεῖ τὸν πόλεμον ἀναβάλλεσθαι· σφίσι μὲν γὰρ εὖ ἑστώτων τῶν πραγμάτων ὡς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἄριστον εἶναι διασώσασθαι τὴν εὐπραγίαν, ἐκείνοις δὲ δυστυχοῦσιν ὅτι τάχιστα εὕρημα εἶναι διακινδυνεῦσαι.

2 ἔπεισέ τε πέμψαι πρέσβεις, ὧν καὶ αὐτὸς ἦν, κελεύσοντας Λακεδαιμονίους, εἴ τι δίκαιον διανοοῦνται, Πάνακτόν τε ὀρθὸν ἀποδιδόναι καὶ Ἀμφίπολιν, καὶ τὴν Βοιωτῶν ξυμμαχίαν ἀνεῖναι, ἢν μὴ ἐς τὰς σπονδὰς ἐσίωσι, καθάπερ εἴρητο ἄνευ ἀλλήλων μηδενὶ ξυμβαίνειν.

3 εἰπεῖν τε ἐκέλευον ὅτι καὶ σφεῖς, εἰ ἐβούλοντο ἀδικεῖν, ἤδη ἂν Ἀργείους ξυμμάχους πεποιῆσθαι, ὡς παρεῖναί γ’ αὐτοὺς αὐτοῦ τούτου ἕνεκα. εἴ τέ τι ἄλλο ἐνεκάλουν, πάντα ἐπιστείλαντες ἀπέπεμψαν τοὺς περὶ τὸν Νικίαν πρέσβεις.

4 καὶ ἀφικομένων αὐτῶν καὶ ἀπαγγειλάντων τά τε ἄλλα καὶ τέλος εἰπόντων ὅτι εἰ μὴ τὴν ξυμμαχίαν ἀνήσουσι Βοιωτοῖς μὴ ἐσιοῦσιν ἐς τὰς σπονδάς, ποιήσονται καὶ αὐτοὶ Ἀργείους καὶ τοὺς μετ’ αὐτῶν ξυμμάχους, τὴν μὲν ξυμμαχίαν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι Βοιωτοῖς οὐκ ἔφασαν ἀνήσειν, ἐπικρατούντων τῶν περὶ τὸν Ξενάρη τὸν ἔφορον ταῦτα γίγνεσθαι καὶ ὅσοι ἄλλοι τῆς αὐτῆς γνώμης ἦσαν, τοὺς δὲ ὅρκους δεομένου Νικίου ἀνενεώσαντο· ἐφοβεῖτο γὰρ μὴ πάντα ἀτελῆ ἔχων ἀπέλθῃ καὶ διαβληθῇ, ὅπερ καὶ ἐγένετο, αἴτιος δοκῶν εἶναι τῶν πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους σπονδῶν.

5 ἀναχωρήσαντός τε αὐτοῦ ὡς ἤκουσαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι οὐδὲν ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος πεπραγμένον, εὐθὺς δι’ ὀργῆς εἶχον, καὶ νομίζοντες ἀδικεῖσθαι (ἔτυχον γὰρ παρόντες οἱ Ἀργεῖοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι) παραγαγόντος Ἀλκιβιάδου ἐποιήσαντο σπονδὰς καὶ ξυμμαχίαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς τήνδε.

Chapter 47

1 ‘σπονδὰς ἐποιήσαντο ἑκατὸν Ἀθηναῖοι ἔτη καὶ Ἀργεῖοι καὶ Μαντινῆς καὶ Ἠλεῖοι 〈πρὸς ἀλλήλους 〉, ὑπὲρ σφῶν αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων ὧν ἄρχουσιν ἑκάτεροι, ἀδόλους καὶ ἀβλαβεῖς καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν.

2 ὅπλα δὲ μὴ ἐξέστω ἐπιφέρειν ἐπὶ πημονῇ μήτε Ἀργείους καὶ Ἠλείους καὶ Μαντινέας καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἐπὶ Ἀθηναίους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ὧν ἄρχουσιν Ἀθηναῖοι μήτε Ἀθηναίους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους 〈ὧν ἄρχουσιν Ἀθηναῖοι〉 ἐπὶ Ἀργείους καὶ Ἠλείους καὶ Μαντινέας καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους, τέχνῃ μηδὲ μηχανῇ μηδεμιᾷ.

3 κατὰ τάδε ξυμμάχους εἶναι Ἀθηναίους καὶ Ἀργείους καὶ Μαντινέας καὶ Ἠλείους ἑκατὸν ἔτη. ἢν πολέμιοι ἴωσιν ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν τὴν Ἀθηναίων, βοηθεῖν Ἀργείους καὶ Μαντινέας καὶ Ἠλείους Ἀθήναζε, καθ’ ὅτι ἂν ἐπαγγέλλωσιν Ἀθηναῖοι, τρόπῳ ὁποίῳ ἂν δύνωνται ἰσχυροτάτῳ κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν· ἢν δὲ δῃώσαντες οἴχωνται, πολεμίαν εἶναι ταύτην τὴν πόλιν Ἀργείοις καὶ Μαντινεῦσι καὶ Ἠλείοις καὶ Ἀθηναίοις καὶ κακῶς πάσχειν ὑπὸ ἁπασῶν τῶν πόλεων τούτων· καταλύειν δὲ μὴ ἐξεῖναι τὸν πόλεμον πρὸς ταύτην τὴν πόλιν μηδεμιᾷ τῶν πόλεων, ἢν μὴ ἁπάσαις δοκῇ.

4 βοηθεῖν δὲ καὶ Ἀθηναίους ἐς Ἄργος καὶ Μαντίνειαν καὶ Ἦλιν, ἢν πολέμιοι ἴωσιν ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν τὴν Ἀργείων ἢ τὴν Μαντινέων ἢ τὴν Ἠλείων, καθ’ ὅτι ἂν ἐπαγγέλλωσιν αἱ πόλεις αὗται, τρόπῳ ὁποίῳ ἂν δύνωνται ἰσχυροτάτῳ κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν· ἢν δὲ δῃώσαντες οἴχωνται, πολεμίαν εἶναι ταύτην τὴν πόλιν Ἀθηναίοις καὶ Ἀργείοις καὶ Μαντινεῦσι καὶ Ἠλείοις καὶ κακῶς πάσχειν ὑπὸ ἁπασῶν τούτων τῶν πόλεων· καταλύειν δὲ μὴ ἐξεῖναι τὸν πόλεμον πρὸς ταύτην τὴν πόλιν 〈μηδεμιᾷ τῶν πόλεων〉, ἢν μὴ ἁπάσαις δοκῇ [ταῖς πόλεσιν].

5 ὅπλα δὲ μὴ ἐᾶν ἔχοντας διιέναι ἐπὶ πολέμῳ διὰ τῆς γῆς τῆς σφετέρας αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων ὧν ἄρχουσιν ἕκαστοι, μηδὲ κατὰ θάλασσαν, ἢν μὴ ψηφισαμένων τῶν πόλεων ἁπασῶν τὴν δίοδον εἶναι, Ἀθηναίων καὶ Ἀργείων καὶ Μαντινέων καὶ Ἠλείων.

6 τοῖς δὲ βοηθοῦσιν ἡ πόλις ἡ πέμπουσα παρεχέτω μέχρι μὲν τριάκοντα ἡμερῶν σῖτον, ἐπὴν ἔλθωσιν ἐς τὴν πόλιν τὴν ἐπαγγείλασαν βοηθεῖν, καὶ ἀπιοῦσι κατὰ ταὐτά· ἢν δὲ πλέονα βούληται χρόνον τῇ στρατιᾷ χρῆσθαι, ἡ πόλις ἡ μεταπεμψαμένη διδότω σῖτον, τῷ μὲν ὁπλίτῃ καὶ ψιλῷ καὶ τοξότῃ τρεῖς ὀβολοὺς Αἰγιναίους τῆς ἡμέρας ἑκάστης, τῷ δ’ ἱππεῖ δραχμὴν Αἰγιναίαν.

7 ἡ δὲ πόλις ἡ μεταπεμψαμένη 〈τῇ στρατιᾷ〉 τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἐχέτω, ὅταν ἐν τῇ αὑτῆς ὁ πόλεμος ᾖ· ἢν δέ ποι δόξῃ 〈ἁπάσαις 〉 ταῖς πόλεσι κοινῇ στρατεύεσθαι, τὸ ἴσον τῆς ἡγεμονίας μετεῖναι ἁπάσαις ταῖς πόλεσιν.

8 ὀμόσαι δὲ τὰς σπονδὰς Ἀθηναίους μὲν ὑπέρ τε σφῶν αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων, Ἀργεῖοι δὲ καὶ Μαντινῆς καὶ Ἠλεῖοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι τούτων κατὰ πόλεις ὀμνύντων. ὀμνύντων δὲ τὸν ἐπιχώριον ὅρκον ἕκαστοι τὸν μέγιστον κατὰ ἱερῶν τελείων. ὁ δὲ ὅρκος ἔστω ὅδε· “ἐμμενῶ τῇ ξυμμαχίᾳ κατὰ τὰ ξυγκείμενα δικαίως καὶ ἀβλαβῶς καὶ ἀδόλως, καὶ οὐ παραβήσομαι τέχνῃ οὐδὲ μηχανῇ οὐδεμιᾷ.”

9 ὀμνύντων δὲ Ἀθήνησι μὲν ἡ βουλὴ καὶ αἱ ἔνδημοι ἀρχαί, ἐξορκούντων δὲ οἱ πρυτάνεις· ἐν Ἄργει δὲ ἡ βουλὴ καὶ οἱ ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ οἱ ἀρτῦναι, ἐξορκούντων δὲ οἱ ὀγδοήκοντα· ἐν δὲ Μαντινείᾳ οἱ δημιουργοὶ καὶ ἡ βουλὴ καὶ αἱ ἄλλαι ἀρχαί, ἐξορκούντων δὲ οἱ θεωροὶ καὶ οἱ πολέμαρχοι· ἐν δὲ Ἤλιδι οἱ δημιουργοὶ καὶ οἱ τὰ τέλη ἔχοντες καὶ οἱ ἑξακόσιοι, ἐξορκούντων δὲ οἱ δημιουργοὶ καὶ οἱ θεσμοφύλακες.

10 ἀνανεοῦσθαι δὲ τοὺς ὅρκους Ἀθηναίους μὲν ἰόντας ἐς Ἦλιν καὶ ἐς Μαντίνειαν καὶ ἐς Ἄργος τριάκοντα ἡμέραις πρὸ Ὀλυμπίων, Ἀργείους δὲ καὶ Ἠλείους καὶ Μαντινέας ἰόντας Ἀθήναζε δέκα ἡμέραις πρὸ Παναθηναίων τῶν μεγάλων.

11 τὰς δὲ ξυνθήκας τὰς περὶ τῶν σπονδῶν καὶ τῶν ὅρκων καὶ τῆς ξυμμαχίας ἀναγράψαι ἐν στήλῃ λιθίνῃ Ἀθηναίους μὲν ἐν πόλει, Ἀργείους δὲ ἐν ἀγορᾷ ἐν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος τῷ ἱερῷ, Μαντινέας δὲ ἐν τοῦ Διὸς τῷ ἱερῷ ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ· καταθέντων δὲ καὶ Ὀλυμπίασι στήλην χαλκῆν κοινῇ Ὀλυμπίοις τοῖς νυνί.

12 ἐὰν δέ τι δοκῇ ἄμεινον εἶναι ταῖς πόλεσι ταύταις προσθεῖναι πρὸς τοῖς ξυγκειμένοις, ὅτι [δ᾽] ἂν δόξῃ ταῖς πόλεσιν ἁπάσαις κοινῇ βουλευομέναις, τοῦτο κύριον εἶναι.’

Chapter 48

1 αἱ μὲν σπονδαὶ καὶ ἡ ξυμμαχία οὕτως ἐγένοντο, καὶ αἱ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Ἀθηναίων οὐκ ἀπείρηντο τούτου ἕνεκα οὐδ’ ὑφ’ ἑτέρων.

2 Κορίνθιοι δὲ Ἀργείων ὄντες ξύμμαχοι οὐκ ἐσῆλθον ἐς αὐτάς, ἀλλὰ καὶ γενομένης πρὸ τούτου Ἠλείοις καὶ Ἀργείοις καὶ Μαντινεῦσι ξυμμαχίας, τοῖς αὐτοῖς πολεμεῖν καὶ εἰρήνην ἄγειν, οὐ ξυνώμοσαν, ἀρκεῖν δ’ ἔφασαν σφίσι τὴν πρώτην γενομένην ἐπιμαχίαν, ἀλλήλοις βοηθεῖν, ξυνεπιστρατεύειν δὲ μηδενί.

3 οἱ μὲν Κορίνθιοι οὕτως ἀπέστησαν τῶν ξυμμάχων καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους πάλιν τὴν γνώμην εἶχον.

Chapter 49

1 Ὀλύμπια δ’ ἐγένετο τοῦ θέρους τούτου, οἷς Ἀνδροσθένης Ἀρκὰς παγκράτιον τὸ πρῶτον ἐνίκα· καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τοῦ ἱεροῦ ὑπὸ Ἠλείων εἴρχθησαν ὥστε μὴ θύειν μηδ’ ἀγωνίζεσθαι, οὐκ ἐκτίνοντες τὴν δίκην αὐτοῖς ἣν ἐν τῷ Ὀλυμπιακῷ νόμῳ Ἠλεῖοι κατεδικάσαντο αὐτῶν φάσκοντες 〈ἐς 〉 σφᾶς ἐπὶ Φύρκον τε τεῖχος ὅπλα ἐπενεγκεῖν καὶ ἐς Λέπρεον αὐτῶν ὁπλίτας ἐν ταῖς Ὀλυμπιακαῖς σπονδαῖς ἐσπέμψαι. ἡ δὲ καταδίκη δισχίλιαι μναῖ ἦσαν, κατὰ τὸν ὁπλίτην ἕκαστον δύο μναῖ, ὥσπερ ὁ νόμος ἔχει.

2 Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ πρέσβεις πέμψαντες ἀντέλεγον μὴ δικαίως σφῶν καταδεδικάσθαι, λέγοντες μὴ ἐπηγγέλθαι πω ἐς Λακεδαίμονα τὰς σπονδάς, ὅτ’ ἐσέπεμψαν τοὺς ὁπλίτας.

3 Ἠλεῖοι δὲ τὴν παρ’ αὐτοῖς ἐκεχειρίαν ἤδη ἔφασαν εἶναι (πρώτοις γὰρ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπαγγέλλουσιν), καὶ ἡσυχαζόντων σφῶν καὶ οὐ προσδεχομένων ὡς ἐν σπονδαῖς, αὐτοὺς λαθεῖν ἀδικήσαντας.

4 οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ὑπελάμβανον οὐ χρεὼν εἶναι αὐτοὺς ἐπαγγεῖλαι ἔτι ἐς Λακεδαίμονα, εἰ ἀδικεῖν γε ἤδη ἐνόμιζον αὐτούς, ἀλλ’ οὐχ ὡς νομίζοντας τοῦτο δρᾶσαι, καὶ ὅπλα οὐδαμόσε ἔτι αὐτοῖς ἐπενεγκεῖν.

5 Ἠλεῖοι δὲ τοῦ αὐτοῦ λόγου εἴχοντο, ὡς μὲν οὐκ ἀδικοῦσι μὴ ἂν πεισθῆναι, εἰ δὲ βούλονται σφίσι Λέπρεον ἀποδοῦναι, τό τε αὑτῶν μέρος ἀφιέναι τοῦ ἀργυρίου, καὶ ὃ τῷ θεῷ γίγνεται αὐτοὶ ὑπὲρ ἐκείνων ἐκτίσειν.

Chapter 50

1 ὡς δ’ οὐκ ἐσήκουον, αὖθις τάδε ἠξίουν, Λέπρεον μὲν μὴ ἀποδοῦναι, εἰ μὴ βούλονται, ἀναβάντας δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Ὀλυμπίου, ἐπειδὴ προθυμοῦνται χρῆσθαι τῷ ἱερῷ, ἐπομόσαι ἐναντίον τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἦ μὴν ἀποδώσειν ὕστερον τὴν καταδίκην.

2 ὡς δὲ οὐδὲ ταῦτα ἤθελον, Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν εἴργοντο τοῦ ἱεροῦ [θυσίας καὶ ἀγώνων] καὶ οἴκοι ἔθυον, οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι Ἕλληνες ἐθεώρουν πλὴν Λεπρεατῶν.

3 ὅμως δὲ οἱ Ἠλεῖοι δεδιότες μὴ βίᾳ θύσωσι, ξὺν ὅπλοις τῶν νεωτέρων φυλακὴν εἶχον· ἦλθον δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ Ἀργεῖοι καὶ Μαντινῆς, χίλιοι ἑκατέρων, καὶ Ἀθηναίων ἱππῆς, οἳ ἐν Ἁρπίνῃ ὑπέμενον τὴν ἑορτήν.

4 δέος δ’ ἐγένετο τῇ πανηγύρει μέγα μὴ ξὺν ὅπλοις ἔλθωσιν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἐπειδὴ καὶ Λίχας ὁ Ἀρκεσιλάου Λακεδαιμόνιος ἐν τῷ ἀγῶνι ὑπὸ τῶν ῥαβδούχων πληγὰς ἔλαβεν, ὅτι νικῶντος τοῦ ἑαυτοῦ ζεύγους καὶ ἀνακηρυχθέντος Βοιωτῶν δημοσίου κατὰ τὴν οὐκ ἐξουσίαν τῆς ἀγωνίσεως προελθὼν ἐς τὸν ἀγῶνα ἀνέδησε τὸν ἡνίοχον, βουλόμενος δηλῶσαι ὅτι ἑαυτοῦ ἦν τὸ ἅρμα· ὥστε πολλῷ δὴ μᾶλλον ἐπεφόβηντο πάντες καὶ ἐδόκει τι νέον ἔσεσθαι. οἱ μέντοι Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἡσύχασάν τε καὶ ἡ ἑορτὴ αὐτοῖς οὕτω διῆλθεν.

5 ἐς δὲ Κόρινθον μετὰ τὰ Ὀλύμπια Ἀργεῖοί τε καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἀφίκοντο δεησόμενοι αὐτῶν παρὰ σφᾶς ἐλθεῖν. καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων πρέσβεις ἔτυχον παρόντες, καὶ πολλῶν λόγων γενομένων τέλος οὐδὲν ἐπράχθη, ἀλλὰ σεισμοῦ γενομένου διελύθησαν ἕκαστοι ἐπ’ οἴκου. καὶ τὸ θέρος ἐτελεύτα.

Chapter 51

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος Ἡρακλεώταις τοῖς ἐν Τραχῖνι μάχη ἐγένετο πρὸς Αἰνιᾶνας καὶ Δόλοπας καὶ Μηλιᾶς καὶ Θεσσαλῶν τινάς.

2 προσοικοῦντα γὰρ τὰ ἔθνη ταῦτα τῇ πόλει πολέμια ἦν· οὐ γὰρ ἐπ’ ἄλλῃ τινὶ γῇ ἢ τῇ τούτων τὸ χωρίον ἐτειχίσθη. καὶ εὐθύς τε καθισταμένῃ τῇ πόλει ἠναντιοῦντο ἐς ὅσον ἐδύναντο φθείροντες καὶ τότε τῇ μάχῃ ἐνίκησαν τοὺς Ἡρακλεώτας, καὶ Ξενάρης ὁ Κνίδιος Λακεδαιμόνιος ἄρχων αὐτῶν ἀπέθανε, διεφθάρησαν δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι τῶν Ἡρακλεωτῶν. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἐτελεύτα, καὶ δωδέκατον ἔτος τῷ πολέμῳ ἐτελεύτα.

Chapter 52

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου θέρους εὐθὺς ἀρχομένου τὴν Ἡράκλειαν, ὡς μετὰ τὴν μάχην κακῶς ἐφθείρετο, Βοιωτοὶ παρέλαβον, καὶ Ἀγησιππίδαν τὸν Λακεδαιμόνιον ὡς οὐ καλῶς ἄρχοντα ἐξέπεμψαν. δείσαντες δὲ παρέλαβον τὸ χωρίον μὴ Λακεδαιμονίων τὰ κατὰ Πελοπόννησον θορυβουμένων Ἀθηναῖοι λάβωσιν· Λακεδαιμόνιοι μέντοι ὠργίζοντο αὐτοῖς.

2 καὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ θέρους Ἀλκιβιάδης ὁ Κλεινίου στρατηγὸς ὢν Ἀθηναίων, Ἀργείων καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων ξυμπρασσόντων, ἐλθὼν ἐς Πελοπόννησον μετ’ ὀλίγων Ἀθηναίων ὁπλιτῶν καὶ τοξοτῶν καὶ τῶν αὐτόθεν ξυμμάχων παραλαβὼν τά τε ἄλλα ξυγκαθίστη περὶ τὴν ξυμμαχίαν διαπορευόμενος Πελοπόννησον τῇ στρατιᾷ, καὶ Πατρέας τε τείχη καθεῖναι ἔπεισεν ἐς θάλασσαν καὶ αὐτὸς ἕτερον διενοεῖτο τειχίσαι ἐπὶ τῷ Ῥίῳ τῷ Ἀχαϊκῷ. Κορίνθιοι δὲ καὶ Σικυώνιοι, καὶ οἷς ἦν ἐν βλάβῃ τειχισθὲν βοηθήσαντες διεκώλυσαν.

Chapter 53

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ θέρους Ἐπιδαυρίοις καὶ Ἀργείοις πόλεμος ἐγένετο, προφάσει μὲν περὶ τοῦ θύματος τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος τοῦ Πυθαέως, ὃ δέον ἀπαγαγεῖν οὐκ ἀπέπεμπον ὑπὲρ βοταμίων Ἐπιδαύριοι (κυριώτατοι δὲ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἦσαν Ἀργεῖοι)· ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ ἄνευ τῆς αἰτίας τὴν Ἐπίδαυρον τῷ τε Ἀλκιβιάδῃ καὶ τοῖς Ἀργείοις προσλαβεῖν, ἢν δύνωνται, τῆς τε Κορίνθου ἕνεκα ἡσυχίας καὶ ἐκ τῆς Αἰγίνης βραχυτέραν ἔσεσθαι τὴν βοήθειαν ἢ Σκύλλαιον περιπλεῖν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις. παρεσκευάζοντο οὖν οἱ Ἀργεῖοι ὡς αὐτοὶ ἐς τὴν Ἐπίδαυρον διὰ τοῦ θύματος τὴν ἔσπραξιν ἐσβαλοῦντες.

Chapter 54

1 ἐξεστράτευσαν δὲ καὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους πανδημεὶ ἐς Λεῦκτρα τῆς ἑαυτῶν μεθορίας πρὸς τὸ Λύκαιον, Ἄγιδος τοῦ Ἀρχιδάμου βασιλέως ἡγουμένου· ᾔδει δὲ οὐδεὶς ὅποι στρατεύουσιν, οὐδὲ αἱ πόλεις ἐξ ὧν ἐπέμφθησαν.

2 ὡς δ’ αὐτοῖς τὰ διαβατήρια θυομένοις οὐ προυχώρει, αὐτοί τε ἀπῆλθον ἐπ’ οἴκου καὶ τοῖς ξυμμάχοις περιήγγειλαν μετὰ τὸν μέλλοντα (Καρνεῖος δ’ ἦν μήν, ἱερομηνία Δωριεῦσι) παρασκευάζεσθαι ὡς στρατευσομένους.

3 Ἀργεῖοι δ’ ἀναχωρησάντων αὐτῶν τοῦ πρὸ τοῦ Καρνείου μηνὸς ἐξελθόντες τετράδι φθίνοντος, καὶ ἄγοντες τὴν ἡμέραν ταύτην πάντα τὸν χρόνον, ἐσέβαλον ἐς τὴν Ἐπιδαυρίαν καὶ ἐδῄουν.

4 Ἐπιδαύριοι δὲ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἐπεκαλοῦντο· ὧν τινὲς οἱ μὲν τὸν μῆνα προυφασίσαντο, οἱ δὲ καὶ ἐς μεθορίαν τῆς Ἐπιδαυρίας ἐλθόντες ἡσύχαζον.

Chapter 55

1 καὶ καθ’ ὃν χρόνον ἐν τῇ Ἐπιδαύρῳ οἱ Ἀργεῖοι ἦσαν, ἐς Μαντίνειαν πρεσβεῖαι ἀπὸ τῶν πόλεων ξυνῆλθον, Ἀθηναίων παρακαλεσάντων. καὶ γιγνομένων λόγων Εὐφαμίδας ὁ Κορίνθιος οὐκ ἔφη τοὺς λόγους τοῖς ἔργοις ὁμολογεῖν· σφεῖς μὲν γὰρ περὶ εἰρήνης ξυγκαθῆσθαι, τοὺς δ’ Ἐπιδαυρίους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους καὶ τοὺς Ἀργείους μεθ’ ὅπλων ἀντιτετάχθαι· διαλῦσαι οὖν πρῶτον χρῆναι ἀφ’ ἑκατέρων ἐλθόντας τὰ στρατόπεδα, καὶ οὕτω πάλιν λέγειν περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης.

2 καὶ πεισθέντες ᾤχοντο καὶ τοὺς Ἀργείους ἀπήγαγον ἐκ τῆς Ἐπιδαυρίας. ὕστερον δὲ ἐς τὸ αὐτὸ ξυνελθόντες οὐδ’ ὣς ἐδυνήθησαν ξυμβῆναι, ἀλλ’ οἱ Ἀργεῖοι πάλιν ἐς τὴν Ἐπιδαυρίαν ἐσέβαλον καὶ ἐδῄουν.

3 ἐξεστράτευσαν δὲ καὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐς Καρύας,καὶ ὡς οὐδ’ ἐνταῦθα τὰ διαβατήρια αὐτοῖς ἐγένετο, ἐπανεχώρησαν.

4 Ἀργεῖοι δὲ τεμόντες τῆς Ἐπιδαυρίας ὡς τὸ τρίτον μέρος ἀπῆλθον ἐπ’ οἴκου. καὶ Ἀθηναίων αὐτοῖς χίλιοι ἐβοήθησαν ὁπλῖται καὶ Ἀλκιβιάδης στρατηγός· πυθόμενος δὲ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐξεστρατεῦσθαι, καὶ ὡς οὐδὲν ἔτι αὐτῶν ἔδει, ἀπῆλθεν. καὶ τὸ θέρος οὕτω διῆλθεν.

Chapter 56

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος Λακεδαιμόνιοι λαθόντες Ἀθηναίους φρουρούς τε τριακοσίους καὶ Ἀγησιππίδαν ἄρχοντα κατὰ θάλασσαν ἐς Ἐπίδαυρον ἐσέπεμψαν.

2 Ἀργεῖοι δ’ ἐλθόντες παρ’ Ἀθηναίους ἐπεκάλουν ὅτι γεγραμμένον ἐν ταῖς σπονδαῖς διὰ τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἑκάστους μὴ ἐᾶν πολεμίους διιέναι ἐάσειαν κατὰ θάλασσαν παραπλεῦσαι· καὶ εἰ μὴ κἀκεῖνοι ἐς Πύλον κομιοῦσιν ἐπὶ Λακεδαιμονίους τοὺς Μεσσηνίους καὶ Εἵλωτας, ἀδικήσεσθαι αὐτοί.

3 Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ Ἀλκιβιάδου πείσαντος τῇ μὲν Λακωνικῇ στήλῃ ὑπέγραψαν ὅτι οὐκ ἐνέμειναν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τοῖς ὅρκοις, ἐς δὲ Πύλον ἐκόμισαν τοὺς ἐκ Κρανίων Εἵλωτας λῄζεσθαι, τὰ δ’ ἄλλα ἡσύχαζον.

4 τὸν δὲ χειμῶνα τοῦτον πολεμούντων Ἀργείων καὶ Ἐπιδαυρίων μάχη μὲν οὐδεμία ἐγένετο ἐκ παρασκευῆς, ἐνέδραι δὲ καὶ καταδρομαί, ἐν αἷς ὡς τύχοιεν ἑκατέρων τινὲς διεφθείροντο.

5 καὶ τελευτῶντος τοῦ χειμῶνος πρὸς ἔαρ ἤδη κλίμακας ἔχοντες οἱ Ἀργεῖοι ἦλθον ἐπὶ τὴν Ἐπίδαυρον, ὡς ἐρήμου οὔσης διὰ τὸν πόλεμον βίᾳ αἱρήσοντες· καὶ ἄπρακτοι ἀπῆλθον. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἐτελεύτα, καὶ τρίτον καὶ δέκατον ἔτος τῷ πολέμῳ ἐτελεύτα.

Chapter 57

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου θέρους μεσοῦντος Λακεδαιμόνιοι, ὡς αὐτοῖς οἵ τε Ἐπιδαύριοι ξύμμαχοι ὄντες ἐταλαιπώρουν καὶ τἆλλα ἐν τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ τὰ μὲν ἀφειστήκει, τὰ δ’ οὐ καλῶς εἶχε, νομίσαντες, εἰ μὴ προκαταλήψονται ἐν τάχει, ἐπὶ πλέον χωρήσεσθαι αὐτά, ἐστράτευον αὐτοὶ καὶ οἱ Εἵλωτες πανδημεὶ ἐπ’ Ἄργος· ἡγεῖτο δὲ Ἆγις ὁ Ἀρχιδάμου Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεύς.

2 ξυνεστράτευον δ’ αὐτοῖς Τεγεᾶταί τε καὶ ὅσοι ἄλλοι Ἀρκάδων Λακεδαιμονίοις ξύμμαχοι ἦσαν. οἱ δ’ ἐκ τῆς ἄλλης Πελοποννήσου ξύμμαχοι καὶ οἱ ἔξωθεν ἐς Φλειοῦντα ξυνελέγοντο, Βοιωτοὶ μὲν πεντακισχίλιοι ὁπλῖται καὶ τοσοῦτοι ψιλοὶ καὶ ἱππῆς πεντακόσιοι καὶ ἅμιπποι ἴσοι, Κορίνθιοι δὲ δισχίλιοι ὁπλῖται, οἱ δ’ ἄλλοι ὡς ἕκαστοι, Φλειάσιοι δὲ πανστρατιᾷ, ὅτι ἐν τῇ ἐκείνων ἦν τὸ στράτευμα.

Chapter 58

1 Ἀργεῖοι δὲ προαισθόμενοι τό τε πρῶτον τὴν παρασκευὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐς τὸν Φλειοῦντα βουλόμενοι τοῖς ἄλλοις προσμεῖξαι ἐχώρουν, τότε δὴ ἐξεστράτευσαν καὶ αὐτοί· ἐβοήθησαν δ’ αὐτοῖς καὶ Μαντινῆς, ἔχοντες τοὺς σφετέρους ξυμμάχους, καὶ Ἠλείων τρισχίλιοι ὁπλῖται.

2 καὶ προϊόντες ἀπαντῶσι τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐν Μεθυδρίῳ τῆς Ἀρκαδίας. καὶ καταλαμβάνουσιν ἑκάτεροι λόφον· καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἀργεῖοι ὡς μεμονωμένοις τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις παρεσκευάζοντο μάχεσθαι, ὁ δὲ Ἆγις τῆς νυκτὸς ἀναστήσας τὸν στρατὸν καὶ λαθὼν ἐπορεύετο ἐς Φλειοῦντα παρὰ τοὺς ἄλλους ξυμμάχους.

3 καὶ οἱ Ἀργεῖοι αἰσθόμενοι ἅμα ἕῳ ἐχώρουν, πρῶτον μὲν ἐς Ἄργος, ἔπειτα δὲ ᾗ προσεδέχοντο τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους μετὰ τῶν ξυμμάχων καταβήσεσθαι, τὴν κατὰ Νεμέαν ὁδόν.

4 Ἆγις δὲ ταύτην μὲν ἣν προσεδέχοντο οὐκ ἐτράπετο, παραγγείλας δὲ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ Ἀρκάσι καὶ Ἐπιδαυρίοις ἄλλην ἐχώρησε χαλεπὴν καὶ κατέβη ἐς τὸ Ἀργείων πεδίον· καὶ Κορίνθιοι καὶ Πελληνῆς καὶ Φλειάσιοι ὄρθιον ἑτέραν ἐπορεύοντο· τοῖς δὲ Βοιωτοῖς καὶ Μεγαρεῦσι καὶ Σικυωνίοις εἴρητο τὴν ἐπὶ Νεμέας ὁδὸν καταβαίνειν, ᾗ οἱ Ἀργεῖοι ἐκάθηντο, ὅπως, εἰ οἱ Ἀργεῖοι ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἰόντες ἐς τὸ πεδίον βοηθοῖεν, ἐφεπόμενοι τοῖς ἵπποις χρῷντο.

5 καὶ ὁ μὲν οὕτω διατάξας καὶ ἐσβαλὼν ἐς τὸ πεδίον ἐδῄου Σάμινθόν τε καὶ ἄλλα·

Chapter 59

1 οἱ δὲ Ἀργεῖοι γνόντες ἐβοήθουν ἡμέρας ἤδη ἐκ τῆς Νεμέας, καὶ περιτυχόντες τῷ Φλειασίων καὶ Κορινθίων στρατοπέδῳ τῶν μὲν Φλειασίων ὀλίγους ἀπέκτειναν, ὑπὸ δὲ τῶν Κορινθίων αὐτοὶ οὐ πολλῷ πλείους διεφθάρησαν.

2 καὶ οἱ Βοιωτοὶ καὶ οἱ Μεγαρῆς καὶ οἱ Σικυώνιοι ἐχώρουν, ὥσπερ εἴρητο αὐτοῖς, ἐπὶ τῆς Νεμέας, καὶ τοὺς Ἀργείους οὐκέτι κατέλαβον, ἀλλὰ καταβάντες, ὡς ἑώρων τὰ ἑαυτῶν δῃούμενα, ἐς μάχην παρετάσσοντο. ἀντιπαρεσκευάζοντο δὲ καὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι.

3 ἐν μέσῳ δὲ ἀπειλημμένοι ἦσαν οἱ Ἀργεῖοι· ἐκ μὲν γὰρ τοῦ πεδίου οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι εἶργον τῆς πόλεως καὶ οἱ μετ’ αὐτῶν, καθύπερθεν δὲ Κορίνθιοι καὶ Φλειάσιοι καὶ Πελληνῆς, τὸ δὲ πρὸς Νεμέας Βοιωτοὶ καὶ Σικυώνιοι καὶ Μεγαρῆς. ἵπποι δὲ αὐτοῖς οὐ παρῆσαν· οὐ γάρ πω οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι μόνοι τῶν ξυμμάχων ἧκον.

4 τὸ μὲν οὖν πλῆθος τῶν Ἀργείων καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων οὐχ οὕτω δεινὸν τὸ παρὸν ἐνόμιζον, ἀλλ’ ἐν καλῷ ἐδόκει ἡ μάχη ἔσεσθαι, καὶ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἀπειληφέναι ἐν τῇ αὐτῶν τε καὶ πρὸς τῇ πόλει.

5 τῶν δὲ Ἀργείων δύο ἄνδρες, Θράσυλός τε τῶν πέντε στρατηγῶν εἷς ὢν καὶ Ἀλκίφρων πρόξενος Λακεδαιμονίων, ἤδη τῶν στρατοπέδων ὅσον οὐ ξυνιόντων προσελθόντε Ἄγιδι διελεγέσθην μὴ ποιεῖν μάχην· ἑτοίμους γὰρ εἶναι Ἀργείους δίκας δοῦναι καὶ δέξασθαι ἴσας καὶ ὁμοίας, εἴ τι ἐπικαλοῦσιν Ἀργείοις Λακεδαιμόνιοι, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν εἰρήνην ἄγειν σπονδὰς ποιησαμένους.

Chapter 60

1 καὶ οἱ μὲν ταῦτα εἰπόντες τῶν Ἀργείων ἀφ’ ἑαυτῶν καὶ οὐ τοῦ πλήθους κελεύσαντος εἶπον· καὶ ὁ Ἆγις δεξάμενος τοὺς λόγους αὐτός, καὶ οὐ μετὰ τῶν πλεόνων οὐδὲ αὐτὸς βουλευσάμενος ἀλλ’ ἢ ἑνὶ ἀνδρὶ κοινώσας τῶν ἐν τέλει ξυστρατευομένων, σπένδεται τέσσαρας μῆνας, ἐν οἷς ἔδει ἐπιτελέσαι αὐτοὺς τὰ ῥηθέντα. καὶ ἀπήγαγε τὸν στρατὸν εὐθύς, οὐδενὶ φράσας τῶν ἄλλων ξυμμάχων.

2 οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι εἵποντο μὲν ὡς ἡγεῖτο διὰ τὸν νόμον, ἐν αἰτίᾳ δ᾽ εἶχον κατ’ ἀλλήλους πολλῇ τὸν Ἆγιν, νομίζοντες ἐν καλῷ παρατυχὸν σφίσι ξυμβαλεῖν καὶ πανταχόθεν αὐτῶν ἀποκεκλῃμένων καὶ ὑπὸ ἱππέων καὶ πεζῶν οὐδὲν δράσαντες ἄξιον τῆς παρασκευῆς ἀπιέναι.

3 στρατόπεδον γὰρ δὴ τοῦτο κάλλιστον Ἑλληνικὸν τῶν μέχρι τοῦδε ξυνῆλθεν· ὤφθη δὲ μάλιστα ἕως ἔτι ἦν ἁθρόον ἐν Νεμέᾳ, ἐν ᾧ Λακεδαιμόνιοί τε πανστρατιᾷ ἦσαν καὶ Ἀρκάδες καὶ Βοιωτοὶ καὶ Κορίνθιοι καὶ Σικυώνιοι καὶ Πελληνῆς καὶ Φλειάσιοι καὶ Μεγαρῆς, καὶ οὗτοι πάντες λογάδες ἀφ’ ἑκάστων, ἀξιόμαχοι δοκοῦντες εἶναι οὐ τῇ Ἀργείων μόνον ξυμμαχίᾳ ἀλλὰ κἂν ἄλλῃ ἔτι προσγενομένῃ.

4 τὸ μὲν οὖν στρατόπεδον οὕτως ἐν αἰτίᾳ ἔχοντες τὸν Ἆγιν ἀνεχώρουν τε καὶ διελύθησαν ἐπ’ οἴκου ἕκαστοι,

5 Ἀργεῖοι δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἔτι ἐν πολλῷ πλέονι αἰτίᾳ εἶχον τοὺς σπεισαμένους ἄνευ τοῦ πλήθους, νομίζοντες κἀκεῖνοι μὴ ἂν σφίσι ποτὲ κάλλιον παρασχὸν Λακεδαιμονίους διαπεφευγέναι· πρός τε γὰρ τῇ σφετέρᾳ πόλει καὶ μετὰ πολλῶν καὶ ἀγαθῶν ξυμμάχων τὸν ἀγῶνα ἂν γίγνεσθαι.

6 τόν τε Θράσυλον ἀναχωρήσαντες ἐν τῷ Χαράδρῳ, οὗπερ τὰς ἀπὸ στρατείας δίκας πρὶν ἐσιέναι κρίνουσιν, ἤρξαντο λεύειν. ὁ δὲ καταφυγὼν ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν περιγίγνεται· τὰ μέντοι χρήματα ἐδήμευσαν αὐτοῦ.

Chapter 61

1 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο Ἀθηναίων βοηθησάντων χιλίων ὁπλιτῶν καὶ τριακοσίων ἱππέων, ὧν ἐστρατήγουν Λάχης καὶ Νικόστρατος, οἱ Ἀργεῖοι (ὅμως γὰρ τὰς σπονδὰς ὤκνουν λῦσαι πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους) ἀπιέναι ἐκέλευον αὐτοὺς καὶ πρὸς τὸν δῆμον οὐ προσῆγον βουλομένους χρηματίσαι, πρὶν δὴ Μαντινῆς καὶ Ἠλεῖοι (ἔτι γὰρ παρῆσαν) κατηνάγκασαν δεόμενοι.

2 καὶ ἔλεγον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι Ἀλκιβιάδου πρεσβευτοῦ παρόντος ἔν τε τοῖς Ἀργείοις καὶ ξυμμάχοις ταῦτα, ὅτι οὐκ ὀρθῶς αἱ σπονδαὶ ἄνευ τῶν ἄλλων ξυμμάχων καὶ γένοιντο, καὶ νῦν (ἐν καιρῷ γὰρ παρεῖναι σφεῖς) ἅπτεσθαι χρῆναι τοῦ πολέμου.

3 καὶ πείσαντες ἐκ τῶν λόγων τοὺς ξυμμάχους εὐθὺς ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ Ὀρχομενὸν τὸν Ἀρκαδικὸν πάντες πλὴν Ἀργείων· οὗτοι δὲ ὅμως καὶ πεισθέντες ὑπελείποντο πρῶτον, ἔπειτα δ᾽ ὕστερον καὶ οὗτοι ἦλθον.

4 καὶ προσκαθεζόμενοι τὸν Ὀρχομενὸν πάντες ἐπολιόρκουν καὶ προσβολὰς ἐποιοῦντο, βουλόμενοι ἄλλως τε προσγενέσθαι σφίσι καὶ ὅμηροι ἐκ τῆς Ἀρκαδίας ἦσαν αὐτόθι ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων κείμενοι.

5 οἱ δὲ Ὀρχομένιοι δείσαντες τήν τε τοῦ τείχους ἀσθένειαν καὶ τοῦ στρατοῦ τὸ πλῆθος καί, ὡς οὐδεὶς αὐτοῖς ἐβοήθει, μὴ προαπόλωνται, ξυνέβησαν ὥστε ξύμμαχοί τε εἶναι καὶ ὁμήρους σφῶν τε αὐτῶν δοῦναι Μαντινεῦσι καὶ οὓς κατέθεντο Λακεδαιμόνιοι παραδοῦναι.

Chapter 62

1 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ἔχοντες ἤδη τὸν Ὀρχομενὸν ἐβουλεύοντο οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἐφ’ ὅτι χρὴ πρῶτον ἰέναι τῶν λοιπῶν. καὶ Ἠλεῖοι μὲν ἐπὶ Λέπρεον ἐκέλευον, Μαντινῆς δὲ ἐπὶ Τεγέαν· καὶ προσέθεντο οἱ Ἀργεῖοι καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι τοῖς Μαντινεῦσιν.

2 καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἠλεῖοι ὀργισθέντες ὅτι οὐκ ἐπὶ Λέπρεον ἐψηφίσαντο ἀνεχώρησαν ἐπ’ οἴκου· οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι ξύμμαχοι παρεσκευάζοντο ἐν τῇ Μαντινείᾳ ὡς ἐπὶ Τεγέαν ἰόντες. καί τινες αὐτοῖς καὶ αὐτῶν τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει ἐνεδίδοσαν τὰ πράγματα.

Chapter 63

1 Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ ἐπειδὴ ἀνεχώρησαν ἐξ Ἄργους τὰς τετραμήνους σπονδὰς ποιησάμενοι, Ἆγιν ἐν μεγάλῃ αἰτίᾳ εἶχον οὐ χειρωσάμενον σφίσιν Ἄργος, παρασχὸν καλῶς ὡς οὔπω πρότερον αὐτοὶ ἐνόμιζον· ἁθρόους γὰρ τοσούτους ξυμμάχους καὶ τοιούτους οὐ ῥᾴδιον εἶναι λαβεῖν.

2 ἐπειδὴ δὲ καὶ περὶ Ὀρχομενοῦ ἠγγέλλετο ἑαλωκέναι, πολλῷ δὴ μᾶλλον ἐχαλέπαινον καὶ ἐβούλευον εὐθὺς ὑπ’ ὀργῆς παρὰ τὸν τρόπον τὸν ἑαυτῶν ὡς χρὴ τήν τε οἰκίαν αὐτοῦ κατασκάψαι καὶ δέκα μυριάσι δραχμῶν ζημιῶσαι.

3 ὁ δὲ παρῃτεῖτο μηδὲν τούτων δρᾶν· ἔργῳ γὰρ ἀγαθῷ ῥύσεσθαι τὰς αἰτίας στρατευσάμενος, ἢ τότε ποιεῖν αὐτοὺς ὅτι βούλονται.

4 οἱ δὲ τὴν μὲν ζημίαν καὶ τὴν κατασκαφὴν ἐπέσχον, νόμον δὲ ἔθεντο ἐν τῷ παρόντι, ὃς οὔπω πρότερον ἐγένετο αὐτοῖς· δέκα γὰρ ἄνδρας Σπαρτιατῶν προσείλοντο αὐτῷ ξυμβούλους, ἄνευ ὧν μὴ κύριον εἶναι ἀπάγειν στρατιὰν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως.

Chapter 64

1 ἐν τούτῳ δ’ ἀφικνεῖται αὐτοῖς ἀγγελία παρὰ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἐκ Τεγέας ὅτι, εἰ μὴ παρέσονται ἐν τάχει, ἀποστήσεται αὐτῶν Τεγέα πρὸς Ἀργείους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους καὶ ὅσον οὐκ ἀφέστηκεν.

2 ἐνταῦθα δὴ βοήθεια τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων γίγνεται αὐτῶν τε καὶ τῶν Εἱλώτων πανδημεὶ ὀξεῖα καὶ οἵα οὔπω πρότερον.

3 ἐχώρουν δὲ ἐς Ὀρέσθειον τῆς Μαιναλίας· καὶ τοῖς μὲν Ἀρκάδων σφετέροις οὖσι ξυμμάχοις προεῖπον ἁθροισθεῖσιν ἰέναι κατὰ πόδας αὐτῶν ἐς Τεγέαν, αὐτοὶ δὲ μέχρι μὲν τοῦ Ὀρεσθείου πάντες ἐλθόντες, ἐκεῖθεν δὲ τὸ ἕκτον μέρος σφῶν αὐτῶν ἀποπέμψαντες ἐπ᾽ οἴκου, ἐν ᾧ τὸ πρεσβύτερόν τε καὶ τὸ νεώτερον ἦν, ὥστε τὰ οἴκοι φρουρεῖν, τῷ λοιπῷ στρατεύματι ἀφικνοῦνται ἐς Τεγέαν. καὶ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἀπ’ Ἀρκάδων παρῆσαν.

4 πέμπουσι δὲ καὶ ἐς τὴν Κόρινθον καὶ Βοιωτοὺς καὶ Φωκέας καὶ Λοκρούς, βοηθεῖν κελεύοντες κατὰ τάχος ἐς Μαντίνειαν. ἀλλὰ τοῖς μὲν ἐξ ὀλίγου τε ἐγίγνετο, καὶ οὐ ῥᾴδιον ἦν μὴ ἁθρόοις καὶ ἀλλήλους περιμείνασι διελθεῖν τὴν πολεμίαν (ξυνέκλῃε γὰρ διὰ μέσου), ὅμως δὲ ἠπείγοντο.

5 Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ ἀναλαβόντες τοὺς παρόντας Ἀρκάδων ξυμμάχους ἐσέβαλον ἐς τὴν Μαντινικήν, καὶ στρατοπεδευσάμενοι πρὸς τῷ Ἡρακλείῳ ἐδῄουν τὴν γῆν.

Chapter 65

1 οἱ δ’ Ἀργεῖοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ὡς εἶδον αὐτούς, καταλαβόντες χωρίον ἐρυμνὸν καὶ δυσπρόσοδον παρετάξαντο ὡς ἐς μάχην.

2 καὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι εὐθὺς αὐτοῖς ἐπῇσαν· καὶ μέχρι μὲν λίθου καὶ ἀκοντίου βολῆς ἐχώρησαν, ἔπειτα τῶν πρεσβυτέρων τις Ἄγιδι ἐπεβόησεν, ὁρῶν πρὸς χωρίον καρτερὸν ἰόντας σφᾶς, ὅτι διανοεῖται κακὸν κακῷ ἰᾶσθαι, δηλῶν τῆς ἐξ Ἄργους ἐπαιτίου ἀναχωρήσεως τὴν παροῦσαν ἄκαιρον προθυμίαν ἀνάληψιν βουλόμενον εἶναι.

3 ὁ δέ, εἴτε καὶ διὰ τὸ ἐπιβόημα εἴτε καὶ αὐτῷ ἄλλο τι ἢ κατὰ τὸ αὐτὸ δόξαν ἐξαίφνης, πάλιν τὸ στράτευμα κατὰ τάχος πρὶν ξυμμεῖξαι ἀπῆγεν.

4 καὶ ἀφικόμενος πρὸς τὴν Τεγεᾶτιν τὸ ὕδωρ ἐξέτρεπεν ἐς τὴν Μαντινικήν, περὶ οὗπερ ὡς τὰ πολλὰ βλάπτοντος ὁποτέρωσε ἂν ἐσπίπτῃ Μαντινῆς καὶ Τεγεᾶται πολεμοῦσιν. ἐβούλετο δὲ τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ λόφου βοηθοῦντας ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ ὕδατος ἐκτροπήν, ἐπειδὰν πύθωνται, καταβιβάσαι [τοὺς Ἀργείους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους] καὶ ἐν τῷ ὁμαλῷ τὴν μάχην ποιεῖσθαι.

5 καὶ ὁ μὲν τὴν ἡμέραν ταύτην μείνας αὐτοῦ περὶ τὸ ὕδωρ ἐξέτρεπεν· οἱ δ’ Ἀργεῖοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι τὸ μὲν πρῶτον καταπλαγέντες τῇ ἐξ ὀλίγου αἰφνιδίῳ αὐτῶν ἀναχωρήσει οὐκ εἶχον ὅτι εἰκάσωσιν· εἶτα ἐπειδὴ ἀναχωροῦντες ἐκεῖνοί τε ἀπέκρυψαν καὶ σφεῖς ἡσύχαζον καὶ οὐκ ἐπηκολούθουν, ἐνταῦθα τοὺς ἑαυτῶν στρατηγοὺς αὖθις ἐν αἰτίᾳ εἶχον τό τε πρότερον καλῶς ληφθέντας πρὸς Ἄργει Λακεδαιμονίους ἀφεθῆναι καὶ νῦν ὅτι ἀποδιδράσκοντας οὐδεὶς ἐπιδιώκει, ἀλλὰ καθ’ ἡσυχίαν οἱ μὲν σῴζονται, σφεῖς δὲ προδίδονται.

6 οἱ δὲ στρατηγοὶ ἐθορυβήθησαν μὲν τὸ παραυτίκα, ὕστερον δὲ ἀπάγουσιν αὐτοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ λόφου καὶ προελθόντες ἐς τὸ ὁμαλὸν ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο ὡς ἰόντες ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους.

Chapter 66

1 τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ οἵ τε Ἀργεῖοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ξυνετάξαντο, ὡς ἔμελλον μαχεῖσθαι, ἢν περιτύχωσιν· οἵ τε Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἀπὸ τοῦ ὕδατος πρὸς τὸ Ἡράκλειον πάλιν ἐς τὸ αὐτὸ στρατόπεδον ἰόντες ὁρῶσι δι’ ὀλίγου τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐν τάξει τε ἤδη πάντας καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ λόφου προεληλυθότας.

2 μάλιστα δὴ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐς ὃ ἐμέμνηντο ἐν τούτῳ τῷ καιρῷ ἐξεπλάγησαν. διὰ βραχείας γὰρ μελλήσεως ἡ παρασκευὴ αὐτοῖς ἐγίγνετο, καὶ εὐθὺς ὑπὸ σπουδῆς καθίσταντο ἐς κόσμον τὸν ἑαυτῶν, Ἄγιδος τοῦ βασιλέως ἕκαστα ἐξηγουμένου κατὰ τὸν νόμον.

3 βασιλέως γὰρ ἄγοντος ὑπ’ ἐκείνου πάντα ἄρχεται, καὶ τοῖς μὲν πολεμάρχοις αὐτὸς φράζει τὸ δέον, οἱ δὲ τοῖς λοχαγοῖς, ἐκεῖνοι δὲ τοῖς πεντηκοντῆρσιν, αὖθις δ’ οὗτοι τοῖς ἐνωμοτάρχοις καὶ οὗτοι τῇ ἐνωμοτίᾳ.

4 καὶ αἱ παραγγέλσεις, ἤν τι βούλωνται, κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ χωροῦσι καὶ ταχεῖαι ἐπέρχονται· σχεδὸν γάρ τι πᾶν πλὴν ὀλίγου τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἄρχοντες ἀρχόντων εἰσί, καὶ τὸ ἐπιμελὲς τοῦ δρωμένου πολλοῖς προσήκει.

Chapter 67

1 τότε δὲ κέρας μὲν εὐώνυμον Σκιρῖται αὐτοῖς καθίσταντο, αἰεὶ ταύτην τὴν τάξιν μόνοι Λακεδαιμονίων ἐπὶ σφῶν αὐτῶν ἔχοντες· παρὰ δ’ αὐτοὺς οἱ ἀπὸ Θρᾴκης Βρασίδειοι στρατιῶται καὶ νεοδαμώδεις μετ’ αὐτῶν· ἔπειτ’ ἤδη Λακεδαιμόνιοι αὐτοὶ ἑξῆς καθίστασαν τοὺς λόχους, καὶ παρ’ αὐτοὺς Ἀρκάδων Ἡραιῆς, μετὰ δὲ τούτους Μαινάλιοι, καὶ ἐπὶ τῷ δεξιῷ κέρᾳ Τεγεᾶται καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων ὀλίγοι τὸ ἔσχατον ἔχοντες, καὶ οἱ ἱππῆς αὐτῶν ἐφ’ ἑκατέρῳ τῷ κέρᾳ.

2 Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν οὕτως ἐτάξαντο· οἱ δ’ ἐναντίοι αὐτοῖς δεξιὸν μὲν κέρας Μαντινῆς εἶχον, ὅτι ἐν τῇ ἐκείνων τὸ ἔργον ἐγίγνετο, παρὰ δ’ αὐτοὺς οἱ ξύμμαχοι Ἀρκάδων ἦσαν, ἔπειτα Ἀργείων οἱ χίλιοι λογάδες, οἷς ἡ πόλις ἐκ πολλοῦ ἄσκησιν τῶν ἐς τὸν πόλεμον δημοσίᾳ παρεῖχε, καὶ ἐχόμενοι αὐτῶν οἱ ἄλλοι Ἀργεῖοι, καὶ μετ’ αὐτοὺς οἱ ξύμμαχοι αὐτῶν, Κλεωναῖοι καὶ Ὀρνεᾶται, ἔπειτα Ἀθηναῖοι ἔσχατοι τὸ εὐώνυμον κέρας ἔχοντες, καὶ ἱππῆς μετ’ αὐτῶν οἱ οἰκεῖοι.

Chapter 68

1 τάξις μὲν ἥδε καὶ παρασκευὴ ἀμφοτέρων ἦν, τὸ δὲ στρατόπεδον τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων μεῖζον ἐφάνη.

2 ἀριθμὸν δὲ γράψαι ἢ καθ’ ἑκάστους ἑκατέρων ἢ ξύμπαντας οὐκ ἂν ἐδυνάμην ἀκριβῶς· τὸ μὲν γὰρ Λακεδαιμονίων πλῆθος διὰ τῆς πολιτείας τὸ κρυπτὸν ἠγνοεῖτο, τῶν δ’ αὖ διὰ τὸ ἀνθρώπειον κομπῶδες ἐς τὰ οἰκεῖα πλήθη ἠπιστεῖτο. ἐκ μέντοι τοιοῦδε λογισμοῦ ἔξεστί τῳ σκοπεῖν τὸ Λακεδαιμονίων τότε παραγενόμενον πλῆθος.

3 λόχοι μὲν γὰρ ἐμάχοντο ἑπτὰ ἄνευ Σκιριτῶν ὄντων ἑξακοσίων, ἐν δὲ ἑκάστῳ λόχῳ πεντηκοστύες ἦσαν τέσσαρες, καὶ ἐν τῇ πεντηκοστύι ἐνωμοτίαι τέσσαρες. τῆς τε ἐνωμοτίας ἐμάχοντο ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ ζυγῷ τέσσαρες· ἐπὶ δὲ βάθος ἐτάξαντο μὲν οὐ πάντες ὁμοίως, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς λοχαγὸς ἕκαστος ἐβούλετο, ἐπὶ πᾶν δὲ κατέστησαν ἐπὶ ὀκτώ. παρὰ δὲ ἅπαν πλὴν Σκιριτῶν τετρακόσιοι καὶ δυοῖν δέοντες πεντήκοντα ἄνδρες ἡ πρώτη τάξις ἦν.

Chapter 69

1 ἐπεὶ δὲ ξυνιέναι ἔμελλον ἤδη, ἐνταῦθα καὶ παραινέσεις καθ’ ἑκάστους ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκείων στρατηγῶν τοιαίδε ἐγίγνοντο, Μαντινεῦσι μὲν ὅτι ὑπέρ τε πατρίδος ἡ μάχη ἔσται καὶ ὑπὲρ ἀρχῆς ἅμα καὶ δουλείας, τὴν μὲν μὴ πειρασαμένοις ἀφαιρεθῆναι, τῆς δὲ μὴ αὖθις πειρᾶσθαι· Ἀργείοις δὲ ὑπὲρ τῆς τε παλαιᾶς ἡγεμονίας καὶ τῆς ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ ποτὲ ἰσομοιρίας μὴ διὰ παντὸς στερισκομένους ἀνέχεσθαι, καὶ ἄνδρας ἅμα ἐχθροὺς καὶ ἀστυγείτονας ὑπὲρ πολλῶν ἀδικημάτων ἀμύνασθαι· τοῖς δὲ Ἀθηναίοις καλὸν εἶναι μετὰ πολλῶν καὶ ἀγαθῶν ξυμμάχων ἀγωνιζομένους μηδενὸς λείπεσθαι, καὶ ὅτι ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ Λακεδαιμονίους νικήσαντες τήν τε ἀρχὴν βεβαιοτέραν καὶ μείζω ἕξουσι καὶ οὐ μή ποτέ τις αὐτοῖς ἄλλος ἐς τὴν γῆν ἔλθῃ.

2 τοῖς μὲν Ἀργείοις καὶ ξυμμάχοις τοιαῦτα παρῃνέθη, Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ καθ’ ἑκάστους τε καὶ μετὰ τῶν πολεμικῶν νόμων ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ὧν ἠπίσταντο τὴν παρακέλευσιν τῆς μνήμης ἀγαθοῖς οὖσιν ἐποιοῦντο, εἰδότες ἔργων ἐκ πολλοῦ μελέτην πλείω σῴζουσαν ἢ λόγων δι’ ὀλίγου καλῶς ῥηθεῖσαν παραίνεσιν.

Chapter 70

1 καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ἡ ξύνοδος ἦν, Ἀργεῖοι μὲν καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἐντόνως καὶ ὀργῇ χωροῦντες, Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ βραδέως καὶ ὑπὸ αὐλητῶν πολλῶν ὁμοῦ ἐγκαθεστώτων, οὐ τοῦ θείου χάριν, ἀλλ’ ἵνα ὁμαλῶς μετὰ ῥυθμοῦ βαίνοντες προσέλθοιεν καὶ μὴ διασπασθείη αὐτοῖς ἡ τάξις, ὅπερ φιλεῖ τὰ μεγάλα στρατόπεδα ἐν ταῖς προσόδοις ποιεῖν.

Chapter 71

1 ξυνιόντων δ’ ἔτι Ἆγις ὁ βασιλεὺς τοιόνδε ἐβουλεύσατο δρᾶσαι. τὰ στρατόπεδα ποιεῖ μὲν καὶ ἅπαντα τοῦτο· ἐπὶ τὰ δεξιὰ κέρατα αὐτῶν ἐν ταῖς ξυνόδοις μᾶλλον ἐξωθεῖται, καὶ περιίσχουσι κατὰ τὸ τῶν ἐναντίων εὐώνυμον ἀμφότεροι τῷ δεξιῷ, διὰ τὸ φοβουμένους προσστέλλειν τὰ γυμνὰ ἕκαστον ὡς μάλιστα τῇ τοῦ ἐν δεξιᾷ παρατεταγμένου ἀσπίδι καὶ νομίζειν τὴν πυκνότητα τῆς ξυγκλῄσεως εὐσκεπαστότατον εἶναι· καὶ ἡγεῖται μὲν τῆς αἰτίας ταύτης ὁ πρωτοστάτης τοῦ δεξιοῦ κέρως, προθυμούμενος ἐξαλλάσσειν αἰεὶ τῶν ἐναντίων τὴν ἑαυτοῦ γύμνωσιν, ἕπονται δὲ διὰ τὸν αὐτὸν φόβον καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι.

2 καὶ τότε περιέσχον μὲν οἱ Μαντινῆς πολὺ τῷ κέρᾳ τῶν Σκιριτῶν, ἔτι δὲ πλέον οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ Τεγεᾶται τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ὅσῳ μεῖζον τὸ στράτευμα εἶχον.

3 δείσας δὲ Ἆγις μὴ σφῶν κυκλωθῇ τὸ εὐώνυμον, καὶ νομίσας ἄγαν περιέχειν τοὺς Μαντινέας, τοῖς μὲν Σκιρίταις καὶ Βρασιδείοις ἐσήμηνεν ἐπεξαγαγόντας ἀπὸ σφῶν ἐξισῶσαι τοῖς Μαντινεῦσιν, ἐς δὲ τὸ διάκενον τοῦτο παρήγγελλεν ἀπὸ τοῦ δεξιοῦ κέρως δύο λόχους τῶν πολεμάρχων Ἱππονοΐδᾳ καὶ Ἀριστοκλεῖ ἔχουσι παρελθεῖν καὶ ἐσβαλόντας πληρῶσαι, νομίζων τῷ θ’ ἑαυτῶν δεξιῷ ἔτι περιουσίαν ἔσεσθαι καὶ τὸ κατὰ τοὺς Μαντινέας βεβαιότερον τετάξεσθαι.

Chapter 72

1 ξυνέβη οὖν αὐτῷ ἅτε ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ἐφόδῳ καὶ ἐξ ὀλίγου παραγγείλαντι τόν τε Ἀριστοκλέα καὶ τὸν Ἱππονοΐδαν μὴ ᾽θελῆσαι παρελθεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τὸ αἰτίαμα ὕστερον φεύγειν ἐκ Σπάρτης δόξαντας μαλακισθῆναι, καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους φθάσαι τῇ προσμείξει, καὶ κελεύσαντος αὐτοῦ, ἐπὶ τοὺς Σκιρίτας ὡς οὐ παρῆλθον οἱ λόχοι, πάλιν αὖ σφίσι προσμεῖξαι, μὴ δυνηθῆναι ἔτι μηδὲ τούτους ξυγκλῇσαι.

2 ἀλλὰ μάλιστα δὴ κατὰ πάντα τῇ ἐμπειρίᾳ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐλασσωθέντες τότε τῇ ἀνδρείᾳ ἔδειξαν οὐχ ἧσσον περιγενόμενοι.

3 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἐν χερσὶν ἐγίγνοντο τοῖς ἐναντίοις, τὸ μὲν τῶν Μαντινέων δεξιὸν τρέπει αὐτῶν τοὺς Σκιρίτας καὶ τοὺς Βρασιδείους, καὶ ἐσπεσόντες οἱ Μαντινῆς καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν Ἀργείων οἱ χίλιοι λογάδες κατὰ τὸ διάκενον καὶ οὐ ξυγκλῃσθὲν τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους διέφθειρον καὶ κυκλωσάμενοι ἔτρεψαν καὶ ἐξέωσαν ἐς τὰς ἁμάξας καὶ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων τῶν ἐπιτεταγμένων ἀπέκτεινάν τινας.

4 καὶ ταύτῃ μὲν ἡσσῶντο οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι· τῷ δὲ ἄλλῳ στρατοπέδῳ καὶ μάλιστα τῷ μέσῳ, ᾗπερ ὁ βασιλεὺς Ἆγις ἦν καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν οἱ τριακόσιοι ἱππῆς καλούμενοι, προσπεσόντες τῶν [τε] Ἀργείων τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις καὶ πέντε λόχοις ὠνομασμένοις καὶ Κλεωναίοις καὶ Ὀρνεάταις καὶ Ἀθηναίων τοῖς παρατεταγμένοις, ἔτρεψαν οὐδὲ ἐς χεῖρας τοὺς πολλοὺς ὑπομείναντας, ἀλλ’ ὡς ἐπῇσαν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι εὐθὺς ἐνδόντας καὶ ἔστιν οὓς καὶ καταπατηθέντας τοῦ μὴ φθῆναι τὴν ἐγκατάληψιν.

Chapter 73

1 ὡς δὲ ταύτῃ ἐνεδεδώκει τὸ τῶν Ἀργείων καὶ ξυμμάχων στράτευμα, παρερρήγνυντο ἤδη ἅμα καὶ ἐφ’ ἑκάτερα, καὶ ἅμα τὸ δεξιὸν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Τεγεατῶν ἐκυκλοῦτο τῷ περιέχοντι σφῶν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, καὶ ἀμφοτέρωθεν αὐτοὺς κίνδυνος περιειστήκει, τῇ μὲν κυκλουμένους, τῇ δὲ ἤδη ἡσσημένους. καὶ μάλιστ’ ἂν τοῦ στρατεύματος ἐταλαιπώρησαν, εἰ μὴ οἱ ἱππῆς παρόντες αὐτοῖς ὠφέλιμοι ἦσαν.

2 καὶ ξυνέβη τὸν Ἆγιν, ὡς ᾔσθετο τὸ εὐώνυμον σφῶν πονοῦν τὸ κατὰ τοὺς Μαντινέας καὶ τῶν Ἀργείων τοὺς χιλίους, παραγγεῖλαι παντὶ τῷ στρατεύματι χωρῆσαι ἐπὶ τὸ νικώμενον.

3 καὶ γενομένου τούτου οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι ἐν τούτῳ, ὡς παρῆλθε καὶ ἐξέκλινεν ἀπὸ σφῶν τὸ στράτευμα, καθ’ ἡσυχίαν ἐσώθησαν καὶ τῶν Ἀργείων μετ’ αὐτῶν τὸ ἡσσηθέν· οἱ δὲ Μαντινῆς καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι καὶ τῶν Ἀργείων οἱ λογάδες οὐκέτι πρὸς τὸ ἐγκεῖσθαι τοῖς ἐναντίοις τὴν γνώμην εἶχον, ἀλλ’ ὁρῶντες τούς τε σφετέρους νενικημένους καὶ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐπιφερομένους ἐς φυγὴν ἐτράποντο.

4 καὶ τῶν μὲν Μαντινέων καὶ πλείους διεφθάρησαν, τῶν δὲ Ἀργείων λογάδων τὸ πολὺ ἐσώθη. ἡ μέντοι φυγὴ καὶ ἀποχώρησις οὐ βίαιος οὐδὲ μακρὰ ἦν· οἱ γὰρ Λακεδαιμόνιοι μέχρι μὲν τοῦ τρέψαι χρονίους τὰς μάχας καὶ βεβαίους τῷ μένειν ποιοῦνται, τρέψαντες δὲ βραχείας καὶ οὐκ ἐπὶ πολὺ τὰς διώξεις.

Chapter 74

1 καὶ ἡ μὲν μάχη τοιαύτη καὶ ὅτι ἐγγύτατα τούτων ἐγένετο, πλείστου δὴ χρόνου μεγίστη δὴ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν καὶ ὑπὸ ἀξιολογωτάτων πόλεων ξυνελθοῦσα.

2 οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι προθέμενοι τῶν πολεμίων νεκρῶν τὰ ὅπλα τροπαῖον εὐθὺς ἵστασαν καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς ἐσκύλευον, καὶ τοὺς αὑτῶν ἀνείλοντο καὶ ἀπήγαγον ἐς Τεγέαν, οὗπερ ἐτάφησαν, καὶ τοὺς τῶν πολεμίων ὑποσπόνδους ἀπέδοσαν.

3 ἀπέθανον δὲ Ἀργείων μὲν καὶ Ὀρνεατῶν καὶ Κλεωναίων ἑπτακόσιοι, Μαντινέων δὲ διακόσιοι, καὶ Ἀθηναίων ξὺν Αἰγινήταις διακόσιοι καὶ οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἀμφότεροι. Λακεδαιμονίων δὲ οἱ μὲν ξύμμαχοι οὐκ ἐταλαιπώρησαν ὥστε καὶ ἀξιόλογόν τι ἀπογενέσθαι· αὐτῶν δὲ χαλεπὸν μὲν ἦν τὴν ἀλήθειαν πυθέσθαι, ἐλέγοντο δὲ περὶ τριακοσίους ἀποθανεῖν.

Chapter 75

1 τῆς δὲ μάχης μελλούσης ἔσεσθαι καὶ Πλειστοάναξ ὁ ἕτερος βασιλεὺς ἔχων τούς τε πρεσβυτέρους καὶ νεωτέρους ἐβοήθησε, καὶ μέχρι μὲν Τεγέας ἀφίκετο, πυθόμενος δὲ τὴν νίκην ἀπεχώρησεν.

2 καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ Κορίνθου καὶ ἔξω Ἰσθμοῦ ξυμμάχους ἀπέστρεψαν πέμψαντες οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀναχωρήσαντες καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἀφέντες (Κάρνεια γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐτύγχανον ὄντα) τὴν ἑορτὴν ἦγον.

3 καὶ τὴν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων τότε ἐπιφερομένην αἰτίαν ἔς τε μαλακίαν διὰ τὴν ἐν τῇ νήσῳ ξυμφορὰν καὶ ἐς τὴν ἄλλην ἀβουλίαν τε καὶ βραδυτῆτα ἑνὶ ἔργῳ τούτῳ ἀπελύσαντο, τύχῃ μέν, ὡς ἐδόκουν, κακιζόμενοι, γνώμῃ δὲ οἱ αὐτοὶ ἔτι ὄντες.

4 τῇ δὲ προτέρᾳ ἡμέρᾳ ξυνέβη τῆς μάχης ταύτης καὶ τοὺς Ἐπιδαυρίους πανδημεὶ ἐσβαλεῖν ἐς τὴν Ἀργείαν ὡς ἐρῆμον οὖσαν καὶ τοὺς ὑπολοίπους φύλακας τῶν Ἀργείων ἐξελθόντων αὐτῶν διαφθεῖραι πολλούς.

5 καὶ Ἠλείων τρισχιλίων ὁπλιτῶν βοηθησάντων Μαντινεῦσιν ὕστερον τῆς μάχης καὶ Ἀθηναίων χιλίων πρὸς τοῖς προτέροις ἐστράτευσαν ἅπαντες οἱ ξύμμαχοι οὗτοι εὐθὺς ἐπὶ Ἐπίδαυρον, ἕως οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι Κάρνεια ἦγον, καὶ διελόμενοι τὴν πόλιν περιετείχιζον.

6 καὶ οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι ἐξεπαύσαντο, Ἀθηναῖοι δέ, ὥσπερ προσετάχθησαν, τὴν ἄκραν τὸ Ἡραῖον εὐθὺς ἐξειργάσαντο. καὶ ἐν τούτῳ ξυγκαταλιπόντες ἅπαντες τῷ τειχίσματι φρουρὰν ἀνεχώρησαν κατὰ πόλεις ἕκαστοι. καὶ τὸ θέρος ἐτελεύτα.

Chapter 76

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος ἀρχομένου εὐθὺς οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, ἐπειδὴ τὰ Κάρνεια ἤγαγον, ἐξεστράτευσαν, καὶ ἀφικόμενοι ἐς Τεγέαν λόγους προύπεμπον ἐς τὸ Ἄργος ξυμβατηρίους.

2 ἦσαν δὲ αὐτοῖς πρότερόν τε ἄνδρες ἐπιτήδειοι καὶ βουλόμενοι τὸν δῆμον τὸν ἐν Ἄργει καταλῦσαι· καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἡ μάχη ἐγεγένητο, πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἐδύναντο πείθειν τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐς τὴν ὁμολογίαν. ἐβούλοντο δὲ πρῶτον σπονδὰς ποιήσαντες πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους αὖθις ὕστερον καὶ ξυμμαχίαν, καὶ οὕτως ἤδη τῷ δήμῳ ἐπιτίθεσθαι.

3 καὶ ἀφικνεῖται πρόξενος ὢν Ἀργείων Λίχας ὁ Ἀρκεσιλάου παρὰ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων δύο λόγω φέρων ἐς τὸ Ἄργος, τὸν μὲν καθ’ ὅτι εἰ βούλονται πολεμεῖν, τὸν δ’ ὡς εἰ εἰρήνην ἄγειν. καὶ γενομένης πολλῆς ἀντιλογίας (ἔτυχε γὰρ καὶ ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης παρών) οἱ ἄνδρες οἱ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις πράσσοντες, ἤδη καὶ ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ τολμῶντες, ἔπεισαν τοὺς Ἀργείους προσδέξασθαι τὸν ξυμβατήριον λόγον. ἔστι δὲ ὅδε.

Chapter 77

1 ‘καττάδε δοκεῖ τᾷ ἐκκλησίᾳ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ξυμβαλέσθαι ποττὼς Ἀργείως, ἀποδιδόντας τὼς παῖδας τοῖς Ὀρχομενίοις καὶ τὼς ἄνδρας τοῖς Μαιναλίοις, καὶ τὼς ἄνδρας τὼς ἐν Μαντινείᾳ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἀποδιδόντας, καὶ ἐξ Ἐπιδαύρω ἐκβῶντας καὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἀναιρίοντας.

2 αἰ δέ κα μὴ εἴκωντι τοὶ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐξ Ἐπιδαύρω, πολεμίως ἦμεν τοῖς Ἀργείοις καὶ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ τοῖς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ξυμμάχοις καὶ τοῖς τῶν Ἀργείων ξυμμάχοις.

3 καὶ αἴ τινα τοὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι παῖδα ἔχοντι, ἀποδόμεν ταῖς πολίεσσι πάσαις.

4 περὶ δὲ τῶ σιῶ σύματος, αἰ μὲν λῆν, τοῖς Ἐπιδαυρίοις ὅρκον δόμεν, 〈αἰ〉 δέ, αὐτὼς ὀμόσαι.

5 τὰς δὲ πόλιας τὰς ἐν Πελοποννάσῳ, καὶ μικρὰς καὶ μεγάλας, αὐτονόμως ἦμεν πάσας καττὰ πάτρια.

6 αἰ δέ κα τῶν ἐκτὸς Πελοποννάσω τις ἐπὶ τὰν Πελοπόννασον γᾶν ἴῃ ἐπὶ κακῷ, ἀλεξέμεναι ἁμόθι βωλευσαμένως, ὅπᾳ κα δικαιότατα δοκῇ τοῖς Πελοποννασίοις.

7 ὅσσοι δ’ ἐκτὸς Πελοποννάσω τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ξύμμαχοί ἐντι, ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ἐσσίονται ἐν τῷπερ καὶ τοὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, καὶ τοὶ τῶν Ἀργείων ξύμμαχοι ἐν τ〈ῷ αὐτῷ ἐσσίονται ἐν τῷπερ καὶ τοὶ Ἀργεῖοι〉, τὰν αὐτῶν ἔχοντες.

8 ἐπιδείξαντας δὲ τοῖς ξυμμάχοις ξυμβαλέσθαι, αἴ κα αὐτοῖς δοκῇ. αἰ δέ τι δοκῇ τοῖς ξυμμάχοις, οἴκαδ’ ἀπιάλλην.’

Chapter 78

1 τοῦτον μὲν τὸν λόγον προσεδέξαντο πρῶτον οἱ Ἀργεῖοι, καὶ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων τὸ στράτευμα ἀνεχώρησεν ἐκ τῆς Τεγέας ἐπ’ οἴκου· μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ἐπιμειξίας οὔσης ἤδη παρ’ ἀλλήλους, οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἔπραξαν αὖθις οἱ αὐτοὶ ἄνδρες ὥστε τὴν Μαντινέων καὶ τὴν Ἀθηναίων καὶ Ἠλείων ξυμμαχίαν ἀφέντας Ἀργείους σπονδὰς καὶ ξυμμαχίαν ποιήσασθαι πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους. καὶ ἐγένοντο αἵδε.

Chapter 79

1 ‘καττάδε ἔδοξε τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ Ἀργείοις σπονδὰς καὶ ξυμμαχίαν ἦμεν πεντήκοντα ἔτη, ἐπὶ τοῖς ἴσοις καὶ ὁμοίοις δίκας διδόντας καττὰ πάτρια· ταὶ δὲ ἄλλαι πόλιες ταὶ ἐν Πελοποννάσῳ κοινανεόντων τᾶν σπονδᾶν καὶ τᾶς ξυμμαχίας αὐτόνομοι καὶ αὐτοπόλιες, τὰν αὐτῶν ἔχοντες, καττὰ πάτρια δίκας διδόντες τὰς ἴσας καὶ ὁμοίας.

2 ὅσσοι δὲ ἔξω Πελοποννάσω Λακεδαιμονίοις ξύμμαχοί ἐντι, ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἐσσίονται τοῖσπερ καὶ τοὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι· καὶ τοὶ τῶν Ἀργείων ξύμμαχοι ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ἐσσίονται τῷπερ καὶ τοὶ Ἀργεῖοι, τὰν αὐτῶν ἔχοντες.

3 αἰ δέ ποι στρατείας δέῃ κοινᾶς, βουλεύεσθαι Λακεδαιμονίως καὶ Ἀργείως ὅπᾳ κα δικαιότατα κρίναντας τοῖς ξυμμάχοις.

4 αἰ δέ τινι τᾶν πολίων ᾖ ἀμφίλλογα, ἢ τᾶν ἐντὸς ἢ τᾶν ἐκτὸς Πελοποννάσω, αἴτε περὶ ὅρων αἴτε περὶ ἄλλω τινός, διακριθῆμεν. αἰ δέ τις τῶν ξυμμάχων πόλις πόλι ἐρίζοι, ἐς πόλιν ἐλθῆν ἅντινα ἴσαν ἀμφοῖν ταῖς πολίεσσι δοκείοι. τὼς δὲ ἔτας καττὰ πάτρια δικάζεσθαι.’

Chapter 80

1 αἱ μὲν σπονδαὶ καὶ ἡ ξυμμαχία αὕτη ἐγεγένητο· καὶ ὁπόσα ἀλλήλων πολέμῳ ἢ εἴ τι ἄλλο εἶχον, διελύσαντο. κοινῇ δὲ ἤδη τὰ πράγματα τιθέμενοι ἐψηφίσαντο κήρυκα καὶ πρεσβείαν παρ’ Ἀθηναίων μὴ προσδέχεσθαι, ἢν μὴ ἐκ Πελοποννήσου ἐξίωσι τὰ τείχη ἐκλιπόντες, καὶ μὴ ξυμβαίνειν τῳ μηδὲ πολεμεῖν ἀλλ’ ἢ ἅμα.

2 καὶ τά τε ἄλλα θυμῷ ἔφερον καὶ ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης χωρία καὶ ὡς Περδίκκαν ἔπεμψαν ἀμφότεροι πρέσβεις, καὶ ἀνέπεισαν Περδίκκαν ξυνομόσαι σφίσιν. οὐ μέντοι εὐθύς γε ἀπέστη τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ἀλλὰ διενοεῖτο, ὅτι καὶ τοὺς Ἀργείους ἑώρα· ἦν δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἐξ Ἄργους. καὶ τοῖς Χαλκιδεῦσι τούς τε παλαιοὺς ὅρκους ἀνενεώσαντο καὶ ἄλλους ὤμοσαν.

3 ἔπεμψαν δὲ καὶ παρὰ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους οἱ Ἀργεῖοι πρέσβεις, τὸ ἐξ Ἐπιδαύρου τεῖχος κελεύοντες ἐκλιπεῖν. οἱ δ’ ὁρῶντες ὀλίγοι πρὸς πλείους ὄντες τοὺς ξυμφύλακας, ἔπεμψαν Δημοσθένη τοὺς σφετέρους ἐξάξοντα. ὁ δὲ ἀφικόμενος καὶ ἀγῶνά τινα πρόφασιν γυμνικὸν ἔξω τοῦ φρουρίου ποιήσας, ὡς ἐξῆλθε τὸ ἄλλο φρούριον, ἀπέκλῃσε τὰς πύλας· καὶ ὕστερον Ἐπιδαυρίοις ἀνανεωσάμενοι τὰς σπονδὰς αὐτοὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀπέδοσαν τὸ τείχισμα.

Chapter 81

1 μετὰ δὲ τὴν τῶν Ἀργείων ἀπόστασιν ἐκ τῆς ξυμμαχίας καὶ οἱ Μαντινῆς, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀντέχοντες, ἔπειτ’ οὐ δυνάμενοι ἄνευ τῶν Ἀργείων, ξυνέβησαν καὶ αὐτοὶ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀφεῖσαν τῶν πόλεων.

2 καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ Ἀργεῖοι, χίλιοι ἑκάτεροι, ξυστρατεύσαντες τά τ’ ἐν Σικυῶνι ἐς ὀλίγους μᾶλλον κατέστησαν αὐτοὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐλθόντες, καὶ μετ’ ἐκεῖνα ξυναμφότεροι ἤδη καὶ τὸν ἐν Ἄργει δῆμον κατέλυσαν, καὶ ὀλιγαρχία ἐπιτηδεία τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις κατέστη. καὶ πρὸς ἔαρ ἤδη ταῦτα ἦν τοῦ χειμῶνος λήγοντος, καὶ τέταρτον καὶ δέκατον ἔτος τῷ πολέμῳ ἐτελεύτα.

Chapter 82

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου θέρους Διῆς τε οἱ ἐν Ἄθῳ ἀπέστησαν Ἀθηναίων πρὸς Χαλκιδέας, καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὰ ἐν Ἀχαΐᾳ οὐκ ἐπιτηδείως πρότερον ἔχοντα καθίσταντο.

2 καὶ Ἀργείων ὁ δῆμος κατ’ ὀλίγον ξυνιστάμενός τε καὶ ἀναθαρσήσας ἐπέθεντο τοῖς ὀλίγοις, τηρήσαντες αὐτὰς τὰς γυμνοπαιδίας τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων· καὶ μάχης γενομένης ἐν τῇ πόλει ἐπεκράτησεν ὁ δῆμος, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἀπέκτεινε, τοὺς δὲ ἐξήλασεν.

3 οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, ἕως μὲν αὐτοὺς μετεπέμποντο οἱ φίλοι, οὐκ ἦλθον ἐκ πλέονος, ἀναβαλόμενοι δὲ τὰς γυμνοπαιδίας ἐβοήθουν. καὶ ἐν Τεγέᾳ πυθόμενοι ὅτι νενίκηνται οἱ ὀλίγοι, προελθεῖν μὲν οὐκέτι ἠθέλησαν δεομένων τῶν διαπεφευγότων, ἀναχωρήσαντες δὲ ἐπ᾽ οἴκου τὰς γυμνοπαιδίας ἦγον.

4 καὶ ὕστερον ἐλθόντων πρέσβεων ἀπό τε τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει [ἀγγέλων] καὶ τῶν ἔξω Ἀργείων, παρόντων τε τῶν ξυμμάχων καὶ ῥηθέντων πολλῶν ἀφ’ ἑκατέρων ἔγνωσαν μὲν ἀδικεῖν τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει, καὶ ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς στρατεύειν ἐς Ἄργος, διατριβαὶ δὲ καὶ μελλήσεις ἐγίγνοντο.

5 ὁ δὲ δῆμος τῶν Ἀργείων ἐν τούτῳ φοβούμενος τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ τὴν τῶν Ἀθηναίων ξυμμαχίαν πάλιν προσαγόμενός τε καὶ νομίζων μέγιστον ἂν σφᾶς ὠφελῆσαι, τειχίζει μακρὰ τείχη ἐς θάλασσαν, ὅπως, ἢν τῆς γῆς εἴργωνται, ἡ κατὰ θάλασσαν σφᾶς μετὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐπαγωγὴ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ὠφελῇ.

6 ξυνῄδεσαν δὲ τὸν τειχισμὸν καὶ τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ τινὲς πόλεων. καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἀργεῖοι πανδημεί, καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ γυναῖκες καὶ οἰκέται, ἐτείχιζον· καὶ ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν αὐτοῖς ἦλθον τέκτονες καὶ λιθουργοί. καὶ τὸ θέρος ἐτελεύτα.

Chapter 83

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος Λακεδαιμόνιοι ὡς ᾔσθοντο τειχιζόντων, ἐστράτευσαν ἐς τὸ Ἄργος αὐτοί τε καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι πλὴν Κορινθίων· ὑπῆρχε δέ τι αὐτοῖς καὶ ἐκ τοῦ Ἄργους αὐτόθεν πρασσόμενον. ἦγε δὲ τὴν στρατιὰν Ἆγις ὁ Ἀρχιδάμου Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεύς.

2 καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως δοκοῦντα προϋπάρχειν οὐ προυχώρησεν ἔτι· τὰ δὲ οἰκοδομούμενα τείχη ἑλόντες καὶ καταβαλόντες καὶ Ὑσιὰς χωρίον τῆς Ἀργείας λαβόντες καὶ τοὺς ἐλευθέρους ἅπαντας οὓς ἔλαβον ἀποκτείναντες ἀνεχώρησαν καὶ διελύθησαν κατὰ πόλεις.

3 ἐστράτευσαν δὲ μετὰ τοῦτο καὶ Ἀργεῖοι ἐς τὴν Φλειασίαν καὶ δῃώσαντες ἀπῆλθον, ὅτι σφῶν τοὺς φυγάδας ὑπεδέχοντο· οἱ γὰρ πολλοὶ αὐτῶν ἐνταῦθα κατῴκηντο.

4 κατέκλῃσαν δὲ τοῦ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος καὶ Μακεδόνας Ἀθηναῖοι, Περδίκκᾳ ἐπικαλοῦντες τήν τε πρὸς Ἀργείους καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους γενομένην ξυνωμοσίαν, καὶ ὅτι παρασκευασαμένων αὐτῶν στρατιὰν ἄγειν ἐπὶ Χαλκιδέας τοὺς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης καὶ Ἀμφίπολιν Νικίου τοῦ Νικηράτου στρατηγοῦντος ἔψευστο τὴν ξυμμαχίαν καὶ ἡ στρατεία μάλιστα διελύθη ἐκείνου †ἀπάραντος †· πολέμιος οὖν ἦν. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἐτελεύτα οὗτος, καὶ πέμπτον καὶ δέκατον ἔτος τῷ πολέμῳ ἐτελεύτα.

Chapter 84

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου θέρους Ἀλκιβιάδης τε πλεύσας ἐς Ἄργος ναυσὶν εἴκοσιν Ἀργείων τοὺς δοκοῦντας ἔτι ὑπόπτους εἶναι καὶ τὰ Λακεδαιμονίων φρονεῖν ἔλαβε τριακοσίους ἄνδρας, καὶ κατέθεντο αὐτοὺς Ἀθηναῖοι ἐς τὰς ἐγγὺς νήσους ὧν ἦρχον· καὶ ἐπὶ Μῆλον τὴν νῆσον Ἀθηναῖοι ἐστράτευσαν ναυσὶν ἑαυτῶν μὲν τριάκοντα, Χίαις δὲ ἕξ, Λεσβίαιν δὲ δυοῖν, καὶ ὁπλίταις ἑαυτῶν μὲν διακοσίοις καὶ χιλίοις καὶ τοξόταις τριακοσίοις καὶ ἱπποτοξόταις εἴκοσι, τῶν δὲ ξυμμάχων καὶ νησιωτῶν ὁπλίταις μάλιστα πεντακοσίοις καὶ χιλίοις.

2 οἱ δὲ Μήλιοι Λακεδαιμονίων μέν εἰσιν ἄποικοι, τῶν δ’ Ἀθηναίων οὐκ ἤθελον ὑπακούειν ὥσπερ οἱ ἄλλοι νησιῶται, ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οὐδετέρων ὄντες ἡσύχαζον, ἔπειτα ὡς αὐτοὺς ἠνάγκαζον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι δῃοῦντες τὴν γῆν, ἐς πόλεμον φανερὸν κατέστησαν.

3 στρατοπεδευσάμενοι οὖν ἐς τὴν γῆν αὐτῶν τῇ παρασκευῇ ταύτῃ οἱ στρατηγοὶ Κλεομήδης τε ὁ Λυκομήδους καὶ Τεισίας ὁ Τεισιμάχου, πρὶν ἀδικεῖν τι τῆς γῆς, λόγους πρῶτον ποιησομένους ἔπεμψαν πρέσβεις. οὓς οἱ Μήλιοι πρὸς μὲν τὸ πλῆθος οὐκ ἤγαγον, ἐν δὲ ταῖς ἀρχαῖς καὶ τοῖς ὀλίγοις λέγειν ἐκέλευον περὶ ὧν ἥκουσιν.

Chapter 85

1 οἱ δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων πρέσβεις ἔλεγον τοιάδε. ‘ἐπειδὴ οὐ πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος οἱ λόγοι γίγνονται, ὅπως δὴ μὴ ξυνεχεῖ ῥήσει οἱ πολλοὶ ἐπαγωγὰ καὶ ἀνέλεγκτα ἐσάπαξ ἀκούσαντες ἡμῶν ἀπατηθῶσιν (γιγνώσκομεν γὰρ ὅτι τοῦτο φρονεῖ ἡμῶν ἡ ἐς τοὺς ὀλίγους ἀγωγή), ὑμεῖς οἱ καθήμενοι ἔτι ἀσφαλέστερον ποιήσατε. καθ’ ἕκαστον γὰρ καὶ μηδ’ ὑμεῖς ἑνὶ λόγῳ, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὸ μὴ δοκοῦν ἐπιτηδείως λέγεσθαι εὐθὺς ὑπολαμβάνοντες κρίνετε. καὶ πρῶτον εἰ ἀρέσκει ὡς λέγομεν εἴπατε.’

Chapter 86

1 οἱ δὲ τῶν Μηλίων ξύνεδροι ἀπεκρίναντο ‘ἡ μὲν ἐπιείκεια τοῦ διδάσκειν καθ’ ἡσυχίαν ἀλλήλους οὐ ψέγεται, τὰ δὲ τοῦ πολέμου παρόντα ἤδη καὶ οὐ μέλλοντα διαφέροντα αὐτοῦ φαίνεται. ὁρῶμεν γὰρ αὐτούς τε κριτὰς ἥκοντας ὑμᾶς τῶν λεχθησομένων καὶ τὴν τελευτὴν ἐξ αὐτοῦ κατὰ τὸ εἰκὸς περιγενομένοις μὲν τῷ δικαίῳ καὶ δι’ αὐτὸ μὴ ἐνδοῦσι πόλεμον ἡμῖν φέρουσαν, πεισθεῖσι δὲ δουλείαν.’

Chapter 87

1 ΑΘ. εἰ μὲν τοίνυν ὑπονοίας τῶν μελλόντων λογιούμενοι ἢ ἄλλο τι ξυνήκετε ἢ ἐκ τῶν παρόντων καὶ ὧν ὁρᾶτε περὶ σωτηρίας βουλεύσοντες τῇ πόλει, παυοίμεθ’ ἄν· εἰ δ’ ἐπὶ τοῦτο, λέγοιμεν ἄν.

Chapter 88

1 ΜΗΛ. εἰκὸς μὲν καὶ ξυγγνώμη ἐν τῷ τοιῷδε καθεστῶτας ἐπὶ πολλὰ καὶ λέγοντας καὶ δοκοῦντας τρέπεσθαι· ἡ μέντοι ξύνοδος καὶ περὶ σωτηρίας ἥδε πάρεστι, καὶ ὁ λόγος ᾧ προκαλεῖσθε τρόπῳ, εἰ δοκεῖ, γιγνέσθω.

Chapter 89

1 ΑΘ. ἡμεῖς τοίνυν οὔτε αὐτοὶ μετ’ ὀνομάτων καλῶν, ὡς ἢ δικαίως τὸν Μῆδον καταλύσαντες ἄρχομεν ἢ ἀδικούμενοι νῦν ἐπεξερχόμεθα, λόγων μῆκος ἄπιστον παρέξομεν, οὔθ’ ὑμᾶς ἀξιοῦμεν ἢ ὅτι Λακεδαιμονίων ἄποικοι ὄντες οὐ ξυνεστρατεύσατε ἢ ὡς ἡμᾶς οὐδὲν ἠδικήκατε λέγοντας οἴεσθαι πείσειν, τὰ δυνατὰ δ’ ἐξ ὧν ἑκάτεροι ἀληθῶς φρονοῦμεν διαπράσσεσθαι, ἐπισταμένους πρὸς εἰδότας ὅτι δίκαια μὲν ἐν τῷ ἀνθρωπείῳ λόγῳ ἀπὸ τῆς ἴσης ἀνάγκης κρίνεται, δυνατὰ δὲ οἱ προύχοντες πράσσουσι καὶ οἱ ἀσθενεῖς ξυγχωροῦσιν.

Chapter 90

1 ΜΗΛ. ἧι μὲν δὴ νομίζομέν γε, χρήσιμον (ἀνάγκη γάρ, ἐπειδη) ὑμεῖς οὕτω παρὰ τὸ δίκαιον τὸ ξυμφέρον λέγειν ὑπέθεσθἐ μὴ καταλύειν ὑμᾶς τὸ κοινὸν ἀγαθόν, ἀλλὰ τῷ αἰεὶ ἐν κινδύνῳ γιγνομένῳ εἶναι τὰ εἰκότα καὶ δίκαια, καί τι καὶ ἐντὸς τοῦ ἀκριβοῦς πείσαντά τινα ὠφεληθῆναι. καὶ πρὸς ὑμῶν οὐχ ἧσσον τοῦτο, ὅσῳ καὶ ἐπὶ μεγίστῃ τιμωρίᾳ σφαλέντες ἂν τοῖς ἄλλοις παράδειγμα γένοισθε.

Chapter 91

1 ΑΘ. ἡμεῖς δὲ τῆς ἡμετέρας ἀρχῆς, ἢν καὶ παυθῇ, οὐκ ἀθυμοῦμεν τὴν τελευτήν· οὐ γὰρ οἱ ἄρχοντες ἄλλων, ὥσπερ καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, οὗτοι δεινοὶ τοῖς νικηθεῖσιν (ἔστι δὲ οὐ πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους ἡμῖν ὁ ἀγών), ἀλλ’ ἢν οἱ ὑπήκοοί που τῶν ἀρξάντων αὐτοὶ ἐπιθέμενοι κρατήσωσιν.

2 ΑΘ. καὶ περὶ μὲν τούτου ἡμῖν ἀφείσθω κινδυνεύεσθαι· ὡς δὲ ἐπ’ ὠφελίᾳ τε πάρεσμεν τῆς ἡμετέρας ἀρχῆς καὶ ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ νῦν τοὺς λόγους ἐροῦμεν τῆς ὑμετέρας πόλεως, ταῦτα δηλώσομεν, βουλόμενοι ἀπόνως μὲν ὑμῶν ἄρξαι, χρησίμως δ’ ὑμᾶς ἀμφοτέροις σωθῆναι.

Chapter 92

1 ΜΗΛ. καὶ πῶς χρήσιμον ἂν ξυμβαίη ἡμῖν δουλεῦσαι, ὥσπερ καὶ ὑμῖν ἄρξαι;

Chapter 93

1 ΑΘ. ὅτι ὑμῖν μὲν πρὸ τοῦ τὰ δεινότατα παθεῖν ὑπακοῦσαι ἂν γένοιτο, ἡμεῖς δὲ μὴ διαφθείραντες ὑμᾶς κερδαίνοιμεν ἄν.

Chapter 94

1 ΜΗΛ. ὥστε [δὲ] ἡσυχίαν ἄγοντας ἡμᾶς φίλους μὲν εἶναι ἀντὶ πολεμίων, ξυμμάχους δὲ μηδετέρων, οὐκ ἂν δέξαισθε;

Chapter 95

1 ΑΘ. οὐ γὰρ τοσοῦτον ἡμᾶς βλάπτει ἡ ἔχθρα ὑμῶν ὅσον ἡ φιλία μὲν ἀσθενείας, τὸ δὲ μῖσος δυνάμεως παράδειγμα τοῖς ἀρχομένοις δηλούμενον.

Chapter 96

1 ΜΗΛ. σκοποῦσι δ’ ὑμῶν οὕτως οἱ ὑπήκοοι τὸ εἰκός, ὥστε τούς τε μὴ προσήκοντας καὶ ὅσοι ἄποικοι ὄντες οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ ἀποστάντες τινὲς κεχείρωνται ἐς τὸ αὐτὸ τιθέασιν;

Chapter 97

1 ΑΘ. δικαιώματι γὰρ οὐδετέρους ἐλλείπειν ἡγοῦνται, κατὰ δύναμιν δὲ τοὺς μὲν περιγίγνεσθαι, ἡμᾶς δὲ φόβῳ οὐκ ἐπιέναι· ὥστε ἔξω καὶ τοῦ πλεόνων ἄρξαι καὶ τὸ ἀσφαλὲς ἡμῖν διὰ τὸ καταστραφῆναι ἂν παράσχοιτε, ἄλλως τε καὶ νησιῶται ναυκρατόρων καὶ ἀσθενέστεροι ἑτέρων ὄντες εἰ μὴ περιγένοισθε.

Chapter 98

1 ΜΗΛ. ἐν δ’ ἐκείνῳ οὐ νομίζετε ἀσφάλειαν; δεῖ γὰρ αὖ καὶ ἐνταῦθα, ὥσπερ ὑμεῖς τῶν δικαίων λόγων ἡμᾶς ἐκβιβάσαντες τῷ ὑμετέρῳ ξυμφόρῳ ὑπακούειν πείθετε, καὶ ἡμᾶς τὸ ἡμῖν χρήσιμον διδάσκοντας, εἰ τυγχάνει καὶ ὑμῖν τὸ αὐτὸ ξυμβαῖνον, πειρᾶσθαι πείθειν. ὅσοι γὰρ νῦν μηδετέροις ξυμμαχοῦσι, πῶς οὐ πολεμώσεσθε αὐτούς, ὅταν ἐς τάδε βλέψαντες ἡγήσωνταί ποτε ὑμᾶς καὶ ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἥξειν; κἀν τούτῳ τί ἄλλο ἢ τοὺς μὲν ὑπάρχοντας πολεμίους μεγαλύνετε, τοὺς δὲ μηδὲ μελλήσαντας γενέσθαι ἄκοντας ἐπάγεσθε;

Chapter 99

1 ΑΘ. οὐ γὰρ νομίζομεν ἡμῖν τούτους δεινοτέρους ὅσοι ἠπειρῶταί που ὄντες τῷ ἐλευθέρῳ πολλὴν τὴν διαμέλλησιν τῆς πρὸς ἡμᾶς φυλακῆς ποιήσονται, ἀλλὰ τοὺς νησιώτας τέ που ἀνάρκτους, ὥσπερ ὑμᾶς, καὶ τοὺς ἤδη τῆς ἀρχῆς τῷ ἀναγκαίῳ παροξυνομένους. οὗτοι γὰρ πλεῖστ’ ἂν τῷ ἀλογίστῳ ἐπιτρέψαντες σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ ἡμᾶς ἐς προῦπτον κίνδυνον καταστήσειαν.

Chapter 100

1 ΜΗΛ. ἦ που ἄρα, εἰ τοσαύτην γε ὑμεῖς τε μὴ παυθῆναι ἀρχῆς καὶ οἱ δουλεύοντες ἤδη ἀπαλλαγῆναι τὴν παρακινδύνευσιν ποιοῦνται, ἡμῖν γε τοῖς ἔτι ἐλευθέροις πολλὴ κακότης καὶ δειλία μὴ πᾶν πρὸ τοῦ δουλεῦσαι ἐπεξελθεῖν.

Chapter 101

1 ΑΘ. οὔκ, ἤν γε σωφρόνως βουλεύησθε· οὐ γὰρ περὶ ἀνδραγαθίας ὁ ἀγὼν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσου ὑμῖν, μὴ αἰσχύνην ὀφλεῖν, περὶ δὲ σωτηρίας μᾶλλον ἡ βουλή, πρὸς τοὺς κρείσσονας πολλῷ μὴ ἀνθίστασθαι.

Chapter 102

1 ΜΗΛ. ἀλλ’ ἐπιστάμεθα τὰ τῶν πολέμων ἔστιν ὅτε κοινοτέρας τὰς τύχας λαμβάνοντα ἢ κατὰ τὸ διαφέρον ἑκατέρων πλῆθος· καὶ ἡμῖν τὸ μὲν εἶξαι εὐθὺς ἀνέλπιστον, μετὰ δὲ τοῦ δρωμένου ἔτι καὶ στῆναι ἐλπὶς ὀρθῶς.

Chapter 103

1 ΑΘ. ἐλπὶς δὲ κινδύνῳ παραμύθιον οὖσα τοὺς μὲν ἀπὸ περιουσίας χρωμένους αὐτῇ, κἂν βλάψῃ, οὐ καθεῖλεν· τοῖς δ’ ἐς ἅπαν τὸ ὑπάρχον ἀναρριπτοῦσι (δάπανος γὰρ φύσει) ἅμα τε γιγνώσκεται σφαλέντων καὶ ἐν ὅτῳ ἔτι φυλάξεταί τις αὐτὴν γνωρισθεῖσαν οὐκ ἐλλείπει.

2 ΑΘ. ὃ ὑμεῖς ἀσθενεῖς τε καὶ ἐπὶ ῥοπῆς μιᾶς ὄντες μὴ βούλεσθε παθεῖν μηδὲ ὁμοιωθῆναι τοῖς πολλοῖς, οἷς παρὸν ἀνθρωπείως ἔτι σῴζεσθαι, ἐπειδὰν πιεζομένους αὐτοὺς ἐπιλίπωσιν αἱ φανεραὶ ἐλπίδες, ἐπὶ τὰς ἀφανεῖς καθίστανται μαντικήν τε καὶ χρησμοὺς καὶ ὅσα τοιαῦτα μετ’ ἐλπίδων λυμαίνεται.

Chapter 104

1 ΜΗΛ. χαλεπὸν μὲν καὶ ἡμεῖς (εὖ ἴστε) νομίζομεν πρὸς δύναμίν τε τὴν ὑμετέραν καὶ τὴν τύχην, εἰ μὴ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσου ἔσται, ἀγωνίζεσθαι· ὅμως δὲ πιστεύομεν τῇ μὲν τύχῃ ἐκ τοῦ θείου μὴ ἐλασσώσεσθαι, ὅτι ὅσιοι πρὸς οὐ δικαίους ἱστάμεθα, τῆς δὲ δυνάμεως τῷ ἐλλείποντι τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων ἡμῖν ξυμμαχίαν προσέσεσθαι, ἀνάγκην ἔχουσαν, καὶ εἰ μή του ἄλλου, τῆς γε ξυγγενείας ἕνεκα καὶ αἰσχύνῃ βοηθεῖν. καὶ οὐ παντάπασιν οὕτως ἀλόγως θρασυνόμεθα.

Chapter 105

1 ΑΘ. τῆς μὲν τοίνυν πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐμενείας οὐδ’ ἡμεῖς οἰόμεθα λελείψεσθαι· οὐδὲν γὰρ ἔξω τῆς ἀνθρωπείας τῶν μὲν ἐς τὸ θεῖον νομίσεως, τῶν δ’ ἐς σφᾶς αὐτοὺς βουλήσεως δικαιοῦμεν ἢ πράσσομεν.

2 ΑΘ. ἡγούμεθα γὰρ τό τε θεῖον δόξῃ τὸ ἀνθρώπειόν τε σαφῶς διὰ παντὸς ὑπὸ φύσεως ἀναγκαίας, οὗ ἂν κρατῇ, ἄρχειν· καὶ ἡμεῖς οὔτε θέντες τὸν νόμον οὔτε κειμένῳ πρῶτοι χρησάμενοι, ὄντα δὲ παραλαβόντες καὶ ἐσόμενον ἐς αἰεὶ καταλείψοντες χρώμεθα αὐτῷ, εἰδότες καὶ ὑμᾶς ἂν καὶ ἄλλους ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ δυνάμει ἡμῖν γενομένους δρῶντας ἂν ταὐτό.

3 ΑΘ. καὶ πρὸς μὲν τὸ θεῖον οὕτως ἐκ τοῦ εἰκότος οὐ φοβούμεθα ἐλασσώσεσθαι· τῆς δὲ ἐς Λακεδαιμονίους δόξης, ἣν διὰ τὸ αἰσχρὸν δὴ βοηθήσειν ὑμῖν πιστεύετε αὐτούς, μακαρίσαντες ὑμῶν τὸ ἀπειρόκακον οὐ ζηλοῦμεν τὸ ἄφρον.

4 ΑΘ. Λακεδαιμόνιοι γὰρ πρὸς σφᾶς μὲν αὐτοὺς καὶ τὰ ἐπιχώρια νόμιμα πλεῖστα ἀρετῇ χρῶνται· πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους πολλὰ ἄν τις ἔχων εἰπεῖν ὡς προσφέρονται, ξυνελὼν μάλιστ’ ἂν δηλώσειεν ὅτι ἐπιφανέστατα ὧν ἴσμεν τὰ μὲν ἡδέα καλὰ νομίζουσι, τὰ δὲ ξυμφέροντα δίκαια. καίτοι οὐ πρὸς τῆς ὑμετέρας νῦν ἀλόγου σωτηρίας ἡ τοιαύτη διάνοια.

Chapter 106

1 ΜΗΛ. ἡμεῖς δὲ κατ’ αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἤδη καὶ μάλιστα πιστεύομεν τῷ ξυμφέροντι αὐτῶν, Μηλίους ἀποίκους ὄντας μὴ βουλήσεσθαι προδόντας τοῖς μὲν εὔνοις τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀπίστους καταστῆναι, τοῖς δὲ πολεμίοις ὠφελίμους.

Chapter 107

1 ΑΘ. οὔκουν οἴεσθε τὸ ξυμφέρον μὲν μετ’ ἀσφαλείας εἶναι, τὸ δὲ δίκαιον καὶ καλὸν μετὰ κινδύνου δρᾶσθαι· ὃ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἥκιστα ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ τολμῶσιν.

Chapter 108

1 ΜΗΛ. ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς κινδύνους τε ἡμῶν ἕνεκα μᾶλλον ἡγούμεθ’ ἂν ἐγχειρίσασθαι αὐτούς, καὶ βεβαιοτέρους ἢ ἐς ἄλλους νομιεῖν, ὅσῳ πρὸς μὲν τὰ ἔργα τῆς Πελοποννήσου ἐγγὺς κείμεθα, τῆς δὲ γνώμης τῷ ξυγγενεῖ πιστότεροι ἑτέρων ἐσμέν.

Chapter 109

1 ΑΘ. τὸ δ’ ἐχυρόν γε τοῖς ξυναγωνιουμένοις οὐ τὸ εὔνουν τῶν ἐπικαλεσαμένων φαίνεται, ἀλλ’ ἢν τῶν ἔργων τις δυνάμει πολὺ προύχῃ· ὃ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ πλέον τι τῶν ἄλλων σκοποῦσιν (τῆς γοῦν οἰκείας παρασκευῆς ἀπιστίᾳ καὶ μετὰ ξυμμάχων πολλῶν τοῖς πέλας ἐπέρχονται), ὥστε οὐκ εἰκὸς ἐς νῆσόν γε αὐτοὺς ἡμῶν ναυκρατόρων ὄντων περαιωθῆναι.

Chapter 110

1 ΜΗΛ. οἱ δὲ καὶ ἄλλους ἂν ἔχοιεν πέμψαι· πολὺ δὲ τὸ Κρητικὸν πέλαγος, δι’ οὗ τῶν κρατούντων ἀπορώτερος ἡ λῆψις ἢ τῶν λαθεῖν βουλομένων ἡ σωτηρία.

2 καὶ εἰ τοῦδε σφάλλοιντο, τράποιντ’ ἂν καὶ ἐς τὴν γῆν ὑμῶν καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς τῶν ξυμμάχων, ὅσους μὴ Βρασίδας ἐπῆλθεν· καὶ οὐ περὶ τῆς μὴ προσηκούσης μᾶλλον ἢ τῆς οἰκειοτέρας ξυμμαχίδος τε καὶ γῆς ὁ πόνος ὑμῖν ἔσται.

Chapter 111

1 ΑΘ. τούτων μὲν καὶ πεπειραμένοις ἄν τι γένοιτο καὶ ὑμῖν καὶ οὐκ ἀνεπιστήμοσιν ὅτι οὐδ᾽ ἀπὸ μιᾶς πώποτε πολιορκίας Ἀθηναῖοι δι’ ἄλλων φόβον ἀπεχώρησαν.

2 ΑΘ. ἐνθυμούμεθα δὲ ὅτι φήσαντες περὶ σωτηρίας βουλεύσειν οὐδὲν ἐν τοσούτῳ λόγῳ εἰρήκατε ᾧ ἄνθρωποι ἂν πιστεύσαντες νομίσειαν σωθήσεσθαι, ἀλλ’ ὑμῶν τὰ μὲν ἰσχυρότατα ἐλπιζόμενα μέλλεται, τὰ δ’ ὑπάρχοντα βραχέα πρὸς τὰ ἤδη ἀντιτεταγμένα περιγίγνεσθαι. πολλήν τε ἀλογίαν τῆς διανοίας παρέχετε, εἰ μὴ μεταστησάμενοι ἔτι ἡμᾶς ἄλλο τι τῶνδε σωφρονέστερον γνώσεσθε.

3 ΑΘ. οὐ γὰρ δὴ ἐπί γε τὴν ἐν τοῖς αἰσχροῖς καὶ προύπτοις κινδύνοις πλεῖστα διαφθείρουσαν ἀνθρώπους αἰσχύνην τρέψεσθε. πολλοῖς γὰρ προορωμένοις ἔτι ἐς οἷα φέρονται τὸ αἰσχρὸν καλούμενον ὀνόματος ἐπαγωγοῦ δυνάμει ἐπεσπάσατο ἡσσηθεῖσι τοῦ ῥήματος ἔργῳ ξυμφοραῖς ἀνηκέστοις ἑκόντας περιπεσεῖν καὶ αἰσχύνην αἰσχίω μετὰ ἀνοίας ἢ τύχῃ προσλαβεῖν.

4 ΑΘ. ὃ ὑμεῖς, ἢν εὖ βουλεύησθε, φυλάξεσθε, καὶ οὐκ ἀπρεπὲς νομιεῖτε πόλεώς τε τῆς μεγίστης ἡσσᾶσθαι μέτρια προκαλουμένης, ξυμμάχους γενέσθαι ἔχοντας τὴν ὑμετέραν αὐτῶν ὑποτελεῖς, καὶ δοθείσης αἱρέσεως πολέμου πέρι καὶ ἀσφαλείας μὴ τὰ χείρω φιλονικῆσαι· ὡς οἵτινες τοῖς μὲν ἴσοις μὴ εἴκουσι, τοῖς δὲ κρείσσοσι καλῶς προσφέρονται, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἥσσους μέτριοί εἰσι, πλεῖστ’ ἂν ὀρθοῖντο.

5 ΑΘ. σκοπεῖτε οὖν καὶ μεταστάντων ἡμῶν καὶ ἐνθυμεῖσθε πολλάκις ὅτι περὶ πατρίδος βουλεύεσθε, ἧς μιᾶς πέρι καὶ ἐς μίαν βουλὴν τυχοῦσάν τε καὶ μὴ κατορθώσασαν ἔσται.

Chapter 112

1 καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι μετεχώρησαν ἐκ τῶν λόγων· οἱ δὲ Μήλιοι κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς γενόμενοι, ὡς ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς παραπλήσια καὶ ἀντέλεγον, ἀπεκρίναντο τάδε.

2 ‘οὔτε ἄλλα δοκεῖ ἡμῖν ἢ ἅπερ καὶ τὸ πρῶτον, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, οὔτ’ ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ πόλεως ἑπτακόσια ἔτη ἤδη οἰκουμένης τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀφαιρησόμεθα, ἀλλὰ τῇ τε μέχρι τοῦδε σῳζούσῃ τύχῃ ἐκ τοῦ θείου αὐτὴν καὶ τῇ ἀπὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων τιμωρίᾳ πιστεύοντες πειρασόμεθα σῴζεσθαι.

3 προκαλούμεθα δὲ ὑμᾶς φίλοι μὲν εἶναι, πολέμιοι δὲ μηδετέροις, καὶ ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἡμῶν ἀναχωρῆσαι σπονδὰς ποιησαμένους αἵτινες δοκοῦσιν ἐπιτήδειοι εἶναι ἀμφοτέροις.’

Chapter 113

1 οἱ μὲν δὴ Μήλιοι τοσαῦτα ἀπεκρίναντο· οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι διαλυόμενοι ἤδη ἐκ τῶν λόγων ἔφασαν ‘ἀλλ’ οὖν μόνοι γε ἀπὸ τούτων τῶν βουλευμάτων, ὡς ἡμῖν δοκεῖτε, τὰ μὲν μέλλοντα τῶν ὁρωμένων σαφέστερα κρίνετε, τὰ δὲ ἀφανῆ τῷ βούλεσθαι ὡς γιγνόμενα ἤδη θεᾶσθε, καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ τύχῃ καὶ ἐλπίσι πλεῖστον δὴ παραβεβλημένοι καὶ πιστεύσαντες πλεῖστον καὶ σφαλήσεσθε.’

Chapter 114

1 καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναίων πρέσβεις ἀνεχώρησαν ἐς τὸ στράτευμα· οἱ δὲ στρατηγοὶ αὐτῶν, ὡς οὐδὲν ὑπήκουον οἱ Μήλιοι, πρὸς πόλεμον εὐθὺς ἐτρέποντο καὶ διελόμενοι κατὰ πόλεις περιετείχισαν κύκλῳ τοὺς Μηλίους.

2 καὶ ὕστερον φυλακὴν σφῶν τε αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων καταλιπόντες οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν ἀνεχώρησαν τῷ πλέονι τοῦ στρατοῦ. οἱ δὲ λειπόμενοι παραμένοντες ἐπολιόρκουν τὸ χωρίον.

Chapter 115

1 καὶ Ἀργεῖοι κατὰ τὸν χρόνον τὸν αὐτὸν ἐσβαλόντες ἐς τὴν Φλειασίαν καὶ λοχισθέντες ὑπό τε Φλειασίων καὶ τῶν σφετέρων φυγάδων διεφθάρησαν ὡς ὀγδοήκοντα.

2 καὶ οἱ ἐκ τῆς Πύλου Ἀθηναῖοι Λακεδαιμονίων πολλὴν λείαν ἔλαβον· καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι δι’ αὐτὸ τὰς μὲν σπονδὰς οὐδ’ ὣς ἀφέντες ἐπολέμουν αὐτοῖς, ἐκήρυξαν δὲ εἴ τις βούλεται παρὰ σφῶν Ἀθηναίους λῄζεσθαι.

3 καὶ Κορίνθιοι ἐπολέμησαν ἰδίων τινῶν διαφορῶν ἕνεκα τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις· οἱ δ’ ἄλλοι Πελοποννήσιοι ἡσύχαζον.

4 εἷλον δὲ καὶ οἱ Μήλιοι τῶν Ἀθηναίων τοῦ περιτειχίσματος τὸ κατὰ τὴν ἀγορὰν προσβαλόντες νυκτός, καὶ ἄνδρας τε ἀπέκτειναν καὶ ἐσενεγκάμενοι σῖτόν τε καὶ ὅσα πλεῖστα ἐδύναντο χρήσιμα ἀναχωρήσαντες ἡσύχαζον· καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἄμεινον τὴν φυλακὴν τὸ ἔπειτα παρεσκευάζοντο. καὶ τὸ θέρος ἐτελεύτα.

Chapter 116

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος Λακεδαιμόνιοι μελλήσαντες ἐς τὴν Ἀργείαν στρατεύειν, ὡς αὐτοῖς τὰ διαβατήρια [ἱερὰ ἐν τοῖς ὁρίοις] οὐκ ἐγίγνετο, ἀνεχώρησαν. καὶ Ἀργεῖοι διὰ τὴν ἐκείνων μέλλησιν τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει τινὰς ὑποπτεύσαντες τοὺς μὲν ξυνέλαβον, οἱ δ’ αὐτοὺς καὶ διέφυγον.

2 καὶ οἱ Μήλιοι περὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους αὖθις καθ’ ἕτερόν τι τοῦ περιτειχίσματος εἷλον τῶν Ἀθηναίων, παρόντων οὐ πολλῶν τῶν φυλάκων.

3 καὶ ἐλθούσης στρατιᾶς ὕστερον ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν ἄλλης, ὡς ταῦτα ἐγίγνετο, ἧς ἦρχε Φιλοκράτης ὁ Δημέου, καὶ κατὰ κράτος ἤδη πολιορκούμενοι, γενομένης καὶ προδοσίας τινός, ἀφ’ ἑαυτῶν ξυνεχώρησαν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ὥστε ἐκείνους περὶ αὐτῶν βουλεῦσαι.

4 οἱ δὲ ἀπέκτειναν Μηλίων ὅσους ἡβῶντας ἔλαβον, παῖδας δὲ καὶ γυναῖκας ἠνδραπόδισαν· τὸ δὲ χωρίον αὐτοὶ ᾤκισαν, ἀποίκους ὕστερον πεντακοσίους πέμψαντες.

Chapter 1

1 By the Pythian Games in the following summer, the one-year truce had ended. During the truce the Athenians expelled the Delians from Delos. They thought an old offense made the Delians too impure to perform sacred duties. They also thought their purification of the island was incomplete without this step. As I explained earlier, they had believed they were acting correctly when they removed the graves of the dead. Pharnaces gave the Delians Adramyttium in Asia to live in, and they settled there as each chose.

Chapter 2

1 After the truce, Cleon persuaded the Athenians to send him to the towns in the Thracian region. He sailed with 1,200 Athenian hoplites and 300 cavalry, a larger number of allied troops, and thirty ships.

2 He first put in at Scione, which was still under siege. He took additional hoplites from the forces guarding it and sailed to Cophus, a harbor in Torone's territory not far from the city.

3 There he learned from deserters that Brasidas was not in Torone and that the men inside could not put up an effective fight. He advanced on the city with his land army and sent ten ships around to sail into the harbor.

4 He first reached the outer wall. Brasidas had built this addition to the city's defenses to enclose the suburb. By taking down part of the old wall, he had made the whole place a single city.

Chapter 3

1 Pasitelidas, the Lacedaemonian commander, and the garrison there came to defend the outer wall and resisted the Athenian attack. They were being forced back, while the ships sent around to the harbor were sailing in. Pasitelidas feared that the ships would capture the undefended city first and that he would be trapped if the outer wall fell. He abandoned it and ran back to the city.

2 The Athenians from the ships reached Torone first and captured it. Their land army followed close behind the defenders and rushed in with a shout through the gap in the old wall. They killed some of the Peloponnesians and Toronaeans in the immediate hand-to-hand fighting. They captured the others alive, including the commander Pasitelidas.

3 Brasidas was coming to help Torone. On the way he learned that it had fallen and turned back. He had been about forty stades away when he failed to arrive in time.

4 Cleon and the Athenians set up two victory monuments, one by the harbor and the other near the outer wall. They enslaved the Toronaean women and children. They sent the men, the Peloponnesians, and any other Chalcidians who were there to Athens, about seven hundred prisoners in all. The Peloponnesians among them were later released under the peace treaty. The Olynthians recovered the rest through an exchange of one prisoner for another.

5 At about the same time, the Boeotians captured Panactum, an Athenian fort on the border, through treachery.

6 Cleon posted a garrison in Torone, put to sea, and sailed around Athos toward Amphipolis.

Chapter 4

1 At about the same time, the Athenians sent Phaeax son of Erasistratus as one of three ambassadors to Italy and Sicily. He sailed with two ships.

2 After the agreement and the Athenian withdrawal from Sicily, the Leontines had enrolled many new citizens. The people were planning to redistribute the land.

3 When the powerful men learned this, they called in the Syracusans and drove the people out. The expelled people scattered wherever each could go. The powerful men reached an agreement with the Syracusans, left their city empty, and settled in Syracuse with citizenship rights.

4 Later, some of them were dissatisfied and left Syracuse again. They occupied a part of the city of Leontini called Phocaeae, as well as Bricinniae, a stronghold in Leontine territory. Most of the people expelled earlier joined them. They established themselves there and fought from behind the walls.

5 When the Athenians heard about this, they sent Phaeax. They hoped to save the people of Leontini by persuading their allies there, and if possible the other Sicilian Greeks, to join in attacking the Syracusans, on the grounds that Syracuse was building up its power.

6 On his arrival Phaeax persuaded the Camarinaeans and Acragantines. But his efforts met resistance at Gela, and he went no farther to the other cities, realizing that he would not persuade them. He returned through the country of the Sicels to Catana. On the way he also visited Bricinniae and encouraged its people. Then he sailed away.

Chapter 5

1 On his voyage to Sicily and on his return, he also negotiated with some cities in Italy about friendship with Athens. He encountered some Locrian settlers who had been driven out of Messene. After the agreement among the Sicilian Greeks, civil strife had broken out in Messene. One side had called in the Locrians, who sent these men as settlers. Messene was under Locrian control for a time.

2 Phaeax did not harm these men when he met them on their voyage home. The Locrians had already reached an understanding with him about an agreement with Athens.

3 They alone among the allies had not made a truce with Athens when the Sicilian Greeks settled their differences. They would not have done so even now, if they had not been tied down by a war with the Hipponians and Medmaeans, their neighbors and colonists. Phaeax arrived back in Athens some time later.

Chapter 6

1 After sailing around from Torone toward Amphipolis, Cleon made Eion his base. He attacked Stagirus, a colony of Andros, but failed to capture it. He did, however, take Galepsus, a colony of Thasos, by force.

2 He sent ambassadors to Perdiccas, asking him to bring an army as required by their alliance. He sent others to Thrace, to Polles, king of the Odomantians, to hire and bring back as many Thracians as possible. He himself stayed at Eion and waited.

3 When Brasidas learned this, he took up a position against him at Cerdylium. This place belongs to the Argilians and stands on high ground across the river, not far from Amphipolis. Everything could be seen from there, so Cleon could not move out with his army without Brasidas noticing. Brasidas expected him to do just that: dismiss the numbers on their side and march up to Amphipolis with the army he already had.

4 Meanwhile, Brasidas was also gathering 1,500 Thracian mercenaries and calling up all the Edonian peltasts and cavalry. He had a thousand Myrcinian and Chalcidian peltasts as well as those in Amphipolis.

5 The hoplites assembled numbered about two thousand in all. There were also three hundred Greek cavalry. Brasidas held his position at Cerdylium with about 1,500 of these troops. The others were stationed in Amphipolis with Clearidas.

Chapter 7

1 For a time Cleon stayed where he was. Then he was forced to do what Brasidas expected.

2 The soldiers were annoyed at sitting idle. They contrasted the enemy's experience and daring with their own commander's ignorance and timidity. They also recalled how unwillingly they had followed him from home. Cleon heard their complaints. He did not want them to become resentful because he kept them in the same place, so he took them out and led them forward.

3 He used the same approach as at Pylos, where success had made him believe he had some understanding of war. He did not expect anyone to come out and fight him. He said he was going up mainly to inspect the place. He was waiting for his larger force, not to give himself a safe advantage if forced to fight, but to surround the city and capture it by force.

4 He arrived and stationed his army on a strong hill in front of Amphipolis. He himself examined the lake formed by the Strymon and the layout of the city on the side facing Thrace.

5 He thought he could leave whenever he wanted without a fight. No one could be seen on the wall, and no one came out through the gates, which were all closed. He even thought he had made a mistake by not bringing siege engines up with him: he could have taken the city because it was undefended.

Chapter 8

1 As soon as Brasidas saw the Athenians moving, he too came down from Cerdylium and entered Amphipolis.

2 He did not march out and form a battle line against the Athenians. He was worried about his own forces and thought they were inferior, not in numbers, which were roughly equal, but in quality. The Athenian contingent on the expedition was a select force, and the men from Lemnos and Imbros were their best troops. Instead, he prepared to use a trick to attack them.

3 He thought that showing the enemy his troops' numbers and makeshift equipment would not improve his chances of victory. He would do better if they had not seen his men beforehand and had no real basis for looking down on them.

4 So he chose 150 hoplites for himself and put the rest under Clearidas. He planned to attack suddenly before the Athenians left. He did not think he would get another chance to catch them on their own in the same way if their reinforcements arrived. He called all the soldiers together to encourage them and explain his plan, and spoke as follows.

Chapter 9

1 “Men of the Peloponnese, a brief reminder is enough about the country we come from: its courage has always kept it free. And you are Dorians about to fight Ionians, whom you have usually beaten.

2 “But I will explain how I intend to make the attack. Otherwise, attacking with a few men rather than risking everyone at once might look inadequate and make some of you lose courage.

3 “I think the enemy came up to this position because they looked down on us and did not expect anyone to come out and fight them. Now they have turned their attention to looking around, without keeping formation, and are being careless.

4 “A commander is most likely to succeed if he spots mistakes like these in the enemy and adapts his attack to his own strength. He must not insist on coming out into the open and fighting in battle formation. Instead, he must do what works best in the situation.

5 “The tricks that deserve the greatest respect are those that do the most to deceive the enemy and bring the greatest benefit to one's own side.

6 “They are still unprepared but confident. From what I can see, they are thinking more of slipping away than of staying. So while their minds are relaxed, before they gather their thoughts more firmly, I will take my men and, if I can get there first, charge at the center of their army.

7 “Then, Clearidas, when you see that I am already attacking and, as is likely, frightening them, suddenly open the gates. Lead out the men with you, the Amphipolitans and the other allies. Charge out and hurry to join the fight as quickly as you can.

8 “That is the best way to frighten them. A force coming up later is more alarming to the enemy than the one already there fighting them.

9 “Show your courage, as a Spartan should. And you, men of the allied forces, follow bravely. Remember the three things that make a good soldier: eagerness, a sense of shame, and obedience to commanders. If you fight well today, you will be free and will be called allies of the Lacedaemonians. Otherwise, you will be slaves of the Athenians, in a slavery harsher than before. That is the best you can expect if you escape being sold as slaves or killed. You will also have prevented the rest of the Greeks from being set free.

10 “Do not lose courage when you see how much is at stake in this fight. For my part, I will show that I can not only encourage others but also go into action myself.”

Chapter 10

1 After speaking, Brasidas prepared to go out himself. He stationed the other troops with Clearidas at the gates called the Thracian Gates, so that they could come out as ordered.

2 Brasidas had been seen coming down from Cerdylium. He could also be seen from outside the city as he made a sacrifice near Athena's sanctuary and carried out these preparations. Cleon had moved farther forward to inspect the place. A report reached him that the enemy's whole army was visible in the city and that many horses' and men's feet could be seen beneath the gates, as though they were about to come out.

3 When he heard this, he went over to look. After seeing it for himself, he did not want to fight a decisive battle before his reinforcements arrived, and thought he could get away in time. He immediately ordered the signal for retreat. He told the departing troops to move toward Eion by the left wing, the only possible way.

4 But he thought this was taking too long. He turned the right wing around himself and led the army away, exposing its unshielded side to the enemy.

5 Brasidas saw his opportunity as the Athenian army began to move. He said to his own men and the others, “These men will not stand up to us. You can tell from the movement of their spears and heads. Troops who move like that do not usually stand their ground against an attack. Open the gates I ordered, someone, and let us charge out as fast as we can, with confidence.”

6 He went out through the gates toward the stockade and the first gates of the long wall that stood there then. He ran straight down the road, where a victory monument now stands as you approach the strongest part of the position. He attacked the Athenians in the center of their army and put them to flight. They were already frightened by their own disorder and shocked by his daring.

7 At the same time Clearidas led his army out through the Thracian Gates, as ordered, and charged. The unexpected, sudden attack from both directions threw the Athenians into confusion.

8 Their left wing, on the side toward Eion, had already moved ahead. It immediately broke away and fled. As it was retreating, Brasidas advanced against the right wing and was wounded. The Athenians did not notice him fall. The men near him picked him up and carried him away.

9 The Athenian right wing held its ground more firmly. Cleon had never intended to stand and fight. He fled at once, but a Myrcinian peltast caught and killed him. The hoplites rallied on the hill there and resisted Clearidas, even after he attacked them two or three times. They did not give way until the Myrcinian and Chalcidian cavalry and the peltasts surrounded them, threw javelins at them, and put them to flight.

10 The whole Athenian army was now in flight. Some were killed in the immediate hand-to-hand fighting, others by the Chalcidian cavalry and the peltasts. The survivors made their way back to Eion with difficulty, taking many different routes over the mountains.

11 The men who had picked Brasidas up from the battlefield brought him safely into the city while he was still breathing. He learned that his side was winning, but died soon afterward.

12 The rest of the army returned from the pursuit with Clearidas, stripped the dead, and set up a victory monument.

Chapter 11

1 After this, all the allies followed Brasidas' funeral procession under arms. They buried him at public expense inside the city, in front of what is now the marketplace. Since then, the Amphipolitans have enclosed his tomb and offered sacrifices to him as a hero. They have honored him with games and annual sacrifices and have credited him with founding the colony. They pulled down the buildings associated with Hagnon and removed anything that might survive as a reminder of his founding of the city. They considered Brasidas their savior. Also, because they feared the Athenians, they wanted for the present to maintain the goodwill of their Lacedaemonian allies. Since the Athenians were now their enemies, they thought honoring Hagnon would no longer be as useful or as welcome to them.

2 They returned the dead to the Athenians. About six hundred Athenians died, but only seven on the other side. This was because the fighting had come about not so much between armies in battle formation as through this sudden encounter and the fear it caused before the fight began.

3 After recovering their dead, the Athenians sailed home. Clearidas and his men settled affairs around Amphipolis.

Chapter 12

1 At about the same time, as summer was ending, the Lacedaemonians Rhamphias, Autocharidas, and Epicydidas were leading nine hundred hoplites as reinforcements to the Thracian region. They reached Heraclea in Trachis and put right whatever they thought was wrong there.

2 While they were staying there, this battle took place, and the summer ended.

Chapter 13

1 At the start of the following winter, Rhamphias and his men marched as far as Pierium in Thessaly. The Thessalians stopped them from going farther. Brasidas, to whom they were taking the army, was also dead, so they turned back for home. They thought there was no longer any opportunity to act. The Athenians had left after their defeat, and they themselves were not strong enough to carry out any of the plans Brasidas had had in mind.

2 Their main reason for leaving was that, when they had set out, they knew the Lacedaemonians were becoming more inclined toward peace.

Chapter 14

1 Immediately after the battle at Amphipolis and Rhamphias' withdrawal from Thessaly, neither side took any further military action. Both were now more inclined toward peace. The Athenians had suffered a blow at Delium and then, soon afterward, another at Amphipolis. They could no longer rely on their hopes of success through their own strength. These hopes had previously made them refuse a truce, because they thought their current good fortune would give them the upper hand.

2 They also feared that their setbacks would encourage their allies to rebel on a larger scale. They regretted not making peace after the events at Pylos, when they had had a good opportunity.

3 For the Lacedaemonians, in turn, the war had not gone as expected. They had thought they could destroy Athenian power in a few years by ravaging Athenian land. Instead, they had suffered the disaster on the island, unlike anything Sparta had experienced before. Their land was being raided from Pylos and Cythera, and the Helots were deserting. They also lived in constant fear that the Helots still in the country might count on help from outside and rebel against the existing government, as they had done before.

4 Their thirty-year truce with the Argives was also about to expire. The Argives would not make another unless the land of Cynuria was returned to them. Fighting both the Argives and the Athenians at once seemed impossible. They also suspected that some cities in the Peloponnese would break away and join the Argives, as in fact happened.

Chapter 15

1 After considering these points, both sides thought they should reach an agreement. The Lacedaemonians were at least as eager as the Athenians, because they wanted to recover the men captured on the island. The Spartans among these prisoners were leading citizens and relatives of men at home.

2 They had begun negotiations immediately after the capture. But the Athenians, who were doing well, were not yet at all willing to end the war on equal terms. Immediately after the Athenians' defeat at Delium, the Lacedaemonians realized they would now be more receptive and made the one-year truce. During it they were to meet and discuss a longer agreement.

Chapter 16

1 Now the Athenians had also been defeated at Amphipolis, and Cleon and Brasidas were dead. These two had been the strongest opponents of peace on their respective sides. Brasidas opposed it because war brought him success and honor. Cleon thought that in peacetime his wrongdoing would be easier to see and his accusations against others less believable. So the men most eager for leadership in each city now worked much harder for peace. They were Pleistoanax son of Pausanias, king of the Lacedaemonians, and Nicias son of Niceratus, who had enjoyed more success as a general than anyone else at the time. Nicias wanted to preserve his good fortune while he was still free from misfortune and held in respect. He wanted an immediate end to the hardships for himself and his fellow citizens. He also wanted to leave a name for the future as a man who had gone through life without causing his city any setback. He thought this could be achieved by avoiding danger and leaving as little as possible to chance. Peace would provide that safety. Pleistoanax, for his part, was being attacked by his enemies over his return from exile. Whenever the Lacedaemonians suffered a setback, these enemies kept reminding them of him. They claimed that these things happened because his return had broken religious law.

2 They accused him and his brother Aristocles of persuading the priestess at Delphi to give the same response repeatedly to the Lacedaemonian sacred envoys who came there. She told them to bring the offspring of Zeus's demigod son back from a foreign land to their own. Otherwise they would have to plow with a silver plowshare.

3 In time, they said, she had persuaded the Lacedaemonians to bring him back in the nineteenth year of his exile. He had fled to Lycaeum because his earlier withdrawal from Attica had been suspected of being bought by bribes. For fear of the Lacedaemonians, he had been living there with half his house inside Zeus's sanctuary. They brought him back with the same dances and sacrifices they had used when they first founded Lacedaemon and installed their kings.

Chapter 17

1 He resented these accusations and worked hard for an agreement. He thought that if there was peace, with no setbacks and with the Lacedaemonians recovering their men, his enemies would have nothing to criticize him for. But while war continued, leading men were bound to be blamed for disasters.

2 They held talks throughout this winter. As spring approached, the Lacedaemonians also made a show of preparing for war. They sent announcements around the cities that they intended to build a fort in enemy territory, to make the Athenians more willing to listen. At their meetings both sides put forward many claims. Eventually they agreed to make peace by returning what each had captured in the war, except that the Athenians would keep Nisaea. When the Athenians demanded Plataea in return, the Thebans said they held it not by force but by agreement: its people had submitted voluntarily, and the place had not been betrayed to them. The Athenians made the same argument about Nisaea. The Lacedaemonians then summoned their allies. All except the Boeotians, Corinthians, Eleans, and Megarians voted to end the war. Those four were dissatisfied with the arrangements. The Lacedaemonians made the agreement and swore to observe the following terms with the Athenians, who swore the same to them.

Chapter 18

1 “The Athenians, the Lacedaemonians, and their allies made a peace treaty on the following terms, and swore to it city by city.

2 “At the sanctuaries shared by all, anyone who wishes may offer sacrifices, visit, consult the oracles, and attend festivals according to ancestral custom. They may travel safely by land and sea. Apollo's sanctuary and temple at Delphi, and the Delphians themselves, shall have their own laws, manage their own finances, and exercise their own jurisdiction over themselves and their land, according to ancestral custom.

3 “The treaty shall last fifty years between the Athenians and their allies and the Lacedaemonians and their allies. There shall be no deceit or acts of harm, either on land or at sea.

4 “The Lacedaemonians and their allies shall not take up arms to harm the Athenians and their allies, nor shall the Athenians and their allies do so against the Lacedaemonians and their allies. Neither side shall do this through any trick or scheme. If they have a dispute, they shall settle it by legal judgment and oaths, under terms they agree on.

5 “The Lacedaemonians and their allies shall return Amphipolis to the Athenians. In all the cities the Lacedaemonians have handed over to the Athenians, the inhabitants may leave for wherever they wish, taking their belongings with them. The cities shall have their own laws and pay the tribute assessed in the time of Aristides. Once the treaty has been made, the Athenians and their allies shall not take up arms to harm these cities, as long as they pay the tribute. These cities are Argilus, Stagirus, Acanthus, Scolus, Olynthus, and Spartolus. They shall be allies of neither the Lacedaemonians nor the Athenians. But if the Athenians persuade them, they may become allies of Athens of their own free will.

6 “The Mecybernaeans, Sanaeans, and Singaeans shall live in their own cities on the same terms as the Olynthians and Acanthians.

7 “The Lacedaemonians and their allies shall return Panactum to the Athenians. The Athenians shall return to the Lacedaemonians Coryphasium, Cythera, Methana, Pteleum, and Atalanta, and all the Lacedaemonian men held in the public prison at Athens or in a public prison anywhere else under Athenian rule. They shall release the Peloponnesians besieged in Scione, the other allies of the Lacedaemonians who are in Scione, all those Brasidas sent in, and any allies of the Lacedaemonians held in the public prison at Athens or in a public prison anywhere else under Athenian rule. The Lacedaemonians and their allies shall likewise return any Athenians and Athenian allies they hold.

8 “The Athenians may decide as they wish about the people of Scione, Torone, and Sermyle, and about any other cities they hold.

9 “The Athenians shall swear an oath to the Lacedaemonians and their allies, dealing with each city separately. On each side, seventeen men from each city shall swear the most binding oath used in their country. The oath shall be: ‘I will keep these agreements and this treaty fairly and without deceit.’ The Lacedaemonians and their allies shall swear the same oath to the Athenians.

10 “Both sides shall renew the oath every year. They shall set up stone tablets at Olympia, Pytho, the Isthmus, on the Acropolis at Athens, and in the Amyclaeum at Lacedaemon.

11 “If either side has forgotten anything, on any matter, they may discuss it fairly and make whatever changes both sides, the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians, agree to. Such changes will not break either side's oath.

Chapter 19

1 “The treaty takes effect at Lacedaemon in the term of the ephor Pleistolas, on the fourth day from the end of the month Artemisius. At Athens it takes effect in the term of the archon Alcaeus, on the sixth day from the end of the month Elaphebolion. The following men swore the oaths and made the treaty.

2 “On the Lacedaemonian side: Pleistoanax, Agis, Pleistolas, Damagetus, Chionis, Metagenes, Acanthus, Daithus, Ischagoras, Philocharidas, Zeuxidas, Antippus, Tellis, Alcinadas, Empedias, Menas, and Laphilus. On the Athenian side: Lampon, Isthmionicus, Nicias, Laches, Euthydemus, Procles, Pythodorus, Hagnon, Myrtilus, Thrasycles, Theagenes, Aristocrates, Iolcius, Timocrates, Leon, Lamachus, and Demosthenes.”

Chapter 20

1 This treaty was made as winter ended and spring began, immediately after the City Dionysia. Exactly ten years had passed since the first invasion of Attica and the start of this war, with a difference of only a few days.

2 Anyone checking the dates should look at the actual periods of time. They should not put more trust in counting the names of officials in different places, or of people whose offices are used to date past events. That is not an exact method. An event might occur at the start of someone's term, in the middle, or at any other point in it.

3 But if they count by summers and winters, as this account does, with each season representing half a year, they will find that this first war lasted ten summers and the same number of winters.

Chapter 21

1 The Lacedaemonians had drawn the lot requiring them to return what they held first. They immediately released the prisoners of war in their custody. They also sent Ischagoras, Menas, and Philocharidas as envoys to the Thracian region. They ordered Clearidas to hand Amphipolis over to the Athenians, and the others to accept the treaty on the terms laid down for each of them.

2 But the others refused, because they thought the terms did not suit them. Clearidas did not hand over the city either. He wanted to please the Chalcidians, and said he could not hand it over against their will.

3 He hurried to Lacedaemon himself with envoys from the region. He wanted to defend himself if Ischagoras and his colleagues accused him of disobedience, and also to find out whether the agreement could still be changed. He found that the Lacedaemonians were committed to it. They sent him back with orders to hand over the place if at all possible, or otherwise to withdraw all the Peloponnesians in it. He set off back at once.

Chapter 22

1 The allies themselves happened to be at Lacedaemon. The Lacedaemonians told those who had not accepted the treaty to do so. But they repeated the objection on which they had first rejected it. They said they would not accept a treaty unless its terms were fairer than these.

2 When the allies would not listen, the Lacedaemonians sent them away and began making an alliance with the Athenians themselves. They thought this was the best way to keep the Argives from troubling them and to keep the rest of the Peloponnese quiet. The Argives had refused to renew their treaty when Ampelidas and Lichas came, because they thought the Lacedaemonians were no threat without the Athenians. The other Peloponnesians, too, would turn to the Athenians if they had the chance.

3 Athenian envoys were there, so discussions took place and an agreement was reached. The oaths were sworn, and the alliance had the following terms.

Chapter 23

1 “The Lacedaemonians and Athenians will be allies for fifty years on these terms. If any enemy invades Lacedaemonian territory and harms the Lacedaemonians, the Athenians must help them as strongly as they can, using whatever means are within their power. If the enemy ravages the land and then leaves, that city must be an enemy of both the Lacedaemonians and the Athenians, and both must attack it. The two cities must make peace with it together. They must carry out these terms fairly, willingly, and without deception.

2 “If any enemy invades Athenian territory and harms the Athenians, the Lacedaemonians must help them as strongly as they can, using whatever means are within their power. If the enemy ravages the land and then leaves, that city must be an enemy of both the Lacedaemonians and the Athenians, and both must attack it. The two cities must make peace with it together.

3 “They must carry out these terms fairly, willingly, and without deception. If the slave population rises in revolt, the Athenians must help the Lacedaemonians with all the strength they can provide.

4 “The same men on each side who swore to the other treaty will swear to these terms. The oath must be renewed every year. The Lacedaemonians must go to Athens for the Dionysia, and the Athenians to Lacedaemon for the Hyacinthia.

5 “Each side must set up a stone pillar: one at Lacedaemon beside Apollo's temple at Amyclae, and the other at Athens on the Acropolis beside Athena's temple.

6 “If the Lacedaemonians and Athenians decide to add anything to this alliance or remove anything from it, whatever they agree on will not violate either side's oath.

Chapter 24

1 “The following Lacedaemonians swore the oath: Pleistoanax, Agis, Pleistolas, Damagetus, Chionis, Metagenes, Acanthus, Daithus, Ischagoras, Philocharidas, Zeuxidas, Antippus, Alcinadas, Tellis, Empedias, Menas, and Laphilus. The Athenians were Lampon, Isthmionicus, Laches, Nicias, Euthydemus, Procles, Pythodorus, Hagnon, Myrtilus, Thrasycles, Theagenes, Aristocrates, Iolcius, Timocrates, Leon, Lamachus, and Demosthenes.”

2 This alliance was made not long after the peace treaty. The Athenians returned the men captured on the island to the Lacedaemonians, and the summer of the eleventh year began. The account so far has covered these ten years, during which the first war continued without a break.

Chapter 25

1 The treaty and alliance between the Lacedaemonians and Athenians came after the ten-year war, when Pleistolas was ephor at Lacedaemon and Alcaeus was archon at Athens. Those who accepted them were now at peace. But the Corinthians and some of the cities in the Peloponnese tried to overturn the settlement. Trouble immediately began again between the allies and Lacedaemon.

2 At the same time, as time passed, the Athenians also grew suspicious of the Lacedaemonians. On some points they were not doing what the agreement required.

3 For six years and ten months the two sides did not invade each other's territory. But during this uncertain truce they did each other as much harm as possible elsewhere. Then they were forced to break the treaty made after the ten years and return to open war.

Chapter 26

1 The same Thucydides of Athens also wrote the account of these events in the order they happened, by summers and winters. It continues until the Lacedaemonians and their allies ended the Athenians' rule and took possession of the Long Walls and Piraeus. By that point the war had lasted twenty-seven years in all.

2 Anyone who refuses to count the intervening settlement as part of the war will be judging incorrectly. Look at the events as they have been set out, and it will be clear that this period cannot reasonably be called a peace. Neither side returned or received everything agreed on. Besides this, both sides committed violations during the war at Mantinea and Epidaurus and in other matters. The allies in the Thracian region were just as hostile as before, and the Boeotians had a truce lasting ten days at a time.

3 So if someone calculates the actual time, adding the first ten-year war, the uneasy truce that followed, and the later war that grew out of it, they will find this total of years, with a difference of only a few days. Of all the predictions people insisted on making from oracles, this alone came true exactly.

4 I remember that throughout the war, from its beginning to its end, many people kept saying that it was bound to last three times nine years.

5 I lived through the whole war. I was old enough to understand events, and paid close attention so that I could get accurate knowledge of them. After my command at Amphipolis, I spent twenty years in exile from my own country. This let me follow affairs on both sides. Because of my exile, I could follow the Peloponnesian side at least as closely as the Athenian side. I could learn more about events without distraction.

6 I will therefore describe the disputes after the ten years, the breakdown of the treaty, and how the war was fought afterward.

Chapter 27

1 For after the fifty-year treaty and the later alliance were made, the envoys from the Peloponnese who had been invited to discuss them left Lacedaemon.

2 The others went home, but the Corinthians went to Argos. They first spoke to some of the Argive officials. They said the Lacedaemonians had made a treaty and alliance with the Athenians, previously their bitterest enemies, not for the Peloponnese's benefit but to enslave it. The Argives must therefore consider how to save the Peloponnese. They should vote to let any Greek city that wished join an alliance with them, provided it was independent and settled disputes on equal and fair terms. The alliance would require each side to defend the other's territory. The Argives should appoint a small group of men with full authority to conduct the talks, rather than put them before the people. This would keep the identity of anyone who failed to persuade the majority from becoming known. They said that many would join out of hatred for the Lacedaemonians.

3 After setting out these proposals, the Corinthians went home.

Chapter 28

1 The Argive men who had heard them brought their proposals before the officials and the people. The Argives approved them and elected twelve men. Any Greeks who wished could make an alliance through these men, except for the Athenians and Lacedaemonians. No treaty could be made with either of those without the approval of the Argive people.

2 The Argives were all the more ready to accept these proposals because they saw that war with the Lacedaemonians was coming: their treaty with them was about to expire. They also hoped to become leaders of the Peloponnese. At this time Lacedaemon's reputation was at its lowest, and its misfortunes had brought it into contempt. The Argives, by contrast, were doing very well in every way. They had not taken part in the Athenian war. Instead, they had been at peace with both sides and had profited from it.

3 So the Argives began admitting any Greeks who wanted to join the alliance on these terms.

Chapter 29

1 The Mantineans and their allies were the first to join, because they feared the Lacedaemonians. While the war with Athens was still going on, the Mantineans had brought part of Arcadia under their rule. They thought the Lacedaemonians would not let them keep ruling it now that their hands were free. So they gladly turned to the Argives. They saw Argos as a large city, always at odds with the Lacedaemonians, and a democracy like themselves.

2 When the Mantineans broke away, the rest of the Peloponnese began talking about doing the same. They thought the Mantineans must know something more than they did to have changed sides. They were also angry with the Lacedaemonians for several reasons. One was the clause in the treaty with Athens stating that the two cities, Lacedaemon and Athens, could agree on any additions or removals without breaking their oaths.

3 This clause caused particular alarm in the Peloponnese. It made people suspect that the Lacedaemonians wanted to join with the Athenians to enslave them. They thought the right to change the treaty should have been written as applying to all the allies.

4 As a result, most of them were afraid and eager to make separate alliances with the Argives themselves.

Chapter 30

1 The Lacedaemonians learned of this talk in the Peloponnese, and that the Corinthians had started it and were themselves about to make a treaty with Argos. They sent envoys to Corinth, hoping to stop this before it happened. They blamed the Corinthians for proposing the whole scheme. They said that if the Corinthians broke away and allied with the Argives, they would violate their oaths. They were already in the wrong by refusing to accept the treaty with Athens. The rule was that whatever the majority of the allies voted for was binding, unless a god or hero stood in the way.

2 The Corinthians had with them the allies who had likewise refused to accept the treaty; they had invited them earlier. They answered the Lacedaemonians without openly stating their grievances: the failure to get Sollium and Anactorium back for them from the Athenians, and any other losses they thought they had suffered. Instead, they gave as their reason that they would not betray the people in the Thracian region. They had sworn oaths to them separately when they first revolted along with the Potidaeans, and others later.

3 So, they said, refusing to join the treaty with Athens did not break their oaths to the allies. They had sworn pledges to those people in the gods' names, and betraying them would break those oaths. The rule said, “Unless a god or hero stands in the way.” In their view, this was a divine obstacle.

4 That was their answer about the earlier oaths. As for the alliance with Argos, they said they would consult their friends and do whatever was right.

5 The Lacedaemonian envoys went home. Argive envoys also happened to be at Corinth. They urged the Corinthians to join the alliance without delay. The Corinthians told them to come to the next meeting to be held in their city.

Chapter 31

1 An embassy from Elis also arrived immediately. It first made an alliance with the Corinthians. Then the envoys went on to Argos and became allies of the Argives, as already mentioned. The Eleans were at odds with the Lacedaemonians over Lepreum.

2 The Lepreans had once been at war with some Arcadians. They had invited the Eleans to ally with them in exchange for half their land. When the Eleans ended the war, they left the Lepreans themselves in possession of the land but required them to pay one talent to Olympian Zeus.

3 The Lepreans made these payments until the Athenian war. Then they stopped, using the war as an excuse. The Eleans tried to force them to pay, and they turned to the Lacedaemonians. The dispute was referred to the Lacedaemonians for judgment. But the Eleans suspected they would not receive fair treatment, so they withdrew from the arbitration and ravaged the Lepreans' land.

4 The Lacedaemonians went ahead and ruled that the Lepreans were independent and that the Eleans were in the wrong. Because the Eleans had not abided by the arbitration, they sent a garrison of hoplites into Lepreum.

5 The Eleans thought the Lacedaemonians had taken in a city that had broken away from them. They pointed to the agreement stating that each party should emerge from the Athenian war holding what it had held when it entered it. Believing they had been treated unfairly, they broke away and turned to the Argives. They too made the alliance, as already mentioned.

6 Immediately after them, the Corinthians and the Chalcidians in the Thracian region also became allies of the Argives. The Boeotians and Megarians spoke in the same terms but took no action. The Lacedaemonians left them alone. Since they themselves were governed by oligarchies, they thought the Argive democracy suited them less well than the Lacedaemonian system of government.

Chapter 32

1 At about the same time that summer, the Athenians captured Scione after a siege. They killed the men of military age, enslaved the women and children, and gave the land to the Plataeans to farm. They also brought the Delians back to Delos. They did this with their defeats in battle in mind, and because the god at Delphi had given an oracle.

2 The Phocians and Locrians also began a war.

3 The Corinthians and Argives, now allies, went to Tegea to make it break away from the Lacedaemonians. They saw that it was an important part of the Peloponnese. They thought that if it joined them, they would have the whole Peloponnese on their side.

4 But the Tegeans said they would do nothing against the Lacedaemonians. The Corinthians, who had worked eagerly up to this point, gave up their struggle. They began to fear that none of the others would now join them.

5 Even so, they went to the Boeotians and asked them to become allies of themselves and the Argives and to act together in other matters. The Athenians and Boeotians had made a truce lasting ten days at a time, not long after [this] fifty-year treaty. The Corinthians asked the Boeotians to accompany them to Athens and arrange the same truce for them too, [like the one the Boeotians had]. If the Athenians refused, the Boeotians should cancel their truce and make no further treaty without the Corinthians.

6 In answer to these requests, the Boeotians told the Corinthians to wait over the alliance with Argos. They went to Athens with them, but did not obtain the ten-day truce. Instead, the Athenians replied that the Corinthians were already covered by the treaty, if they were allies of the Lacedaemonians.

7 The Boeotians did not cancel their ten-day truce, despite the Corinthians' demands and their complaint that the Boeotians had agreed to do so. The Corinthians had a suspension of hostilities with the Athenians, but no treaty.

Chapter 33

1 That same summer the Lacedaemonians marched out with their whole army under their king, Pleistoanax son of Pausanias, against the Parrhasians in Arcadia, who were subject to the Mantineans. A faction involved in civil strife had invited them in. They also intended, if possible, to destroy the fort at Cypsela, which the Mantineans had built and garrisoned themselves. It stood in Parrhasian territory on the border with Sciritis in Laconia.

2 The Lacedaemonians ravaged the Parrhasians' land. The Mantineans left their own city in the care of Argive guards and went to defend their allied territory themselves. But they could not save either the fort at Cypsela or the cities among the Parrhasians, and withdrew.

3 The Lacedaemonians made the Parrhasians independent, demolished the fort, and went home.

Chapter 34

1 That same summer the soldiers who had gone out with Brasidas returned from Thrace. Clearidas brought them back after the treaty. The Lacedaemonians voted that the Helots who had fought with Brasidas should be free and could live wherever they wished. Not long afterward they settled them at Lepreum alongside the other newly freed men. Lepreum lay on the border between Laconia and Elis, and the Lacedaemonians were now at odds with the Eleans.

2 As for their own men who had been captured on the island and had surrendered their weapons, the Lacedaemonians were afraid. The men still had their full citizen rights, and the Lacedaemonians feared they might expect to lose their standing because of their misfortune and start a revolt. So they took away their rights, even though some already held office. This loss of rights meant they could neither hold office nor make a legally valid purchase or sale. Later, after some time, their rights were restored.

Chapter 35

1 That same summer the Dians captured Thyssus on the Acte peninsula of Athos. It was an ally of the Athenians.

2 Throughout this summer the Athenians and Peloponnesians had dealings with each other. But the Athenians and Lacedaemonians had distrusted each other ever since the treaty, because they had not returned the places they held to one another.

3 The Lacedaemonians had drawn the lot requiring them to make the first return, but they had not returned Amphipolis or the other places. Nor had they made the allies in the Thracian region, the Boeotians, or the Corinthians accept the treaty. They kept saying that if these people refused, they would join the Athenians in forcing them. They had also set deadlines, though not in writing, after which those who did not join the treaty were to be enemies of both sides.

4 The Athenians saw that none of this was actually happening and suspected that the Lacedaemonians had no intention of acting fairly. So they refused the Lacedaemonians' demand to return Pylos. They even regretted having returned the prisoners from the island. They kept the other places they held, waiting for the Lacedaemonians to carry out their promises to them as well.

5 The Lacedaemonians said they had done what they could. They had returned the Athenian prisoners in their custody, withdrawn the soldiers from the Thracian region, and done whatever else was within their control. They said they did not control Amphipolis and so could not hand it over. But they would try to bring the Boeotians and Corinthians into the treaty, recover Panactum, and bring back all the Athenians held prisoner in Boeotia.

6 They still insisted that Pylos should be returned to them. If not, at least the Messenians and Helots should be withdrawn, just as they themselves had withdrawn their troops from the Thracian region. The Athenians could garrison the place themselves if they wished.

7 After many lengthy discussions during this summer, they persuaded the Athenians to withdraw the Messenians, the other Helots, and all who had deserted from Laconia from Pylos. The Athenians settled them at Cranii in Cephallenia.

8 So this summer was peaceful, with visits between the two sides.

Chapter 36

1 In the following winter, new ephors were already in office, replacing those under whom the treaty had been made, and some of them opposed it. Envoys came from the allies. Athenians, Boeotians, and Corinthians were present, and there was much discussion between them, but no agreement. As they were leaving for home, Cleobulus and Xenares held private talks with the Boeotians and Corinthians. These were the ephors most eager to break up the treaty. They urged them to agree with this policy as fully as possible. The Boeotians should try to become allies of the Argives first, and then bring the Argives, along with themselves, into an alliance with the Lacedaemonians. This would be the best way for the Boeotians to avoid being forced into the treaty with Athens. The Lacedaemonians would choose to gain the Argives as friends and allies even if that meant making enemies of the Athenians and breaking the treaty. They knew that the Lacedaemonians had always wanted a friendly relationship with Argos on favorable terms. The Lacedaemonians thought this would make a war outside the Peloponnese easier.

2 But they asked the Boeotians to arrange to hand Panactum over to the Lacedaemonians. They hoped to get Pylos back in exchange for it if they could, and so be in a better position to go to war with the Athenians.

Chapter 37

1 The Boeotians and Corinthians went home, each carrying these instructions from Xenares, Cleobulus, and their other friends among the Lacedaemonians to report to their public authorities.

2 Two Argive men who belonged to the highest governing body waited to meet them along their route as they left. They met and discussed whether the Boeotians might become allies of Argos, like the Corinthians, Eleans, and Mantineans. The Argives said that if this succeeded, they thought it would then be easy to act together in making war or peace, with the Lacedaemonians if they wished, or with anyone else they needed to.

3 The Boeotian envoys liked what they heard. By chance, the Argives were asking for exactly what their friends at Lacedaemon had instructed them to do. When the Argive men saw that the proposal was welcome, they said they would send envoys to Boeotia, and left.

4 When the Boeotians arrived home, they reported to the Boeotarchs both the proposals from Lacedaemon and those from the Argives they had met. The Boeotarchs approved and were much more eager to act because the approaches from the two sides matched. Their Lacedaemonian friends were asking for the same things that the Argives were trying to achieve.

5 Not long afterward, Argive envoys arrived to make the proposals already discussed. The Boeotarchs approved their proposals and sent them away, promising to send envoys to Argos to discuss the alliance.

Chapter 38

1 Meanwhile, the Boeotian governors, the Corinthians, the Megarians, and the envoys from Thrace first decided to exchange oaths. They would help any of the others who needed it in whatever situation arose. They would neither make war nor reach an agreement with anyone without everyone's approval. After that, the Boeotians and Megarians would make a treaty with the Argives, since the two states acted together.

2 Before the oaths were taken, the Boeotian governors put these proposals before the four Boeotian councils, which hold all the authority. They recommended exchanging oaths with any cities willing to join them in a sworn agreement for their mutual benefit.

3 The members of the Boeotian councils rejected the proposal. They feared that exchanging oaths with the Corinthians, who had broken away from the Lacedaemonians, would mean acting against the Lacedaemonians. The Boeotian governors had not told them about the messages from Lacedaemon. The ephors Cleobulus and Xenares and their friends were urging them to become allies of the Argives and Corinthians first, and then join the Lacedaemonians. The governors thought that, even without being told this, the council would vote for whatever they had already decided to recommend.

4 When the plan met this resistance, the Corinthians and the envoys from Thrace left without achieving anything. The Boeotian governors had intended, if they won approval for these proposals, to try next to arrange the alliance with the Argives. Now they did not even put the question of Argos before the councils. Nor did they send the envoys they had promised to Argos. The whole business suffered from neglect and delay.

Chapter 39

1 During this same winter, the Olynthians made a sudden attack on Mecyberna and captured it, although it had an Athenian garrison.

2 After this, the Lacedaemonians hoped that if the Athenians recovered Panactum from the Boeotians, they themselves could recover Pylos. The Athenians and Lacedaemonians were constantly discussing the places and prisoners each held that belonged to the other. So the Lacedaemonians sent envoys to the Boeotians. They asked them to hand over Panactum and the Athenian prisoners, so that they could recover Pylos in exchange.

3 The Boeotians said they would not hand them over unless the Lacedaemonians made a separate alliance with them, as they had with the Athenians. The Lacedaemonians knew this would wrong the Athenians. They had agreed not to make a treaty or go to war with anyone without each other's consent. But they wanted to take over Panactum so they could recover Pylos in exchange. Also, those who were working to wreck the treaty strongly supported the arrangement with the Boeotians. So they made the alliance as winter was ending and spring approaching. The demolition of Panactum began immediately. And the eleventh year of this war, came to an end.

Chapter 40

1 As soon as spring came, at the start of the next summer, the Argives grew afraid. The Boeotian envoys who were supposed to come had not arrived. They also learned that Panactum was being demolished and that the Boeotians had made a separate alliance with the Lacedaemonians. They feared they would be left alone and the whole alliance would go over to the Lacedaemonians.

2 They thought the Lacedaemonians had persuaded the Boeotians to demolish Panactum and join the treaty with the Athenians. They also thought the Athenians knew about this. That would mean they could no longer make an alliance even with Athens. Previously they had hoped that the disagreements would at least let them become allies of the Athenians, if their own treaty with the Lacedaemonians did not last.

3 These problems left the Argives at a loss. They feared they might have to fight the Lacedaemonians and Tegeans, the Boeotians and Athenians, all at once. Previously they had rejected a treaty with the Lacedaemonians, confidently expecting to lead the Peloponnese themselves. Now they sent Eustrophus and Aeson to Lacedaemon as quickly as possible. They thought these men were the envoys most welcome there. In their present situation, they thought it best to make a treaty with the Lacedaemonians on whatever terms they could get, and stay out of trouble.

Chapter 41

1 Their envoys arrived and discussed with the Lacedaemonians the terms on which they could make a treaty.

2 At first the Argives asked to submit their dispute over Cynurian territory to arbitration by some city or individual. This border territory had always been disputed. It includes Thyrea and the town of Anthene, and the Lacedaemonians occupy it. The Lacedaemonians would not let them bring up the question. They said they were ready for a treaty if the Argives wanted one on the old terms. Even so, the Argive envoys persuaded them to agree to the following conditions. For the present, they would make a treaty for fifty years. But either side could challenge the other to fight over this territory, provided neither Lacedaemon nor Argos was suffering from disease or war. This would be like the earlier occasion when each side had claimed victory. Pursuit would not be allowed beyond the borders toward Argos or Lacedaemon.

3 At first the Lacedaemonians thought this was foolish. But they were determined to have Argos as a friend, so they accepted the proposed terms and put them in writing. Before anything was finalized, however, the Lacedaemonians told the envoys to go back to Argos and show the agreement to the people. If they approved, the envoys were to return at the Hyacinthia festival to take the oaths. So they went back.

Chapter 42

1 While the Argives were carrying on these negotiations, the Lacedaemonian envoys Andromenes, Phaedimus, and Antimenidas were supposed to collect Panactum and the prisoners from the Boeotians and return them to the Athenians. They found that the Boeotians themselves had demolished Panactum. The Boeotians' stated reason was that, after an old dispute over it, they and the Athenians had sworn that neither side would settle the place, but that they would use the land together. Andromenes and his fellow envoys took over the Athenian prisoners of war held by the Boeotians, brought them to Athens, and handed them back. They also told the Athenians about the demolition of Panactum. They thought this too amounted to returning it, since no enemy of the Athenians would live there anymore.

2 The Athenians reacted angrily to this news. They felt the Lacedaemonians had wronged them by demolishing Panactum, which should have been handed over intact. They also learned of the separate alliance with the Boeotians. Previously, the Lacedaemonians had said they would join the Athenians in forcing those who rejected the treaty to accept it. The Athenians reviewed all the other terms of the agreement that the Lacedaemonians had failed to carry out, and felt they had been deceived. They gave the envoys a harsh reply and sent them away.

Chapter 43

1 With the Lacedaemonians and Athenians now at odds in this way, those in Athens who wanted to end the treaty immediately pressed their case.

2 Among them was Alcibiades son of Clinias. At that time he was still young by the standards of other cities, but his family's standing brought him respect. He thought an agreement with the Argives was the better course. But personal pride and rivalry also drove his opposition. The Lacedaemonians had arranged the treaty through Nicias and Laches, passing him over because of his youth. They had also failed to honor his family's old role as their representatives in Athens. His grandfather had given up that role, but Alcibiades had intended to renew it by looking after their men captured on the island.

3 He thought he was being slighted in every way. From the start he had opposed the treaty, saying the Lacedaemonians could not be trusted. He claimed they were making peace so they could first make a treaty with the Argives, remove them as a threat, and then attack the Athenians alone once more. Now that the disagreement had arisen, he immediately sent a private message to Argos. He urged the Argives to come as quickly as possible, together with the Mantineans and Eleans, to propose an alliance. The time was right, he said, and he would give them all the help he could.

Chapter 44

1 The Argives heard this message and learned that the Boeotian alliance had not been arranged with Athenian involvement. Instead, the Athenians were now in a serious dispute with the Lacedaemonians. So they paid little attention to their envoys, who happened to be away in Lacedaemon negotiating the treaty. They turned their thoughts more toward the Athenians. Athens, they reasoned, had been friendly to them for a long time and was a democracy like their own. It also had great naval power and would fight alongside them if they went to war.

2 So they immediately sent envoys to the Athenians to discuss the alliance. The Eleans and Mantineans sent envoys with them.

3 Lacedaemonian envoys also arrived in a hurry: Philocharidas, Leon, and Endius, who were thought to be well liked by the Athenians. The Lacedaemonians feared the Athenians might make an alliance with the Argives out of anger. The envoys also came to demand Pylos in exchange for Panactum and to defend their alliance with the Boeotians. They said they had not made it to harm the Athenians.

Chapter 45

1 They spoke about these matters in the council and said they had come with full authority to settle all the disagreements. This alarmed Alcibiades. He feared that if they said the same things before the people, they might win them over and the alliance with the Argives would be rejected.

2 Alcibiades devised this trick against them. He persuaded the Lacedaemonians not to admit before the people that they had come with full authority. He gave them his assurance that, if they did this, he would get Pylos returned to them and settle the other disputes. He himself would persuade the Athenians, he said, just as he was now opposing them.

3 His aim was to draw them away from Nicias. He also wanted to attack them before the people as men who had no honest intentions and never told the same story twice. Then he could make the Argives, Eleans, and Mantineans allies. And that is what happened.

4 When the envoys appeared before the people and were questioned, they denied having come with full authority, contrary to what they had said in the council. The Athenians lost patience. Alcibiades attacked the Lacedaemonians far more loudly than before, and the Athenians listened to him. They were ready to bring the Argives and their companions forward immediately and make them allies. But an earthquake occurred before anything was ratified, and this assembly was adjourned.

Chapter 46

1 At the assembly the next day, Nicias still argued that they should choose friendship with the Lacedaemonians instead. The Lacedaemonian envoys had themselves been deceived into denying that they had come with full authority, and he too had been misled about this. Even so, he urged the Athenians to put the Argive negotiations on hold and send another embassy to find out the Lacedaemonians' intentions. He said that delaying the war would preserve the Athenians' good position and leave the Lacedaemonians in a poor one. Things were going well for the Athenians, so their best course was to keep that success safe as long as possible. The Lacedaemonians, by contrast, were doing badly and stood to gain by taking a risk as soon as possible.

2 He persuaded them to send envoys, including himself. They were to tell the Lacedaemonians that, if they meant to act fairly, they must return Panactum intact, return Amphipolis, and end their alliance with the Boeotians unless the Boeotians joined the treaty. For they had agreed not to make an agreement with anyone without each other's consent.

3 The Athenians also instructed the envoys to say that, if they themselves had wanted to act unfairly, they would already have made the Argives allies. The Argives were there for that very purpose. They gave Nicias and his fellow envoys instructions about all their other complaints too, and sent them away.

4 The envoys arrived and delivered the other messages. Finally they said that, unless the Lacedaemonians ended their alliance with the Boeotians if those refused to join the treaty, the Athenians too would make the Argives and their companions allies. The Lacedaemonians refused to end their Boeotian alliance. The ephor Xenares and his supporters, together with everyone else who shared their views, prevailed on this point. But at Nicias's request they renewed the oaths. He feared he might leave without achieving anything at all and then be attacked politically, as indeed he was, since he was regarded as responsible for the treaty with the Lacedaemonians.

5 When Nicias returned and the Athenians heard that nothing had been achieved in Lacedaemon, they immediately became angry. They felt they were being wronged. The Argives and their allies happened to be there, and Alcibiades brought them forward. The Athenians made the following treaty and alliance with them.

Chapter 47

1 “The Athenians, Argives, Mantineans, and Eleans have made a treaty with one another for a hundred years, on behalf of themselves and the allies each rules. They will act honestly and cause no harm to one another, either on land or at sea.

2 “The Argives, Eleans, Mantineans, and their allies must not take up arms to harm the Athenians or the allies the Athenians rule. Nor may the Athenians and the allies they rule do so against the Argives, Eleans, Mantineans, and their allies, by any trick or scheme whatever.

3 “The Athenians, Argives, Mantineans, and Eleans will be allies for a hundred years on the following terms. If enemies invade Athenian territory, the Argives, Mantineans, and Eleans will send help to Athens as the Athenians request, with the strongest force they can provide. If the invaders leave after damaging the land, their city will be an enemy of the Argives, Mantineans, Eleans, and Athenians, and all these cities will attack it. None of the cities may end the war with that city unless they all agree.

4 “The Athenians will likewise send help to Argos, Mantinea, and Elis if enemies invade the territory of the Argives, Mantineans, or Eleans. They will respond as these cities request, with the strongest force they can provide. If the invaders leave after damaging the land, their city will be an enemy of the Athenians, Argives, Mantineans, and Eleans, and all these cities will attack it. None of the cities may end the war with that city unless all [the cities] agree.

5 “They must not allow armed forces on their way to war to pass through their own territory or that of the allies each rules, or to pass by sea, unless all the cities—the Athenians, Argives, Mantineans, and Eleans—have voted to allow passage.

6 “The city sending help will provide its troops with food for up to thirty days after they arrive at the city that called for help, and will do the same on their return journey. If the city that called them wishes to use the army for longer, it will provide a food allowance: three Aeginetan obols each day for every hoplite, light-armed soldier, and archer, and one Aeginetan drachma for every cavalryman.

7 “The city that called in the army will command it when the war is in its own territory. If all the cities decide to undertake a joint campaign somewhere, all will share equally in the command.

8 “The Athenians will swear to the treaty on behalf of themselves and their allies. The Argives, Mantineans, Eleans, and their allies will swear city by city. Each will take the most binding oath used in its own country, over fully grown sacrificial animals. The oath will be as follows: ‘I will keep to the alliance on the agreed terms, fairly, without harm or dishonesty, and I will not break it by any trick or scheme whatever.’

9 “At Athens, the council and the officials serving in the city will take the oath, and the presiding councilors will administer it. At Argos, the council, the Eighty, and the artynae will swear, and the Eighty will administer the oath. At Mantinea, the chief magistrates, the council, and the other officials will swear, and the sacred officials and military commanders will administer the oath. At Elis, the chief magistrates, those holding the highest offices, and the Six Hundred will swear, and the chief magistrates and guardians of the laws will administer the oath.

10 “The Athenians will renew the oaths by traveling to Elis, Mantinea, and Argos thirty days before the Olympic festival. The Argives, Eleans, and Mantineans will travel to Athens ten days before the Great Panathenaea.

11 “The Athenians will have the terms of the treaty, oaths, and alliance inscribed on a stone slab on the Acropolis. The Argives will do the same in the temple of Apollo in the marketplace, and the Mantineans in the temple of Zeus in their marketplace. They will also jointly set up a bronze slab at Olympia at the coming Olympic festival.

12 “If these cities think it would be better to add anything to the agreed terms, whatever all the cities decide after discussing it together will be binding.”

Chapter 48

1 That was how the treaty and alliance were made. Neither side, however, renounced the treaty and alliance between the Lacedaemonians and Athenians on this account.

2 Although the Corinthians were allies of the Argives, they did not join this agreement. Nor had they sworn to an earlier alliance between the Eleans, Argives, and Mantineans, which required them to make war and peace with the same parties. They said their original defensive alliance was enough for them. Under it they were to help one another, but not join in attacking anyone.

3 In this way the Corinthians withdrew from their allies and turned their thoughts back toward the Lacedaemonians.

Chapter 49

1 The Olympic games took place that summer. Androsthenes of Arcadia won his first victory in the combined wrestling and boxing contest. The Eleans barred the Lacedaemonians from the sanctuary, so they could neither sacrifice nor compete. They had not paid the fine the Eleans had imposed on them under Olympic law. The Eleans charged that they had attacked the fort of Phyrcus in Elean territory and sent their hoplites into Lepreum during the Olympic truce. The fine was two thousand minas, at two minas for each hoplite, as the law prescribed.

2 The Lacedaemonians sent envoys to protest that the judgment against them was unfair. They said the truce had not yet been announced at Lacedaemon when they sent in the hoplites.

3 The Eleans replied that the truce was already in force among themselves, since they announce it to themselves first. They had been keeping quiet and expecting no attack because of the truce, and the Lacedaemonians had taken advantage of this to wrong them without warning.

4 The Lacedaemonians replied that the Eleans should not have gone on to announce the truce at Lacedaemon if they already thought the Lacedaemonians had broken it. By doing so, they had shown they did not think that. The Lacedaemonians also said they had not attacked the Eleans anywhere after that announcement.

5 The Eleans stood by their position. They would not be persuaded that the Lacedaemonians had done nothing wrong. But if they were willing to return Lepreum, the Eleans would cancel their own share of the fine and pay the god's share themselves on the Lacedaemonians' behalf.

Chapter 50

1 When the Lacedaemonians would not agree, the Eleans made another proposal. They need not return Lepreum if they did not want to. But since they were eager to use the sanctuary, they should go up to the altar of Olympian Zeus and swear before the Greeks that they would pay the fine later.

2 They would not agree to this either. So the Lacedaemonians remained barred from the sanctuary [from sacrifices and contests] and sacrificed at home. All the other Greeks except the Lepreans attended the festival.

3 Even so, the Eleans feared the Lacedaemonians might force their way in to sacrifice. They kept their younger men on guard under arms. The Argives and Mantineans also came to help them, a thousand of each, along with Athenian cavalry, who stayed at Harpina during the festival.

4 The crowd at the festival was very afraid the Lacedaemonians would come in arms. Their fear grew especially strong after the rod-bearing officials beat Lichas son of Arcesilaus, a Lacedaemonian, at the games. His team of horses had won, but because he was not allowed to compete, it was announced as belonging to the Boeotian state. He had gone onto the course and put a victory ribbon on the driver to show that the chariot was his. This made everyone much more afraid, and they expected some trouble. The Lacedaemonians, however, kept quiet, and that was how the festival passed for them.

5 After the Olympic games, the Argives and their allies went to Corinth to ask the Corinthians to come over to their side. Lacedaemonian envoys also happened to be there. There was much discussion, but in the end nothing was achieved. An earthquake occurred, and the different parties broke up and went home. And the summer ended.

Chapter 51

1 During the following winter, the people of Heraclea in Trachis fought a battle against the Aenianians, Dolopians, Malians, and some of the Thessalians.

2 These peoples lived near the city and were hostile to it, since the fortified settlement had been built on their land, not anyone else's. From the moment the city was founded they had opposed it, doing as much damage as they could. Now they defeated the Heracleans in battle. Xenares son of Cnidis, the Lacedaemonian who governed them, was killed, and other Heracleans also died. And the winter ended, and the twelfth year of this war, came to an end.

Chapter 52

1 At the very beginning of the next summer, the Boeotians took over Heraclea, which had been in a badly weakened state since the battle. They expelled the Lacedaemonian Agesippidas on the grounds that he was governing it badly. They took over the place because they feared the Athenians might capture it while the Lacedaemonians were distracted by the troubles in the Peloponnese. The Lacedaemonians, however, were angry with them.

2 During the same summer, Alcibiades son of Clinias, serving as an Athenian general, came to the Peloponnese with a small force of Athenian hoplites and archers. The Argives and their allies cooperated with him. He added some of the local allies to his army and traveled through the Peloponnese, helping to organize the alliance in other ways as well. He persuaded the people of Patrae to extend their walls down to the sea. He also intended to build another fort himself at Rhium in Achaea. But the Corinthians, Sicyonians, and others whom the fort would have harmed came to oppose him and prevented it.

Chapter 53

1 During the same summer, war broke out between the Epidaurians and Argives. The stated reason concerned the sacrifice owed to Apollo Pythaeus. The Epidaurians had not sent the offering they were required to provide for grazing, and the Argives had the chief authority over the sanctuary. But even without this complaint, Alcibiades and the Argives thought it would be useful to gain control of Epidaurus if they could. It would help keep Corinth quiet, and Athenian reinforcements would have a shorter route from Aegina than by sailing around Scyllaeum. So the Argives prepared to invade Epidaurian territory on their own, to collect the offering.

Chapter 54

1 At about the same time, the Lacedaemonians also marched out with their full forces to Leuctra, on their own frontier toward Mount Lycaeum. King Agis son of Archidamus commanded them. No one knew where they were campaigning, not even the cities that had sent troops.

2 But the sacrifices they offered before crossing the border did not give favorable signs. They went home and sent instructions around to their allies to prepare for a campaign after the coming month. That month was Carneus, a sacred month for the Dorians.

3 After they withdrew, the Argives marched out on the fourth day from the end of the month before Carneus. They kept counting it as that same day throughout the campaign. They invaded Epidaurian territory and damaged the land.

4 The Epidaurians called on their allies. Some used the sacred month as an excuse not to come. Others reached the borders of Epidaurian territory but took no action.

Chapter 55

1 While the Argives were in Epidaurian territory, envoys from the cities met at Mantinea at the Athenians' invitation. During the discussions, Euphamidas the Corinthian said their words did not match their actions. They were sitting there talking about peace, while the Epidaurians and their allies were lined up under arms against the Argives. Representatives of both sides should first go and get the armies disbanded. Then they could discuss peace again.

2 They accepted his advice, went off, and got the Argives to withdraw from Epidaurian territory. Later they met again in the same place, but even then could not reach agreement. So the Argives invaded Epidaurian territory again and damaged the land.

3 The Lacedaemonians also marched out to Caryae. When the sacrifices before crossing the border were unfavorable there too, they withdrew.

4 After destroying the crops on about a third of Epidaurian territory, the Argives went home. A thousand Athenian hoplites also came to help them, under the general Alcibiades. He had heard that the Lacedaemonians had marched out. Now that the Athenians were no longer needed, he left. That was how the summer passed.

Chapter 56

1 During the following winter, without the Athenians finding out, the Lacedaemonians sent three hundred garrison troops by sea to Epidaurus, with Agesippidas as their commander.

2 The Argives came to the Athenians and complained. The treaty said that each party must not let enemies pass through its territory, yet the Athenians had allowed them to sail past by sea. Unless the Athenians in turn brought the Messenians and Helots to Pylos to act against the Lacedaemonians, the Argives said they would be wronged.

3 At Alcibiades' urging, the Athenians added an inscription to the slab recording their treaty with Lacedaemon, stating that the Lacedaemonians had not kept their oaths. They also brought the Helots from Cranii to Pylos to make raids. In other respects they took no action.

4 During this winter, the Argives and Epidaurians remained at war, but fought no planned battle. There were ambushes and raids, in which men on either side were killed as chance decided.

5 As winter was ending and spring approaching, the Argives came against Epidaurus with ladders. They intended to take it by force, believing the war had left it without defenders. But they left without achieving anything. And the winter ended, and the thirteenth year of this war, came to an end.

Chapter 57

1 In the middle of the following summer, the Lacedaemonians saw that their allies at Epidaurus were in trouble. Elsewhere in the Peloponnese, some places had broken away and others were unsettled. They thought that unless they moved quickly to stop this, it would spread further. So they marched against Argos with their entire force of Lacedaemonians and Helots. Their king, Agis son of Archidamus, led them.

2 The Tegeans and all the other Arcadians allied with the Lacedaemonians joined the campaign. The allies from the rest of the Peloponnese and from outside it gathered at Phlius. The Boeotians sent 5,000 hoplites, the same number of light-armed troops, 500 cavalry, and an equal number of infantry who fought alongside the cavalry. The Corinthians sent 2,000 hoplites. The other allies sent their separate contingents. The Phliasians turned out with their whole army, since the allied force was in their territory.

Chapter 58

1 The Argives had learned about the Lacedaemonian preparations from the start. When the Lacedaemonians began moving toward Phlius to join the others, the Argives also marched out. The Mantineans came to help them, bringing their own allies, along with 3,000 Elean hoplites.

2 As they advanced, they met the Lacedaemonians at Methydrium in Arcadia. Each side occupied a hill. The Argives prepared to fight the Lacedaemonians while they were on their own. But Agis got his army up during the night and slipped away unnoticed toward Phlius to join the other allies.

3 When the Argives discovered this, they set out at dawn. First they went to Argos. Then they moved to the road through Nemea, where they expected the Lacedaemonians and their allies to come down.

4 Agis did not take the road they expected. He gave orders to the Lacedaemonians, Arcadians, and Epidaurians and took another, difficult route down into the Argive plain. The Corinthians, Pellenians, and Phliasians took a different, steep road. The Boeotians, Megarians, and Sicyonians had orders to come down by the Nemea road, where the Argives were stationed. If the Argives moved into the plain to defend it against Agis, these troops were to follow them and use their cavalry against them.

5 After arranging his forces in this way, Agis entered the plain and began ravaging Saminthus and other places.

Chapter 59

1 When the Argives learned this, they set out from Nemea to defend their land. It was already daylight. They ran into the Phliasian and Corinthian force and killed a few of the Phliasians. The Corinthians killed a slightly larger number of Argives.

2 The Boeotians, Megarians, and Sicyonians advanced toward Nemea as ordered, but no longer found the Argives there. The Argives had come down and, seeing their own land being ravaged, were drawing up for battle. The Lacedaemonians also prepared to face them.

3 The Argives were trapped in the middle. In the plain, the Lacedaemonians and their companions cut them off from the city. The Corinthians, Phliasians, and Pellenians were on the higher ground, and the Boeotians, Sicyonians, and Megarians were on the Nemea side. The Argives had no cavalry with them. The Athenians were the only allies who had not yet arrived.

4 Most of the Argives and their allies did not think their situation was so dangerous. Instead, they thought the battle would be fought on favorable terms. They believed they had trapped the Lacedaemonians in Argive territory, close to Argos.

5 But two Argives approached Agis just as the armies were about to meet. They were Thrasyllus, one of the five generals, and Alciphron, who represented Lacedaemonian interests in Argos. They asked him not to fight. The Argives, they said, were ready to submit any Lacedaemonian complaints against them to a fair and equal settlement by arbitration, with each side accepting the same obligations. They would also make a treaty and remain at peace in the future.

Chapter 60

1 These Argives spoke on their own initiative, without instructions from the people. Agis accepted their proposal on his own as well. He did not hold a general consultation, but discussed the matter with just one of the officials accompanying the army. He agreed to a truce of four months, during which the Argives were to carry out what they had promised. He immediately led the army away, without telling any of the other allies.

2 The Lacedaemonians and their allies followed his lead, as the law required. But among themselves they strongly criticized Agis. They thought they had had a good chance to fight, with the enemy shut in on every side by cavalry and infantry. Instead, they were leaving without having done anything worthy of their preparations.

3 This was in fact the finest Greek army that had come together up to that time. Its strength was most apparent while it was still assembled at Nemea. It included the entire Lacedaemonian army, along with Arcadians, Boeotians, Corinthians, Sicyonians, Pellenians, Phliasians, and Megarians. All these were picked men from their respective states. They seemed capable of taking on not only the Argive alliance but even another force added to it.

4 So the army withdrew, criticizing Agis in this way, and broke up as each contingent went home.

5 The Argives themselves were even angrier with the men who had made the truce without consulting the people. They too believed they would never have a better opportunity against the Lacedaemonians, yet had let them escape. They would have fought near their own city, supported by many strong allies.

6 On their return they began stoning Thrasyllus at the Charadrus. This is where they hear cases arising from a campaign before entering the city. He escaped death by taking refuge at the altar. They did, however, confiscate his property.

Chapter 61

1 After this, 1,000 Athenian hoplites and 300 cavalry arrived to help, under the command of Laches and Nicostratus. The Argives were still reluctant to break their truce with the Lacedaemonians. They told the Athenians to leave and would not bring them before the people, although they wanted to speak. The Mantineans and Eleans, who were still there, finally forced the Argives to let them speak by pressing their request.

2 With Alcibiades present as an ambassador, the Athenians told the Argives and their allies that it had been wrong even to make the truce without the other allies. Now they should resume the war, since the Athenians had arrived at the right moment.

3 Their arguments persuaded the allies. All of them except the Argives immediately marched against Orchomenus in Arcadia. Even though the Argives had been persuaded, they stayed behind at first. Later they too joined the others.

4 They all took up positions around Orchomenus, besieged it, and made assaults. They wanted to bring it over to their side in any case, and there were also hostages from Arcadia being held there by the Lacedaemonians.

5 The Orchomenians were frightened by the weakness of their wall and the size of the army. With no one coming to help them, they feared they would be destroyed before help arrived. They agreed to become allies, give hostages of their own to the Mantineans, and hand over the hostages the Lacedaemonians had placed there.

Chapter 62

1 Now that they controlled Orchomenus, the allies discussed which of the remaining places they should attack first. The Eleans urged them to go against Lepreum, but the Mantineans urged Tegea. The Argives and Athenians supported the Mantineans.

2 The Eleans were angry that the vote had gone against an attack on Lepreum, and went home. The other allies stayed in Mantinean territory and prepared to march against Tegea. Some people inside Tegea itself were also working to hand the city over to them.

Chapter 63

1 After withdrawing from Argos with the four-month truce agreed, the Lacedaemonians sharply criticized Agis for not having brought Argos under their control. They believed the opportunity had been better than any they had ever had before. It was not easy, they said, to assemble so many allies of such quality.

2 When news came that Orchomenus too had fallen, they grew much angrier. In their anger they immediately began considering measures quite unlike their usual practice: demolishing Agis's house and fining him 100,000 drachmas.

3 He begged them not to do either. He would lead a campaign and clear himself of the charges by some military success. Otherwise, they could then do whatever they wanted to him.

4 They held back from imposing the fine and demolishing his house. But for the time being they passed a law of a kind they had never had before. They selected ten Spartans to act as his advisers, without whose consent he was not authorized to lead an army out of the city.

Chapter 64

1 Meanwhile, a message reached them from their supporters at Tegea. Unless the Lacedaemonians came quickly, Tegea would break away to the Argives and their allies. It was already on the point of doing so.

2 The Lacedaemonians then rushed to help with their entire force of citizens and Helots, moving faster than ever before.

3 They marched to Orestheum in Maenalia. They instructed their Arcadian allies to assemble and follow right behind them to Tegea. The whole Lacedaemonian force went as far as Orestheum. From there they sent a sixth of their own men back home, including the oldest and youngest, to guard things there. They reached Tegea with the rest of the army. Their Arcadian allies arrived not much later.

4 They also sent to Corinth and to the Boeotians, Phocians, and Locrians, telling them to come to Mantinea as quickly as possible to help. But these allies had little notice. It was also hard for them to cross enemy territory unless they waited for one another and moved as a single force, since that territory lay across their route. Still, they hurried.

5 The Lacedaemonians took with them the Arcadian allies who had arrived and invaded Mantinean territory. They camped near the sanctuary of Heracles and ravaged the land.

Chapter 65

1 When the Argives and their allies saw them, they occupied a strong position that was hard to approach and drew up for battle.

2 The Lacedaemonians immediately advanced against them. They had come within range of stones and javelins when one of the older men saw that they were moving against a strong position and called out to Agis that he was trying to cure one mistake with another. He meant that Agis was trying to make up for his much-criticized retreat from Argos with this badly timed eagerness to attack.

3 Whether because of this shout, or because something else or the same idea suddenly occurred to him, Agis quickly led his army back before the two sides met.

4 He reached the border of Tegean territory and began diverting the water into Mantinean territory. The Mantineans and Tegeans fight over this water, because it usually damages whichever territory it flows into. He wanted to bring [the Argives and their allies] down from the hill to stop the diversion once they heard of it, and fight the battle on level ground.

5 He stayed there that day, working to divert the water. At first the Argives and their allies were stunned by the enemy's sudden retreat from so close by, and did not know what to make of it. Then the retreating army disappeared from view, while they themselves stayed still and did not follow. They began blaming their own generals again. Previously they had had the Lacedaemonians trapped near Argos, but had let them go. Now they were running away and no one was pursuing them. The enemy was escaping undisturbed, while they themselves were being betrayed.

6 The generals were alarmed at first. Later they led the men down from the hill, advanced onto the plain, and camped there, intending to march against the enemy.

Chapter 66

1 The next day the Argives and their allies formed up, ready to fight if they met the enemy. Meanwhile, the Lacedaemonians left the water and returned toward their former camp near the sanctuary of Heracles. They suddenly saw the enemy close by, already fully drawn up for battle and out beyond the hill.

2 The Lacedaemonians were more startled at that moment than they could ever remember being. They had very little time to prepare. They immediately hurried into their usual formation, with King Agis giving each order as the law prescribed.

3 When a king leads the army, everything is under his command. He tells the senior commanders what needs to be done. They tell the company commanders, who tell the platoon commanders. These in turn tell the squad commanders, and they tell their squads.

4 Any orders they want to issue pass down the same chain and travel quickly. Almost the whole Lacedaemonian army, with few exceptions, consists of officers commanding other officers. Many men therefore share responsibility for carrying out each action.

Chapter 67

1 On this occasion the Sciritae took their position on the left wing. They alone among the Lacedaemonians always have this post as their own separate unit. Beside them were Brasidas's soldiers from Thrace, with the men newly given citizen status alongside them. Next the Lacedaemonians themselves formed up, company after company. Beside them were the Heraeans from Arcadia, then the Maenalians. On the right wing were the Tegeans, with a few Lacedaemonians at the very end. Their cavalry were on both wings.

2 That was the Lacedaemonian formation. On the other side the Mantineans held the right wing, because the battle was taking place in their territory. Beside them were their Arcadian allies. Next came the 1,000 picked Argives, whom the city had for a long time provided with military training at public expense. Beside these were the other Argives, followed by their allies from Cleonae and Orneae. Finally the Athenians held the far end of the left wing, with their own cavalry beside them.

Chapter 68

1 These were the formations and preparations on each side. The Lacedaemonian army appeared to be the larger one.

2 I could not give exact numbers for the separate contingents on either side or for their totals. The number of Lacedaemonians was unknown because their political system is secretive. The figures given by the other side were unreliable because people tend to boast about their own numbers. Still, the following calculation allows an estimate of the Lacedaemonian force present on this occasion.

3 Seven companies fought, not counting the 600 Sciritae. Each company contained four platoons, and each platoon four squads. Each squad had four men fighting in its front rank. They did not all form up to the same depth: each company commander chose his own. Overall, though, they were eight deep. The front rank along the whole line, excluding the Sciritae, numbered 448 men.

Chapter 69

1 As the armies were about to meet, the generals of each contingent encouraged their men in the following terms. The Mantineans were told that they would be fighting for their homeland, and also that rule or slavery was at stake. They must not lose their rule without a fight or experience slavery again. The Argives were told not to accept being deprived forever of their old leadership and the equal standing they had once enjoyed in the Peloponnese. They should also punish their enemies and neighbors for their many wrongs. The Athenians were told that it would be an honor to fall behind no one while fighting alongside so many strong allies. If they defeated the Lacedaemonians in the Peloponnese, they would make their empire more secure and larger, and no one else would ever invade their land.

2 This was the encouragement given to the Argives and their allies. The Lacedaemonians, both individually and with their familiar military music, reminded one another to be brave. They knew that long practice in action did more to keep men safe than a well-delivered speech of encouragement given at short notice.

Chapter 70

1 After this the armies moved to meet. The Argives and their allies advanced hard and angrily. The Lacedaemonians moved slowly to the sound of many flute players stationed throughout their ranks. This was not for religious reasons. It was to let them move forward evenly, keeping time, so that their formation would not break up, as large armies often do when they advance.

Chapter 71

1 While they were still approaching, King Agis decided to make the following move. All armies tend to do the same thing: as they advance to meet the enemy, they drift toward their own right wing. Each army's right then extends beyond the enemy's left. Fear makes each man bring his unprotected side as close as possible to the shield of the man stationed on his right. They think that closing up tightly gives the best protection. This starts with the man at the end of the front rank on the right wing. He keeps trying to move his own unprotected side out beyond the enemy's reach. The others follow for the same reason: fear.

2 On this occasion the Mantinean wing extended far beyond the Sciritae. The Lacedaemonians and Tegeans extended still further beyond the Athenians, because their army was larger.

3 Agis feared that his left wing would be surrounded and thought the Mantineans extended too far beyond it. He signaled the Sciritae and Brasidas's men to move outward away from the rest of the line until they were level with the Mantineans. He ordered two companies from the right wing, commanded by the senior officers Hipponoidas and Aristocles, to move across into the resulting gap and fill it. He thought his right wing would still have men to spare and that his line facing the Mantineans would be more secure.

Chapter 72

1 But he gave the order during the advance itself, at short notice. As a result, Aristocles and Hipponoidas refused to move across. They were later exiled from Sparta on this charge, having been judged cowardly. The enemy reached them before the move could be completed. When the companies failed to move across to the Sciritae, Agis ordered the Sciritae to rejoin the main line. But by then they too were unable to close the gap.

2 The Lacedaemonians had been thoroughly outmaneuvered in every respect. Yet their courage proved just as effective in securing victory.

3 When the armies came to close combat, the Mantinean right wing routed the Sciritae and Brasidas's men. The Mantineans, their allies, and the 1,000 picked Argives charged into the gap that had not been closed. They killed Lacedaemonians, surrounded and routed them, and drove them back to the wagons. They also killed some of the older men assigned to guard them.

4 Here the Lacedaemonians were being beaten. But the rest of their army routed the enemy. The center was especially effective: King Agis stood there, surrounded by the 300 men called the Horsemen. They attacked the older Argives and the units known as the five companies, along with the Cleonaeans, Orneatae, and Athenians stationed beside them. Most did not even wait to fight at close quarters. They gave way as soon as the Lacedaemonians advanced. Some were even trampled because they could not escape being overtaken.

Chapter 73

1 Once the Argive and allied army had given way here, its line began breaking apart on both sides. At the same time the Lacedaemonian and Tegean right wing, which extended beyond the Athenians, began wheeling around them. The Athenians faced danger from both directions: on one side they were being surrounded, while on the other their side had already been defeated. They would have suffered more than any other part of the army if their cavalry had not been there to help them.

2 Then Agis realized that his left wing, facing the Mantineans and the 1,000 Argives, was in trouble. He ordered the whole army to move toward the part that was being beaten.

3 When this happened, the army moved across and turned away from the Athenians. The Athenians then escaped undisturbed, along with the defeated Argives who were with them. The Mantineans, their allies, and the picked Argives no longer thought of pressing the enemy. They saw that their own side had been beaten and that the Lacedaemonians were advancing against them, and they turned and fled.

4 More of the Mantineans were killed, but most of the picked Argives escaped. The flight and retreat were not hard-pressed or prolonged. The Lacedaemonians stand their ground and fight long, determined battles until they rout the enemy. Once they have done that, they pursue only briefly and not very far.

Chapter 74

1 That was how the battle went, or as close to that as possible. It was the largest battle between Greeks for a very long time, and armies from the most important cities took part.

2 The Lacedaemonians laid out the arms taken from the enemy dead and immediately set up a trophy. They stripped the bodies, collected their own dead, and took them to Tegea, where they were buried. They returned the enemy's dead under a truce.

3 The Argives, Orneatae, and Cleonaeans lost 700 men. The Mantineans lost 200, and the Athenians, including the Aeginetans, lost 200 and both their generals. The Lacedaemonian allies did not suffer any significant losses. It was hard to find out the true number of Lacedaemonian dead, but it was reported to be about 300.

Chapter 75

1 Just before the battle, the other king, Pleistoanax, also marched out to help, bringing the older and younger men. He reached Tegea, but returned when he heard of the victory.

2 The Lacedaemonians sent messengers to turn back their allies from Corinth and from beyond the Isthmus. They themselves went home and dismissed their allies. It happened to be the time of their Carnea festival, and they celebrated it.

3 By this single action they cleared themselves of the charges the Greeks were then making against them: cowardice because of their disaster on the island, and poor judgment and slowness in other matters. People now saw that bad luck had made them appear weak, but that their determination was still the same.

4 It also happened that, on the day before this battle, the Epidaurians invaded Argive territory with their entire force, thinking it had been left undefended. They killed many of the Argive guards who had remained behind and came out against them.

5 After the battle, 3,000 Elean hoplites came to help the Mantineans, along with 1,000 Athenians in addition to the earlier force. All these allies immediately marched against Epidaurus while the Lacedaemonians were celebrating the Carnea. They divided up the work and began building a wall around the city.

6 The others stopped work, but the Athenians immediately finished fortifying the headland called the Heraeum, as they had been assigned to do. They all contributed men to a garrison left in this fort, then returned to their separate cities. And the summer ended.

Chapter 76

1 Right at the beginning of the following winter, after celebrating the Carnea, the Lacedaemonians marched out. They reached Tegea and sent proposals for a settlement ahead to Argos.

2 They already had supporters there who wanted to overthrow the democracy at Argos. Since the battle, these men had been much more able to persuade the people to accept an agreement. They wanted first to make peace with the Lacedaemonians, then later an alliance, and only then attack the democracy.

3 Lichas son of Arcesilaus, who represented Argive interests in Lacedaemon, arrived at Argos from the Lacedaemonians with two proposals: one setting out terms if the Argives wanted war, the other if they wanted peace. There was much argument, since Alcibiades also happened to be there. The men working for the Lacedaemonians now dared to act openly as well. They persuaded the Argives to accept the proposal for a settlement. It was as follows.

Chapter 77

1 “The assembly of the Lacedaemonians has decided to make an agreement with the Argives on these terms. The Argives must return the boys to the Orchomenians, the men to the Maenalians, and the men at Mantinea to the Lacedaemonians. They must withdraw from Epidaurus and tear down the wall.

2 “If the Athenians do not withdraw from Epidaurus, they will be enemies of the Argives, the Lacedaemonians, and the allies of both.

3 “If the Lacedaemonians hold any boys, they must return them to their respective cities, without exception.

4 “As for the offering to the god, if the Argives wish, they may leave it to the Epidaurians to swear an oath. Otherwise they must swear themselves.

5 “All the cities in the Peloponnese, large and small, must govern themselves according to their ancestral customs.

6 “If anyone from outside the Peloponnese attacks Peloponnesian territory, they must consult together and defend it in whatever way the Peloponnesians consider fairest.

7 “The Lacedaemonians' allies outside the Peloponnese will have the same standing as the Lacedaemonians. The Argives' allies will have the same standing as the Argives and keep their own territory.

8 “These terms must be shown to the allies, and an agreement made if they approve. If the allies have a proposal, it must be sent home.”

Chapter 78

1 The Argives first accepted this proposal, and the Lacedaemonian army left Tegea and went home. After this, the two sides were once again in contact. Before long, the same men arranged for the Argives to abandon their alliance with the Mantineans, Athenians, and Eleans and make a treaty and alliance with the Lacedaemonians. These were its terms.

Chapter 79

1 “The Lacedaemonians and Argives have agreed to a treaty and alliance for fifty years. Each side must submit disputes to judgment on equal and reciprocal terms, according to ancestral custom. The other cities in the Peloponnese may share in the treaty and alliance. They will govern themselves as independent cities, keep their own territory, and submit disputes to judgment on equal and reciprocal terms, according to ancestral custom.

2 “The Lacedaemonians' allies outside the Peloponnese will have the same standing as the Lacedaemonians. The Argives' allies will have the same standing as the Argives and keep their own territory.

3 “If a joint military expedition is needed anywhere, the Lacedaemonians and Argives must discuss how to carry it out in the way they judge fairest to the allies.

4 “If any cities, inside or outside the Peloponnese, have a dispute about borders or anything else, it must be settled by arbitration. If one allied city has a dispute with another, they must refer it to a city that both consider impartial. Private citizens must have their cases judged according to ancestral custom.”

Chapter 80

1 This was the treaty and alliance that they made. They also settled any matters arising from territory or other property that either side had taken from the other in war or otherwise. They now acted together and voted not to admit any herald or delegation from Athens unless the Athenians left the Peloponnese and abandoned their forts. They also agreed not to make peace or war with anyone except jointly.

2 They pursued their other plans with energy. Both sent envoys to the places along the Thracian coast and to Perdiccas, and persuaded Perdiccas to join their agreement by oath. He did not break with the Athenians immediately, but he intended to do so, partly because he saw that the Argives had done so. His own family originally came from Argos. They also renewed their old oaths with the Chalcidians and swore additional ones.

3 The Argives also sent envoys to the Athenians, telling them to abandon the fort at Epidaurus. The Athenians saw that their men were outnumbered by the other troops sharing the garrison, and sent Demosthenes to bring their men out. When he arrived, he used an athletic competition outside the fort as a pretext. Once the rest of the garrison had gone out, he shut the gates against them. Later the Athenians themselves renewed the treaty with the Epidaurians and handed the fort back to them.

Chapter 81

1 After the Argives left the alliance, the Mantineans at first held out. But they could not manage without the Argives. They too came to terms with the Lacedaemonians and gave up their rule over the cities.

2 The Lacedaemonians and Argives went on a joint expedition with a thousand men each. The Lacedaemonians first went to Sicyon on their own and put power there more firmly into the hands of a small group. After that, both forces together overthrew the democracy at Argos, and an oligarchy friendly to the Lacedaemonians was set up. This happened as spring approached and winter ended. The fourteenth year of the war came to an end.

Chapter 82

1 In the following summer, the people of Dium on Mount Athos broke away from the Athenians and joined the Chalcidians. The Lacedaemonians also reorganized affairs in Achaea, where things had previously been unfavorable to them.

2 Meanwhile, the ordinary people at Argos gradually organized themselves and regained their confidence. They waited for the Lacedaemonians' festival of the Gymnopaediae and attacked the oligarchs. Fighting broke out in the city. The people won, killed some of the oligarchs, and drove the others out.

3 The Lacedaemonians had long failed to come when their friends asked them for help. They now postponed the Gymnopaediae and set out to support them. But at Tegea they learned that the oligarchs had lost. Despite the pleas of those who had escaped, they refused to go any farther. They went home and celebrated the Gymnopaediae.

4 Later, envoys came from those in the city [messengers] and from the Argives outside it. The allies were present, and both sides spoke at length. The Lacedaemonians decided that the people inside the city were in the wrong and voted to march against Argos. But there were delays and postponements.

5 In the meantime, the people of Argos were afraid of the Lacedaemonians. They were again seeking an alliance with Athens and thought it would be their best source of help. They began building long walls down to the sea. If they were cut off from their farmland, supplies brought in by sea with Athenian help could then support them.

6 Some of the cities in the Peloponnese also knew about the building of the walls. The whole Argive population worked on them: the men themselves, the women, and the slaves. Carpenters and stonemasons also came to help them from Athens. The summer ended.

Chapter 83

1 The following winter, when the Lacedaemonians learned that the walls were being built, they marched against Argos with their allies, except the Corinthians. They also had a scheme being organized in their support inside Argos itself. Agis son of Archidamus, king of the Lacedaemonians, commanded the army.

2 The scheme inside the city, which they had expected to help them, came to nothing. But they captured and demolished the walls under construction. They also took Hysiae, a place in Argive territory, and killed all the free men they captured there. Then they withdrew, and the troops dispersed to their own cities.

3 After this, the Argives also marched into Phliasian territory. They laid it waste and then went home. They did this because the Phliasians had taken in their exiles; most of them had settled there.

4 During the same winter the Athenians also blockaded Macedonia. They accused Perdiccas of entering into the sworn agreement with the Argives and Lacedaemonians. They also charged that, when they had prepared an army under Nicias son of Niceratus to attack the Chalcidians on the Thracian coast and Amphipolis, he had broken his obligations as an ally. His withdrawal had been the main reason the expedition broke up. So he was now an enemy. This winter ended, and the fifteenth year of the war came to an end.

Chapter 84

1 The next summer, Alcibiades sailed to Argos with twenty ships and arrested three hundred Argives who were still suspected of favoring the Lacedaemonians. The Athenians placed them on nearby islands under their control. The Athenians also sent an expedition against the island of Melos. Their force consisted of thirty of their own ships, six Chian ships, and two Lesbian ships; twelve hundred of their own hoplites, three hundred archers, and twenty mounted archers; and about fifteen hundred hoplites from their allies and the islanders.

2 The Melians were colonists from Lacedaemon. They would not submit to the Athenians as the other islanders had. At first they remained neutral and kept out of the fighting. But when the Athenians tried to force them to submit by devastating their land, they entered into open war.

3 The generals, Cleomedes son of Lycomedes and Tisias son of Tisimachus, landed this force and camped in Melian territory. Before doing any damage to the land, they sent envoys to talk first. The Melians did not bring them before the general population. Instead, they told them to state their business before the magistrates and the small governing group.

Chapter 85

1 The Athenian envoys spoke as follows. “We are not speaking before the general population. Presumably this is to stop us from misleading the people with an uninterrupted speech, in which they would hear all our persuasive claims at once without being able to challenge them. We understand that this is why you have brought us before this small group. You who are sitting here can make yourselves even safer. Do not give a single speech yourselves either. Take each point separately, and interrupt us immediately whenever we say something you think is unsatisfactory. First, tell us whether this procedure suits you.”

Chapter 86

1 The Melian representatives answered, “We have no objection to the fairness of explaining our views to each other calmly. But your preparations for war are already here, not something still to come, and they seem inconsistent with that. We can see that you have come to judge what we say yourselves. The likely outcome is that if we win the argument on justice and therefore refuse to give in, it will bring us war; if we let you persuade us, it will bring slavery.”

Chapter 87

1 Athenians: “If you have met to make guesses about the future, or for any purpose other than to discuss your city's survival in the light of the present facts that you can see, we should stop. If survival is what you are here for, we should talk.”

Chapter 88

1 Melians: “In a situation like ours, it is natural and understandable that our words and thoughts should turn in many directions. Still, this meeting is indeed about our survival. If you agree, let the discussion proceed in the way you suggest.”

Chapter 89

1 Athenians: “We will not make a long, unconvincing speech using impressive claims: that our empire is justified because we defeated the Persians, or that we are now attacking because we have been wronged. Nor should you expect to persuade us by saying that, although you are Lacedaemonian colonists, you did not join their campaigns, or that you have done us no harm. Instead, we should try to get what is possible, on the basis of what each side really thinks. You know as well as we do that, in human negotiations, questions of justice are decided only when the two sides have equal power to compel each other. Those with greater power do what they can, and the weak give way.”

Chapter 90

1 Melians: “As we see it, it is in your interest not to destroy a protection that benefits everyone. We have to speak of interest, since you have made that, rather than justice, the basis of discussion. Anyone who is in danger should still be able to appeal to what is reasonable and fair. Someone who makes a persuasive case should be allowed some benefit even if the case falls short of strict proof. This concerns you no less than anyone else. If you fall, you would face the harshest punishment and become an example to others.”

Chapter 91

1 Athenians: “Even if our empire ends, we are not discouraged by the thought of its final outcome. People who rule over others, as the Lacedaemonians do, are not the ones who pose the greatest danger to a defeated power. And our contest is not with the Lacedaemonians. The danger is if the subjects of an empire attack their former rulers themselves and defeat them.

2 Athenians: “Leave us to take that risk. We will explain that we have come to benefit our empire, and that what we are now going to say is intended to save your city. We want to rule you without trouble and to keep you safe in a way that benefits both of us.”

Chapter 92

1 Melians: “How could it be as useful for us to be enslaved as it is for you to rule?”

Chapter 93

1 Athenians: “Because you would submit before suffering the worst, and we would profit by not destroying you.”

Chapter 94

1 Melians: “Would you not accept us keeping out of the war, as your friends rather than your enemies, but allied to neither side?”

Chapter 95

1 Athenians: “No. Your hostility does us less harm than your friendship would. To our subjects, friendship with you would signal our weakness, while your hatred would show our strength.”

Chapter 96

1 Melians: “Is that how your subjects judge what is reasonable? Do they put people with no connection to you in the same category as those who are mostly your own colonists, some of whom rebelled and were then brought under your control?”

Chapter 97

1 Athenians: “They think that neither group lacks arguments to justify its position. But they think that those who stay independent do so because they are strong, and that we do not attack them because we are afraid. So, quite apart from adding to the people we rule, your conquest would make us safer. This is especially true because you are islanders and we control the sea. You are weaker than other peoples, and it is important that you should not hold out against us.”

Chapter 98

1 Melians: “But do you not see safety in the other course? Here too, we must try to persuade you. You have ruled out arguments about justice and urge us to submit to your interests. So we must explain what benefits us and try to persuade you if it turns out to benefit you as well. All those who are now allied to neither side will look at this and think that you will one day attack them too. How will you avoid making enemies of them? Will you not simply strengthen your existing enemies and force others to become your enemies against their will, when they had never intended to do so?”

Chapter 99

1 Athenians: “We do not think the people on the mainland are the greater danger to us. Their freedom will allow them to put off taking precautions against us for a long time. The danger comes instead from independent islanders like you and from those already made angry by the constraints of our empire. These are the people most likely to act without thinking and bring both themselves and us into obvious danger.”

Chapter 100

1 Melians: “Then surely, if you take such great risks to keep your empire, and those already enslaved take them to escape it, it would be very dishonorable and cowardly for us, who are still free, not to try everything before becoming slaves.”

Chapter 101

1 Athenians: “Not if you make a sensible decision. This is not an equal contest in courage, where you must avoid disgrace. Your discussion is about survival instead, and about not standing up to people who are much stronger.”

Chapter 102

1 Melians: “But we know that war sometimes gives each side a more equal chance than the difference in their numbers would suggest. If we give in, we lose all hope immediately. If we act, there is still hope that we can stand our ground.”

Chapter 103

1 Athenians: “Hope gives comfort in danger. People who have resources to spare can use it and, even if it hurts them, it does not destroy them. But hope is costly by nature. Those who stake everything they have on it only discover what it is when they have already fallen. Once they recognize it, it leaves them nothing with which to protect themselves against it.

2 Athenians: “You are weak, and a single turn can decide your fate. Do not choose to suffer this. Do not be like most people, who could still save themselves by ordinary human means, but, once they are under pressure and their visible grounds for hope give out, turn to invisible ones: divination, oracles, and all the other things that offer hope and bring ruin.”

Chapter 104

1 Melians: “We too understand, you may be sure, how hard it is to fight your power, and also luck, unless it treats us equally. Still, we trust that the gods will not give us worse luck, because we are standing up as people who respect them against people who are unjust. As for our lack of strength, we expect our alliance with the Lacedaemonians to make up for it. They are bound to help us, if for no other reason, because we are related and they would be ashamed not to. So our confidence is not altogether unreasonable.”

Chapter 105

1 Athenians: “We do not think we will lack the gods' favor either. Nothing we claim or do falls outside what people believe about the gods or want for themselves.

2 Athenians: “We believe this about the gods, and know it for certain about people: nature always compels them to rule wherever they have the power. We did not establish this rule, nor were we the first to use it once it existed. We found it already in place and will leave it to last forever. We use it knowing that you, or anyone else with the same power as us, would do the same.

3 Athenians: “So, as far as the gods are concerned, we reasonably expect not to be at a disadvantage. As for your opinion of the Lacedaemonians, you trust that shame will make them help you. We congratulate you on your innocence, but we do not envy your foolishness.

4 Athenians: “In their dealings with each other and with the customs of their own country, the Lacedaemonians show a great deal of good conduct. Much could be said about how they treat outsiders, but the clearest summary is this: more openly than anyone else we know, they consider what pleases them honorable and what benefits them just. That way of thinking hardly supports your present unreasonable hope of survival.”

Chapter 106

1 Melians: “But it is precisely their own interest that gives us our greatest confidence. They will not want to betray the Melians, who are their colonists, and so lose the trust of friendly Greeks and help their enemies.”

Chapter 107

1 Athenians: “Do you not see, then, that pursuing your interests goes with staying safe, whereas doing what is just and honorable involves danger? The Lacedaemonians are generally very unwilling to take that risk.”

Chapter 108

1 Melians: “But we think they would be more willing to take risks for us, and would consider them safer than risks taken for others. For military operations, we are close to the Peloponnese. And because we are related, they can trust our loyalty more than that of others.”

Chapter 109

1 Athenians: “People considering whether to join a fight do not find security in the goodwill of those asking for help. They look for a large advantage in actual military strength. The Lacedaemonians consider this even more carefully than others. They distrust their own resources so much that even when they attack their neighbors, they take many allies with them. So they are unlikely to cross to an island while we control the sea.”

Chapter 110

1 Melians: “But they could also send other people. The Cretan Sea is wide. Across it, those who control the sea have a harder time catching ships than people trying to slip past have in getting through safely.

2 “And if they failed at that, they could turn against your own territory and the rest of your allies, those whom Brasidas did not attack. Then you would have to concern yourselves less with a country that has nothing to do with you than with your own land and allies, who are much closer to you.”

Chapter 111

1 Athenians: “You too may gain some experience of this, though you already know that the Athenians have never yet abandoned a single siege for fear of trouble elsewhere.

2 Athenians: “We notice that, although you said you would discuss your survival, in all this talk you have said nothing that people could rely on and expect to survive. The things you count on most are hopes for the future. What you actually have is too little to defeat the forces already drawn up against you. You are showing very poor judgment, unless you now ask us to leave and come to some more sensible decision.

3 Athenians: “Surely you will not turn to that sense of shame which so often destroys people when they face dangers that are both disgraceful and obvious. Many people can still see where they are heading. But the thing called disgrace, through the force of its seductive name, draws them on. Overpowered by the word, they willingly fall into disasters from which they cannot recover. Their foolishness then brings them a disgrace worse than anything bad luck could have brought.

4 Athenians: “If you think sensibly, you will avoid that. You will not consider it degrading to give way to the greatest city when its terms are moderate: become its allies, keep your own land, and pay tribute. Given a choice between war and safety, do not stubbornly insist on the worse option. Those who do not give way to their equals, deal properly with their superiors, and treat weaker people moderately are the most likely to succeed.

5 Athenians: “Consider this after we leave too. Keep reminding yourselves that you are deciding about your homeland. You have only one, and whether it does well or badly will depend on this single decision.”

Chapter 112

1 The Athenians withdrew from the discussion. Left on their own, the Melians reached much the same decision as they had expressed in their replies. They gave this answer.

2 “Athenians, our view has not changed from the beginning. We will not, in a short time, take away the freedom of a city that has now been inhabited for seven hundred years. Instead, we will try to save ourselves. We trust in the good fortune the gods have given the city, which has preserved it until now, and in help from people, including the Lacedaemonians.

3 “We ask to be your friends and the enemies of neither side. Make a treaty on terms that seem suitable to both of us, and leave our land.”

Chapter 113

1 That was the Melians' answer. As the Athenians were now ending the discussion, they said, “To judge by these decisions, you seem to us the only people who consider the future more certain than what you can see, and who look at things that are not visible as if your wishes had already made them happen. You have staked the most on the Lacedaemonians, luck, and hope. With that much trust in them, you will suffer the greatest fall.”

Chapter 114

1 The Athenian envoys returned to the army. Since the Melians would not submit at all, the generals immediately began military operations. They divided the work among the contingents from each city and built a wall all the way around the Melians.

2 Later, the Athenians left a force of their own men and allies to keep watch on land and at sea, and withdrew with most of the army. The troops who stayed continued the siege.

Chapter 115

1 At about the same time, the Argives invaded Phliasian territory. The Phliasians and the Argive exiles ambushed them, killing about eighty.

2 The Athenians at Pylos also took a large amount of plunder from the Lacedaemonians. In response, the Lacedaemonians went to war with them, though they still did not cancel the treaty. They also proclaimed that anyone on their side who wished could raid the Athenians.

3 The Corinthians went to war with the Athenians over certain disputes of their own. The other Peloponnesians stayed out of the fighting.

4 The Melians also attacked at night and captured the part of the Athenian siege wall facing the marketplace. They killed some men and brought in grain and as many useful supplies as they could. Then they withdrew and made no further move. After that, the Athenians arranged a better watch. The summer ended.

Chapter 116

1 The following winter, the Lacedaemonians intended to march into Argive territory. But their sacrifices for crossing the border [the sacred rites at the frontier] did not give favorable signs, and they went home. Because of this planned expedition, the Argives suspected certain people inside their city. They arrested some, but others escaped them.

2 At about the same time, the Melians again captured another part of the Athenian siege wall, where there were few guards on duty.

3 After these events, another army came from Athens, commanded by Philocrates son of Demeas. The siege was now pressed hard, and there was also some betrayal inside the city. The Melians surrendered unconditionally to the Athenians, leaving them to decide their fate.

4 The Athenians killed all the Melian men of military age whom they captured and sold the women and children into slavery. They settled the place themselves, later sending out five hundred colonists.

Book 6

Chapter 1

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος Ἀθηναῖοι ἐβούλοντο αὖθις μείζονι παρασκευῇ τῆς μετὰ Λάχητος καὶ Εὐρυμέδοντος ἐπὶ Σικελίαν πλεύσαντες καταστρέψασθαι, εἰ δύναιντο, ἄπειροι οἱ πολλοὶ ὄντες τοῦ μεγέθους τῆς νήσου καὶ τῶν ἐνοικούντων τοῦ πλήθους καὶ Ἑλλήνων καὶ βαρβάρων, καὶ ὅτι οὐ πολλῷ τινὶ ὑποδεέστερον πόλεμον ἀνῃροῦντο ἢ τὸν πρὸς Πελοποννησίους.

2 Σικελίας γὰρ περίπλους μέν ἐστιν ὁλκάδι οὐ πολλῷ τινὶ ἔλασσον ἢ ὀκτὼ ἡμερῶν, καὶ τοσαύτη οὖσα ἐν εἰκοσισταδίῳ μάλιστα μέτρῳ τῆς θαλάσσης διείργεται τὸ μὴ ἤπειρος εἶναι·

Chapter 2

1 ᾠκίσθη δὲ ὧδε τὸ ἀρχαῖον, καὶ τοσάδε ἔθνη ἔσχε τὰ ξύμπαντα. παλαίτατοι μὲν λέγονται ἐν μέρει τινὶ τῆς χώρας Κύκλωπες καὶ Λαιστρυγόνες οἰκῆσαι, ὧν ἐγὼ οὔτε γένος ἔχω εἰπεῖν οὔτε ὁπόθεν ἐσῆλθον ἢ ὅποι ἀπεχώρησαν· ἀρκείτω δὲ ὡς ποιηταῖς τε εἴρηται καὶ ὡς ἕκαστός πῃ γιγνώσκει περὶ αὐτῶν.

2 Σικανοὶ δὲ μετ’ αὐτοὺς πρῶτοι φαίνονται ἐνοικισάμενοι, ὡς μὲν αὐτοί φασι, καὶ πρότεροι διὰ τὸ αὐτόχθονες εἶναι, ὡς δὲ ἡ ἀλήθεια εὑρίσκεται, Ἴβηρες ὄντες καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ Σικανοῦ ποταμοῦ τοῦ ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ ὑπὸ Λιγύων ἀναστάντες. καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτῶν Σικανία τότε ἡ νῆσος ἐκαλεῖτο, πρότερον Τρινακρία καλουμένη· οἰκοῦσι δὲ ἔτι καὶ νῦν τὰ πρὸς ἑσπέραν τὴν Σικελίαν.

3 Ἰλίου δὲ ἁλισκομένου τῶν Τρώων τινὲς διαφυγόντες Ἀχαιοὺς πλοίοις ἀφικνοῦνται πρὸς τὴν Σικελίαν, καὶ ὅμοροι τοῖς Σικανοῖς οἰκήσαντες ξύμπαντες μὲν Ἔλυμοι ἐκλήθησαν, πόλεις δ’ αὐτῶν Ἔρυξ τε καὶ Ἔγεστα. προσξυνῴκησαν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ Φωκέων τινὲς τῶν ἀπὸ Τροίας τότε χειμῶνι ἐς Λιβύην πρῶτον, ἔπειτα ἐς Σικελίαν ἀπ’ αὐτῆς κατενεχθέντες.

4 Σικελοὶ δ’ ἐξ Ἰταλίας (ἐνταῦθα γὰρ ᾤκουν) διέβησαν ἐς Σικελίαν, φεύγοντες Ὀπικούς, ὡς μὲν εἰκὸς καὶ λέγεται, ἐπὶ σχεδιῶν, τηρήσαντες τὸν πορθμὸν κατιόντος τοῦ ἀνέμου, τάχα ἂν δὲ καὶ ἄλλως πως ἐσπλεύσαντες. εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ νῦν ἔτι ἐν τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ Σικελοί, καὶ ἡ χώρα ἀπὸ Ἰταλοῦ βασιλέως τινὸς Σικελῶν, τοὔνομα τοῦτο ἔχοντος, οὕτως Ἰταλία ἐπωνομάσθη.

5 ἐλθόντες δὲ ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν στρατὸς πολὺς τούς τε Σικανοὺς κρατοῦντες μάχῃ ἀνέστειλαν πρὸς τὰ μεσημβρινὰ καὶ ἑσπέρια αὐτῆς καὶ ἀντὶ Σικανίας Σικελίαν τὴν νῆσον ἐποίησαν καλεῖσθαι, καὶ τὰ κράτιστα τῆς γῆς ᾤκησαν ἔχοντες, ἐπεὶ διέβησαν, ἔτη ἐγγὺς τριακόσια πρὶν Ἕλληνας ἐς Σικελίαν ἐλθεῖν· ἔτι δὲ καὶ νῦν τὰ μέσα καὶ τὰ πρὸς βορρᾶν τῆς νήσου ἔχουσιν.

6 ᾤκουν δὲ καὶ Φοίνικες περὶ πᾶσαν μὲν τὴν Σικελίαν ἄκρας τε ἐπὶ τῇ θαλάσσῃ ἀπολαβόντες καὶ τὰ ἐπικείμενα νησίδια ἐμπορίας ἕνεκεν τῆς πρὸς τοὺς Σικελούς· ἐπειδὴ δὲ οἱ Ἕλληνες πολλοὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν ἐπεσέπλεον, ἐκλιπόντες τὰ πλείω Μοτύην καὶ Σολόεντα καὶ Πάνορμον ἐγγὺς τῶν Ἐλύμων ξυνοικήσαντες ἐνέμοντο, ξυμμαχίᾳ τε πίσυνοι τῇ τῶν Ἐλύμων, καὶ ὅτι ἐντεῦθεν ἐλάχιστον πλοῦν Καρχηδὼν Σικελίας ἀπέχει. βάρβαροι μὲν οὖν τοσοίδε Σικελίαν καὶ οὕτως ᾤκησαν.

Chapter 3

1 Ἑλλήνων δὲ πρῶτοι Χαλκιδῆς ἐξ Εὐβοίας πλεύσαντες μετὰ Θουκλέους οἰκιστοῦ Νάξον ᾤκισαν, καὶ Ἀπόλλωνος Ἀρχηγέτου βωμὸν ὅστις νῦν ἔξω τῆς πόλεώς ἐστιν ἱδρύσαντο, ἐφ’ ᾧ, ὅταν ἐκ Σικελίας θεωροὶ πλέωσι, πρῶτον θύουσιν.

2 Συρακούσας δὲ τοῦ ἐχομένου ἔτους Ἀρχίας τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν ἐκ Κορίνθου ᾤκισε, Σικελοὺς ἐξελάσας πρῶτον ἐκ τῆς νήσου ἐν ᾗ νῦν οὐκέτι περικλυζομένῃ ἡ πόλις ἡ ἐντός ἐστιν· ὕστερον δὲ χρόνῳ καὶ ἡ ἔξω προστειχισθεῖσα πολυάνθρωπος ἐγένετο.

3 Θουκλῆς δὲ καὶ οἱ Χαλκιδῆς ἐκ Νάξου ὁρμηθέντες ἔτει πέμπτῳ μετὰ Συρακούσας οἰκισθείσας Λεοντίνους τε πολέμῳ τοὺς Σικελοὺς ἐξελάσαντες οἰκίζουσι, καὶ μετ’ αὐτοὺς Κατάνην· οἰκιστὴν δὲ αὐτοὶ Καταναῖοι ἐποιήσαντο Εὔαρχον.

Chapter 4

1 κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον καὶ Λάμις ἐκ Μεγάρων ἀποικίαν ἄγων ἐς Σικελίαν ἀφίκετο, καὶ ὑπὲρ Παντακύου τε ποταμοῦ Τρώτιλόν τι ὄνομα χωρίον οἰκίσας, καὶ ὕστερον αὐτόθεν τοῖς Χαλκιδεῦσιν ἐς Λεοντίνους ὀλίγον χρόνον ξυμπολιτεύσας καὶ ὑπὸ αὐτῶν ἐκπεσὼν καὶ Θάψον οἰκίσας αὐτὸς μὲν ἀποθνῄσκει, οἱ δ’ ἄλλοι ἐκ τῆς Θάψου ἀναστάντες Ὕβλωνος βασιλέως Σικελοῦ προδόντος τὴν χώραν καὶ καθηγησαμένου Μεγαρέας ᾤκισαν τοὺς Ὑβλαίους κληθέντας.

2 καὶ ἔτη οἰκήσαντες πέντε καὶ τεσσαράκοντα καὶ διακόσια ὑπὸ Γέλωνος τυράννου Συρακοσίων ἀνέστησαν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως καὶ χώρας. πρὶν δὲ ἀναστῆναι, ἔτεσιν ὕστερον ἑκατὸν ἢ αὐτοὺς οἰκίσαι, Πάμιλλον πέμψαντες Σελινοῦντα κτίζουσι, καὶ ἐκ Μεγάρων τῆς μητροπόλεως οὔσης αὐτοῖς ἐπελθὼν ξυγκατῴκισεν.

3 Γέλαν δὲ Ἀντίφημος ἐκ Ῥόδου καὶ Ἔντιμος ἐκ Κρήτης ἐποίκους ἀγαγόντες κοινῇ ἔκτισαν, ἔτει πέμπτῳ καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ μετὰ Συρακουσῶν οἴκισιν. καὶ τῇ μὲν πόλει ἀπὸ τοῦ Γέλα ποταμοῦ τοὔνομα ἐγένετο, τὸ δὲ χωρίον οὗ νῦν ἡ πόλις ἐστὶ καὶ ὃ πρῶτον ἐτειχίσθη Λίνδιοι καλεῖται· νόμιμα δὲ Δωρικὰ ἐτέθη αὐτοῖς.

4 ἔτεσι δὲ ἐγγύτατα ὀκτὼ καὶ ἑκατὸν μετὰ τὴν σφετέραν οἴκισιν Γελῷοι Ἀκράγαντα ᾤκισαν, τὴν μὲν πόλιν ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀκράγαντος ποταμοῦ ὀνομάσαντες, οἰκιστὰς δὲ ποιήσαντες Ἀριστόνουν καὶ Πυστίλον, νόμιμα δὲ τὰ Γελῴων δόντες.

5 Ζάγκλη δὲ τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν ἀπὸ Κύμης τῆς ἐν Ὀπικίᾳ Χαλκιδικῆς πόλεως λῃστῶν ἀφικομένων ᾠκίσθη, ὕστερον δὲ καὶ ἀπὸ Χαλκίδος καὶ τῆς ἄλλης Εὐβοίας πλῆθος ἐλθὸν ξυγκατενείμαντο τὴν γῆν· καὶ οἰκισταὶ Περιήρης καὶ Κραταιμένης ἐγένοντο αὐτῆς, ὁ μὲν ἀπὸ Κύμης, ὁ δὲ ἀπὸ Χαλκίδος. ὄνομα δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον Ζάγκλη ἦν ὑπὸ τῶν Σικελῶν κληθεῖσα, ὅτι δρεπανοειδὲς τὴν ἰδέαν τὸ χωρίον ἐστί (τὸ δὲ δρέπανον οἱ Σικελοὶ ζάγκλον καλοῦσιν), ὕστερον δ’ αὐτοὶ μὲν ὑπὸ Σαμίων καὶ ἄλλων Ἰώνων ἐκπίπτουσιν, οἳ Μήδους φεύγοντες προσέβαλον Σικελίᾳ,

6 τοὺς δὲ Σαμίους Ἀναξίλας Ῥηγίνων τύραννος οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐκβαλὼν καὶ τὴν πόλιν αὐτὸς ξυμμείκτων ἀνθρώπων οἰκίσας Μεσσήνην ἀπὸ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ τὸ ἀρχαῖον πατρίδος ἀντωνόμασεν.

Chapter 5

1 καὶ Ἱμέρα ἀπὸ Ζάγκλης ᾠκίσθη ὑπὸ Εὐκλείδου καὶ Σίμου καὶ Σάκωνος, καὶ Χαλκιδῆς μὲν οἱ πλεῖστοι ἦλθον ἐς τὴν ἀποικίαν, ξυνῴκισαν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἐκ Συρακουσῶν φυγάδες στάσει νικηθέντες, οἱ Μυλητίδαι καλούμενοι· καὶ φωνὴ μὲν μεταξὺ τῆς τε Χαλκιδέων καὶ Δωρίδος ἐκράθη, νόμιμα δὲ τὰ Χαλκιδικὰ ἐκράτησεν.

2 Ἄκραι δὲ καὶ Κασμέναι ὑπὸ Συρακοσίων ᾠκίσθησαν, Ἄκραι μὲν ἑβδομήκοντα ἔτεσι μετὰ Συρακούσας, Κασμέναι δ’ ἐγγὺς εἴκοσι μετὰ Ἄκρας.

3 καὶ Καμάρινα τὸ πρῶτον ὑπὸ Συρακοσίων ᾠκίσθη, ἔτεσιν ἐγγύτατα πέντε καὶ τριάκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν μετὰ Συρακουσῶν κτίσιν· οἰκισταὶ δὲ ἐγένοντο αὐτῆς Δάσκων καὶ Μενέκωλος. ἀναστάτων δὲ Καμαριναίων γενομένων πολέμῳ ὑπὸ Συρακοσίων δι’ ἀπόστασιν, χρόνῳ Ἱπποκράτης ὕστερον Γέλας τύραννος, λύτρα ἀνδρῶν Συρακοσίων αἰχμαλώτων λαβὼν τὴν γῆν τὴν Καμαριναίων, αὐτὸς οἰκιστὴς γενόμενος κατῴκισε Καμάριναν. καὶ αὖθις ὑπὸ Γέλωνος ἀνάστατος γενομένη τὸ τρίτον κατῳκίσθη ὑπὸ Γελῴων.

Chapter 6

1 τοσαῦτα ἔθνη Ἑλλήνων καὶ βαρβάρων Σικελίαν ᾤκει,καὶ ἐπὶ τοσήνδε οὖσαν αὐτὴν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι στρατεύειν ὥρμηντο, ἐφιέμενοι μὲν τῇ ἀληθεστάτῃ προφάσει τῆς πάσης ἄρξαι, βοηθεῖν δὲ ἅμα εὐπρεπῶς βουλόμενοι τοῖς ἑαυτῶν ξυγγενέσι καὶ τοῖς προσγεγενημένοις ξυμμάχοις.

2 μάλιστα δ’ αὐτοὺς ἐξώρμησαν Ἐγεσταίων [τε] πρέσβεις παρόντες καὶ προθυμότερον ἐπικαλούμενοι. ὅμοροι γὰρ ὄντες τοῖς Σελινουντίοις ἐς πόλεμον καθέστασαν περί τε γαμικῶν τινῶν καὶ περὶ γῆς ἀμφισβητήτου, καὶ οἱ Σελινούντιοι Συρακοσίους ἐπαγόμενοι ξυμμάχους κατεῖργον αὐτοὺς τῷ πολέμῳ καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν· ὥστε τὴν γενομένην ἐπὶ Λάχητος καὶ τοῦ προτέρου πολέμου Λεοντίνων οἱ Ἐγεσταῖοι ξυμμαχίαν ἀναμιμνῄσκοντες τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐδέοντο σφίσι ναῦς πέμψαντας ἐπαμῦναι, λέγοντες ἄλλα τε πολλὰ καὶ κεφάλαιον, εἰ Συρακόσιοι Λεοντίνους τε ἀναστήσαντες ἀτιμώρητοι γενήσονται καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς ἔτι ξυμμάχους αὐτῶν διαφθείροντες αὐτοὶ τὴν ἅπασαν δύναμιν τῆς Σικελίας σχήσουσι, κίνδυνον εἶναι μή ποτε μεγάλῃ παρασκευῇ Δωριῆς τε Δωριεῦσι κατὰ τὸ ξυγγενὲς καὶ ἅμα ἄποικοι τοῖς ἐκπέμψασι Πελοποννησίοις βοηθήσαντες καὶ τὴν ἐκείνων δύναμιν ξυγκαθέλωσιν· σῶφρον δ’ εἶναι μετὰ τῶν ὑπολοίπων ἔτι ξυμμάχων ἀντέχειν τοῖς Συρακοσίοις, ἄλλως τε καὶ χρήματα σφῶν παρεξόντων ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἱκανά.

3 ὧν ἀκούοντες οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις τῶν τε Ἐγεσταίων πολλάκις λεγόντων καὶ τῶν ξυναγορευόντων αὐτοῖς ἐψηφίσαντο πρέσβεις πέμψαι πρῶτον ἐς τὴν Ἔγεσταν περί τε τῶν χρημάτων σκεψομένους εἰ ὑπάρχει, ὥσπερ φασίν, ἐν τῷ κοινῷ καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς, καὶ τὰ τοῦ πολέμου ἅμα πρὸς τοὺς Σελινουντίους ἐν ὅτῳ ἐστὶν εἰσομένους.

Chapter 7

1 καὶ οἱ μὲν πρέσβεις τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀπεστάλησαν ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν· Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ τοῦ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι πλὴν Κορινθίων στρατεύσαντες ἐς τὴν Ἀργείαν τῆς τε γῆς ἔτεμον οὐ πολλὴν καὶ σῖτον ἀνεκομίσαντό τινα ζεύγη κομίσαντες, καὶ ἐς Ὀρνεὰς κατοικίσαντες τοὺς Ἀργείων φυγάδας καὶ τῆς ἄλλης στρατιᾶς παρακαταλιπόντες αὐτοῖς ὀλίγους, καὶ σπεισάμενοί τινα χρόνον ὥστε μὴ ἀδικεῖν Ὀρνεάτας καὶ Ἀργείους τὴν ἀλλήλων, ἀπεχώρησαν τῷ στρατῷ ἐπ’ οἴκου.

2 ἐλθόντων δὲ Ἀθηναίων οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ναυσὶ τριάκοντα καὶ ἑξακοσίοις ὁπλίταις, οἱ Ἀργεῖοι μετὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων πανστρατιᾷ ἐξελθόντες τοὺς μὲν ἐν Ὀρνεαῖς μίαν ἡμέραν ἐπολιόρκουν· ὑπὸ δὲ νύκτα αὐλισαμένου τοῦ στρατεύματος ἄπωθεν ἐκδιδράσκουσιν οἱ ἐκ τῶν Ὀρνεῶν. καὶ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ οἱ Ἀργεῖοι ὡς ᾔσθοντο, κατασκάψαντες τὰς Ὀρνεὰς ἀνεχώρησαν καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ὕστερον ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐπ’ οἴκου.

3 καὶ ἐς Μεθώνην τὴν ὅμορον Μακεδονίᾳ ἱππέας κατὰ θάλασσαν κομίσαντες Ἀθηναῖοι σφῶν τε αὐτῶν καὶ Μακεδόνων τοὺς παρὰ σφίσι φυγάδας ἐκακούργουν τὴν Περδίκκου.

4 Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ πέμψαντες παρὰ Χαλκιδέας τοὺς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης, ἄγοντας πρὸς Ἀθηναίους δεχημέρους σπονδάς, ξυμπολεμεῖν ἐκέλευον Περδίκκᾳ· οἱ δ’ οὐκ ἤθελον. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἐτελεύτα, καὶ ἕκτον καὶ δέκατον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα τῷ πολέμῳ τῷδε ὃν Θουκυδίδης ξυνέγραψεν.

Chapter 8

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου θέρους ἅμα ἦρι οἱ τῶν Ἀθηναίων πρέσβεις ἧκον ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας καὶ οἱ Ἐγεσταῖοι μετ’ αὐτῶν ἄγοντες ἑξήκοντα τάλαντα ἀσήμου ἀργυρίου ὡς ἐς ἑξήκοντα ναῦς μηνὸς μισθόν, ἃς ἔμελλον δεήσεσθαι πέμπειν.

2 καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐκκλησίαν ποιήσαντες καὶ ἀκούσαντες τῶν τε Ἐγεσταίων καὶ τῶν σφετέρων πρέσβεων τά τε ἄλλα ἐπαγωγὰ καὶ οὐκ ἀληθῆ καὶ περὶ τῶν χρημάτων ὡς εἴη ἑτοῖμα ἔν τε τοῖς ἱεροῖς πολλὰ καὶ ἐν τῷ κοινῷ, ἐψηφίσαντο ναῦς ἑξήκοντα πέμπειν ἐς Σικελίαν καὶ στρατηγοὺς αὐτοκράτορας Ἀλκιβιάδην τε τὸν Κλεινίου καὶ Νικίαν τὸν Νικηράτου καὶ Λάμαχον τὸν Ξενοφάνους, βοηθοὺς μὲν Ἐγεσταίοις πρὸς Σελινουντίους, ξυγκατοικίσαι δὲ καὶ Λεοντίνους, ἤν τι περιγίγνηται αὐτοῖς τοῦ πολέμου, καὶ τἆλλα τὰ ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ πρᾶξαι ὅπῃ ἂν γιγνώσκωσιν ἄριστα Ἀθηναίοις.

3 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ἡμέρᾳ πέμπτῃ ἐκκλησία αὖθις ἐγίγνετο, καθ’ ὅτι χρὴ τὴν παρασκευὴν ταῖς ναυσὶ τάχιστα γίγνεσθαι, καὶ τοῖς στρατηγοῖς, εἴ του προσδέοιντο, ψηφισθῆναι ἐς τὸν ἔκπλουν.

4 καὶ ὁ Νικίας ἀκούσιος μὲν ᾑρημένος ἄρχειν, νομίζων δὲ τὴν πόλιν οὐκ ὀρθῶς βεβουλεῦσθαι, ἀλλὰ προφάσει βραχείᾳ καὶ εὐπρεπεῖ τῆς Σικελίας ἁπάσης, μεγάλου ἔργου, ἐφίεσθαι, παρελθὼν ἀποτρέψαι ἐβούλετο, καὶ παρῄνει τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις τοιάδε.

Chapter 9

1 ‘ἡ μὲν ἐκκλησία περὶ παρασκευῆς τῆς ἡμετέρας ἥδε ξυνελέγη, καθ’ ὅτι χρὴ ἐς Σικελίαν ἐκπλεῖν· ἐμοὶ μέντοι δοκεῖ καὶ περὶ αὐτοῦ τούτου ἔτι χρῆναι σκέψασθαι, εἰ ἄμεινόν ἐστιν ἐκπέμπειν τὰς ναῦς, καὶ μὴ οὕτω βραχείᾳ βουλῇ περὶ μεγάλων πραγμάτων ἀνδράσιν ἀλλοφύλοις πειθομένους πόλεμον οὐ προσήκοντα ἄρασθαι.

2 καίτοι ἔγωγε καὶ τιμῶμαι ἐκ τοῦ τοιούτου καὶ ἧσσον ἑτέρων περὶ τῷ ἐμαυτοῦ σώματι ὀρρωδῶ, νομίζων ὁμοίως ἀγαθὸν πολίτην εἶναι ὃς ἂν καὶ τοῦ σώματός τι καὶ τῆς οὐσίας προνοῆται· μάλιστα γὰρ ἂν ὁ τοιοῦτος καὶ τὰ τῆς πόλεως δι’ ἑαυτὸν βούλοιτο ὀρθοῦσθαι. ὅμως δὲ οὔτε ἐν τῷ πρότερον χρόνῳ διὰ τὸ προτιμᾶσθαι εἶπον παρὰ γνώμην οὔτε νῦν, ἀλλὰ ᾗ ἂν γιγνώσκω βέλτιστα, ἐρῶ.

3 καὶ πρὸς μὲν τοὺς τρόπους τοὺς ὑμετέρους ἀσθενὴς ἄν μου ὁ λόγος εἴη, εἰ τά τε ὑπάρχοντα σῴζειν παραινοίην καὶ μὴ τοῖς ἑτοίμοις περὶ τῶν ἀφανῶν καὶ μελλόντων κινδυνεύειν· ὡς δὲ οὔτε ἐν καιρῷ σπεύδετε οὔτε ῥᾴδιά ἐστι κατασχεῖν ἐφ’ ἃ ὥρμησθε, ταῦτα διδάξω.

Chapter 10

1 ‘φημὶ γὰρ ὑμᾶς πολεμίους πολλοὺς ἐνθάδε ὑπολιπόντας καὶ ἑτέρους ἐπιθυμεῖν ἐκεῖσε πλεύσαντας δεῦρο ἐπαγαγέσθαι.

2 καὶ οἴεσθε ἴσως τὰς γενομένας ὑμῖν σπονδὰς ἔχειν τι βέβαιον, αἳ ἡσυχαζόντων μὲν ὑμῶν ὀνόματι σπονδαὶ ἔσονται (οὕτω γὰρ ἐνθένδε τε ἄνδρες ἔπραξαν αὐτὰ καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἐναντίων), σφαλέντων δέ που ἀξιόχρεῳ δυνάμει ταχεῖαν τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν ἡμῖν οἱ ἐχθροὶ ποιήσονται, οἷς πρῶτον μὲν διὰ ξυμφορῶν ἡ ξύμβασις καὶ ἐκ τοῦ αἰσχίονος ἢ ἡμῖν κατ’ ἀνάγκην ἐγένετο, ἔπειτα ἐν αὐτῇ ταύτῃ πολλὰ τὰ ἀμφισβητούμενα ἔχομεν.

3 εἰσὶ δ’ οἳ οὐδὲ ταύτην πω τὴν ὁμολογίαν ἐδέξαντο, καὶ οὐχ οἱ ἀσθενέστατοι· ἀλλ’ οἱ μὲν ἄντικρυς πολεμοῦσιν, οἱ δὲ καὶ διὰ τὸ Λακεδαιμονίους ἔτι ἡσυχάζειν δεχημέροις σπονδαῖς καὶ αὐτοὶ κατέχονται.

4 τάχα δ’ ἂν ἴσως, εἰ δίχα ἡμῶν τὴν δύναμιν λάβοιεν, ὅπερ νῦν σπεύδομεν, καὶ πάνυ ἂν ξυνεπιθοῖντο μετὰ Σικελιωτῶν, οὓς πρὸ πολλῶν ἂν ἐτιμήσαντο ξυμμάχους γενέσθαι ἐν τῷ πρὶν χρόνῳ.

5 ὥστε χρὴ σκοπεῖν τινὰ αὐτὰ καὶ μὴ μετεώρῳ τε 〈τῇ〉 πόλει ἀξιοῦν κινδυνεύειν καὶ ἀρχῆς ἄλλης ὀρέγεσθαι πρὶν ἣν ἔχομεν βεβαιωσώμεθα, εἰ Χαλκιδῆς γε οἱ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης ἔτη τοσαῦτα ἀφεστῶτες ἀφ’ ἡμῶν ἔτι ἀχείρωτοί εἰσι καὶ ἄλλοι τινὲς κατὰ τὰς ἠπείρους ἐνδοιαστῶς ἀκροῶνται. ἡμεῖς δὲ Ἐγεσταίοις δὴ οὖσι ξυμμάχοις ὡς ἀδικουμένοις ὀξέως βοηθοῦμεν· ὑφ’ ὧν δ’ αὐτοὶ πάλαι ἀφεστώτων ἀδικούμεθα, ἔτι μέλλομεν ἀμύνεσθαι.

Chapter 11

1 καίτοι τοὺς μὲν κατεργασάμενοι κἂν κατάσχοιμεν· τῶν δ’ εἰ καὶ κρατήσαιμεν, διὰ πολλοῦ γε καὶ πολλῶν ὄντων χαλεπῶς ἂν ἄρχειν δυναίμεθα. ἀνόητον δ’ ἐπὶ τοιούτους ἰέναι ὧν κρατήσας τε μὴ κατασχήσει τις καὶ μὴ κατορθώσας μὴ ἐν τῷ ὁμοίῳ καὶ πρὶν ἐπιχειρῆσαι ἔσται.

2 Σικελιῶται δ’ ἄν μοι δοκοῦσιν, ὥς γε νῦν ἔχουσι, καὶ ἔτι ἂν ἧσσον δεινοὶ ἡμῖν γενέσθαι, εἰ ἄρξειαν αὐτῶν Συρακόσιοι· ὅπερ οἱ Ἐγεσταῖοι μάλιστα ἡμᾶς ἐκφοβοῦσιν.

3 νῦν μὲν γὰρ κἂν ἔλθοιεν ἴσως Λακεδαιμονίων ἕκαστοι χάριτι, ἐκείνως δ’ οὐκ εἰκὸς ἀρχὴν ἐπὶ ἀρχὴν στρατεῦσαι· ᾧ γὰρ ἂν τρόπῳ τὴν ἡμετέραν μετὰ Πελοποννησίων ἀφέλωνται, εἰκὸς ὑπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν σφετέραν διὰ τοῦ αὐτοῦ καθαιρεθῆναι.

4 ἡμᾶς δ’ ἂν οἱ ἐκεῖ Ἕλληνες μάλιστα μὲν ἐκπεπληγμένοι εἶεν εἰ μὴ ἀφικοίμεθα, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ εἰ δείξαντες τὴν δύναμιν δι’ ὀλίγου ἀπέλθοιμεν· τὰ γὰρ διὰ πλείστου πάντες ἴσμεν θαυμαζόμενα καὶ τὰ πεῖραν ἥκιστα τῆς δόξης δόντα. εἰ δὲ σφαλείημέν τι, τάχιστ’ ἂν ὑπεριδόντες μετὰ τῶν ἐνθάδε ἐπιθοῖντο.

5 ὅπερ νῦν ὑμεῖς ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐς Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους πεπόνθατε· διὰ τὸ παρὰ γνώμην αὐτῶν πρὸς ἃ ἐφοβεῖσθε τὸ πρῶτον περιγεγενῆσθαι, καταφρονήσαντες ἤδη καὶ Σικελίας ἐφίεσθε.

6 χρὴ δὲ μὴ πρὸς τὰς τύχας τῶν ἐναντίων ἐπαίρεσθαι, ἀλλὰ τὰς διανοίας κρατήσαντας θαρσεῖν, μηδὲ Λακεδαιμονίους ἄλλο τι ἡγήσασθαι ἢ διὰ τὸ αἰσχρὸν σκοπεῖν ὅτῳ τρόπῳ ἔτι καὶ νῦν, ἢν δύνωνται, σφήλαντες ἡμᾶς τὸ σφέτερον ἀπρεπὲς εὖ θήσονται, ὅσῳ καὶ περὶ πλείστου καὶ διὰ πλείστου δόξαν ἀρετῆς μελετῶσιν.

7 ὥστε οὐ περὶ τῶν ἐν Σικελίᾳ Ἐγεσταίων ἡμῖν, ἀνδρῶν βαρβάρων, ὁ ἀγών, εἰ σωφρονοῦμεν, ἀλλ’ ὅπως πόλιν δι’ ὀλιγαρχίας ἐπιβουλεύουσαν ὀξέως φυλαξόμεθα.

Chapter 12

1 ‘καὶ μεμνῆσθαι χρὴ ἡμᾶς ὅτι νεωστὶ ἀπὸ νόσου μεγάλης καὶ πολέμου βραχύ τι λελωφήκαμεν, ὥστε καὶ χρήμασι καὶ τοῖς σώμασιν ηὐξῆσθαι· καὶ ταῦτα ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν δίκαιον ἐνθάδε εἶναι ἀναλοῦν, καὶ μὴ ὑπὲρ ἀνδρῶν φυγάδων τῶνδε ἐπικουρίας δεομένων, οἷς τό τε ψεύσασθαι καλῶς χρήσιμον καὶ τῷ τοῦ πέλας κινδύνῳ, αὐτοὺς λόγους μόνον παρασχομένους, ἢ κατορθώσαντας χάριν μὴ ἀξίαν εἰδέναι ἢ πταίσαντάς που τοὺς φίλους ξυναπολέσαι.

2 εἴ τέ τις ἄρχειν ἄσμενος αἱρεθεὶς παραινεῖ ὑμῖν ἐκπλεῖν, τὸ ἑαυτοῦ μόνον σκοπῶν, ἄλλως τε καὶ νεώτερος ὢν ἔτι ἐς τὸ ἄρχειν, ὅπως θαυμασθῇ μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς ἱπποτροφίας, διὰ δὲ πολυτέλειαν καὶ ὠφεληθῇ τι ἐκ τῆς ἀρχῆς, μηδὲ τούτῳ ἐμπαράσχητε τῷ τῆς πόλεως κινδύνῳ ἰδίᾳ ἐλλαμπρύνεσθαι, νομίσατε δὲ τοὺς τοιούτους τὰ μὲν δημόσια ἀδικεῖν, τὰ δὲ ἴδια ἀναλοῦν, καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα μέγα εἶναι καὶ μὴ οἷον νεωτέρῳ βουλεύσασθαί τε καὶ ὀξέως μεταχειρίσαι.

Chapter 13

1 ‘οὓς ἐγὼ ὁρῶν νῦν ἐνθάδε τῷ αὐτῷ ἀνδρὶ παρακελευστοὺς καθημένους φοβοῦμαι, καὶ τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις ἀντιπαρακελεύομαι μὴ καταισχυνθῆναι, εἴ τῴ τις παρακάθηται τῶνδε, ὅπως μὴ δόξει, ἐὰν μὴ ψηφίζηται πολεμεῖν, μαλακὸς εἶναι, μηδ᾽, ὅπερ ἂν αὐτοὶ πάθοιεν, δυσέρωτας εἶναι τῶν ἀπόντων, γνόντας ὅτι ἐπιθυμίᾳ μὲν ἐλάχιστα κατορθοῦνται, προνοίᾳ δὲ πλεῖστα, ἀλλ’ ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος ὡς μέγιστον δὴ τῶν πρὶν κίνδυνον ἀναρριπτούσης ἀντιχειροτονεῖν, καὶ ψηφίζεσθαι τοὺς μὲν Σικελιώτας οἷσπερ νῦν ὅροις χρωμένους πρὸς ἡμᾶς, οὐ μεμπτοῖς, τῷ τε Ἰονίῳ κόλπῳ παρὰ γῆν ἤν τις πλέῃ, καὶ τῷ Σικελικῷ διὰ πελάγους, τὰ αὑτῶν νεμομένους καθ’ αὑτοὺς καὶ ξυμφέρεσθαι·

2 τοῖς δ’ Ἐγεσταίοις ἰδίᾳ εἰπεῖν, ἐπειδὴ ἄνευ Ἀθηναίων καὶ ξυνῆψαν πρὸς Σελινουντίους τὸ πρῶτον πόλεμον, μετὰ σφῶν αὐτῶν καὶ καταλύεσθαι· καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ξυμμάχους μὴ ποιεῖσθαι ὥσπερ εἰώθαμεν, οἷς κακῶς μὲν πράξασιν ἀμυνοῦμεν, ὠφελίας δ’ αὐτοὶ δεηθέντες οὐ τευξόμεθα.

Chapter 14

1 ‘καὶ σύ, ὦ πρύτανι, ταῦτα, εἴπερ ἡγεῖ σοι προσήκειν κήδεσθαί τε τῆς πόλεως καὶ βούλει γενέσθαι πολίτης ἀγαθός, ἐπιψήφιζε καὶ γνώμας προτίθει αὖθις Ἀθηναίοις, νομίσας, εἰ ὀρρωδεῖς τὸ ἀναψηφίσαι, τὸ μὲν λύειν τοὺς νόμους μὴ μετὰ τοσῶνδ’ ἂν μαρτύρων αἰτίαν σχεῖν, τῆς δὲ πόλεως 〈κακῶς 〉 βουλευσαμένης ἰατρὸς ἂν γενέσθαι, καὶ τὸ καλῶς ἄρξαι τοῦτ’ εἶναι, ὃς ἂν τὴν πατρίδα ὠφελήσῃ ὡς πλεῖστα ἢ ἑκὼν εἶναι μηδὲν βλάψῃ.’

Chapter 15

1 ὁ μὲν Νικίας τοιαῦτα εἶπε, τῶν δὲ Ἀθηναίων παριόντες οἱ μὲν πλεῖστοι στρατεύειν παρῄνουν καὶ τὰ ἐψηφισμένα μὴ λύειν, οἱ δέ τινες καὶ ἀντέλεγον.

2 ἐνῆγε δὲ προθυμότατα τὴν στρατείαν Ἀλκιβιάδης ὁ Κλεινίου, βουλόμενος τῷ τε Νικίᾳ ἐναντιοῦσθαι, ὢν καὶ ἐς τἆλλα διάφορος τὰ πολιτικὰ καὶ ὅτι αὐτοῦ διαβόλως ἐμνήσθη, καὶ μάλιστα στρατηγῆσαί τε ἐπιθυμῶν καὶ ἐλπίζων Σικελίαν τε δι’ αὐτοῦ καὶ Καρχηδόνα λήψεσθαι καὶ τὰ ἴδια ἅμα εὐτυχήσας χρήμασί τε καὶ δόξῃ ὠφελήσειν.

3 ὢν γὰρ ἐν ἀξιώματι ὑπὸ τῶν ἀστῶν, ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις μείζοσιν ἢ κατὰ τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν οὐσίαν ἐχρῆτο ἔς τε τὰς ἱπποτροφίας καὶ τὰς ἄλλας δαπάνας· ὅπερ καὶ καθεῖλεν ὕστερον τὴν τῶν Ἀθηναίων πόλιν οὐχ ἥκιστα.

4 φοβηθέντες γὰρ αὐτοῦ οἱ πολλοὶ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς τε κατὰ τὸ ἑαυτοῦ σῶμα παρανομίας ἐς τὴν δίαιταν καὶ τῆς διανοίας ὧν καθ’ ἓν ἕκαστον ἐν ὅτῳ γίγνοιτο ἔπρασσεν, ὡς τυραννίδος ἐπιθυμοῦντι πολέμιοι καθέστασαν, καὶ δημοσίᾳ κράτιστα διαθέντι τὰ τοῦ πολέμου ἰδίᾳ ἕκαστοι τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν αὐτοῦ ἀχθεσθέντες, καὶ ἄλλοις ἐπιτρέψαντες, οὐ διὰ μακροῦ ἔσφηλαν τὴν πόλιν.

5 τότε δ’ οὖν παρελθὼν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις παρῄνει τοιάδε.

Chapter 16

1 ‘καὶ προσήκει μοι μᾶλλον ἑτέρων, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἄρχειν (ἀνάγκη γὰρ ἐντεῦθεν ἄρξασθαι, ἐπειδή μου Νικίας καθήψατο), καὶ ἄξιος ἅμα νομίζω εἶναι. ὧν γὰρ πέρι ἐπιβόητός εἰμι, τοῖς μὲν προγόνοις μου καὶ ἐμοὶ δόξαν φέρει ταῦτα, τῇ δὲ πατρίδι καὶ ὠφελίαν.

2 οἱ γὰρ Ἕλληνες καὶ ὑπὲρ δύναμιν μείζω ἡμῶν τὴν πόλιν ἐνόμισαν τῷ ἐμῷ διαπρεπεῖ τῆς Ὀλυμπίαζε θεωρίας, πρότερον ἐλπίζοντες αὐτὴν καταπεπολεμῆσθαι, διότι ἅρματα μὲν ἑπτὰ καθῆκα, ὅσα οὐδείς πω ἰδιώτης πρότερον, ἐνίκησα δὲ καὶ δεύτερος καὶ τέταρτος ἐγενόμην καὶ τἆλλα ἀξίως τῆς νίκης παρεσκευασάμην. νόμῳ μὲν γὰρ τιμὴ τὰ τοιαῦτα, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ δρωμένου καὶ δύναμις ἅμα ὑπονοεῖται.

3 καὶ ὅσα αὖ ἐν τῇ πόλει χορηγίαις ἢ ἄλλῳ τῳ λαμπρύνομαι, τοῖς μὲν ἀστοῖς φθονεῖται φύσει, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ξένους καὶ αὕτη ἰσχὺς φαίνεται. καὶ οὐκ ἄχρηστος ἥδ’ ἡ ἄνοια, ὃς ἂν τοῖς ἰδίοις τέλεσι μὴ ἑαυτὸν μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν πόλιν ὠφελῇ.

4 οὐδέ γε ἄδικον ἐφ’ ἑαυτῷ μέγα φρονοῦντα μὴ ἴσον εἶναι, ἐπεὶ καὶ ὁ κακῶς πράσσων πρὸς οὐδένα τῆς ξυμφορᾶς ἰσομοιρεῖ· ἀλλ’ ὥσπερ δυστυχοῦντες οὐ προσαγορευόμεθα, ἐν τῷ ὁμοίῳ τις ἀνεχέσθω καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν εὐπραγούντων ὑπερφρονούμενος, ἢ τὰ ἴσα νέμων τὰ ὁμοῖα ἀνταξιούτω.

5 οἶδα δὲ τοὺς τοιούτους, καὶ ὅσοι ἔν τινος λαμπρότητι προέσχον, ἐν μὲν τῷ καθ’ αὑτοὺς βίῳ λυπηροὺς ὄντας, τοῖς ὁμοίοις μὲν μάλιστα, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ξυνόντας, τῶν δὲ ἔπειτα ἀνθρώπων προσποίησίν τε ξυγγενείας τισὶ καὶ μὴ οὖσαν καταλιπόντας, καὶ ἧς ἂν ὦσι πατρίδος, ταύτῃ αὔχησιν ὡς οὐ περὶ ἀλλοτρίων οὐδ’ ἁμαρτόντων, ἀλλ’ ὡς περὶ σφετέρων τε καὶ καλὰ πραξάντων.

6 ὧν ἐγὼ ὀρεγόμενος καὶ διὰ ταῦτα τὰ ἴδια ἐπιβοώμενος τὰ δημόσια σκοπεῖτε εἴ του χεῖρον μεταχειρίζω. Πελοποννήσου γὰρ τὰ δυνατώτατα ξυστήσας ἄνευ μεγάλου ὑμῖν κινδύνου καὶ δαπάνης Λακεδαιμονίους ἐς μίαν ἡμέραν κατέστησα ἐν Μαντινείᾳ περὶ τῶν ἁπάντων ἀγωνίσασθαι· ἐξ οὗ καὶ περιγενόμενοι τῇ μάχῃ οὐδέπω καὶ νῦν βεβαίως θαρσοῦσιν.

Chapter 17

1 ‘καὶ ταῦτα ἡ ἐμὴ νεότης καὶ ἄνοια παρὰ φύσιν δοκοῦσα εἶναι ἐς τὴν Πελοποννησίων δύναμιν λόγοις τε πρέπουσιν ὡμίλησε καὶ ὀργῇ πίστιν παρασχομένη ἔπεισεν. καὶ νῦν μὴ πεφόβησθε αὐτήν, ἀλλ’ ἕως ἐγώ τε ἔτι ἀκμάζω μετ’ αὐτῆς καὶ ὁ Νικίας εὐτυχὴς δοκεῖ εἶναι, ἀποχρήσασθε τῇ ἑκατέρου ἡμῶν ὠφελίᾳ.

2 καὶ τὸν ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν πλοῦν μὴ μεταγιγνώσκετε ὡς ἐπὶ μεγάλην δύναμιν ἐσόμενον. ὄχλοις τε γὰρ ξυμμείκτοις πολυανδροῦσιν αἱ πόλεις καὶ ῥᾳδίας ἔχουσι τῶν πολιτῶν τὰς μεταβολὰς καὶ ἐπιδοχάς.

3 καὶ οὐδεὶς δι’ αὐτὸ ὡς περὶ οἰκείας πατρίδος οὔτε τὰ περὶ τὸ σῶμα ὅπλοις ἐξήρτυται οὔτε τὰ ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ νομίμοις κατασκευαῖς· ὅτι δὲ ἕκαστος ἢ ἐκ τοῦ λέγων πείθειν οἴεται ἢ στασιάζων ἀπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ λαβὼν ἄλλην γῆν, μὴ κατορθώσας, οἰκήσειν, ταῦτα ἑτοιμάζεται.

4 καὶ οὐκ εἰκὸς τὸν τοιοῦτον ὅμιλον οὔτε λόγου μιᾷ γνώμῃ ἀκροᾶσθαι οὔτε ἐς τὰ ἔργα κοινῶς τρέπεσθαι· ταχὺ δ’ ἂν ὡς ἕκαστοι, εἴ τι καθ’ ἡδονὴν λέγοιτο, προσχωροῖεν, ἄλλως τε καὶ εἰ στασιάζουσιν, ὥσπερ πυνθανόμεθα.

5 καὶ μὴν οὐδ’ ὁπλῖται οὔτ’ ἐκείνοις ὅσοιπερ κομποῦνται, οὔτε οἱ ἄλλοι Ἕλληνες διεφάνησαν τοσοῦτοι ὄντες ὅσους ἕκαστοι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἠρίθμουν, ἀλλὰ μέγιστον δὴ αὐτοὺς ἐψευσμένη ἡ Ἑλλὰς μόλις ἐν τῷδε τῷ πολέμῳ ἱκανῶς ὡπλίσθη.

6 τά τε οὖν ἐκεῖ, ἐξ ὧν ἐγὼ ἀκοῇ αἰσθάνομαι, τοιαῦτα καὶ ἔτι εὐπορώτερα ἔσται (βαρβάρους [τε] γὰρ πολλοὺς ἕξομεν οἳ Συρακοσίων μίσει ξυνεπιθήσονται αὐτοῖς) καὶ τὰ ἐνθάδε οὐκ ἐπικωλύσει, ἢν ὑμεῖς ὀρθῶς βουλεύησθε.

7 οἱ γὰρ πατέρες ἡμῶν τοὺς αὐτοὺς τούτους οὕσπερ νῦν φασὶ πολεμίους ὑπολείποντας ἂν ἡμᾶς πλεῖν καὶ προσέτι τὸν Μῆδον ἐχθρὸν ἔχοντες τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐκτήσαντο, οὐκ ἄλλῳ τινὶ ἢ τῇ περιουσίᾳ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ ἰσχύοντες.

8 καὶ νῦν οὔτε ἀνέλπιστοί πω μᾶλλον Πελοποννήσιοι ἐς ἡμᾶς ἐγένοντο, εἴ τε καὶ πάνυ ἔρρωνται, τὸ μὲν ἐς τὴν γῆν ἡμῶν ἐσβάλλειν, κἂν μὴ ἐκπλεύσωμεν, ἱκανοί εἰσι, τῷ δὲ ναυτικῷ οὐκ ἂν δύναιντο βλάπτειν· ὑπόλοιπον γὰρ ἡμῖν ἐστὶν ἀντίπαλον ναυτικόν.

Chapter 18

1 ὥστε τί ἂν λέγοντες εἰκὸς ἢ αὐτοὶ ἀποκνοῖμεν ἢ πρὸς τοὺς ἐκεῖ ξυμμάχους σκηπτόμενοι μὴ βοηθοῖμεν; οἷς χρεών, ἐπειδή γε καὶ ξυνωμόσαμεν, ἐπαμύνειν, καὶ μὴ ἀντιτιθέναι ὅτι οὐδὲ ἐκεῖνοι ἡμῖν. οὐ γὰρ ἵνα δεῦρο ἀντιβοηθῶσι προσεθέμεθα αὐτούς, ἀλλ’ ἵνα τοῖς ἐκεῖ ἐχθροῖς ἡμῶν λυπηροὶ ὄντες δεῦρο κωλύωσιν αὐτοὺς ἐπιέναι.

2 τήν τε ἀρχὴν οὕτως ἐκτησάμεθα καὶ ἡμεῖς καὶ ὅσοι δὴ ἄλλοι ἦρξαν, παραγιγνόμενοι προθύμως τοῖς αἰεὶ ἢ βαρβάροις ἢ Ἕλλησιν ἐπικαλουμένοις, ἐπεὶ εἴ γε ἡσυχάζοιεν πάντες ἢ φυλοκρινοῖεν οἷς χρεὼν βοηθεῖν, βραχὺ ἄν τι προσκτώμενοι αὐτῇ περὶ αὐτῆς ἂν ταύτης μᾶλλον κινδυνεύοιμεν. τὸν γὰρ προύχοντα οὐ μόνον ἐπιόντα τις ἀμύνεται, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅπως μὴ ἔπεισι προκαταλαμβάνει.

3 καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν ἡμῖν ταμιεύεσθαι ἐς ὅσον βουλόμεθα ἄρχειν, ἀλλ’ ἀνάγκη, ἐπειδήπερ ἐν τῷδε καθέσταμεν, τοῖς μὲν ἐπιβουλεύειν, τοὺς δὲ μὴ ἀνιέναι, διὰ τὸ ἀρχθῆναι ἂν ὑφ᾽ ἑτέρων αὐτοῖς κίνδυνον εἶναι, εἰ μὴ αὐτοὶ ἄλλων ἄρχοιμεν. καὶ οὐκ ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἐπισκεπτέον ὑμῖν τοῖς ἄλλοις τὸ ἥσυχον, εἰ μὴ καὶ τὰ ἐπιτηδεύματα ἐς τὸ ὁμοῖον μεταλήψεσθε.

4 ‘λογισάμενοι οὖν τάδε μᾶλλον αὐξήσειν, ἐπ’ ἐκεῖνα ἢν ἴωμεν, ποιώμεθα τὸν πλοῦν, ἵνα Πελοποννησίων τε στορέσωμεν τὸ φρόνημα, εἰ δόξομεν ὑπεριδόντες τὴν ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἡσυχίαν καὶ ἐπὶ Σικελίαν πλεῦσαι· καὶ ἅμα ἢ τῆς Ἑλλάδος τῶν ἐκεῖ προσγενομένων πάσης τῷ εἰκότι ἄρξομεν, ἢ κακώσομέν γε Συρακοσίους, ἐν ᾧ καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ὠφελησόμεθα.

5 τὸ δὲ ἀσφαλές, καὶ μένειν, ἤν τι προχωρῇ, καὶ ἀπελθεῖν, αἱ νῆες παρέξουσιν· ναυκράτορες γὰρ ἐσόμεθα καὶ ξυμπάντων Σικελιωτῶν.

6 καὶ μὴ ὑμᾶς ἡ Νικίου τῶν λόγων ἀπραγμοσύνη καὶ διάστασις τοῖς νέοις ἐς τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους ἀποτρέψῃ, τῷ δὲ εἰωθότι κόσμῳ, ὥσπερ καὶ οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν ἅμα νέοι γεραιτέροις βουλεύοντες ἐς τάδε ἦραν αὐτά, καὶ νῦν τῷ αὐτῷ τρόπῳ πειρᾶσθε προαγαγεῖν τὴν πόλιν, καὶ νομίσατε νεότητα μὲν καὶ γῆρας ἄνευ ἀλλήλων μηδὲν δύνασθαι, ὁμοῦ δὲ τό τε φαῦλον καὶ τὸ μέσον καὶ τὸ πάνυ ἀκριβὲς ἂν ξυγκραθὲν μάλιστ’ ἂν ἰσχύειν, καὶ τὴν πόλιν, ἐὰν μὲν ἡσυχάζῃ, τρίψεσθαί τε αὐτὴν περὶ αὑτὴν ὥσπερ καὶ ἄλλο τι, καὶ πάντων τὴν ἐπιστήμην ἐγγηράσεσθαι, ἀγωνιζομένην δὲ αἰεὶ προσλήψεσθαί τε τὴν ἐμπειρίαν καὶ τὸ ἀμύνεσθαι οὐ λόγῳ ἀλλ’ ἔργῳ μᾶλλον ξύνηθες ἕξειν.

7 παράπαν τε γιγνώσκω πόλιν μὴ ἀπράγμονα τάχιστ’ ἄν μοι δοκεῖν ἀπραγμοσύνης μεταβολῇ διαφθαρῆναι, καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀσφαλέστατα τούτους οἰκεῖν οἳ ἂν τοῖς παροῦσιν ἤθεσι καὶ νόμοις, ἢν καὶ χείρω ᾖ, ἥκιστα διαφόρως πολιτεύωσιν.’

Chapter 19

1 τοιαῦτα μὲν ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης εἶπεν· οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀκούσαντες ἐκείνου τε καὶ τῶν Ἐγεσταίων καὶ Λεοντίνων φυγάδων, οἳ παρελθόντες ἐδέοντό τε καὶ τῶν ὁρκίων ὑπομιμνῄσκοντες ἱκέτευον βοηθῆσαι σφίσι, πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον ὥρμηντο στρατεύειν.

2 καὶ ὁ Νικίας γνοὺς ὅτι ἀπὸ μὲν τῶν αὐτῶν λόγων οὐκ ἂν ἔτι ἀποτρέψειε, παρασκευῆς δὲ πλήθει, εἰ πολλὴν ἐπιτάξειε, τάχ’ ἂν μεταστήσειεν αὐτούς, παρελθὼν αὐτοῖς αὖθις ἔλεγε τοιάδε.

Chapter 20

1 ‘ἐπειδὴ πάντως ὁρῶ ὑμᾶς, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, ὡρμημένους στρατεύειν, ξυνενέγκοι μὲν ταῦτα ὡς βουλόμεθα, ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ παρόντι ἃ γιγνώσκω σημανῶ.

2 ἐπὶ γὰρ πόλεις, ὡς ἐγὼ ἀκοῇ αἰσθάνομαι, μέλλομεν ἰέναι μεγάλας καὶ οὔθ’ ὑπηκόους ἀλλήλων οὔτε δεομένας μεταβολῆς, ᾗ ἂν ἐκ βιαίου τις δουλείας ἄσμενος ἐς ῥᾴω μετάστασιν χωροίη, οὐδ’ ἂν τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν ἡμετέραν εἰκότως ἀντ’ ἐλευθερίας προσδεξαμένας, τό τε πλῆθος ὡς ἐν μιᾷ νήσῳ πολλὰς τὰς Ἑλληνίδας.

3 πλὴν γὰρ Νάξου καὶ Κατάνης, ἃς ἐλπίζω ἡμῖν κατὰ τὸ Λεοντίνων ξυγγενὲς προσέσεσθαι, ἄλλαι εἰσὶν ἑπτά, καὶ παρεσκευασμέναι τοῖς πᾶσιν ὁμοιοτρόπως μάλιστα τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ δυνάμει, καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα ἐπὶ ἃς μᾶλλον πλέομεν, Σελινοῦς καὶ Συράκουσαι.

4 πολλοὶ μὲν γὰρ ὁπλῖται ἔνεισι καὶ τοξόται καὶ ἀκοντισταί, πολλαὶ δὲ τριήρεις καὶ ὄχλος ὁ πληρώσων αὐτάς. χρήματά τ’ ἔχουσι τὰ μὲν ἴδια, τὰ δὲ καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἐστὶ Σελινουντίοις, Συρακοσίοις δὲ καὶ ἀπὸ βαρβάρων τινῶν ἀπαρχὴ ἐσφέρεται· ᾧ δὲ μάλιστα ἡμῶν προύχουσιν, ἵππους τε πολλοὺς κέκτηνται καὶ σίτῳ οἰκείῳ καὶ οὐκ ἐπακτῷ χρῶνται.

Chapter 21

1 ‘πρὸς οὖν τοιαύτην δύναμιν οὐ ναυτικῆς καὶ φαύλου στρατιᾶς μόνον δεῖ, ἀλλὰ καὶ πεζὸν πολὺν ξυμπλεῖν, εἴπερ βουλόμεθα ἄξιον τῆς διανοίας δρᾶν καὶ μὴ ὑπὸ ἱππέων πολλῶν εἴργεσθαι τῆς γῆς, ἄλλως τε καὶ εἰ ξυστῶσιν αἱ πόλεις φοβηθεῖσαι καὶ μὴ ἀντιπαράσχωσιν ἡμῖν φίλοι τινὲς γενόμενοι ἄλλοι ἢ Ἐγεσταῖοι ᾧ ἀμυνούμεθα ἱππικόν

2 (αἰσχρὸν δὲ βιασθέντας ἀπελθεῖν ἢ ὕστερον ἐπιμεταπέμπεσθαι, τὸ πρῶτον ἀσκέπτως βουλευσαμένους)· αὐτόθεν δὲ παρασκευῇ ἀξιόχρεῳ ἐπιέναι, γνόντας ὅτι πολύ τε ἀπὸ τῆς ἡμετέρας αὐτῶν μέλλομεν πλεῖν καὶ οὐκ ἐν τῷ ὁμοίῳ στρατευσόμενοι καὶ ὅτε ἐν τοῖς τῇδε ὑπηκόοις ξύμμαχοι ἤλθετε ἐπί τινα, ὅθεν ῥᾴδιαι αἱ κομιδαὶ ἐκ τῆς φιλίας ὧν προσέδει, ἀλλ’ ἐς ἀλλοτρίαν πᾶσαν ἀπαρτήσοντες, ἐξ ἧς μηνῶν οὐδὲ τεσσάρων τῶν χειμερινῶν ἄγγελον ῥᾴδιον ἐλθεῖν.

Chapter 22

1 ὁπλίτας τε οὖν πολλούς μοι δοκεῖ χρῆναι ἡμᾶς ἄγειν καὶ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων, τῶν τε ὑπηκόων καὶ ἤν τινα ἐκ Πελοποννήσου δυνώμεθα ἢ πεῖσαι ἢ μισθῷ προσαγαγέσθαι, καὶ τοξότας πολλοὺς καὶ σφενδονήτας, ὅπως πρὸς τὸ ἐκείνων ἱππικὸν ἀντέχωσι, ναυσί τε καὶ πολὺ περιεῖναι, ἵνα καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ῥᾷον ἐσκομιζώμεθα, τὸν δὲ καὶ αὐτόθεν σῖτον ἐν ὁλκάσι, πυροὺς καὶ πεφρυγμένας κριθάς, ἄγειν, καὶ σιτοποιοὺς ἐκ τῶν μυλώνων πρὸς μέρος ἠναγκασμένους ἐμμίσθους, ἵνα, ἤν που ὑπὸ ἀπλοίας ἀπολαμβανώμεθα, ἔχῃ ἡ στρατιὰ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια (πολλὴ γὰρ οὖσα οὐ πάσης ἔσται πόλεως ὑποδέξασθαι), τά τε ἄλλα ὅσον δυνατὸν ἑτοιμάσασθαι, καὶ μὴ ἐπὶ ἑτέροις γίγνεσθαι, μάλιστα δὲ χρήματα αὐτόθεν ὡς πλεῖστα ἔχειν. τὰ δὲ παρ’ Ἐγεσταίων, ἃ λέγεται ἐκεῖ ἑτοῖμα, νομίσατε καὶ λόγῳ ἂν μάλιστα ἑτοῖμα εἶναι.

Chapter 23

1 ἢν γὰρ αὐτοὶ ἔλθωμεν ἐνθένδε μὴ ἀντίπαλον μόνον παρασκευασάμενοι,πλήν γε πρὸς τὸ μάχιμον αὐτῶν, τὸ ὁπλιτικόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὑπερβάλλοντες τοῖς πᾶσι, μόλις οὕτως οἷοί τε ἐσόμεθα τῶν μὲν κρατεῖν, τὰ δὲ καὶ διασῶσαι.

2 πόλιν τε νομίσαι χρὴ ἐν ἀλλοφύλοις καὶ πολεμίοις οἰκιοῦντας ἰέναι, οὓς πρέπει τῇ πρώτῃ ἡμέρᾳ ᾗ ἂν κατάσχωσιν εὐθὺς κρατεῖν τῆς γῆς, ἢ εἰδέναι ὅτι, ἢν σφάλλωνται, πάντα πολέμια ἕξουσιν.

3 ὅπερ ἐγὼ φοβούμενος, καὶ εἰδὼς πολλὰ μὲν ἡμᾶς δέον εὖ βουλεύσασθαι, ἔτι δὲ πλείω εὐτυχῆσαι (χαλεπὸν δὲ ἀνθρώπους ὄντας), ὅτι ἐλάχιστα τῇ τύχῃ παραδοὺς ἐμαυτὸν βούλομαι ἐκπλεῖν, παρασκευῇ δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν εἰκότων ἀσφαλὴς ἐκπλεῦσαι.

4 ταῦτα γὰρ τῇ τε ξυμπάσῃ πόλει βεβαιότατα ἡγοῦμαι καὶ ἡμῖν τοῖς στρατευσομένοις σωτήρια. εἰ δέ τῳ ἄλλως δοκεῖ, παρίημι αὐτῷ τὴν ἀρχήν.’

Chapter 24

1 ὁ μὲν Νικίας τοσαῦτα εἶπε νομίζων τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τῷ πλήθει τῶν πραγμάτων ἢ ἀποτρέψειν ἤ, εἰ ἀναγκάζοιτο στρατεύεσθαι, μάλιστ’ 〈ἂν〉 οὕτως ἀσφαλῶς ἐκπλεῦσαι·

2 οἱ δὲ τὸ μὲν ἐπιθυμοῦν τοῦ πλοῦ οὐκ ἐξῃρέθησαν ὑπὸ τοῦ ὀχλώδους τῆς παρασκευῆς, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον ὥρμηντο, καὶ τοὐναντίον περιέστη αὐτῷ· εὖ τε γὰρ παραινέσαι ἔδοξε καὶ ἀσφάλεια νῦν δὴ καὶ πολλὴ ἔσεσθαι.

3 καὶ ἔρως ἐνέπεσε τοῖς πᾶσιν ὁμοίως ἐκπλεῦσαι· τοῖς μὲν γὰρ πρεσβυτέροις ὡς ἢ καταστρεψομένοις ἐφ’ ἃ ἔπλεον ἢ οὐδὲν ἂν σφαλεῖσαν μεγάλην δύναμιν, τοῖς δ’ ἐν τῇ ἡλικίᾳ τῆς τε ἀπούσης πόθῳ ὄψεως καὶ θεωρίας, καὶ εὐέλπιδες ὄντες σωθήσεσθαι· ὁ δὲ πολὺς ὅμιλος καὶ στρατιώτης ἔν τε τῷ παρόντι ἀργύριον οἴσειν καὶ προσκτήσεσθαι δύναμιν ὅθεν ἀίδιον μισθοφορὰν ὑπάρξειν.

4 ὥστε διὰ τὴν ἄγαν τῶν πλεόνων ἐπιθυμίαν, εἴ τῳ ἄρα καὶ μὴ ἤρεσκε, δεδιὼς μὴ ἀντιχειροτονῶν κακόνους δόξειεν εἶναι τῇ πόλει ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν.

Chapter 25

1 καὶ τέλος παρελθών τις τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ παρακαλέσας τὸν Νικίαν οὐκ ἔφη χρῆναι προφασίζεσθαι οὐδὲ διαμέλλειν, ἀλλ’ ἐναντίον ἁπάντων ἤδη λέγειν ἥντινα αὐτῷ παρασκευὴν Ἀθηναῖοι ψηφίσωνται.

2 ὁ δὲ ἄκων μὲν εἶπεν ὅτι καὶ μετὰ τῶν ξυναρχόντων καθ’ ἡσυχίαν μᾶλλον βουλεύσοιτο, ὅσα μέντοι ἤδη δοκεῖν αὐτῷ, τριήρεσι μὲν οὐκ ἔλασσον ἢ ἑκατὸν πλευστέα εἶναι (αὐτῶν δ᾽ Ἀθηναίων ἔσεσθαι ὁπλιταγωγοὺς ὅσαι ἂν δοκῶσι, καὶ ἄλλας ἐκ τῶν ξυμμάχων μεταπεμπτέας εἶναι), ὁπλίταις δὲ τοῖς ξύμπασιν Ἀθηναίων καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων πεντακισχιλίων μὲν οὐκ ἐλάσσοσιν, ἢν δέ τι δύνωνται, καὶ πλέοσιν· τὴν δὲ ἄλλην παρασκευὴν ὡς κατὰ λόγον, καὶ τοξοτῶν τῶν αὐτόθεν καὶ ἐκ Κρήτης καὶ σφενδονητῶν, καὶ ἤν τι ἄλλο πρέπον δοκῇ εἶναι, ἑτοιμασάμενοι ἄξειν.

Chapter 26

1 ἀκούσαντες δ’ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐψηφίσαντο εὐθὺς αὐτοκράτορας εἶναι καὶ περὶ στρατιᾶς πλήθους καὶ περὶ τοῦ παντὸς πλοῦ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς πράσσειν ᾗ ἂν αὐτοῖς δοκῇ ἄριστα εἶναι [Ἀθηναίοις].

2 καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ἡ παρασκευὴ ἐγίγνετο, καὶ ἔς τε τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἔπεμπον καὶ αὐτόθεν καταλόγους ἐποιοῦντο, ἄρτι δ’ ἀνειλήφει ἡ πόλις ἑαυτὴν ἀπὸ τῆς νόσου καὶ τοῦ ξυνεχοῦς πολέμου ἔς τε ἡλικίας πλῆθος ἐπιγεγενημένης καὶ ἐς χρημάτων ἅθροισιν διὰ τὴν ἐκεχειρίαν, ὥστε ῥᾷον πάντα ἐπορίζετο. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐν παρασκευῇ ἦσαν.

Chapter 27

1 ἐν δὲ τούτῳ, ὅσοι Ἑρμαῖ ἦσαν λίθινοι ἐν τῇ πόλει τῇ Ἀθηναίων (εἰσὶ δὲ κατὰ τὸ ἐπιχώριον, ἡ τετράγωνος ἐργασία, πολλοὶ καὶ ἐν ἰδίοις προθύροις καὶ ἐν ἱεροῖς), μιᾷ νυκτὶ οἱ πλεῖστοι περιεκόπησαν τὰ πρόσωπα.

2 καὶ τοὺς δράσαντας ᾔδει οὐδείς, ἀλλὰ μεγάλοις μηνύτροις δημοσίᾳ οὗτοί τε ἐζητοῦντο καὶ προσέτι ἐψηφίσαντο, καὶ εἴ τις ἄλλο τι οἶδεν ἀσέβημα γεγενημένον, μηνύειν ἀδεῶς τὸν βουλόμενον καὶ ἀστῶν καὶ ξένων καὶ δούλων.

3 καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα μειζόνως ἐλάμβανον· τοῦ τε γὰρ ἔκπλου οἰωνὸς ἐδόκει εἶναι καὶ ἐπὶ ξυνωμοσίᾳ ἅμα νεωτέρων πραγμάτων καὶ δήμου καταλύσεως γεγενῆσθαι.

Chapter 28

1 μηνύεται οὖν ἀπὸ μετοίκων τέ τινων καὶ ἀκολούθων περὶ μὲν τῶν Ἑρμῶν οὐδέν, ἄλλων δὲ ἀγαλμάτων περικοπαί τινες πρότερον ὑπὸ νεωτέρων μετὰ παιδιᾶς καὶ οἴνου γεγενημέναι, καὶ τὰ μυστήρια ἅμα ὡς ποιεῖται ἐν οἰκίαις ἐφ’ ὕβρει· ὧν καὶ τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην ἐπῃτιῶντο.

2 καὶ αὐτὰ ὑπολαμβάνοντες οἱ μάλιστα τῷ Ἀλκιβιάδῃ ἀχθόμενοι ἐμποδὼν ὄντι σφίσι μὴ αὐτοῖς τοῦ δήμου βεβαίως προεστάναι, καὶ νομίσαντες, εἰ αὐτὸν ἐξελάσειαν, πρῶτοι ἂν εἶναι, ἐμεγάλυνον καὶ ἐβόων ὡς ἐπὶ δήμου καταλύσει τά τε μυστικὰ καὶ ἡ τῶν Ἑρμῶν περικοπὴ γένοιτο καὶ οὐδὲν εἴη αὐτῶν ὅτι οὐ μετ’ ἐκείνου ἐπράχθη, ἐπιλέγοντες τεκμήρια τὴν ἄλλην αὐτοῦ ἐς τὰ ἐπιτηδεύματα οὐ δημοτικὴν παρανομίαν.

Chapter 29

1 ὁ δ’ ἔν τε τῷ παρόντι πρὸς τὰ μηνύματα ἀπελογεῖτο καὶ ἑτοῖμος ἦν πρὶν ἐκπλεῖν κρίνεσθαι, εἴ τι τούτων εἰργασμένος ἦν (ἤδη γὰρ καὶ τὰ τῆς παρασκευῆς ἐπεπόριστο), καὶ εἰ μὲν τούτων τι εἴργαστο, δίκην δοῦναι, εἰ δ’ ἀπολυθείη, ἄρχειν.

2 καὶ ἐπεμαρτύρετο μὴ ἀπόντος πέρι αὐτοῦ διαβολὰς ἀποδέχεσθαι, ἀλλ’ ἤδη ἀποκτείνειν, εἰ ἀδικεῖ, καὶ ὅτι σωφρονέστερον εἴη μὴ μετὰ τοιαύτης αἰτίας, πρὶν διαγνῶσι, πέμπειν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τοσούτῳ στρατεύματι.

3 οἱ δ’ ἐχθροὶ δεδιότες τό τε στράτευμα μὴ εὔνουν ἔχῃ, ἢν ἤδη ἀγωνίζηται, ὅ τε δῆμος μὴ μαλακίζηται θεραπεύων ὅτι δι’ ἐκεῖνον οἵ τ’ Ἀργεῖοι ξυνεστράτευον καὶ τῶν Μαντινέων τινές, ἀπέτρεπον καὶ ἀπέσπευδον, ἄλλους ῥήτορας ἐνιέντες οἳ ἔλεγον νῦν μὲν πλεῖν αὐτὸν καὶ μὴ κατασχεῖν τὴν ἀναγωγήν, ἐλθόντα δὲ κρίνεσθαι ἐν ἡμέραις ῥηταῖς, βουλόμενοι ἐκ μείζονος διαβολῆς, ἣν ἔμελλον ῥᾷον αὐτοῦ ἀπόντος ποριεῖν, μετάπεμπτον κομισθέντα αὐτὸν ἀγωνίσασθαι. καὶ ἔδοξε πλεῖν τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην.

Chapter 30

1 μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα θέρους μεσοῦντος ἤδη ἡ ἀναγωγὴ ἐγίγνετο ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν. τῶν μὲν οὖν ξυμμάχων τοῖς πλείστοις καὶ ταῖς σιταγωγοῖς ὁλκάσι καὶ τοῖς πλοίοις καὶ ὅση ἄλλη παρασκευὴ ξυνείπετο πρότερον εἴρητο ἐς Κέρκυραν ξυλλέγεσθαι ὡς ἐκεῖθεν ἁθρόοις ἐπὶ ἄκραν Ἰαπυγίαν τὸν Ἰόνιον διαβαλοῦσιν· αὐτοὶ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ εἴ τινες τῶν ξυμμάχων παρῆσαν, ἐς τὸν Πειραιᾶ καταβάντες ἐν ἡμέρᾳ ῥητῇ ἅμα ἕῳ ἐπλήρουν τὰς ναῦς ὡς ἀναξόμενοι.

2 ξυγκατέβη δὲ καὶ ὁ ἄλλος ὅμιλος ἅπας ὡς εἰπεῖν ὁ ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ ἀστῶν καὶ ξένων, οἱ μὲν ἐπιχώριοι τοὺς σφετέρους αὐτῶν ἕκαστοι προπέμποντες, οἱ μὲν ἑταίρους, οἱ δὲ ξυγγενεῖς, οἱ δὲ υἱεῖς, καὶ μετ’ ἐλπίδος τε ἅμα ἰόντες καὶ ὀλοφυρμῶν, τὰ μὲν ὡς κτήσοιντο, τοὺς δ’ εἴ ποτε ὄψοιντο, ἐνθυμούμενοι ὅσον πλοῦν ἐκ τῆς σφετέρας ἀπεστέλλοντο.

Chapter 31

1 καὶ ἐν τῷ παρόντι καιρῷ, ὡς ἤδη ἔμελλον μετὰ κινδύνων ἀλλήλους ἀπολιπεῖν, μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς ἐσῄει τὰ δεινὰ ἢ ὅτε ἐψηφίζοντο πλεῖν· ὅμως δὲ τῇ παρούσῃ ῥώμῃ, διὰ τὸ πλῆθος ἑκάστων ὧν ἑώρων, τῇ ὄψει ἀνεθάρσουν. οἱ δὲ ξένοι καὶ ὁ ἄλλος ὄχλος κατὰ θέαν ἧκεν ὡς ἐπ’ ἀξιόχρεων καὶ ἄπιστον διάνοιαν. παρασκευὴ γὰρ αὕτη πρώτη ἐκπλεύσασα μιᾶς πόλεως δυνάμει Ἑλληνικῇ πολυτελεστάτη δὴ καὶ εὐπρεπεστάτη τῶν ἐς ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ἐγένετο.

2 ἀριθμῷ δὲ νεῶν καὶ ὁπλιτῶν καὶ ἡ ἐς Ἐπίδαυρον μετὰ Περικλέους καὶ ἡ αὐτὴ ἐς Ποτείδαιαν μετὰ Ἅγνωνος οὐκ ἐλάσσων ἦν· τετράκις γὰρ χίλιοι ὁπλῖται αὐτῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ τριακόσιοι ἱππῆς καὶ τριήρεις ἑκατόν, καὶ Λεσβίων καὶ Χίων πεντήκοντα, καὶ ξύμμαχοι ἔτι πολλοὶ ξυνέπλευσαν.

3 ἀλλὰ ἐπί τε βραχεῖ πλῷ ὡρμήθησαν καὶ παρασκευῇ φαύλῃ, οὗτος δὲ ὁ στόλος ὡς χρόνιός τε ἐσόμενος καὶ κατ’ ἀμφότερα, οὗ ἂν δέῃ, καὶ ναυσὶ καὶ πεζῷ ἅμα ἐξαρτυθείς, τὸ μὲν ναυτικὸν μεγάλαις δαπάναις τῶν τε τριηράρχων καὶ τῆς πόλεως ἐκπονηθέν, τοῦ μὲν δημοσίου δραχμὴν τῆς ἡμέρας τῷ ναύτῃ ἑκάστῳ διδόντος καὶ ναῦς παρασχόντος κενὰς ἑξήκοντα μὲν ταχείας, τεσσαράκοντα δὲ ὁπλιταγωγοὺς καὶ ὑπηρεσίας ταύταις τὰς κρατίστας, τῶν 〈δὲ〉 τριηράρχων ἐπιφοράς τε πρὸς τῷ ἐκ δημοσίου μισθῷ διδόντων τοῖς θρανίταις τῶν ναυτῶν καὶ ταῖς ὑπηρεσίαις καὶ τἆλλα σημείοις καὶ κατασκευαῖς πολυτελέσι χρησαμένων,καὶ ἐς τὰ μακρότατα προθυμηθέντος ἑνὸς ἑκάστου ὅπως αὐτῷ τινὶ εὐπρεπείᾳ τε ἡ ναῦς μάλιστα προέξει καὶ τῷ ταχυναυτεῖν, τὸ δὲ πεζὸν καταλόγοις τε χρηστοῖς ἐκκριθὲν καὶ ὅπλων καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸ σῶμα σκευῶν μεγάλῃ σπουδῇ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἁμιλληθέν.

4 ξυνέβη δὲ πρός τε σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἅμα ἔριν γενέσθαι, ᾧ τις ἕκαστος προσετάχθη, καὶ ἐς τοὺς ἄλλους Ἕλληνας ἐπίδειξιν μᾶλλον εἰκασθῆναι τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ ἐξουσίας ἢ ἐπὶ πολεμίους παρασκευήν.

5 εἰ γάρ τις ἐλογίσατο τήν τε τῆς πόλεως ἀνάλωσιν δημοσίαν καὶ τῶν στρατευομένων τὴν ἰδίαν, τῆς μὲν πόλεως ὅσα τε ἤδη προετετελέκει καὶ ἃ ἔχοντας τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἀπέστελλε, τῶν δὲ ἰδιωτῶν ἅ τε περὶ τὸ σῶμά τις καὶ τριήραρχος ἐς τὴν ναῦν ἀνηλώκει καὶ ὅσα ἔτι ἔμελλεν ἀναλώσειν, χωρὶς δ’ ἃ εἰκὸς ἦν καὶ ἄνευ τοῦ ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου μισθοῦ πάντα τινὰ παρασκευάσασθαι ἐφόδιον ὡς ἐπὶ χρόνιον στρατείαν, καὶ ὅσα ἐπὶ μεταβολῇ τις ἢ στρατιώτης ἢ ἔμπορος ἔχων ἔπλει, πολλὰ ἂν τάλαντα ηὑρέθη ἐκ τῆς πόλεως τὰ πάντα ἐξαγόμενα.

6 καὶ ὁ στόλος οὐχ ἧσσον τόλμης τε θάμβει καὶ ὄψεως λαμπρότητι περιβόητος ἐγένετο ἢ στρατιᾶς πρὸς οὓς ἐπῇσαν ὑπερβολῇ, καὶ ὅτι μέγιστος ἤδη διάπλους ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκείας καὶ ἐπὶ μεγίστῃ ἐλπίδι τῶν μελλόντων πρὸς τὰ ὑπάρχοντα ἐπεχειρήθη.

Chapter 32

1 ἐπειδὴ δὲ αἱ νῆες πλήρεις ἦσαν καὶ ἐσέκειτο πάντα ἤδη ὅσα ἔχοντες ἔμελλον ἀνάξεσθαι, τῇ μὲν σάλπιγγι σιωπὴ ὑπεσημάνθη, εὐχὰς δὲ τὰς νομιζομένας πρὸ τῆς ἀναγωγῆς οὐ κατὰ ναῦν ἑκάστην, ξύμπαντες δὲ ὑπὸ κήρυκος ἐποιοῦντο, κρατῆράς τε κεράσαντες παρ’ ἅπαν τὸ στράτευμα καὶ ἐκπώμασι χρυσοῖς τε καὶ ἀργυροῖς οἵ τε ἐπιβάται καὶ οἱ ἄρχοντες σπένδοντες.

2 ξυνεπηύχοντο δὲ καὶ ὁ ἄλλος ὅμιλος ὁ ἐκ τῆς γῆς τῶν τε πολιτῶν καὶ εἴ τις ἄλλος εὔνους παρῆν σφίσιν. παιανίσαντες δὲ καὶ τελεώσαντες τὰς σπονδὰς ἀνήγοντο, καὶ ἐπὶ κέρως τὸ πρῶτον ἐκπλεύσαντες ἅμιλλαν ἤδη μέχρι Αἰγίνης ἐποιοῦντο. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐς τὴν Κέρκυραν, ἔνθαπερ καὶ τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα τῶν ξυμμάχων ξυνελέγετο, ἠπείγοντο ἀφικέσθαι.

3 ἐς δὲ τὰς Συρακούσας ἠγγέλλετο μὲν πολλαχόθεν τὰ περὶ τοῦ ἐπίπλου, οὐ μέντοι ἐπιστεύετο ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον οὐδέν, ἀλλὰ καὶ γενομένης ἐκκλησίας ἐλέχθησαν τοιοίδε λόγοι ἀπό τε ἄλλων, τῶν μὲν πιστευόντων τὰ περὶ τῆς στρατείας τῆς τῶν Ἀθηναίων, τῶν δὲ τὰ ἐναντία λεγόντων, καὶ Ἑρμοκράτης ὁ Ἕρμωνος παρελθὼν αὐτοῖς, ὡς σαφῶς οἰόμενος εἰδέναι τὰ περὶ αὐτῶν, ἔλεγε καὶ παρῄνει τοιάδε.

Chapter 33

1 ‘ἄπιστα μὲν ἴσως, ὥσπερ καὶ ἄλλοι τινές, δόξω ὑμῖν περὶ τοῦ ἐπίπλου τῆς ἀληθείας λέγειν, καὶ γιγνώσκω ὅτι οἱ τὰ μὴ πιστὰ δοκοῦντα εἶναι ἢ λέγοντες ἢ ἀπαγγέλλοντες οὐ μόνον οὐ πείθουσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἄφρονες δοκοῦσιν εἶναι· ὅμως δὲ οὐ καταφοβηθεὶς ἐπισχήσω κινδυνευούσης τῆς πόλεως, πείθων γε ἐμαυτὸν σαφέστερόν τι ἑτέρου εἰδὼς λέγειν.

2 Ἀθηναῖοι γὰρ ἐφ’ ὑμᾶς, ὃ πάνυ θαυμάζετε, πολλῇ στρατιᾷ ὥρμηνται καὶ ναυτικῇ καὶ πεζῇ, πρόφασιν μὲν Ἐγεσταίων ξυμμαχίᾳ καὶ Λεοντίνων κατοικίσει, τὸ δὲ ἀληθὲς Σικελίας ἐπιθυμίᾳ, μάλιστα δὲ τῆς ἡμετέρας πόλεως, ἡγούμενοι, εἰ ταύτην σχοῖεν, ῥᾳδίως καὶ τἆλλα ἕξειν.

3 ὡς οὖν ἐν τάχει παρεσομένων, ὁρᾶτε ἀπὸ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ὅτῳ τρόπῳ κάλλιστα ἀμυνεῖσθε αὐτούς, καὶ μήτε καταφρονήσαντες ἄφαρκτοι ληφθήσεσθε μήτε ἀπιστήσαντες τοῦ ξύμπαντος ἀμελήσετε.

4 εἰ δέ τῳ καὶ πιστά, τὴν τόλμαν αὐτῶν καὶ δύναμιν μὴ ἐκπλαγῇ. οὔτε γὰρ βλάπτειν ἡμᾶς πλείω οἷοί τ’ ἔσονται ἢ πάσχειν, οὔθ’ ὅτι μεγάλῳ στόλῳ ἐπέρχονται, ἀνωφελεῖς, ἀλλὰ πρός τε τοὺς ἄλλους Σικελιώτας πολὺ ἄμεινον (μᾶλλον γὰρ ἐθελήσουσιν ἐκπλαγέντες ἡμῖν ξυμμαχεῖν), καὶ ἢν ἄρα ἢ κατεργασώμεθα αὐτοὺς ἢ ἀπράκτους ὧν ἐφίενται ἀπώσωμεν (οὐ γὰρ δὴ μὴ τύχωσί γε ὧν προσδέχονται φοβοῦμαι), κάλλιστον δὴ ἔργον ἡμῖν ξυμβήσεται, καὶ οὐκ ἀνέλπιστον ἔμοιγε.

5 ὀλίγοι γὰρ δὴ στόλοι μεγάλοι ἢ Ἑλλήνων ἢ βαρβάρων πολὺ ἀπὸ τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἀπάραντες κατώρθωσαν. οὔτε γὰρ πλείους τῶν ἐνοικούντων καὶ ἀστυγειτόνων ἔρχονται (πάντα γὰρ ὑπὸ δέους ξυνίσταται), ἤν τε δι’ ἀπορίαν τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἐν ἀλλοτρίᾳ γῇ σφαλῶσι, τοῖς ἐπιβουλευθεῖσιν ὄνομα, κἂν περὶ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς τὰ πλείω πταίσωσιν, ὅμως καταλείπουσιν.

6 ὅπερ καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι αὐτοὶ οὗτοι, τοῦ Μήδου παρὰ λόγον πολλὰ σφαλέντος, ἐπὶ τῷ ὀνόματι ὡς ἐπ’ Ἀθήνας ᾔει ηὐξήθησαν, καὶ ἡμῖν οὐκ ἀνέλπιστον τὸ τοιοῦτο ξυμβῆναι.

Chapter 34

1 ‘θαρσοῦντες οὖν τά τε αὐτοῦ παρασκευαζώμεθα καὶ ἐς τοὺς Σικελοὺς πέμποντες τοὺς μὲν μᾶλλον βεβαιωσώμεθα, τοῖς δὲ φιλίαν καὶ ξυμμαχίαν πειρώμεθα ποιεῖσθαι, ἔς τε τὴν ἄλλην Σικελίαν πέμπωμεν πρέσβεις δηλοῦντες ὡς κοινὸς ὁ κίνδυνος, καὶ ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν, ὅπως ἢ ξυμμαχίαν ποιώμεθα ἡμῖν ἢ μὴ δέχωνται Ἀθηναίους.

2 δοκεῖ δέ μοι καὶ ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἄμεινον εἶναι πέμψαι· οὐ γὰρ ἀνέλπιστον αὐτοῖς, ἀλλ᾽ αἰεὶ διὰ φόβου εἰσὶ μή ποτε Ἀθηναῖοι αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ἔλθωσιν, ὥστε τάχ’ ἂν ἴσως νομίσαντες, εἰ τάδε προήσονται, κἂν σφεῖς ἐν πόνῳ εἶναι, ἐθελήσειαν ἡμῖν ἤτοι κρύφα γε ἢ φανερῶς ἢ ἐξ ἑνός γέ του τρόπου ἀμῦναι. δυνατοὶ δὲ εἰσὶ μάλιστα τῶν νῦν, βουληθέντες· χρυσὸν γὰρ καὶ ἄργυρον πλεῖστον κέκτηνται, ὅθεν ὅ τε πόλεμος καὶ τἆλλα εὐπορεῖ.

3 πέμπωμεν δὲ καὶ ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα καὶ ἐς Κόρινθον δεόμενοι δεῦρο κατὰ τάχος βοηθεῖν καὶ τὸν ἐκεῖ πόλεμον κινεῖν.

4 ὃ δὲ μάλιστα ἐγώ τε νομίζω ἐπίκαιρον ὑμεῖς τε διὰ τὸ ξύνηθες ἥσυχον ἥκιστ’ ἂν ὀξέως πείθοισθε, ὅμως εἰρήσεται. Σικελιῶται γὰρ εἰ ἐθέλοιμεν ξύμπαντες, εἰ δὲ μή, ὅτι πλεῖστοι μεθ’ ἡμῶν, καθελκύσαντες ἅπαν τὸ ὑπάρχον ναυτικὸν μετὰ δυοῖν μηνοῖν τροφῆς ἀπαντῆσαι Ἀθηναίοις ἐς Τάραντα καὶ ἄκραν Ἰαπυγίαν, καὶ δῆλον ποιῆσαι αὐτοῖς ὅτι οὐ περὶ τῆς Σικελίας πρότερον ἔσται ὁ ἀγὼν ἢ τοῦ ἐκείνους περαιωθῆναι τὸν Ἰόνιον, μάλιστ᾽ ἂν αὐτοὺς ἐκπλήξαιμεν καὶ ἐς λογισμὸν καταστήσαιμεν ὅτι ὁρμώμεθα μὲν ἐκ φιλίας χώρας φύλακες (ὑποδέχεται γὰρ ἡμᾶς Τάρας), τὸ δὲ πέλαγος αὐτοῖς πολὺ περαιοῦσθαι μετὰ πάσης τῆς παρασκευῆς, χαλεπὸν δὲ διὰ πλοῦ μῆκος ἐν τάξει μεῖναι, καὶ ἡμῖν ἂν εὐεπίθετος εἴη, βραδεῖά τε καὶ κατ’ ὀλίγον προσπίπτουσα.

5 εἰ δ’ αὖ τῷ ταχυναυτοῦντι ἁθροωτέρῳ κουφίσαντες προσβάλοιεν, εἰ μὲν κώπαις χρήσαιντο, ἐπιθοίμεθ’ ἂν κεκμηκόσιν, εἰ δὲ μὴ δοκοίη, ἔστι καὶ ὑποχωρῆσαι ἡμῖν ἐς Τάραντα· οἱ δὲ μετ’ ὀλίγων ἐφοδίων ὡς ἐπὶ ναυμαχίᾳ περαιωθέντες ἀποροῖεν ἂν κατὰ χωρία ἐρῆμα, καὶ ἢ μένοντες πολιορκοῖντο ἂν ἢ πειρώμενοι παραπλεῖν τήν τε ἄλλην παρασκευὴν ἀπολείποιεν ἂν καὶ τὰ τῶν πόλεων οὐκ ἂν βέβαια ἔχοντες, εἰ ὑποδέξοιντο, ἀθυμοῖεν.

6 ὥστ’ ἔγωγε τούτῳ τῷ λογισμῷ ἡγοῦμαι ἀποκλῃομένους αὐτοὺς οὐδ’ ἂν ἀπᾶραι ἀπὸ Κερκύρας, ἀλλ’ ἢ διαβουλευσαμένους καὶ κατασκοπαῖς χρωμένους, ὁπόσοι τ’ ἐσμὲν καὶ ἐν ᾧ χωρίῳ, ἐξωσθῆναι ἂν τῇ ὥρᾳ ἐς χειμῶνα, ἢ καταπλαγέντας τῷ ἀδοκήτῳ καταλῦσαι ἂν τὸν πλοῦν, ἄλλως τε καὶ τοῦ ἐμπειροτάτου τῶν στρατηγῶν, ὡς ἐγὼ ἀκούω, ἄκοντος ἡγουμένου καὶ ἀσμένου ἂν πρόφασιν λαβόντος, εἴ τι ἀξιόχρεων ἀφ’ ἡμῶν ὀφθείη.

7 ἀγγελλοίμεθα δ’ ἂν εὖ οἶδ’ ὅτι ἐπὶ τὸ πλέον· τῶν δ’ ἀνθρώπων πρὸς τὰ λεγόμενα καὶ αἱ γνῶμαι ἵστανται, καὶ τοὺς προεπιχειροῦντας ἢ τοῖς γε ἐπιχειροῦσι προδηλοῦντας ὅτι ἀμυνοῦνται μᾶλλον πεφόβηνται, ἰσοκινδύνους ἡγούμενοι.

8 ὅπερ ἂν νῦν Ἀθηναῖοι πάθοιεν. ἐπέρχονται γὰρ ἡμῖν ὡς οὐκ ἀμυνουμένοις, δικαίως κατεγνωκότες ὅτι αὐτοὺς οὐ μετὰ Λακεδαιμονίων ἐφθείρομεν· εἰ δ’ ἴδοιεν παρὰ γνώμην τολμήσαντας, τῷ ἀδοκήτῳ μᾶλλον ἂν καταπλαγεῖεν ἢ τῇ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀληθοῦς δυνάμει.

9 ‘πείθεσθε οὖν μάλιστα μὲν ταῦτα τολμήσαντες, εἰ δὲ μή, ὅτι τάχιστα τἆλλα ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἑτοιμάζειν, καὶ παραστῆναι παντὶ τὸ μὲν καταφρονεῖν τοὺς ἐπιόντας ἐν τῶν ἔργων τῇ ἀλκῇ δείκνυσθαι, τὸ δ’ ἤδη τὰς μετὰ φόβου παρασκευὰς ἀσφαλεστάτας νομίσαντας ὡς ἐπὶ κινδύνου πράσσειν χρησιμώτατον ἂν ξυμβῆναι. οἱ δὲ ἄνδρες καὶ ἐπέρχονται καὶ ἐν πλῷ εὖ οἶδ’ ὅτι ἤδη εἰσὶ καὶ ὅσον οὔπω πάρεισιν.’

Chapter 35

1 καὶ ὁ μὲν Ἑρμοκράτης τοσαῦτα εἶπεν· τῶν δὲ Συρακοσίων ὁ δῆμος ἐν πολλῇ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἔριδι ἦσαν, οἱ μὲν ὡς οὐδενὶ ἂν τρόπῳ ἔλθοιεν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι οὐδ’ ἀληθῆ ἐστὶν ἃ λέγει, τοῖς δέ, εἰ καὶ ἔλθοιεν, τί ἂν δράσειαν αὐτοὺς ὅτι οὐκ ἂν μεῖζον ἀντιπάθοιεν. ἄλλοι δὲ καὶ πάνυ καταφρονοῦντες ἐς γέλωτα ἔτρεπον τὸ πρᾶγμα. ὀλίγον δ’ ἦν τὸ πιστεῦον τῷ Ἑρμοκράτει καὶ φοβούμενον τὸ μέλλον.

2 παρελθὼν δ’ αὐτοῖς Ἀθηναγόρας, ὃς δήμου τε προστάτης ἦν καὶ ἐν τῷ παρόντι πιθανώτατος τοῖς πολλοῖς, ἔλεγε τοιάδε.

Chapter 36

1 ‘τοὺς μὲν Ἀθηναίους ὅστις μὴ βούλεται οὕτω κακῶς φρονῆσαι καὶ ὑποχειρίους ἡμῖν γενέσθαι ἐνθάδε ἐλθόντας, ἢ δειλός ἐστιν ἢ τῇ πόλει οὐκ εὔνους· τοὺς δὲ ἀγγέλλοντας τὰ τοιαῦτα καὶ περιφόβους ὑμᾶς ποιοῦντας τῆς μὲν τόλμης οὐ θαυμάζω, τῆς δὲ ἀξυνεσίας, εἰ μὴ οἴονται ἔνδηλοι εἶναι.

2 οἱ γὰρ δεδιότες ἰδίᾳ τι βούλονται τὴν πόλιν ἐς ἔκπληξιν καθιστάναι, ὅπως τῷ κοινῷ φόβῳ τὸν σφέτερον ἐπηλυγάζωνται. καὶ νῦν αὗται αἱ ἀγγελίαι τοῦτο δύνανται· οὐκ ἀπὸ ταὐτομάτου, ἐκ δὲ ἀνδρῶν οἵπερ αἰεὶ τάδε κινοῦσι ξύγκεινται.

3 ὑμεῖς δὲ ἢν εὖ βουλεύησθε, οὐκ ἐξ ὧν οὗτοι ἀγγέλλουσι σκοποῦντες λογιεῖσθε τὰ εἰκότα, ἀλλ’ ἐξ ὧν ἂν ἄνθρωποι δεινοὶ καὶ πολλῶν ἔμπειροι, ὥσπερ ἐγὼ Ἀθηναίους ἀξιῶ, δράσειαν.

4 οὐ γὰρ αὐτοὺς εἰκὸς Πελοποννησίους τε ὑπολιπόντας καὶ τὸν ἐκεῖ πόλεμον μήπω βεβαίως καταλελυμένους ἐπ’ ἄλλον πόλεμον οὐκ ἐλάσσω ἑκόντας ἐλθεῖν, ἐπεὶ ἔγωγε ἀγαπᾶν οἴομαι αὐτοὺς ὅτι οὐχ ἡμεῖς ἐπ’ ἐκείνους ἐρχόμεθα, πόλεις τοσαῦται καὶ οὕτω μεγάλαι.

Chapter 37

1 εἰ δὲ δή, ὥσπερ λέγονται, ἔλθοιεν, ἱκανωτέραν ἡγοῦμαι Σικελίαν Πελοποννήσου διαπολεμῆσαι ὅσῳ κατὰ πάντα ἄμεινον ἐξήρτυται, τὴν δὲ ἡμετέραν πόλιν αὐτὴν τῆς νῦν στρατιᾶς, ὥς φασιν, ἐπιούσης, καὶ εἰ δὶς τοσαύτη ἔλθοι, πολὺ κρείσσω εἶναι, οἷς γ᾽ ἐπίσταμαι οὔθ’ ἵππους ἀκολουθήσοντας, οὐδ’ αὐτόθεν πορισθησομένους εἰ μὴ ὀλίγους τινὰς παρ’ Ἐγεσταίων, οὔθ’ ὁπλίτας ἰσοπληθεῖς τοῖς ἡμετέροις ἐπὶ νεῶν γε ἐλθόντας (μέγα γὰρ τὸ καὶ αὐταῖς ταῖς ναυσὶ κούφαις τοσοῦτον πλοῦν δεῦρο κομισθῆναι), τήν τε ἄλλην παρασκευὴν ὅσην δεῖ ἐπὶ πόλιν τοσήνδε πορισθῆναι, οὐκ ὀλίγην οὖσαν.

2 ὥστε, παρὰ τοσοῦτον γιγνώσκω, μόλις ἄν μοι δοκοῦσιν, εἰ πόλιν ἑτέραν τοσαύτην ὅσαι Συράκουσαί εἰσιν ἔλθοιεν ἔχοντες καὶ ὅμορον οἰκίσαντες τὸν πόλεμον ποιοῖντο, οὐκ ἂν παντάπασι διαφθαρῆναι, ἦ πού γε δὴ ἐν πάσῃ πολεμίᾳ Σικελίᾳ (ξυστήσεται γάρ) στρατοπέδῳ τε ἐκ νεῶν ἱδρυθέντι καὶ ἐκ σκηνιδίων καὶ ἀναγκαίας παρασκευῆς οὐκ ἐπὶ πολὺ ὑπὸ τῶν ἡμετέρων ἱππέων ἐξιόντες. τό τε ξύμπαν οὐδ’ ἂν κρατῆσαι αὐτοὺς τῆς γῆς ἡγοῦμαι· τοσούτῳ τὴν ἡμετέραν παρασκευὴν κρείσσω νομίζω.

Chapter 38

1 ‘ἀλλὰ ταῦτα, ὥσπερ ἐγὼ λέγω, οἵ τε Ἀθηναῖοι γιγνώσκοντες τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν εὖ οἶδ’ ὅτι σῴζουσι, καὶ ἐνθένδε ἄνδρες οὔτε ὄντα οὔτε ἂν γενόμενα λογοποιοῦσιν,

2 οὓς ἐγὼ οὐ νῦν πρῶτον, ἀλλ’ αἰεὶ ἐπίσταμαι ἤτοι λόγοις γε τοιοῖσδε καὶ ἔτι τούτων κακουργοτέροις ἢ ἔργοις βουλομένους καταπλήξαντας τὸ ὑμέτερον πλῆθος αὐτοὺς τῆς πόλεως ἄρχειν. καὶ δέδοικα μέντοι μήποτε πολλὰ πειρῶντες καὶ κατορθώσωσιν· ἡμεῖς δὲ κακοί, πρὶν ἐν τῷ παθεῖν ὦμεν, προφυλάξασθαί τε καὶ αἰσθόμενοι ἐπεξελθεῖν.

3 τοιγάρτοι δι’ αὐτὰ ἡ πόλις ἡμῶν ὀλιγάκις μὲν ἡσυχάζει, στάσεις δὲ πολλὰς καὶ ἀγῶνας οὐ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους πλέονας ἢ πρὸς αὑτὴν ἀναιρεῖται, τυραννίδας δὲ ἔστιν ὅτε καὶ δυναστείας ἀδίκους.

4 ὧν ἐγὼ πειράσομαι, ἤν γε ὑμεῖς ἐθέλητε ἕπεσθαι, μήποτε ἐφ’ ἡμῶν τι περιιδεῖν γενέσθαι, ὑμᾶς μὲν τοὺς πολλοὺς πείθων, τοὺς δὲ τὰ τοιαῦτα μηχανωμένους κολάζων, μὴ μόνον αὐτοφώρους (χαλεπὸν γὰρ ἐπιτυγχάνειν), ἀλλὰ καὶ ὧν βούλονται μέν, δύνανται δ’ οὔ (τὸν γὰρ ἐχθρὸν οὐχ ὧν δρᾷ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς διανοίας προαμύνεσθαι χρή, εἴπερ καὶ μὴ προφυλαξάμενός τις προπείσεται), τοὺς δ’ αὖ ὀλίγους τὰ μὲν ἐλέγχων, τὰ δὲ φυλάσσων, τὰ δὲ καὶ διδάσκων· μάλιστα γὰρ δοκῶ ἄν μοι οὕτως ἀποτρέπειν τῆς κακουργίας.

5 καὶ δῆτα, ὃ πολλάκις ἐσκεψάμην, τί καὶ βούλεσθε, ὦ νεώτεροι; πότερον ἄρχειν ἤδη; ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἔννομον· ὁ δὲ νόμος ἐκ τοῦ μὴ δύνασθαι ὑμᾶς μᾶλλον ἢ δυναμένους ἐτέθη ἀτιμάζειν. ἀλλὰ δὴ μὴ μετὰ πολλῶν ἰσονομεῖσθαι; καὶ πῶς δίκαιον τοὺς αὐτοὺς μὴ τῶν αὐτῶν ἀξιοῦσθαι;

Chapter 39

1 φήσει τις δημοκρατίαν οὔτε ξυνετὸν οὔτ’ ἴσον εἶναι, τοὺς δ’ ἔχοντας τὰ χρήματα καὶ ἄρχειν ἄριστα βελτίστους. ἐγὼ δέ φημι πρῶτα μὲν δῆμον ξύμπαν ὠνομάσθαι, ὀλιγαρχίαν δὲ μέρος, ἔπειτα φύλακας μὲν ἀρίστους εἶναι χρημάτων τοὺς πλουσίους, βουλεῦσαι δ’ ἂν βέλτιστα τοὺς ξυνετούς, κρῖναι δ’ ἂν ἀκούσαντας ἄριστα τοὺς πολλούς, καὶ ταῦτα ὁμοίως καὶ κατὰ μέρη καὶ ξύμπαντα ἐν δημοκρατίᾳ ἰσομοιρεῖν.

2 ὀλιγαρχία δὲ τῶν μὲν κινδύνων τοῖς πολλοῖς μεταδίδωσι, τῶν δ’ ὠφελίμων οὐ πλεονεκτεῖ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ξύμπαντ’ ἀφελομένη ἔχει· ἃ ὑμῶν οἵ τε δυνάμενοι καὶ οἱ νέοι προθυμοῦνται, ἀδύνατα ἐν μεγάλῃ πόλει κατασχεῖν. ‘ἀλλ’ ἔτι καὶ νῦν, ὦ πάντων ἀξυνετώτατοι, εἰ μὴ μανθάνετε κακὰ σπεύδοντες, ἢ ἀμαθέστατοί ἐστε ὧν ἐγὼ οἶδα Ἑλλήνων, ἢ ἀδικώτατοι, εἰ εἰδότες τολμᾶτε.

Chapter 40

1 ἀλλ’ ἤτοι μαθόντες γε ἢ μεταγνόντες τὸ τῆς πόλεως ξύμπασι κοινὸν αὔξετε, ἡγησάμενοι τοῦτο μὲν ἂν καὶ ἴσον καὶ πλέον οἱ ἀγαθοὶ ὑμῶν [ἤπερ τὸ τῆς πόλεως πλῆθος] μετασχεῖν, εἰ δ’ ἄλλα βουλήσεσθε, καὶ τοῦ παντὸς κινδυνεῦσαι στερηθῆναι· καὶ τῶν τοιῶνδε ἀγγελιῶν ὡς πρὸς αἰσθανομένους καὶ μὴ ἐπιτρέψοντας ἀπαλλάγητε.

2 ἡ γὰρ πόλις ἥδε, καὶ εἰ ἔρχονται Ἀθηναῖοι, ἀμυνεῖται αὐτοὺς ἀξίως αὑτῆς, καὶ στρατηγοί εἰσιν ἡμῖν οἳ σκέψονται αὐτά· καὶ εἰ μή τι αὐτῶν ἀληθές ἐστιν, ὥσπερ οὐκ οἴομαι, οὐ πρὸς τὰς ὑμετέρας ἀγγελίας καταπλαγεῖσα καὶ ἑλομένη ὑμᾶς ἄρχοντας αὐθαίρετον δουλείαν ἐπιβαλεῖται, αὐτὴ δ’ ἐφ’ αὑτῆς σκοποῦσα τούς τε λόγους ἀφ’ ὑμῶν ὡς ἔργα δυναμένους κρινεῖ καὶ τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν ἐλευθερίαν οὐχὶ ἐκ τοῦ ἀκούειν ἀφαιρεθήσεται, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ ἔργῳ φυλασσομένη μὴ ἐπιτρέπειν πειράσεται σῴζειν.’

Chapter 41

1 τοιαῦτα δὲ Ἀθηναγόρας εἶπεν. τῶν δὲ στρατηγῶν εἷς ἀναστὰς ἄλλον μὲν οὐδένα ἔτι εἴασε παρελθεῖν, αὐτὸς δὲ πρὸς τὰ παρόντα ἔλεξε τοιάδε.

2 ‘διαβολὰς μὲν οὐ σῶφρον οὔτε λέγειν τινὰς ἐς ἀλλήλους οὔτε τοὺς ἀκούοντας ἀποδέχεσθαι, πρὸς δὲ τὰ ἐσαγγελλόμενα μᾶλλον ὁρᾶν, ὅπως εἷς τε ἕκαστος καὶ ἡ ξύμπασα πόλις καλῶς τοὺς ἐπιόντας παρασκευασόμεθα ἀμύνεσθαι.

3 καὶ ἢν ἄρα μηδὲν δεήσῃ, οὐδεμία βλάβη τοῦ τε τὸ κοινὸν κοσμηθῆναι καὶ ἵπποις καὶ ὅπλοις

4 καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις οἷς ὁ πόλεμος ἀγάλλεται (τὴν δ’ ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ ἐξέτασιν αὐτῶν ἡμεῖς ἕξομεν), καὶ τῶν πρὸς τὰς πόλεις διαπομπῶν ἅμα ἔς τε κατασκοπὴν καὶ ἤν τι ἄλλο φαίνηται ἐπιτήδειον. τὰ δὲ καὶ ἐπιμεμελήμεθα ἤδη, καὶ ὅτι ἂν αἰσθώμεθα ἐς ὑμᾶς οἴσομεν.’ καὶ οἱ μὲν Συρακόσιοι τοσαῦτα εἰπόντος τοῦ στρατηγοῦ διελύθησαν ἐκ τοῦ ξυλλόγου.

Chapter 42

1 οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι ἤδη ἐν τῇ Κερκύρᾳ αὐτοί τε καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἅπαντες ἦσαν. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἐπεξέτασιν τοῦ στρατεύματος καὶ ξύνταξιν, ὥσπερ ἔμελλον ὁρμιεῖσθαί τε καὶ στρατοπεδεύεσθαι, οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἐποιήσαντο, καὶ τρία μέρη νείμαντες ἓν ἑκάστῳ ἐκλήρωσαν, ἵνα μήτε ἅμα πλέοντες ἀπορῶσιν ὕδατος καὶ λιμένων καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἐν ταῖς καταγωγαῖς, πρός τε τἆλλα εὐκοσμότεροι καὶ ῥᾴους ἄρχειν ὦσι, κατὰ τέλη στρατηγῷ προστεταγμένοι·

2 ἔπειτα δὲ προύπεμψαν καὶ ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν καὶ Σικελίαν τρεῖς ναῦς εἰσομένας αἵτινες σφᾶς τῶν πόλεων δέξονται. καὶ εἴρητο αὐταῖς προαπαντᾶν, ὅπως ἐπιστάμενοι καταπλέωσιν.

Chapter 43

1 μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοσῇδε ἤδη τῇ παρασκευῇ Ἀθηναῖοι ἄραντες ἐκ τῆς Κερκύρας ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν ἐπεραιοῦντο, τριήρεσι μὲν ταῖς πάσαις τέσσαρσι καὶ τριάκοντα καὶ ἑκατόν, καὶ δυοῖν Ῥοδίοιν πεντηκοντόροιν (τούτων Ἀττικαὶ μὲν ἦσαν ἑκατόν, ὧν αἱ μὲν ἑξήκοντα ταχεῖαι, αἱ δ’ ἄλλαι στρατιώτιδες, τὸ δὲ ἄλλο ναυτικὸν Χίων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ξυμμάχων), ὁπλίταις δὲ τοῖς ξύμπασιν ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντακισχιλίοις (καὶ τούτων Ἀθηναίων μὲν αὐτῶν ἦσαν πεντακόσιοι μὲν καὶ χίλιοι ἐκ καταλόγου, ἑπτακόσιοι δὲ θῆτες ἐπιβάται τῶν νεῶν, ξύμμαχοι δὲ οἱ ἄλλοι ξυνεστράτευον, οἱ μὲν τῶν ὑπηκόων, οἱ δ’ Ἀργείων πεντακόσιοι καὶ Μαντινέων καὶ μισθοφόρων πεντήκοντα καὶ διακόσιοι), τοξόταις δὲ τοῖς πᾶσιν ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ τετρακοσίοις (καὶ τούτων Κρῆτες οἱ ὀγδοήκοντα ἦσαν) καὶ σφενδονήταις Ῥοδίων ἑπτακοσίοις, καὶ Μεγαρεῦσι ψιλοῖς φυγάσιν εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατόν, καὶ ἱππαγωγῷ μιᾷ τριάκοντα ἀγούσῃ ἱππέας.

Chapter 44

1 τοσαύτη ἡ πρώτη παρασκευὴ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον διέπλει. τούτοις δὲ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἄγουσαι ὁλκάδες μὲν τριάκοντα σιταγωγοί, καὶ τοὺς σιτοποιοὺς ἔχουσαι καὶ λιθολόγους καὶ τέκτονας καὶ ὅσα ἐς τειχισμὸν ἐργαλεῖα, πλοῖα δὲ ἑκατόν, ἃ ἐξ ἀνάγκης μετὰ τῶν ὁλκάδων ξυνέπλει· πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἄλλα πλοῖα καὶ ὁλκάδες ἑκούσιοι ξυνηκολούθουν τῇ στρατιᾷ ἐμπορίας ἕνεκα· ἃ τότε πάντα ἐκ τῆς Κερκύρας ξυνδιέβαλλε τὸν Ἰόνιον κόλπον.

2 καὶ προσβαλοῦσα ἡ πᾶσα παρασκευὴ πρός τε ἄκραν Ἰαπυγίαν καὶ πρὸς Τάραντα καὶ ὡς ἕκαστοι ηὐπόρησαν, παρεκομίζοντο τὴν Ἰταλίαν, τῶν μὲν πόλεων οὐ δεχομένων αὐτοὺς ἀγορᾷ οὐδὲ ἄστει, ὕδατι δὲ καὶ ὅρμῳ, Τάραντος δὲ καὶ Λοκρῶν οὐδὲ τούτοις, ἕως ἀφίκοντο ἐς Ῥήγιον τῆς Ἰταλίας ἀκρωτήριον.

3 καὶ ἐνταῦθα ἤδη ἡθροίζοντο, καὶ ἔξω τῆς πόλεως, ὡς αὐτοὺς ἔσω οὐκ ἐδέχοντο, στρατόπεδόν τε κατεσκευάσαντο ἐν τῷ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερῷ, οὗ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἀγορὰν παρεῖχον, καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἀνελκύσαντες ἡσύχασαν. καὶ πρός [τε] τοὺς Ῥηγίνους λόγους ἐποιήσαντο, ἀξιοῦντες Χαλκιδέας ὄντας Χαλκιδεῦσιν οὖσι Λεοντίνοις βοηθεῖν· οἱ δὲ οὐδὲ μεθ’ ἑτέρων ἔφασαν ἔσεσθαι, ἀλλ’ ὅτι ἂν καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις Ἰταλιώταις ξυνδοκῇ, τοῦτο ποιήσειν.

4 οἱ δὲ πρὸς τὰ ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ πράγματα ἐσκόπουν ὅτῳ τρόπῳ ἄριστα προσοίσονται· καὶ τὰς πρόπλους ναῦς ἐκ τῆς Ἐγέστης ἅμα προσέμενον, βουλόμενοι εἰδέναι περὶ τῶν χρημάτων εἰ ἔστιν ἃ ἔλεγον ἐν ταῖς Ἀθήναις οἱ ἄγγελοι.

Chapter 45

1 τοῖς δὲ Συρακοσίοις ἐν τούτῳ πολλαχόθεν τε ἤδη καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν κατασκόπων σαφῆ ἠγγέλλετο ὅτι ἐν Ῥηγίῳ αἱ νῆές εἰσι, καὶ ὡς ἐπὶ τούτοις παρεσκευάζοντο πάσῃ τῇ γνώμῃ καὶ οὐκέτι ἠπίστουν. καὶ ἔς τε τοὺς Σικελοὺς περιέπεμπον, ἔνθα μὲν φύλακας, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς πρέσβεις, καὶ ἐς τὰ περιπόλια τὰ ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ φρουρὰς ἐσεκόμιζον, τά τε ἐν τῇ πόλει ὅπλων ἐξετάσει καὶ ἵππων ἐσκόπουν εἰ ἐντελῆ ἐστί, καὶ τἆλλα ὡς ἐπὶ ταχεῖ πολέμῳ καὶ ὅσον οὐ παρόντι καθίσταντο.

Chapter 46

1 αἱ δ’ ἐκ τῆς Ἐγέστης τρεῖς νῆες αἱ πρόπλοι παραγίγνονται τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐς τὸ Ῥήγιον, ἀγγέλλουσαι ὅτι τἆλλα μὲν οὐκ ἔστι χρήματα ἃ ὑπέσχοντο, τριάκοντα δὲ τάλαντα μόνα φαίνεται.

2 καὶ οἱ στρατηγοὶ εὐθὺς ἐν ἀθυμίᾳ ἦσαν, ὅτι αὐτοῖς τοῦτό τε πρῶτον ἀντεκεκρούκει καὶ οἱ Ῥηγῖνοι οὐκ ἐθελήσαντες ξυστρατεύειν, οὓς πρῶτον ἤρξαντο πείθειν καὶ εἰκὸς ἦν μάλιστα, Λεοντίνων τε ξυγγενεῖς ὄντας καὶ σφίσιν αἰεὶ ἐπιτηδείους. καὶ τῷ μὲν Νικίᾳ προσδεχομένῳ ἦν τὰ παρὰ τῶν Ἐγεσταίων, τοῖν δὲ ἑτέροιν καὶ ἀλογώτερα.

3 οἱ δὲ Ἐγεσταῖοι τοιόνδε τι ἐξετεχνήσαντο τότε ὅτε οἱ πρῶτοι πρέσβεις τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἦλθον αὐτοῖς ἐς τὴν κατασκοπὴν τῶν χρημάτων. ἔς τε τὸ ἐν Ἔρυκι ἱερὸν τῆς Ἀφροδίτης ἀγαγόντες αὐτοὺς ἐπέδειξαν τὰ ἀναθήματα, φιάλας τε καὶ οἰνοχόας καὶ θυμιατήρια καὶ ἄλλην κατασκευὴν οὐκ ὀλίγην, ἃ ὄντα ἀργυρᾶ πολλῷ πλείω τὴν ὄψιν ἀπ’ ὀλίγης δυνάμεως χρημάτων παρείχετο· καὶ ἰδίᾳ ξενίσεις ποιούμενοι τῶν τριηριτῶν τά τε ἐξ αὐτῆς Ἐγέστης ἐκπώματα καὶ χρυσᾶ καὶ ἀργυρᾶ ξυλλέξαντες καὶ τὰ ἐκ τῶν ἐγγὺς πόλεων καὶ Φοινικικῶν καὶ Ἑλληνίδων αἰτησάμενοι ἐσέφερον ἐς τὰς ἑστιάσεις ὡς οἰκεῖα ἕκαστοι.

4 καὶ πάντων ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ τοῖς αὐτοῖς χρωμένων καὶ πανταχοῦ πολλῶν φαινομένων μεγάλην τὴν ἔκπληξιν τοῖς ἐκ τῶν τριήρων Ἀθηναίοις παρεῖχε, καὶ ἀφικόμενοι ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας διεθρόησαν ὡς χρήματα πολλὰ ἴδοιεν.

5 καὶ οἱ μὲν αὐτοί τε ἀπατηθέντες καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τότε πείσαντες, ἐπειδὴ διῆλθεν ὁ λόγος ὅτι οὐκ εἴη ἐν τῇ Ἐγέστῃ τὰ χρήματα, πολλὴν τὴν αἰτίαν εἶχον ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν· οἱ δὲ στρατηγοὶ πρὸς τὰ παρόντα ἐβουλεύοντο.

Chapter 47

1 καὶ Νικίου μὲν ἦν γνώμη πλεῖν ἐπὶ Σελινοῦντα πάσῃ τῇ στρατιᾷ, ἐφ’ ὅπερ μάλιστα ἐπέμφθησαν, καὶ ἢν μὲν παρέχωσι χρήματα παντὶ τῷ στρατεύματι Ἐγεσταῖοι, πρὸς ταῦτα βουλεύεσθαι, εἰ δὲ μή, ταῖς ἑξήκοντα ναυσίν, ὅσασπερ ᾐτήσαντο, ἀξιοῦν διδόναι αὐτοὺς τροφήν, καὶ παραμείναντας Σελινουντίους ἢ βίᾳ ἢ ξυμβάσει διαλλάξαι αὐτοῖς, καὶ οὕτω παραπλεύσαντας τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις καὶ ἐπιδείξαντας μὲν τὴν δύναμιν τῆς Ἀθηναίων πόλεως, δηλώσαντας δὲ τὴν ἐς τοὺς φίλους καὶ ξυμμάχους προθυμίαν, ἀποπλεῖν οἴκαδε, ἢν μή τι δι’ ὀλίγου καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀδοκήτου ἢ Λεοντίνους οἷοί τε ὦσιν ὠφελῆσαι ἢ τῶν ἄλλων τινὰ πόλεων προσαγαγέσθαι, καὶ τῇ πόλει δαπανῶντας τὰ οἰκεῖα μὴ κινδυνεύειν.

Chapter 48

1 Ἀλκιβιάδης δὲ οὐκ ἔφη χρῆναι τοσαύτῃ δυνάμει ἐκπλεύσαντας αἰσχρῶς καὶ ἀπράκτους ἀπελθεῖν, ἀλλ’ ἔς τε τὰς πόλεις ἐπικηρυκεύεσθαι πλὴν Σελινοῦντος καὶ Συρακουσῶν τὰς ἄλλας, καὶ πειρᾶσθαι καὶ τοὺς Σικελοὺς τοὺς μὲν ἀφιστάναι ἀπὸ τῶν Συρακοσίων, τοὺς δὲ φίλους ποιεῖσθαι, ἵνα σῖτον καὶ στρατιὰν ἔχωσι, πρῶτον δὲ πείθειν Μεσσηνίους (ἐν πόρῳ γὰρ μάλιστα καὶ προσβολῇ εἶναι αὐτοὺς τῆς Σικελίας, καὶ λιμένα καὶ ἐφόρμησιν τῇ στρατιᾷ ἱκανωτάτην ἔσεσθαι)· προσαγαγομένους δὲ τὰς πόλεις, εἰδότας μεθ’ ὧν τις πολεμήσει, οὕτως ἤδη Συρακούσαις καὶ Σελινοῦντι ἐπιχειρεῖν, ἢν μὴ οἱ μὲν Ἐγεσταίοις ξυμβαίνωσιν, οἱ δὲ Λεοντίνους ἐῶσι κατοικίζειν.

Chapter 49

1 Λάμαχος δὲ ἄντικρυς ἔφη χρῆναι πλεῖν ἐπὶ Συρακούσας καὶ πρὸς τῇ πόλει ὡς τάχιστα τὴν μάχην ποιεῖσθαι, ἕως ἔτι ἀπαράσκευοί τε εἰσὶ καὶ μάλιστα ἐκπεπληγμένοι.

2 τὸ γὰρ πρῶτον πᾶν στράτευμα δεινότατον εἶναι· ἢν δὲ χρονίσῃ πρὶν ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθεῖν, τῇ γνώμῃ ἀναθαρσοῦντας ἀνθρώπους καὶ τῇ ὄψει καταφρονεῖν μᾶλλον. αἰφνίδιοι δὲ ἢν προσπέσωσιν, ἕως ἔτι περιδεεῖς προσδέχονται, μάλιστ’ ἂν σφεῖς περιγενέσθαι καὶ κατὰ πάντα ἂν αὐτοὺς ἐκφοβῆσαι, τῇ τε ὄψει (πλεῖστοι γὰρ ἂν νῦν φανῆναι) καὶ τῇ προσδοκίᾳ ὧν πείσονται, μάλιστα δ’ ἂν τῷ αὐτίκα κινδύνῳ τῆς μάχης.

3 εἰκὸς δὲ εἶναι καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς πολλοὺς ἀποληφθῆναι ἔξω διὰ τὸ ἀπιστεῖν σφᾶς μὴ ἥξειν, καὶ ἐσκομιζομένων αὐτῶν τὴν στρατιὰν οὐκ ἀπορήσειν χρημάτων, ἢν πρὸς τῇ πόλει κρατοῦσα καθέζηται.

4 τούς τε ἄλλους Σικελιώτας οὕτως ἤδη μᾶλλον καὶ ἐκείνοις οὐ ξυμμαχήσειν καὶ σφίσι προσιέναι καὶ οὐ διαμελλήσειν περισκοποῦντας ὁπότεροι κρατήσουσιν. ναύσταθμον δὲ ἐπαναχωρήσαντας καὶ ἐφορμηθέντας Μέγαρα ἔφη χρῆναι ποιεῖσθαι, ἃ ἦν ἐρῆμα, ἀπέχοντα Συρακουσῶν οὔτε πλοῦν πολὺν οὔτε ὁδόν.

Chapter 50

1 Λάμαχος μὲν ταῦτα εἰπὼν ὅμως προσέθετο καὶ αὐτὸς τῇ Ἀλκιβιάδου γνώμῃ. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο Ἀλκιβιάδης τῇ αὑτοῦ νηὶ διαπλεύσας ἐς Μεσσήνην καὶ λόγους ποιησάμενος περὶ ξυμμαχίας πρὸς αὐτούς, ὡς οὐκ ἔπειθεν, ἀλλ’ ἀπεκρίναντο πόλει μὲν ἂν οὐ δέξασθαι, ἀγορὰν δ’ ἔξω παρέξειν, ἀπέπλει ἐς τὸ Ῥήγιον.

2 καὶ εὐθὺς ξυμπληρώσαντες ἑξήκοντα ναῦς ἐκ πασῶν οἱ στρατηγοὶ καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια λαβόντες παρέπλεον ἐς Νάξον, τὴν ἄλλην στρατιὰν ἐν Ῥηγίῳ καταλιπόντες καὶ ἕνα σφῶν αὐτῶν.

3 Ναξίων δὲ δεξαμένων τῇ πόλει παρέπλεον ἐς Κατάνην. καὶ ὡς αὐτοὺς οἱ Καταναῖοι οὐκ ἐδέχοντο (ἐνῆσαν γὰρ αὐτόθι ἄνδρες τὰ Συρακοσίων βουλόμενοι),

4 ἐκομίσθησαν ἐπὶ τὸν Τηρίαν ποταμόν, καὶ αὐλισάμενοι τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἐπὶ Συρακούσας ἔπλεον ἐπὶ κέρως ἔχοντες τὰς ἄλλας ναῦς· δέκα δὲ τῶν νεῶν προύπεμψαν ἐς τὸν μέγαν λιμένα πλεῦσαί τε καὶ κατασκέψασθαι εἴ τι ναυτικόν ἐστι καθειλκυσμένον, καὶ κηρῦξαι ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν προσπλεύσαντας ὅτι Ἀθηναῖοι ἥκουσι Λεοντίνους ἐς τὴν ἑαυτῶν κατοικιοῦντες κατὰ ξυμμαχίαν καὶ ξυγγένειαν· τοὺς οὖν ὄντας ἐν Συρακούσαις Λεοντίνων ὡς παρὰ φίλους καὶ εὐεργέτας Ἀθηναίους ἀδεῶς ἀπιέναι.

5 ἐπεὶ δ’ ἐκηρύχθη καὶ κατεσκέψαντο τήν τε πόλιν καὶ τοὺς λιμένας καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν χώραν ἐξ ἧς αὐτοῖς ὁρμωμένοις πολεμητέα ἦν, ἀπέπλευσαν πάλιν ἐς Κατάνην.

Chapter 51

1 καὶ ἐκκλησίας γενομένης τὴν μὲν στρατιὰν οὐκ ἐδέχοντο οἱ Καταναῖοι, τοὺς δὲ στρατηγοὺς ἐσελθόντας ἐκέλευον, εἴ τι βούλονται, εἰπεῖν. καὶ λέγοντος τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου, καὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει πρὸς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τετραμμένων, οἱ στρατιῶται πυλίδα τινὰ ἐνῳκοδομημένην κακῶς ἔλαθον διελόντες, καὶ ἐσελθόντες ἠγόραζον ἐς τὴν πόλιν.

2 τῶν δὲ Καταναίων οἱ μὲν τὰ τῶν Συρακοσίων φρονοῦντες, ὡς εἶδον τὸ στράτευμα ἔνδον, εὐθὺς περιδεεῖς γενόμενοι ὑπεξῆλθον οὐ πολλοί τινες, οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι ἐψηφίσαντό τε ξυμμαχίαν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις καὶ τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα ἐκέλευον ἐκ Ῥηγίου κομίζειν.

3 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο διαπλεύσαντες οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐς τὸ Ῥήγιον, πάσῃ ἤδη τῇ στρατιᾷ ἄραντες ἐς τὴν Κατάνην, ἐπειδὴ ἀφίκοντο, κατεσκευάζοντο τὸ στρατόπεδον.

Chapter 52

1 ἐσηγγέλλετο δὲ αὐτοῖς ἔκ τε Καμαρίνης ὡς, εἰ ἔλθοιεν, προσχωροῖεν ἄν, καὶ ὅτι Συρακόσιοι πληροῦσι ναυτικόν. ἁπάσῃ οὖν τῇ στρατιᾷ παρέπλευσαν πρῶτον μὲν ἐπὶ Συρακούσας· καὶ ὡς οὐδὲν ηὗρον ναυτικὸν πληρούμενον, παρεκομίζοντο αὖθις ἐπὶ Καμαρίνης, καὶ σχόντες ἐς τὸν αἰγιαλὸν ἐπεκηρυκεύοντο. οἱ δ’ οὐκ ἐδέχοντο, λέγοντες σφίσι τὰ ὅρκια εἶναι μιᾷ νηὶ καταπλεόντων Ἀθηναίων δέχεσθαι, ἢν μὴ αὐτοὶ πλείους μεταπέμπωσιν.

2 ἄπρακτοι δὲ γενόμενοι ἀπέπλεον· καὶ ἀποβάντες κατά τι τῆς Συρακοσίας καὶ ἁρπαγὴν ποιησάμενοι, καὶ τῶν Συρακοσίων ἱππέων βοηθησάντων καὶ τῶν ψιλῶν τινὰς ἐσκεδασμένους διαφθειράντων, ἀπεκομίσθησαν ἐς Κατάνην.

Chapter 53

1 καὶ καταλαμβάνουσι τὴν Σαλαμινίαν ναῦν ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν ἥκουσαν ἐπί τε Ἀλκιβιάδην ὡς κελεύσοντας ἀποπλεῖν ἐς ἀπολογίαν ὧν ἡ πόλις ἐνεκάλει, καὶ ἐπ’ ἄλλους τινὰς τῶν στρατιωτῶν τῶν μετ’ αὐτοῦ μεμηνυμένων περὶ τῶν μυστηρίων ὡς ἀσεβούντων, τῶν δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν Ἑρμῶν.

2 οἱ γὰρ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἐπειδὴ ἡ στρατιὰ ἀπέπλευσεν, οὐδὲν ἧσσον ζήτησιν ἐποιοῦντο τῶν περὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ τῶν περὶ τοὺς Ἑρμᾶς δρασθέντων, καὶ οὐ δοκιμάζοντες τοὺς μηνυτάς, ἀλλὰ πάντα ὑπόπτως ἀποδεχόμενοι, διὰ πονηρῶν ἀνθρώπων πίστιν πάνυ χρηστοὺς τῶν πολιτῶν ξυλλαμβάνοντες κατέδουν, χρησιμώτερον ἡγούμενοι εἶναι βασανίσαι τὸ πρᾶγμα καὶ εὑρεῖν ἢ διὰ μηνυτοῦ πονηρίαν τινὰ καὶ χρηστὸν δοκοῦντα εἶναι αἰτιαθέντα ἀνέλεγκτον διαφυγεῖν.

3 ἐπιστάμενος γὰρ ὁ δῆμος ἀκοῇ τὴν Πεισιστράτου καὶ τῶν παίδων τυραννίδα χαλεπὴν τελευτῶσαν γενομένην καὶ προσέτι οὐδ’ ὑφ’ ἑαυτῶν καὶ Ἁρμοδίου καταλυθεῖσαν, ἀλλ’ ὑπὸ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, ἐφοβεῖτο αἰεὶ καὶ πάντα ὑπόπτως ἐλάμβανεν.

Chapter 54

1 τὸ γὰρ Ἀριστογείτονος καὶ Ἁρμοδίου τόλμημα δι’ ἐρωτικὴν ξυντυχίαν ἐπεχειρήθη, ἣν ἐγὼ ἐπὶ πλέον διηγησάμενος ἀποφανῶ οὔτε τοὺς ἄλλους οὔτε αὐτοὺς Ἀθηναίους περὶ τῶν σφετέρων τυράννων οὐδὲ περὶ τοῦ γενομένου ἀκριβὲς οὐδὲν λέγοντας.

2 Πεισιστράτου γὰρ γηραιοῦ τελευτήσαντος ἐν τῇ τυραννίδι οὐχ Ἵππαρχος, ὥσπερ οἱ πολλοὶ οἴονται, ἀλλ’ Ἱππίας πρεσβύτατος ὢν ἔσχε τὴν ἀρχήν. γενομένου δὲ Ἁρμοδίου ὥρᾳ ἡλικίας λαμπροῦ Ἀριστογείτων ἀνὴρ τῶν ἀστῶν, μέσος πολίτης, ἐραστὴς ὢν εἶχεν αὐτόν.

3 πειραθεὶς δὲ ὁ Ἁρμόδιος ὑπὸ Ἱππάρχου τοῦ Πεισιστράτου καὶ οὐ πεισθεὶς καταγορεύει τῷ Ἀριστογείτονι. ὁ δὲ ἐρωτικῶς περιαλγήσας καὶ φοβηθεὶς τὴν Ἱππάρχου δύναμιν μὴ βίᾳ προσαγάγηται αὐτόν, ἐπιβουλεύει εὐθὺς ὡς ἀπὸ τῆς ὑπαρχούσης ἀξιώσεως κατάλυσιν τῇ τυραννίδι.

4 καὶ ἐν τούτῳ ὁ Ἵππαρχος ὡς αὖθις πειράσας οὐδὲν μᾶλλον ἔπειθε τὸν Ἁρμόδιον, βίαιον μὲν οὐδὲν ἐβούλετο δρᾶν, ἐν τρόπῳ δέ τινι ἀφανεῖ ὡς οὐ διὰ τοῦτο δὴ παρεσκευάζετο προπηλακιῶν αὐτόν.

5 οὐδὲ γὰρ τὴν ἄλλην ἀρχὴν ἐπαχθὴς ἦν ἐς τοὺς πολλούς, ἀλλ’ ἀνεπιφθόνως κατεστήσατο· καὶ ἐπετήδευσαν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον δὴ τύραννοι οὗτοι ἀρετὴν καὶ ξύνεσιν, καὶ Ἀθηναίους εἰκοστὴν μόνον πρασσόμενοι τῶν γιγνομένων τήν τε πόλιν αὐτῶν καλῶς διεκόσμησαν καὶ τοὺς πολέμους διέφερον καὶ ἐς τὰ ἱερὰ ἔθυον.

6 τὰ δὲ ἄλλα αὐτὴ ἡ πόλις τοῖς πρὶν κειμένοις νόμοις ἐχρῆτο, πλὴν καθ’ ὅσον αἰεί τινα ἐπεμέλοντο σφῶν αὐτῶν ἐν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς εἶναι. καὶ ἄλλοι τε αὐτῶν ἦρξαν τὴν ἐνιαύσιον Ἀθηναίοις ἀρχὴν καὶ Πεισίστρατος ὁ Ἱππίου τοῦ τυραννεύσαντος υἱός, τοῦ πάππου ἔχων τοὔνομα, ὃς τῶν δώδεκα θεῶν βωμὸν τὸν ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ ἄρχων ἀνέθηκε καὶ τὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ἐν Πυθίου.

7 καὶ τῷ μὲν ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ προσοικοδομήσας ὕστερον ὁ δῆμος Ἀθηναίων μεῖζον μῆκος τοῦ βωμοῦ ἠφάνισε τοὐπίγραμμα· τοῦ δ’ ἐν Πυθίου ἔτι καὶ νῦν δῆλόν ἐστιν ἀμυδροῖς γράμμασι λέγον τάδε· / μνῆμα τόδ’ ἧς ἀρχῆς Πεισίστρατος Ἱππίου υἱός / θῆκεν Ἀπόλλωνος Πυθίου ἐν τεμένει.

Chapter 55

1 ὅτι δὲ πρεσβύτατος ὢν Ἱππίας ἦρξεν, εἰδὼς μὲν καὶ ἀκοῇ ἀκριβέστερον ἄλλων ἰσχυρίζομαι, γνοίη δ’ ἄν τις καὶ αὐτῷ τούτῳ· παῖδες γὰρ αὐτῷ μόνῳ φαίνονται τῶν γνησίων ἀδελφῶν γενόμενοι, ὡς ὅ τε βωμὸς σημαίνει καὶ ἡ στήλη περὶ τῆς τῶν τυράννων ἀδικίας ἡ ἐν τῇ Ἀθηναίων ἀκροπόλει σταθεῖσα, ἐν ᾗ Θεσσαλοῦ μὲν οὐδ’ Ἱππάρχου οὐδεὶς παῖς γέγραπται, Ἱππίου δὲ πέντε, οἳ αὐτῷ ἐκ Μυρρίνης τῆς Καλλίου τοῦ Ὑπεροχίδου θυγατρὸς ἐγένοντο· εἰκὸς γὰρ ἦν τὸν πρεσβύτατον πρῶτον γῆμαι.

2 καὶ ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ στήλῃ πρῶτος γέγραπται μετὰ τὸν πατέρα, οὐδὲ τοῦτο ἀπεοικότως διὰ τὸ πρεσβεύειν τε ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ καὶ τυραννεῦσαι.

3 οὐ μὴν οὐδ’ ἂν κατασχεῖν μοι δοκεῖ ποτὲ Ἱππίας τὸ παραχρῆμα ῥᾳδίως τὴν τυραννίδα, εἰ Ἵππαρχος μὲν ἐν τῇ ἀρχῇ ὢν ἀπέθανεν, αὐτὸς δὲ αὐθημερὸν καθίστατο· ἀλλὰ καὶ διὰ τὸ πρότερον ξύνηθες τοῖς μὲν πολίταις φοβερόν, ἐς δὲ τοὺς ἐπικούρους ἀκριβές, πολλῷ τῷ περιόντι τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς κατεκράτησε, καὶ οὐχ ὡς ἀδελφὸς νεώτερος ὢν ἠπόρησεν, ἐν ᾧ οὐ πρότερον ξυνεχῶς ὡμιλήκει τῇ ἀρχῇ.

4 Ἱππάρχῳ δὲ ξυνέβη τοῦ πάθους τῇ δυστυχίᾳ ὀνομασθέντα καὶ τὴν δόξαν τῆς τυραννίδος ἐς τὰ ἔπειτα προσλαβεῖν.

Chapter 56

1 τὸν δ’ οὖν Ἁρμόδιον ἀπαρνηθέντα τὴν πείρασιν, ὥσπερ διενοεῖτο, προυπηλάκισεν· ἀδελφὴν γὰρ αὐτοῦ κόρην ἐπαγγείλαντες ἥκειν κανοῦν οἴσουσαν ἐν πομπῇ τινί, ἀπήλασαν λέγοντες οὐδὲ ἐπαγγεῖλαι τὴν ἀρχὴν διὰ τὸ μὴ ἀξίαν εἶναι.

2 χαλεπῶς δὲ ἐνεγκόντος τοῦ Ἁρμοδίου πολλῷ δὴ μᾶλλον δι’ ἐκεῖνον καὶ ὁ Ἀριστογείτων παρωξύνετο. καὶ αὐτοῖς τὰ μὲν ἄλλα πρὸς τοὺς ξυνεπιθησομένους τῷ ἔργῳ ἐπέπρακτο, περιέμενον δὲ Παναθήναια τὰ μεγάλα, ἐν ᾗ μόνον ἡμέρᾳ οὐχ ὕποπτον ἐγίγνετο ἐν ὅπλοις τῶν πολιτῶν τοὺς τὴν πομπὴν πέμψοντας ἁθρόους γενέσθαι· καὶ ἔδει ἄρξαι μὲν αὐτούς, ξυνεπαμύνειν δὲ εὐθὺς τὰ πρὸς τοὺς δορυφόρους ἐκείνους.

3 ἦσαν δὲ οὐ πολλοὶ οἱ ξυνομωμοκότες ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκα· ἤλπιζον γὰρ καὶ τοὺς μὴ προειδότας, εἰ καὶ ὁποσοιοῦν τολμήσειαν, ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα ἔχοντάς γε ὅπλα ἐθελήσειν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ξυνελευθεροῦν.

Chapter 57

1 καὶ ὡς ἐπῆλθεν ἡ ἑορτή, Ἱππίας μὲν ἔξω ἐν τῷ Κεραμεικῷ καλουμένῳ μετὰ τῶν δορυφόρων διεκόσμει ὡς ἕκαστα ἐχρῆν τῆς πομπῆς προϊέναι, ὁ δὲ Ἁρμόδιος καὶ ὁ Ἀριστογείτων ἔχοντες ἤδη τὰ ἐγχειρίδια ἐς τὸ ἔργον προῇσαν.

2 καὶ ὡς εἶδόν τινα τῶν ξυνωμοτῶν σφίσι διαλεγόμενον οἰκείως τῷ Ἱππίᾳ (ἦν δὲ πᾶσιν εὐπρόσοδος ὁ Ἱππίας), ἔδεισαν καὶ ἐνόμισαν μεμηνῦσθαί τε καὶ ὅσον οὐκ ἤδη ξυλληφθήσεσθαι.

3 τὸν λυπήσαντα οὖν σφᾶς καὶ δι’ ὅνπερ πάντα ἐκινδύνευον ἐβούλοντο πρότερον, εἰ δύναιντο, προτιμωρήσασθαι, καὶ ὥσπερ εἶχον ὥρμησαν ἔσω τῶν πυλῶν, καὶ περιέτυχον τῷ Ἱππάρχῳ παρὰ τὸ Λεωκόρειον καλούμενον, καὶ εὐθὺς ἀπερισκέπτως προσπεσόντες καὶ ὡς ἂν μάλιστα δι’ ὀργῆς ὁ μὲν ἐρωτικῆς, ὁ δὲ ὑβρισμένος, ἔτυπτον καὶ ἀποκτείνουσιν αὐτόν.

4 καὶ ὁ μὲν τοὺς δορυφόρους τὸ αὐτίκα διαφεύγει ὁ Ἀριστογείτων, ξυνδραμόντος τοῦ ὄχλου, καὶ ὕστερον ληφθεὶς οὐ ῥᾳδίως διετέθη· Ἁρμόδιος δὲ αὐτοῦ παραχρῆμα ἀπόλλυται.

Chapter 58

1 ἀγγελθέντος δὲ Ἱππίᾳ ἐς τὸν Κεραμεικόν, οὐκ ἐπὶ τὸ γενόμενον, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ τοὺς πομπέας τοὺς ὁπλίτας, πρότερον ἢ αἰσθέσθαι αὐτοὺς ἄπωθεν ὄντας, εὐθὺς ἐχώρησε, καὶ ἀδήλως τῇ ὄψει πλασάμενος πρὸς τὴν ξυμφορὰν ἐκέλευσεν αὐτούς, δείξας τι χωρίον, ἀπελθεῖν ἐς αὐτὸ ἄνευ τῶν ὅπλων.

2 καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀνεχώρησαν οἰόμενοί τι ἐρεῖν αὐτόν, ὁ δὲ τοῖς ἐπικούροις φράσας τὰ ὅπλα ὑπολαβεῖν ἐξελέγετο εὐθὺς οὓς ἐπῃτιᾶτο καὶ εἴ τις ηὑρέθη ἐγχειρίδιον ἔχων· μετὰ γὰρ ἀσπίδος καὶ δόρατος εἰώθεσαν τὰς πομπὰς ποιεῖν.

Chapter 59

1 τοιούτῳ μὲν τρόπῳ δι’ ἐρωτικὴν λύπην ἥ τε ἀρχὴ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς καὶ ἡ ἀλόγιστος τόλμα ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα περιδεοῦς Ἁρμοδίῳ καὶ Ἀριστογείτονι ἐγένετο.

2 τοῖς δ’ Ἀθηναίοις χαλεπωτέρα μετὰ τοῦτο ἡ τυραννὶς κατέστη, καὶ ὁ Ἱππίας διὰ φόβου ἤδη μᾶλλον ὢν τῶν τε πολιτῶν πολλοὺς ἔκτεινε καὶ πρὸς τὰ ἔξω ἅμα διεσκοπεῖτο, εἴ ποθεν ἀσφάλειάν τινα ὁρῴη μεταβολῆς γενομένης ὑπάρχουσάν οἱ.

3 Ἱππόκλου γοῦν τοῦ Λαμψακηνοῦ τυράννου Αἰαντίδῃ τῷ παιδὶ θυγατέρα ἑαυτοῦ μετὰ ταῦτα Ἀρχεδίκην Ἀθηναῖος ὢν Λαμψακηνῷ ἔδωκεν, αἰσθανόμενος αὐτοὺς μέγα παρὰ βασιλεῖ Δαρείῳ δύνασθαι. καὶ αὐτῆς σῆμα ἐν Λαμψάκῳ ἐστὶν ἐπίγραμμα ἔχον τόδε· / ἀνδρὸς ἀριστεύσαντος ἐν Ἑλλάδι τῶν ἐφ’ ἑαυτοῦ / Ἱππίου Ἀρχεδίκην ἥδε κέκευθε κόνις, / ἣ πατρός τε καὶ ἀνδρὸς ἀδελφῶν τ’ οὖσα τυράννων / παίδων τ’ οὐκ ἤρθη νοῦν ἐς ἀτασθαλίην.

4 τυραννεύσας δὲ ἔτη τρία Ἱππίας ἔτι Ἀθηναίων καὶ παυθεὶς ἐν τῷ τετάρτῳ ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Ἀλκμεωνιδῶν τῶν φευγόντων, ἐχώρει ὑπόσπονδος ἔς τε Σίγειον καὶ παρ᾽ Αἰαντίδην ἐς Λάμψακον, ἐκεῖθεν δὲ ὡς βασιλέα Δαρεῖον, ὅθεν καὶ ὁρμώμενος ἐς Μαραθῶνα ὕστερον ἔτει εἰκοστῷ ἤδη γέρων ὢν μετὰ Μήδων ἐστράτευσεν.

Chapter 60

1 ὧν ἐνθυμούμενος ὁ δῆμος ὁ τῶν Ἀθηναίων, καὶ μιμνῃσκόμενος ὅσα ἀκοῇ περὶ αὐτῶν ἠπίστατο, χαλεπὸς ἦν τότε καὶ ὑπόπτης ἐς τοὺς περὶ τῶν μυστικῶν τὴν αἰτίαν λαβόντας, καὶ πάντα αὐτοῖς ἐδόκει ἐπὶ ξυνωμοσίᾳ ὀλιγαρχικῇ καὶ τυραννικῇ πεπρᾶχθαι.

2 καὶ ὡς αὐτῶν διὰ τὸ τοιοῦτον ὀργιζομένων πολλοί τε καὶ ἀξιόλογοι ἄνθρωποι ἤδη ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ ἦσαν καὶ οὐκ ἐν παύλῃ ἐφαίνετο, ἀλλὰ καθ’ ἡμέραν ἐπεδίδοσαν μᾶλλον ἐς τὸ ἀγριώτερόν τε καὶ πλείους ἔτι ξυλλαμβάνειν, ἐνταῦθα ἀναπείθεται εἷς τῶν δεδεμένων, ὅσπερ ἐδόκει αἰτιώτατος εἶναι, ὑπὸ τῶν ξυνδεσμωτῶν τινὸς εἴτε ἄρα καὶ τὰ ὄντα μηνῦσαι εἴτε καὶ οὔ· ἐπ’ ἀμφότερα γὰρ εἰκάζεται, τὸ δὲ σαφὲς οὐδεὶς οὔτε τότε οὔτε ὕστερον ἔχει εἰπεῖν περὶ τῶν δρασάντων τὸ ἔργον.

3 λέγων δὲ ἔπεισεν αὐτὸν ὡς χρή, εἰ μὴ καὶ δέδρακεν, αὑτόν τε ἄδειαν ποιησάμενον σῶσαι καὶ τὴν πόλιν τῆς παρούσης ὑποψίας παῦσαι· βεβαιοτέραν γὰρ αὐτῷ σωτηρίαν εἶναι ὁμολογήσαντι μετ’ ἀδείας ἢ ἀρνηθέντι διὰ δίκης ἐλθεῖν.

4 καὶ ὁ μὲν αὐτός τε καθ’ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ κατ’ ἄλλων μηνύει τὸ τῶν Ἑρμῶν· ὁ δὲ δῆμος ὁ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἄσμενος λαβών, ὡς ᾤετο, τὸ σαφὲς καὶ δεινὸν ποιούμενοι πρότερον εἰ τοὺς ἐπιβουλεύοντας σφῶν τῷ πλήθει μὴ εἴσονται, τὸν μὲν μηνυτὴν εὐθὺς καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ ὅσων μὴ κατηγορήκει ἔλυσαν, τοὺς δὲ καταιτιαθέντας κρίσεις ποιήσαντες τοὺς μὲν ἀπέκτειναν, ὅσοι ξυνελήφθησαν, τῶν δὲ διαφυγόντων θάνατον καταγνόντες ἐπανεῖπον ἀργύριον τῷ ἀποκτείναντι.

5 κἀν τούτῳ οἱ μὲν παθόντες ἄδηλον ἦν εἰ ἀδίκως ἐτετιμώρηντο, ἡ μέντοι ἄλλη πόλις ἐν τῷ παρόντι περιφανῶς ὠφέλητο.

Chapter 61

1 περὶ δὲ τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου ἐναγόντων τῶν ἐχθρῶν, οἵπερ καὶ πρὶν ἐκπλεῖν αὐτὸν ἐπέθεντο, χαλεπῶς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐλάμβανον· καὶ ἐπειδὴ τὸ τῶν Ἑρμῶν ᾤοντο σαφὲς ἔχειν, πολὺ δὴ μᾶλλον καὶ τὰ μυστικά, ὧν ἐπαίτιος ἦν, μετὰ τοῦ αὐτοῦ λόγου καὶ τῆς ξυνωμοσίας ἐπὶ τῷ δήμῳ ἀπ’ ἐκείνου ἐδόκει πραχθῆναι.

2 καὶ γάρ τις καὶ στρατιὰ Λακεδαιμονίων οὐ πολλὴ ἔτυχε κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἐν ᾧ περὶ ταῦτα ἐθορυβοῦντο μέχρι Ἰσθμοῦ παρελθοῦσα, πρὸς Βοιωτούς τι πράσσοντες. ἐδόκει οὖν ἐκείνου πράξαντος καὶ οὐ Βοιωτῶν ἕνεκα ἀπὸ ξυνθήματος ἥκειν, καὶ εἰ μὴ ἔφθασαν δὴ αὐτοὶ κατὰ τὸ μήνυμα ξυλλαβόντες τοὺς ἄνδρας, προδοθῆναι ἂν ἡ πόλις. καί τινα μίαν νύκτα καὶ κατέδαρθον ἐν Θησείῳ τῷ ἐν πόλει ἐν ὅπλοις.

3 οἵ τε ξένοι τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου οἱ ἐν Ἄργει κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ὑπωπτεύθησαν τῷ δήμῳ ἐπιτίθεσθαι, καὶ τοὺς ὁμήρους τῶν Ἀργείων τοὺς ἐν ταῖς νήσοις κειμένους οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τότε παρέδοσαν τῷ Ἀργείων δήμῳ διὰ ταῦτα διαχρήσασθαι.

4 πανταχόθεν τε περιειστήκει ὑποψία ἐς τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην. ὥστε βουλόμενοι αὐτὸν ἐς κρίσιν ἀγαγόντες ἀποκτεῖναι, πέμπουσιν οὕτω τὴν Σαλαμινίαν ναῦν ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν ἐπί τε ἐκεῖνον καὶ ὧν πέρι ἄλλων ἐμεμήνυτο.

5 εἴρητο δὲ προειπεῖν αὐτῷ ἀπολογησομένῳ ἀκολουθεῖν, ξυλλαμβάνειν δὲ μή, θεραπεύοντες τό τε πρὸς τοὺς ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ στρατιώτας τε σφετέρους καὶ πολεμίους μὴ θορυβεῖν καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα τοὺς Μαντινέας καὶ Ἀργείους βουλόμενοι παραμεῖναι, δι’ ἐκείνου νομίζοντες πεισθῆναι σφίσι ξυστρατεύειν.

6 καὶ ὁ μὲν ἔχων τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ναῦν καὶ οἱ ξυνδιαβεβλημένοι ἀπέπλεον μετὰ τῆς Σαλαμινίας ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας ὡς ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας· καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐγένοντο ἐν Θουρίοις, οὐκέτι ξυνείποντο, ἀλλ’ ἀπελθόντες ἀπὸ τῆς νεὼς οὐ φανεροὶ ἦσαν, δείσαντες τὸ ἐπὶ διαβολῇ ἐς δίκην καταπλεῦσαι.

7 οἱ δ’ ἐκ τῆς Σαλαμινίας τέως μὲν ἐζήτουν τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην καὶ τοὺς μετ’ αὐτοῦ· ὡς δ᾽ οὐδαμοῦ φανεροὶ ἦσαν, ᾤχοντο ἀποπλέοντες. ὁ δὲ Ἀλκιβιάδης ἤδη φυγὰς ὢν οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον ἐπὶ πλοίου ἐπεραιώθη ἐς Πελοπόννησον ἐκ τῆς Θουρίας· οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐρήμῃ δίκῃ θάνατον κατέγνωσαν αὐτοῦ τε καὶ τῶν μετ’ ἐκείνου.

Chapter 62

1 μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα οἱ λοιποὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατηγοὶ ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ, δύο μέρη ποιήσαντες τοῦ στρατεύματος καὶ λαχὼν ἑκάτερος, ἔπλεον ξύμπαντι ἐπὶ Σελινοῦντος καὶ Ἐγέστης,βουλόμενοι μὲν εἰδέναι τὰ χρήματα εἰ δώσουσιν οἱ Ἐγεσταῖοι, κατασκέψασθαι δὲ καὶ τῶν Σελινουντίων τὰ πράγματα καὶ τὰ διάφορα μαθεῖν τὰ πρὸς Ἐγεσταίους.

2 παραπλέοντες δ’ ἐν ἀριστερᾷ τὴν Σικελίαν, τὸ μέρος τὸ πρὸς τὸν Τυρσηνικὸν κόλπον, ἔσχον ἐς Ἱμέραν, ἥπερ μόνη ἐν τούτῳ τῷ μέρει τῆς Σικελίας Ἑλλὰς πόλις ἐστίν· καὶ ὡς οὐκ ἐδέχοντο αὐτούς, παρεκομίζοντο.

3 καὶ ἐν τῷ παράπλῳ αἱροῦσιν Ὕκκαρα, πόλισμα Σικανικὸν μέν, Ἐγεσταίοις δὲ πολέμιον· ἦν δὲ παραθαλασσίδιον. καὶ ἀνδραποδίσαντες τὴν πόλιν παρέδοσαν Ἐγεσταίοις (παρεγένοντο γὰρ αὐτῶν ἱππῆς), αὐτοὶ δὲ πάλιν τῷ μὲν πεζῷ ἐχώρουν διὰ τῶν Σικελῶν ἕως ἀφίκοντο ἐς Κατάνην, αἱ δὲ νῆες περιέπλευσαν τὰ ἀνδράποδα ἄγουσαι.

4 Νικίας δὲ εὐθὺς ἐξ Ὑκκάρων ἐπὶ Ἐγέστης παραπλεύσας, καὶ τἆλλα χρηματίσας καὶ λαβὼν τάλαντα τριάκοντα παρῆν ἐς τὸ στράτευμα· καὶ τἀνδράποδα ἀπέδοσαν, καὶ ἐγένοντο ἐξ αὐτῶν εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν τάλαντα.

5 καὶ ἐς τοὺς τῶν Σικελῶν ξυμμάχους περιέπλευσαν, στρατιὰν κελεύοντες πέμπειν· τῇ τε ἡμισείᾳ τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἦλθον ἐπὶ Ὕβλαν τὴν Γελεᾶτιν πολεμίαν οὖσαν, καὶ οὐχ εἷλον. καὶ τὸ θέρος ἐτελεύτα.

Chapter 63

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος εὐθὺς τὴν ἔφοδον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐπὶ Συρακούσας παρεσκευάζοντο, οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι καὶ αὐτοὶ ὡς ἐπ’ ἐκείνους ἰόντες.

2 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ αὐτοῖς πρὸς τὸν πρῶτον φόβον καὶ τὴν προσδοκίαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι οὐκ εὐθὺς ἐπέκειντο, κατά τε τὴν ἡμέραν ἑκάστην προϊοῦσαν ἀνεθάρσουν μᾶλλον καὶ ἐπειδὴ πλέοντές τε τὰ ἐπ’ ἐκεῖνα τῆς Σικελίας πολὺ ἀπὸ σφῶν ἐφαίνοντο καὶ πρὸς τὴν Ὕβλαν ἐλθόντες καὶ πειράσαντες οὐχ εἷλον βίᾳ, ἔτι πλέον κατεφρόνησαν καὶ ἠξίουν τοὺς στρατηγούς, οἷον δὴ ὄχλος φιλεῖ θαρσήσας ποιεῖν, ἄγειν σφᾶς ἐπὶ Κατάνην, ἐπειδὴ οὐκ ἐκεῖνοι ἐφ’ ἑαυτοὺς ἔρχονται.

3 καὶ ἱππῆς προσελαύνοντες αἰεὶ κατάσκοποι τῶν Συρακοσίων πρὸς τὸ στράτευμα τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐφύβριζον ἄλλα τε καὶ εἰ ξυνοικήσοντες σφίσιν αὐτοὶ μᾶλλον ἥκοιεν ἐν τῇ ἀλλοτρίᾳ ἢ Λεοντίνους ἐς τὴν οἰκείαν κατοικιοῦντες.

Chapter 64

1 ἃ γιγνώσκοντες οἱ στρατηγοὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ βουλόμενοι αὐτοὺς ἄγειν πανδημεὶ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ὅτι πλεῖστον, αὐτοὶ δὲ ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐν τοσούτῳ ὑπὸ νύκτα παραπλεύσαντες στρατόπεδον καταλαμβάνειν ἐν ἐπιτηδείῳ καθ’ ἡσυχίαν, εἰδότες οὐκ ἂν ὁμοίως δυνηθέντες καὶ εἰ ἐκ τῶν νεῶν πρὸς παρεσκευασμένους ἐκβιβάζοιεν ἢ κατὰ γῆν ἰόντες γνωσθεῖεν (τοὺς γὰρ ἂν ψιλοὺς τοὺς σφῶν καὶ τὸν ὄχλον τῶν Συρακοσίων τοὺς ἱππέας πολλοὺς ὄντας, σφίσι δ’ οὐ παρόντων ἱππέων, βλάπτειν ἂν μεγάλα, οὕτω δὲ λήψεσθαι χωρίον ὅθεν ὑπὸ τῶν ἱππέων οὐ βλάψονται ἄξια λόγου· ἐδίδασκον δ’ αὐτοὺς περὶ τοῦ πρὸς τῷ Ὀλυμπιείῳ χωρίου, ὅπερ καὶ κατέλαβον, Συρακοσίων φυγάδες, οἳ ξυνείποντο), τοιόνδε τι οὖν πρὸς ἃ ἐβούλοντο οἱ στρατηγοὶ μηχανῶνται.

2 πέμπουσιν ἄνδρα σφίσι μὲν πιστόν, τοῖς δὲ τῶν Συρακοσίων στρατηγοῖς τῇ δοκήσει οὐχ ἧσσον ἐπιτήδειον· ἦν δὲ Καταναῖος ὁ ἀνήρ, καὶ ἀπ’ ἀνδρῶν ἐκ τῆς Κατάνης ἥκειν ἔφη ὧν ἐκεῖνοι τὰ ὀνόματα ἐγίγνωσκον καὶ ἠπίσταντο ἐν τῇ πόλει ἔτι ὑπολοίπους ὄντας τῶν σφίσιν εὔνων.

3 ἔλεγε δὲ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους αὐλίζεσθαι ἀπὸ τῶν ὅπλων ἐν τῇ πόλει, καὶ εἰ βούλονται ἐκεῖνοι πανδημεὶ ἐν ἡμέρᾳ ῥητῇ ἅμα ἕῳ ἐπὶ τὸ στράτευμα ἐλθεῖν, αὐτοὶ μὲν ἀποκλῄσειν τοὺς παρὰ σφίσι καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἐμπρήσειν, ἐκείνους δὲ ῥᾳδίως τὸ στράτευμα προσβαλόντας τῷ σταυρώματι αἱρήσειν· εἶναι δὲ ταῦτα τοὺς ξυνδράσοντας πολλοὺς Καταναίων καὶ ἡτοιμάσθαι ἤδη, ἀφ’ ὧν αὐτὸς ἥκειν.

Chapter 65

1 οἱ δὲ στρατηγοὶ τῶν Συρακοσίων, μετὰ τοῦ καὶ ἐς τὰ ἄλλα θαρσεῖν καὶ εἶναι ἐν διανοίᾳ καὶ ἄνευ τούτων ἰέναι παρεσκευάσθαι ἐπὶ Κατάνην, ἐπίστευσάν τε τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ πολλῷ ἀπερισκεπτότερον καὶ εὐθὺς ἡμέραν ξυνθέμενοι ᾗ παρέσονται ἀπέστειλαν αὐτόν, καὶ αὐτοί (ἤδη γὰρ καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων Σελινούντιοι καὶ ἄλλοι τινὲς παρῆσαν) προεῖπον πανδημεὶ πᾶσιν ἐξιέναι Συρακοσίοις. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἑτοῖμα αὐτοῖς καὶ τὰ τῆς παρασκευῆς ἦν καὶ αἱ ἡμέραι ἐν αἷς ξυνέθεντο ἥξειν ἐγγὺς ἦσαν, πορευόμενοι ἐπὶ Κατάνης ηὐλίσαντο ἐπὶ τῷ Συμαίθῳ ποταμῷ ἐν τῇ Λεοντίνῃ.

2 οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι ὡς ᾔσθοντο αὐτοὺς προσιόντας, ἀναλαβόντες τό τε στράτευμα ἅπαν τὸ ἑαυτῶν καὶ ὅσοι Σικελῶν αὐτοῖς ἢ ἄλλος τις προσεληλύθει καὶ ἐπιβιβάσαντες ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς καὶ τὰ πλοῖα, ὑπὸ νύκτα ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τὰς Συρακούσας.

3 καὶ οἵ τε Ἀθηναῖοι ἅμα ἕῳ ἐξέβαινον ἐς τὸ κατὰ τὸ Ὀλυμπιεῖον ὡς τὸ στρατόπεδον καταληψόμενοι, καὶ οἱ ἱππῆς οἱ Συρακοσίων πρῶτοι προσελάσαντες ἐς τὴν Κατάνην καὶ αἰσθόμενοι ὅτι τὸ στράτευμα ἅπαν ἀνῆκται, ἀποστρέψαντες ἀγγέλλουσι τοῖς πεζοῖς, καὶ ξύμπαντες ἤδη ἀποτρεπόμενοι ἐβοήθουν ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν.

Chapter 66

1 ἐν τούτῳ δ’ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, μακρᾶς οὔσης τῆς ὁδοῦ αὐτοῖς, καθ’ ἡσυχίαν καθῖσαν τὸ στράτευμα ἐς χωρίον ἐπιτήδειον, καὶ ἐν ᾧ μάχης τε ἄρξειν ἔμελλον ὁπότε βούλοιντο καὶ οἱ ἱππῆς τῶν Συρακοσίων ἥκιστ’ ἂν αὐτοὺς καὶ ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ καὶ πρὸ αὐτοῦ λυπήσειν· τῇ μὲν γὰρ τειχία τε καὶ οἰκίαι εἶργον καὶ δένδρα καὶ λίμνη, παρὰ δὲ τὸ κρημνοί.

2 καὶ τὰ ἐγγὺς δένδρα κόψαντες καὶ κατενεγκόντες ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν παρά τε τὰς ναῦς σταύρωμα ἔπηξαν καὶ ἐπὶ τῷ Δάσκωνι ἔρυμά τι, ᾗ εὐεφοδώτατον ἦν τοῖς πολεμίοις, λίθοις λογάδην καὶ ξύλοις διὰ ταχέων ὤρθωσαν, καὶ τὴν τοῦ Ἀνάπου γέφυραν ἔλυσαν.

3 παρασκευαζομένων δὲ ἐκ μὲν τῆς πόλεως οὐδεὶς ἐξιὼν ἐκώλυε, πρῶτοι δὲ οἱ ἱππῆς τῶν Συρακοσίων προσεβοήθησαν, ἔπειτα δὲ ὕστερον καὶ τὸ πεζὸν ἅπαν ξυνελέγη. καὶ προσῆλθον μὲν ἐγγὺς τοῦ στρατεύματος τῶν Ἀθηναίων τὸ πρῶτον, ἔπειτα δὲ ὡς οὐκ ἀντιπροῇσαν αὐτοῖς, ἀναχωρήσαντες καὶ διαβάντες τὴν Ἑλωρίνην ὁδὸν ηὐλίσαντο.

Chapter 67

1 τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι παρεσκευάζοντο ὡς ἐς μάχην, καὶ ξυνετάξαντο ὧδε. δεξιὸν μὲν κέρας Ἀργεῖοι εἶχον καὶ Μαντινῆς, Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ τὸ μέσον, τὸ δὲ ἄλλο οἱ ξύμμαχοι οἱ ἄλλοι. καὶ τὸ μὲν ἥμισυ αὐτοῖς τοῦ στρατεύματος ἐν τῷ πρόσθεν ἦν τεταγμένον ἐπὶ ὀκτώ, τὸ δὲ ἥμισυ ἐπὶ ταῖς εὐναῖς ἐν πλαισίῳ, ἐπὶ ὀκτὼ καὶ τοῦτο τεταγμένον· οἷς εἴρητο, ᾗ ἂν τοῦ στρατεύματός τι πονῇ μάλιστα, ἐφορῶντας παραγίγνεσθαι. καὶ τοὺς σκευοφόρους ἐντὸς τούτων τῶν ἐπιτάκτων ἐποιήσαντο.

2 οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι ἔταξαν τοὺς μὲν ὁπλίτας πάντας ἐφ’ ἑκκαίδεκα, ὄντας πανδημεὶ Συρακοσίους καὶ ὅσοι ξύμμαχοι παρῆσαν (ἐβοήθησαν δὲ αὐτοῖς Σελινούντιοι μὲν μάλιστα, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ Γελῴων ἱππῆς, τὸ ξύμπαν ἐς διακοσίους, καὶ Καμαριναίων ἱππῆς ὅσον εἴκοσι καὶ τοξόται ὡς πεντήκοντα), τοὺς δὲ ἱππέας ἐπετάξαντο ἐπὶ τῷ δεξιῷ, οὐκ ἔλασσον ὄντας ἢ διακοσίους καὶ χιλίους, παρὰ δ’ αὐτοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἀκοντιστάς.

3 μέλλουσι δὲ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις προτέροις ἐπιχειρήσειν ὁ Νικίας κατά τε ἔθνη ἐπιπαριὼν ἕκαστα καὶ ξύμπασι τοιάδε παρεκελεύετο.

Chapter 68

1 ‘Πολλῇ μὲν παραινέσει, ὦ ἄνδρες, τί δεῖ χρῆσθαι, οἳ πάρεσμεν ἐπὶ τὸν αὐτὸν ἀγῶνα; αὐτὴ γὰρ ἡ παρασκευὴ ἱκανωτέρα μοι δοκεῖ εἶναι θάρσος παρασχεῖν ἢ καλῶς λεχθέντες λόγοι μετὰ ἀσθενοῦς στρατοπέδου.

2 ὅπου γὰρ Ἀργεῖοι καὶ Μαντινῆς καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ νησιωτῶν οἱ πρῶτοί ἐσμεν, πῶς οὐ χρὴ μετὰ τοιῶνδε καὶ τοσῶνδε ξυμμάχων πάντα τινὰ μεγάλην τὴν ἐλπίδα τῆς νίκης ἔχειν, ἄλλως τε καὶ πρὸς ἄνδρας πανδημεί τε ἀμυνομένους καὶ οὐκ ἀπολέκτους ὥσπερ καὶ ἡμᾶς, καὶ προσέτι Σικελιώτας, οἳ ὑπερφρονοῦσι μὲν ἡμᾶς, ὑπομενοῦσι δ’ οὔ, διὰ τὸ τὴν ἐπιστήμην τῆς τόλμης ἥσσω ἔχειν.

3 παραστήτω δέ τινι καὶ τόδε, πολύ τε ἀπὸ τῆς ἡμετέρας αὐτῶν εἶναι καὶ πρὸς γῇ οὐδεμιᾷ φιλίᾳ, ἥντινα μὴ αὐτοὶ μαχόμενοι κτήσεσθε. καὶ τοὐναντίον ὑπομιμνῄσκω ὑμᾶς ἢ οἱ πολέμιοι σφίσιν αὐτοῖς εὖ οἶδ’ ὅτι παρακελεύονται· οἱ μὲν γὰρ ὅτι περὶ πατρίδος ἔσται ὁ ἀγών, ἐγὼ δὲ ὅτι οὐκ ἐν πατρίδι, ἐξ ἧς κρατεῖν δεῖ ἢ μὴ ῥᾳδίως ἀποχωρεῖν· οἱ γὰρ ἱππῆς πολλοὶ ἐπικείσονται.

4 τῆς τε οὖν ὑμετέρας αὐτῶν ἀξίας μνησθέντες ἐπέλθετε τοῖς ἐναντίοις προθύμως, καὶ τὴν παροῦσαν ἀνάγκην καὶ ἀπορίαν φοβερωτέραν ἡγησάμενοι τῶν πολεμίων.’

Chapter 69

1 ὁ μὲν Νικίας τοιαῦτα παρακελευσάμενος ἐπῆγε τὸ στρατόπεδον εὐθύς. οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι ἀπροσδόκητοι μὲν ἐν τῷ καιρῷ τούτῳ ἦσαν ὡς ἤδη μαχούμενοι, καί τινες αὐτοῖς ἐγγὺς τῆς πόλεως οὔσης καὶ ἀπεληλύθεσαν· οἱ δὲ καὶ διὰ σπουδῆς προσβοηθοῦντες δρόμῳ ὑστέριζον μέν, ὡς δὲ ἕκαστός πῃ τοῖς πλέοσι προσμείξειε καθίσταντο. οὐ γὰρ δὴ προθυμίᾳ ἐλλιπεῖς ἦσαν οὐδὲ τόλμῃ οὔτ’ ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ μάχῃ οὔτ’ ἐν ταῖς ἄλλαις, ἀλλὰ τῇ μὲν ἀνδρείᾳ οὐχ ἥσσους ἐς ὅσον ἡ ἐπιστήμη ἀντέχοι, τῷ δὲ ἐλλείποντι αὐτῆς καὶ τὴν βούλησιν ἄκοντες προυδίδοσαν. ὅμως δὲ οὐκ ἂν οἰόμενοι σφίσι τοὺς Ἀθηναίους προτέρους ἐπελθεῖν καὶ διὰ τάχους ἀναγκαζόμενοι ἀμύνασθαι, ἀναλαβόντες τὰ ὅπλα εὐθὺς ἀντεπῇσαν.

2 καὶ πρῶτον μὲν αὐτῶν ἑκατέρων οἵ τε λιθοβόλοι καὶ σφενδονῆται καὶ τοξόται προυμάχοντο καὶ τροπὰς οἵας εἰκὸς ψιλοὺς ἀλλήλων ἐποίουν· ἔπειτα δὲ μάντεις τε σφάγια προύφερον τὰ νομιζόμενα καὶ σαλπιγκταὶ ξύνοδον ἐπώτρυνον τοῖς ὁπλίταις,

3 οἱ δ’ ἐχώρουν, Συρακόσιοι μὲν περί τε πατρίδος μαχούμενοι καὶ τῆς ἰδίας ἕκαστος τὸ μὲν αὐτίκα σωτηρίας, τὸ δὲ μέλλον ἐλευθερίας, τῶν δ’ ἐναντίων Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν περί τε τῆς ἀλλοτρίας οἰκείαν σχεῖν καὶ τὴν οἰκείαν μὴ βλάψαι ἡσσώμενοι, Ἀργεῖοι δὲ καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων οἱ αὐτόνομοι ξυγκτήσασθαί τε ἐκείνοις ἐφ’ ἃ ἦλθον καὶ τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν σφίσι πατρίδα νικήσαντες πάλιν ἐπιδεῖν· τὸ δ’ ὑπήκοον τῶν ξυμμάχων μέγιστον μὲν περὶ τῆς αὐτίκα ἀνελπίστου σωτηρίας, ἢν μὴ κρατῶσι, τὸ πρόθυμον εἶχον, ἔπειτα δὲ ἐν παρέργῳ καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο ξυγκαταστρεψαμένοις ῥᾷον αὐτοῖς ὑπακούσεται.

Chapter 70

1 γενομένης δ’ ἐν χερσὶ τῆς μάχης ἐπὶ πολὺ ἀντεῖχον ἀλλήλοις, καὶ ξυνέβη βροντάς τε ἅμα τινὰς γενέσθαι καὶ ἀστραπὰς καὶ ὕδωρ πολύ, ὥστε τοῖς μὲν πρῶτον μαχομένοις καὶ ἐλάχιστα πολέμῳ ὡμιληκόσι καὶ τοῦτο ξυνεπιλαβέσθαι τοῦ φόβου, τοῖς δ’ ἐμπειροτέροις τὰ μὲν γιγνόμενα καὶ ὥρᾳ ἔτους περαίνεσθαι δοκεῖν, τοὺς δὲ ἀνθεστῶτας πολὺ μείζω ἔκπληξιν μὴ νικωμένους παρέχειν.

2 ὠσαμένων δὲ τῶν Ἀργείων πρῶτον τὸ εὐώνυμον κέρας τῶν Συρακοσίων καὶ μετ’ αὐτοὺς τῶν Ἀθηναίων τὸ κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτούς, παρερρήγνυτο ἤδη καὶ τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα τῶν Συρακοσίων καὶ ἐς φυγὴν κατέστη.

3 καὶ ἐπὶ πολὺ μὲν οὐκ ἐδίωξαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι (οἱ γὰρ ἱππῆς τῶν Συρακοσίων πολλοὶ ὄντες καὶ ἀήσσητοι εἶργον, καὶ ἐσβαλόντες ἐς τοὺς ὁπλίτας αὐτῶν, εἴ τινας προδιώκοντας ἴδοιεν, ἀνέστελλον), ἐπακολουθήσαντες δὲ ἁθρόοι ὅσον ἀσφαλῶς εἶχε πάλιν ἐπανεχώρουν καὶ τροπαῖον ἵστασαν.

4 οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι ἁθροισθέντες ἐς τὴν Ἑλωρίνην ὁδὸν καὶ ὡς ἐκ τῶν παρόντων ξυνταξάμενοι ἔς τε τὸ Ὀλυμπιεῖον ὅμως σφῶν αὐτῶν παρέπεμψαν φυλακήν, δείσαντες μὴ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τῶν χρημάτων ἃ ἦν αὐτόθι κινήσωσι, καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ ἐπανεχώρησαν ἐς τὴν πόλιν.

Chapter 71

1 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι πρὸς μὲν τὸ ἱερὸν οὐκ ἦλθον, ξυγκομίσαντες δὲ τοὺς ἑαυτῶν νεκροὺς καὶ ἐπὶ πυρὰν ἐπιθέντες ηὐλίσαντο αὐτοῦ. τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ τοῖς μὲν Συρακοσίοις ἀπέδοσαν ὑποσπόνδους τοὺς νεκρούς (ἀπέθανον δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων περὶ ἑξήκοντα καὶ διακοσίους), τῶν δὲ σφετέρων τὰ ὀστᾶ ξυνέλεξαν (ἀπέθανον δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων ὡς πεντήκοντα), καὶ τὰ τῶν πολεμίων σκῦλα ἔχοντες ἀπέπλευσαν ἐς Κατάνην·

2 χειμών τε γὰρ ἦν, καὶ τὸν πόλεμον αὐτόθεν ποιεῖσθαι οὔπω ἐδόκει δυνατὸν εἶναι, πρὶν ἂν ἱππέας τε μεταπέμψωσιν ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν καὶ ἐκ τῶν αὐτόθεν ξυμμάχων ἀγείρωσιν, ὅπως μὴ παντάπασιν ἱπποκρατῶνται, καὶ χρήματα δὲ ἅμα αὐτόθεν τε ξυλλέξωνται καὶ παρ’ Ἀθηναίων ἔλθῃ, τῶν τε πόλεών τινας προσαγάγωνται, ἃς ἤλπιζον μετὰ τὴν μάχην μᾶλλον σφῶν ὑπακούσεσθαι, τά τε ἄλλα καὶ σῖτον καὶ ὅσων δέοι παρασκευάσωνται ὡς ἐς τὸ ἔαρ ἐπιχειρήσοντες ταῖς Συρακούσαις.

Chapter 72

1 καὶ οἱ μὲν ταύτῃ τῇ γνώμῃ ἀπέπλευσαν ἐς τὴν Νάξον καὶ Κατάνην διαχειμάσοντες, Συρακόσιοι δὲ τοὺς σφετέρους αὐτῶν νεκροὺς θάψαντες ἐκκλησίαν ἐποίουν.

2 καὶ παρελθὼν αὐτοῖς Ἑρμοκράτης ὁ Ἕρμωνος, ἀνὴρ καὶ ἐς τἆλλα ξύνεσιν οὐδενὸς λειπόμενος καὶ κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἐμπειρίᾳ τε ἱκανὸς γενόμενος καὶ ἀνδρείᾳ ἐπιφανής, ἐθάρσυνέ τε καὶ οὐκ εἴα τῷ γεγενημένῳ ἐνδιδόναι·

3 τὴν μὲν γὰρ γνώμην αὐτῶν οὐχ ἡσσῆσθαι, τὴν δὲ ἀταξίαν βλάψαι. οὐ μέντοι τοσοῦτόν γε λειφθῆναι ὅσον εἰκὸς εἶναι, ἄλλως τε καὶ τοῖς πρώτοις τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐμπειρίᾳ ἰδιώτας ὡς εἰπεῖν χειροτέχναις ἀνταγωνισαμένους.

4 μέγα δὲ βλάψαι καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν στρατηγῶν καὶ τὴν πολυαρχίαν (ἦσαν γὰρ πέντε καὶ δέκα οἱ στρατηγοὶ αὐτοῖς) τῶν τε πολλῶν τὴν ἀξύντακτον ἀναρχίαν. ἢν δὲ ὀλίγοι τε στρατηγοὶ γένωνται ἔμπειροι καὶ ἐν τῷ χειμῶνι τούτῳ παρασκευάσωσι τὸ ὁπλιτικόν, οἷς τε ὅπλα μὴ ἔστιν ἐκπορίζοντες, ὅπως ὡς πλεῖστοι ἔσονται, καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ μελέτῃ προσαναγκάζοντες, ἔφη κατὰ τὸ εἰκὸς κρατήσειν σφᾶς τῶν ἐναντίων, ἀνδρείας μὲν σφίσιν ὑπαρχούσης, εὐταξίας δ’ ἐς τὰ ἔργα προσγενομένης· ἐπιδώσειν γὰρ ἀμφότερα αὐτά, τὴν μὲν μετὰ κινδύνων μελετωμένην, τὴν δ’ εὐψυχίαν αὐτὴν ἑαυτῆς μετὰ τοῦ πιστοῦ τῆς ἐπιστήμης θαρσαλεωτέραν ἔσεσθαι.

5 τούς τε στρατηγοὺς καὶ ὀλίγους καὶ αὐτοκράτορας χρῆναι ἑλέσθαι καὶ ὀμόσαι αὐτοῖς τὸ ὅρκιον ἦ μὴν ἐάσειν ἄρχειν ὅπῃ ἂν ἐπίστωνται· οὕτω γὰρ ἅ τε κρύπτεσθαι δεῖ μᾶλλον ἂν στέγεσθαι καὶ τἆλλα κατὰ κόσμον καὶ ἀπροφασίστως παρασκευασθῆναι.

Chapter 73

1 καὶ οἱ Συρακόσιοι αὐτοῦ ἀκούσαντες ἐψηφίσαντό τε πάντα ὡς ἐκέλευε καὶ στρατηγὸν αὐτόν τε εἵλοντο τὸν Ἑρμοκράτη καὶ Ἡρακλείδην τὸν Λυσιμάχου καὶ Σικανὸν τὸν Ἐξηκέστου, τούτους τρεῖς,

2 καὶ ἐς τὴν Κόρινθον καὶ ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα πρέσβεις ἀπέστειλαν, ὅπως ξυμμαχία τε αὐτοῖς παραγένηται καὶ τὸν πρὸς Ἀθηναίους πόλεμον βεβαιότερον πείθωσι ποιεῖσθαι ἐκ τοῦ προφανοῦς ὑπὲρ σφῶν τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, ἵνα ἢ ἀπὸ τῆς Σικελίας ἀπαγάγωσιν αὐτοὺς ἢ πρὸς τὸ ἐν Σικελίᾳ στράτευμα ἧσσον ὠφελίαν ἄλλην ἐπιπέμπωσιν.

Chapter 74

1 τὸ δ’ ἐν τῇ Κατάνῃ στράτευμα τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἔπλευσεν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ Μεσσήνην ὡς προδοθησομένην. καὶ ἃ μὲν ἐπράσσετο οὐκ ἐγένετο· Ἀλκιβιάδης γὰρ ὅτ’ ἀπῄει ἐκ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἤδη μετάπεμπτος, ἐπιστάμενος ὅτι φεύξοιτο, μηνύει τοῖς τῶν Συρακοσίων φίλοις τοῖς ἐν τῇ Μεσσήνῃ ξυνειδὼς τὸ μέλλον· οἱ δὲ τούς τε ἄνδρας διέφθειραν πρότερον καὶ τότε στασιάζοντες καὶ ἐν ὅπλοις ὄντες ἐπεκράτουν μὴ δέχεσθαι τοὺς Ἀθηναίους οἱ ταῦτα βουλόμενοι.

2 ἡμέρας δὲ μείναντες περὶ τρεῖς καὶ δέκα οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ὡς ἐχειμάζοντο καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια οὐκ εἶχον καὶ προυχώρει οὐδέν, ἀπελθόντες ἐς Νάξον καὶ ὅρια καὶ σταυρώματα περὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ποιησάμενοι αὐτοῦ διεχείμαζον· καὶ τριήρη ἀπέστειλαν ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας ἐπί τε χρήματα καὶ ἱππέας, ὅπως ἅμα τῷ ἦρι παραγένωνται.

Chapter 75

1 ἐτείχιζον δὲ καὶ οἱ Συρακόσιοι ἐν τῷ χειμῶνι πρός τε τῇ πόλει, τὸν Τεμενίτην ἐντὸς ποιησάμενοι, τεῖχος παρὰ πᾶν τὸ πρὸς τὰς Ἐπιπολὰς ὁρῶν, ὅπως μὴ δι’ ἐλάσσονος εὐαποτείχιστοι ὦσιν, ἢν ἄρα σφάλλωνται, καὶ τὰ Μέγαρα φρούριον, καὶ ἐν τῷ Ὀλυμπιείῳ ἄλλο· καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν προυσταύρωσαν πανταχῇ ᾗ ἀποβάσεις ἦσαν.

2 καὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους εἰδότες ἐν τῇ Νάξῳ χειμάζοντας ἐστράτευσαν πανδημεὶ ἐπὶ τὴν Κατάνην, καὶ τῆς τε γῆς αὐτῶν ἔτεμον καὶ τὰς τῶν Ἀθηναίων σκηνὰς καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐμπρήσαντες ἀνεχώρησαν ἐπ’ οἴκου.

3 καὶ πυνθανόμενοι τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐς τὴν Καμάριναν κατὰ τὴν ἐπὶ Λάχητος γενομένην ξυμμαχίαν πρεσβεύεσθαι, εἴ πως προσαγάγοιντο αὐτούς, ἀντεπρεσβεύοντο καὶ αὐτοί· ἦσαν γὰρ ὕποπτοι αὐτοῖς οἱ Καμαριναῖοι μὴ προθύμως σφίσι μήτ’ ἐπὶ τὴν πρώτην μάχην πέμψαι ἃ ἔπεμψαν, ἔς τε τὸ λοιπὸν μὴ οὐκέτι βούλωνται ἀμύνειν, ὁρῶντες τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐν τῇ μάχῃ εὖ πράξαντας, προσχωρῶσι δ’ αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὴν προτέραν φιλίαν πεισθέντες.

4 ἀφικομένων οὖν ἐκ μὲν Συρακουσῶν Ἑρμοκράτους καὶ ἄλλων ἐς τὴν Καμάριναν, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων Εὐφήμου μεθ’ ἑτέρων, ὁ Ἑρμοκράτης ξυλλόγου γενομένου τῶν Καμαριναίων βουλόμενος προδιαβάλλειν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἔλεγε τοιάδε.

Chapter 76

1 ‘οὐ τὴν παροῦσαν δύναμιν τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ὦ Καμαριναῖοι, μὴ αὐτὴν καταπλαγῆτε δείσαντες ἐπρεσβευσάμεθα, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον τοὺς μέλλοντας ἀπ’ αὐτῶν λόγους, πρίν τι καὶ ἡμῶν ἀκοῦσαι, μὴ ὑμᾶς πείσωσιν.

2 ἥκουσι γὰρ ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν προφάσει μὲν ᾗ πυνθάνεσθε, διανοίᾳ δὲ ἣν πάντες ὑπονοοῦμεν· καί μοι δοκοῦσιν οὐ Λεοντίνους βούλεσθαι κατοικίσαι, ἀλλ’ ἡμᾶς μᾶλλον ἐξοικίσαι. οὐ γὰρ δὴ εὔλογον τὰς μὲν ἐκεῖ πόλεις ἀναστάτους ποιεῖν, τὰς δὲ ἐνθάδε κατοικίζειν, καὶ Λεοντίνων μὲν Χαλκιδέων ὄντων κατὰ τὸ ξυγγενὲς κήδεσθαι, Χαλκιδέας δὲ τοὺς ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ, ὧν οἵδε ἄποικοί εἰσι, δουλωσαμένους ἔχειν.

3 τῇ δὲ αὐτῇ ἰδέᾳ ἐκεῖνά τε ἔσχον καὶ τὰ ἐνθάδε νῦν πειρῶνται· ἡγεμόνες γὰρ γενόμενοι ἑκόντων τῶν τε Ἰώνων καὶ ὅσοι ἀπὸ σφῶν ἦσαν ξύμμαχοι ὡς ἐπὶ τοῦ Μήδου τιμωρίᾳ, τοὺς μὲν λιποστρατίαν, τοὺς δὲ ἐπ’ ἀλλήλους στρατεύειν, τοῖς δ’ ὡς ἑκάστοις τινὰ εἶχον αἰτίαν εὐπρεπῆ ἐπενεγκόντες κατεστρέψαντο.

4 καὶ οὐ περὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἄρα οὔτε οὗτοι τῶν Ἑλλήνων οὔθ’ οἱ Ἕλληνες τῆς ἑαυτῶν τῷ Μήδῳ ἀντέστησαν, περὶ δὲ οἱ μὲν σφίσιν ἀλλὰ μὴ ἐκείνῳ καταδουλώσεως, οἱ δ’ ἐπὶ δεσπότου μεταβολῇ οὐκ ἀξυνετωτέρου, κακοξυνετωτέρου δέ.

Chapter 77

1 ‘ἀλλ’ οὐ γὰρ δὴ τὴν τῶν Ἀθηναίων εὐκατηγόρητον οὖσαν πόλιν νῦν ἥκομεν ἀποφανοῦντες ἐν εἰδόσιν ὅσα ἀδικεῖ, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς αἰτιασόμενοι ὅτι ἔχοντες παραδείγματα τῶν τ’ ἐκεῖ Ἑλλήνων ὡς ἐδουλώθησαν οὐκ ἀμύνοντες σφίσιν αὐτοῖς, καὶ νῦν ἐφ’ ἡμᾶς ταὐτὰ παρόντα σοφίσματα, Λεοντίνων τε ξυγγενῶν κατοικίσεις καὶ Ἐγεσταίων ξυμμάχων ἐπικουρίας, οὐ ξυστραφέντες βουλόμεθα προθυμότερον δεῖξαι αὐτοῖς ὅτι οὐκ Ἴωνες τάδε εἰσὶν οὐδ’ Ἑλλησπόντιοι καὶ νησιῶται, οἳ δεσπότην ἢ Μῆδον ἢ ἕνα γέ τινα αἰεὶ μεταβάλλοντες δουλοῦνται, ἀλλὰ Δωριῆς ἐλεύθεροι ἀπ’ αὐτονόμου τῆς Πελοποννήσου τὴν Σικελίαν οἰκοῦντες.

2 ἢ μένομεν ἕως ἂν ἕκαστοι κατὰ πόλεις ληφθῶμεν, εἰδότες ὅτι ταύτῃ μόνον ἁλωτοί ἐσμεν καὶ ὁρῶντες αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦτο τὸ εἶδος τρεπομένους ὥστε τοὺς μὲν λόγοις ἡμῶν διιστάναι, τοὺς δὲ ξυμμάχων ἐλπίδι ἐκπολεμοῦν πρὸς ἀλλήλους, τοῖς δὲ ὡς ἑκάστοις τι προσηνὲς λέγοντες δύνανται κακουργεῖν; καὶ οἰόμεθα τοῦ ἄπωθεν ξυνοίκου προαπολλυμένου οὐ καὶ ἐς αὐτόν τινα ἥξειν τὸ δεινόν, πρὸ δὲ αὐτοῦ μᾶλλον τὸν πάσχοντα καθ’ ἑαυτὸν δυστυχεῖν;

Chapter 78

1 καὶ εἴ τῳ ἄρα παρέστηκε τὸν μὲν Συρακόσιον, ἑαυτὸν δ’ οὒ πολέμιον εἶναι τῷ Ἀθηναίῳ, καὶ δεινὸν ἡγεῖται ὑπέρ γε τῆς ἐμῆς κινδυνεύειν, ἐνθυμηθήτω οὐ περὶ τῆς ἐμῆς μᾶλλον, ἐν ἴσῳ δὲ καὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ἅμα ἐν τῇ ἐμῇ μαχούμενος, τοσούτῳ δὲ καὶ ἀσφαλέστερον ὅσῳ οὐ προδιεφθαρμένου ἐμοῦ, ἔχων δὲ ξύμμαχον ἐμὲ καὶ οὐκ ἐρῆμος ἀγωνιεῖται· τόν τε Ἀθηναῖον μὴ τὴν τοῦ Συρακοσίου ἔχθραν κολάσασθαι, τῇ δ’ ἐμῇ προφάσει τὴν ἐκείνου φιλίαν οὐχ ἧσσον βεβαιώσασθαι βούλεσθαι.

2 εἴ τέ τις φθονεῖ μὲν ἢ καὶ φοβεῖται (ἀμφότερα γὰρ τάδε πάσχει τὰ μείζω) διὰ δὲ αὐτὰ τὰς Συρακούσας κακωθῆναι μὲν ἵνα σωφρονισθῶμεν βούλεται, περιγενέσθαι δὲ ἕνεκα τῆς αὑτοῦ ἀσφαλείας, οὐκ ἀνθρωπίνης δυνάμεως βούλησιν ἐλπίζει· οὐ γὰρ οἷόν τε ἅμα τῆς τε ἐπιθυμίας καὶ τῆς τύχης τὸν αὐτὸν ὁμοίως ταμίαν γενέσθαι.

3 καὶ εἰ γνώμῃ ἁμάρτοι, τοῖς αὑτοῦ κακοῖς ὀλοφυρθεὶς τάχ’ ἂν ἴσως καὶ τοῖς ἐμοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ποτὲ βουληθείη αὖθις φθονῆσαι. ἀδύνατον δὲ προεμένῳ καὶ μὴ τοὺς αὐτοὺς κινδύνους οὐ περὶ τῶν ὀνομάτων, ἀλλὰ περὶ τῶν ἔργων, ἐθελήσαντι προσλαβεῖν· λόγῳ μὲν γὰρ τὴν ἡμετέραν δύναμιν σῴζοι ἄν τις, ἔργῳ δὲ τὴν αὑτοῦ σωτηρίαν.

4 καὶ μάλιστα εἰκὸς ἦν ὑμᾶς, ὦ Καμαριναῖοι, ὁμόρους ὄντας καὶ τὰ δεύτερα κινδυνεύσοντας προορᾶσθαι αὐτὰ καὶ μὴ μαλακῶς ὥσπερ νῦν ξυμμαχεῖν, αὐτοὺς δὲ πρὸς ἡμᾶς μᾶλλον ἰόντας, ἅπερ ἂν εἰ ἐς τὴν Καμαριναίαν πρῶτον ἀφίκοντο οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι δεόμενοι ἂν ἐπεκαλεῖσθε, ταῦτα ἐκ τοῦ ὁμοίου καὶ νῦν παρακελευομένους ὅπως μηδὲν ἐνδώσομεν φαίνεσθαι. ἀλλ’ οὔθ᾽ ὑμεῖς νῦν γέ πω οὔθ’ οἱ ἄλλοι ἐπὶ ταῦτα ὥρμησθε.

Chapter 79

1 ‘Δειλίᾳ δὲ ἴσως τὸ δίκαιον πρός τε ἡμᾶς καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιόντας θεραπεύσετε, λέγοντες ξυμμαχίαν εἶναι ὑμῖν πρὸς Ἀθηναίους· ἥν γε οὐκ ἐπὶ τοῖς φίλοις ἐποιήσασθε, τῶν δὲ ἐχθρῶν ἤν τις ἐφ’ ὑμᾶς ἴῃ, καὶ τοῖς γε Ἀθηναίοις βοηθεῖν, ὅταν ὑπ’ ἄλλων καὶ μὴ αὐτοὶ ὥσπερ νῦν τοὺς πέλας ἀδικῶσιν,

2 ἐπεὶ οὐδ’ οἱ Ῥηγῖνοι ὄντες Χαλκιδῆς Χαλκιδέας ὄντας Λεοντίνους ἐθέλουσι ξυγκατοικίζειν. καὶ δεινὸν εἰ ἐκεῖνοι μὲν τὸ ἔργον τοῦ καλοῦ δικαιώματος ὑποπτεύοντες ἀλόγως σωφρονοῦσιν, ὑμεῖς δ’ εὐλόγῳ προφάσει τοὺς μὲν φύσει πολεμίους βούλεσθε ὠφελεῖν, τοὺς δὲ ἔτι μᾶλλον φύσει ξυγγενεῖς μετὰ τῶν ἐχθίστων διαφθεῖραι.

3 ἀλλ’ οὐ δίκαιον, ἀμύνειν δὲ καὶ μὴ φοβεῖσθαι τὴν παρασκευὴν αὐτῶν· οὐ γὰρ ἢν ἡμεῖς ξυστῶμεν πάντες δεινή ἐστιν, ἀλλ’ ἤν, ὅπερ οὗτοι σπεύδουσι, τἀναντία διαστῶμεν, ἐπεὶ οὐδὲ πρὸς ἡμᾶς μόνους ἐλθόντες καὶ μάχῃ περιγενόμενοι ἔπραξαν ἃ ἐβούλοντο, ἀπῆλθον δὲ διὰ τάχους.

Chapter 80

1 ὥστε οὐχ ἁθρόους γε ὄντας εἰκὸς ἀθυμεῖν, ἰέναι δὲ ἐς τὴν ξυμμαχίαν προθυμότερον, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου παρεσομένης ὠφελίας, οἳ τῶνδε κρείσσους εἰσὶ τὸ παράπαν τὰ πολέμια· καὶ μὴ ἐκείνην τὴν προμηθίαν δοκεῖν τῳ ἡμῖν μὲν ἴσην εἶναι, ὑμῖν δὲ ἀσφαλῆ, τὸ μηδετέροις δὴ ὡς καὶ ἀμφοτέρων ὄντας ξυμμάχους βοηθεῖν.

2 οὐ γὰρ ἔργῳ ἴσον ὥσπερ τῷ δικαιώματί ἐστιν. εἰ γὰρ δι’ ὑμᾶς μὴ ξυμμαχήσαντας ὅ τε παθὼν σφαλήσεται καὶ ὁ κρατῶν περιέσται, τί ἄλλο ἢ τῇ αὐτῇ ἀπουσίᾳ τοῖς μὲν οὐκ ἠμύνατε σωθῆναι, τοὺς δὲ οὐκ ἐκωλύσατε κακοὺς γενέσθαι; καίτοι κάλλιον τοῖς ἀδικουμένοις καὶ ἅμα ξυγγενέσι προσθεμένους τήν τε κοινὴν ὠφελίαν τῇ Σικελίᾳ φυλάξαι καὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους φίλους δὴ ὄντας μὴ ἐᾶσαι ἁμαρτεῖν.

3 ‘ξυνελόντες τε λέγομεν οἱ Συρακόσιοι ἐκδιδάσκειν μὲν οὐδὲν ἔργον εἶναι σαφῶς οὔτε ὑμᾶς οὔτε τοὺς ἄλλους περὶ ὧν αὐτοὶ οὐδὲν χεῖρον γιγνώσκετε· δεόμεθα δὲ καὶ μαρτυρόμεθα ἅμα, εἰ μὴ πείσομεν, ὅτι ἐπιβουλευόμεθα μὲν ὑπὸ Ἰώνων αἰεὶ πολεμίων, προδιδόμεθα δὲ ὑπὸ ὑμῶν Δωριῆς Δωριῶν.

4 καὶ εἰ καταστρέψονται ἡμᾶς Ἀθηναῖοι, ταῖς μὲν ὑμετέραις γνώμαις κρατήσουσι, τῷ δ᾽ αὑτῶν ὀνόματι τιμηθήσονται, καὶ τῆς νίκης οὐκ ἄλλον τινὰ ἆθλον ἢ τὸν τὴν νίκην παρασχόντα λήψονται· καὶ εἰ αὖ ἡμεῖς περιεσόμεθα, τῆς αἰτίας τῶν κινδύνων οἱ αὐτοὶ τὴν τιμωρίαν ὑφέξετε.

5 σκοπεῖτε οὖν καὶ αἱρεῖσθε ἤδη ἢ τὴν αὐτίκα ἀκινδύνως δουλείαν ἢ κἂν περιγενόμενοι μεθ’ ἡμῶν τούσδε τε μὴ αἰσχρῶς δεσπότας λαβεῖν καὶ τὴν πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἔχθραν μὴ ἂν βραχεῖαν γενομένην διαφυγεῖν.’

Chapter 81

1 τοιαῦτα μὲν ὁ Ἑρμοκράτης εἶπεν. ὁ δ’ Εὔφημος ὁ τῶν Ἀθηναίων πρεσβευτὴς μετ’ αὐτὸν τοιάδε.

Chapter 82

1 ‘ἀφικόμεθα μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς πρότερον οὔσης ξυμμαχίας ἀνανεώσει, τοῦ δὲ Συρακοσίου καθαψαμένου ἀνάγκη καὶ περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς εἰπεῖν ὡς εἰκότως ἔχομεν.

2 τὸ μὲν οὖν μέγιστον μαρτύριον αὐτὸς εἶπεν, ὅτι οἱ Ἴωνες αἰεί ποτε πολέμιοι τοῖς Δωριεῦσιν εἰσίν. ἔχει δὲ καὶ οὕτως· ἡμεῖς γὰρ Ἴωνες ὄντες Πελοποννησίοις Δωριεῦσι καὶ πλέοσιν οὖσι καὶ παροικοῦσιν ἐσκεψάμεθα ὅτῳ τρόπῳ ἥκιστα αὐτῶν ὑπακουσόμεθα,

3 καὶ μετὰ τὰ Μηδικὰ ναῦς κτησάμενοι τῆς μὲν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀρχῆς καὶ ἡγεμονίας ἀπηλλάγημεν,οὐδὲν προσῆκον μᾶλλόν τι ἐκείνους ἡμῖν ἢ καὶ ἡμᾶς ἐκείνοις ἐπιτάσσειν, πλὴν καθ’ ὅσον ἐν τῷ παρόντι μεῖζον ἴσχυον, αὐτοὶ δὲ τῶν ὑπὸ βασιλεῖ πρότερον ὄντων ἡγεμόνες καταστάντες οἰκοῦμεν, νομίσαντες ἥκιστ’ ἂν ὑπὸ Πελοποννησίοις οὕτως εἶναι, δύναμιν ἔχοντες ᾗ ἀμυνούμεθα, καὶ ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς εἰπεῖν οὐδὲ ἀδίκως καταστρεψάμενοι τούς τε Ἴωνας καὶ νησιώτας, οὓς ξυγγενεῖς φασὶν ὄντας ἡμᾶς Συρακόσιοι δεδουλῶσθαι.

4 ἦλθον γὰρ ἐπὶ τὴν μητρόπολιν ἐφ’ ἡμᾶς μετὰ τοῦ Μήδου καὶ οὐκ ἐτόλμησαν ἀποστάντες τὰ οἰκεῖα φθεῖραι, ὥσπερ ἡμεῖς ἐκλιπόντες τὴν πόλιν, δουλείαν δὲ αὐτοί τε ἐβούλοντο καὶ ἡμῖν τὸ αὐτὸ ἐπενεγκεῖν.

Chapter 83

1 ἀνθ’ ὧν ἄξιοί τε ὄντες ἅμα ἄρχομεν, ὅτι τε ναυτικὸν πλεῖστόν τε καὶ προθυμίαν ἀπροφάσιστον παρεσχόμεθα ἐς τοὺς Ἕλληνας, καὶ διότι καὶ τῷ Μήδῳ ἑτοίμως τοῦτο δρῶντες οὗτοι ἡμᾶς ἔβλαπτον, ἅμα δὲ τῆς πρὸς Πελοποννησίους ἰσχύος ὀρεγόμενοι.

2 καὶ οὐ καλλιεπούμεθα ὡς ἢ τὸν βάρβαρον μόνοι καθελόντες εἰκότως ἄρχομεν ἢ ἐπ᾽ ἐλευθερίᾳ τῇ τῶνδε μᾶλλον ἢ τῶν ξυμπάντων τε καὶ τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ αὐτῶν κινδυνεύσαντες. πᾶσι δὲ ἀνεπίφθονον τὴν προσήκουσαν σωτηρίαν ἐκπορίζεσθαι. καὶ νῦν τῆς ἡμετέρας ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκα καὶ ἐνθάδε παρόντες ὁρῶμεν καὶ ὑμῖν ταὐτὰ ξυμφέροντα.

3 ἀποφαίνομεν δὲ ἐξ ὧν οἵδε τε διαβάλλουσι καὶ ὑμεῖς μάλιστα ἐπὶ τὸ φοβερώτερον ὑπονοεῖτε, εἰδότες τοὺς περιδεῶς ὑποπτεύοντάς τι λόγου μὲν ἡδονῇ τὸ παραυτίκα τερπομένους, τῇ δ’ ἐγχειρήσει ὕστερον τὰ ξυμφέροντα πράσσοντας.

4 τήν τε γὰρ ἐκεῖ ἀρχὴν εἰρήκαμεν διὰ δέος ἔχειν καὶ τὰ ἐνθάδε διὰ τὸ αὐτὸ ἥκειν μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἀσφαλῶς καταστησόμενοι, καὶ οὐ δουλωσόμενοι, μὴ παθεῖν δὲ μᾶλλον τοῦτο κωλύσοντες.

Chapter 84

1 ‘ὑπολάβῃ δὲ μηδεὶς ὡς οὐδὲν προσῆκον ὑμῶν κηδόμεθα, γνοὺς ὅτι σῳζομένων ὑμῶν καὶ διὰ τὸ μὴ ἀσθενεῖς ὑμᾶς ὄντας ἀντέχειν Συρακοσίοις ἧσσον ἂν τούτων πεμψάντων τινὰ δύναμιν Πελοποννησίοις ἡμεῖς βλαπτοίμεθα.

2 καὶ ἐν τούτῳ προσήκετε ἤδη ἡμῖν τὰ μέγιστα. διόπερ καὶ τοὺς Λεοντίνους εὔλογον κατοικίζειν μὴ ὑπηκόους ὥσπερ τοὺς ξυγγενεῖς αὐτῶν τοὺς ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ, ἀλλ’ ὡς δυνατωτάτους, ἵνα ἐκ τῆς σφετέρας ὅμοροι ὄντες τοῖσδε ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν λυπηροὶ ὦσιν.

3 τὰ μὲν γὰρ ἐκεῖ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀρκοῦμεν πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ ὁ Χαλκιδεύς, ὃν ἀλόγως ἡμᾶς φησὶ δουλωσαμένους τοὺς ἐνθάδε ἐλευθεροῦν, ξύμφορος ἡμῖν ἀπαράσκευος ὢν καὶ χρήματα μόνον φέρων, τὰ δὲ ἐνθάδε καὶ Λεοντῖνοι καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι φίλοι ὅτι μάλιστα αὐτονομούμενοι.

Chapter 85

1 ἀνδρὶ δὲ τυράννῳ ἢ πόλει ἀρχὴν ἐχούσῃ οὐδὲν ἄλογον ὅτι ξυμφέρον οὐδ’ οἰκεῖον ὅτι μὴ πιστόν· πρὸς ἕκαστα δὲ δεῖ ἢ ἐχθρὸν ἢ φίλον μετὰ καιροῦ γίγνεσθαι. καὶ ἡμᾶς τοῦτο ὠφελεῖ ἐνθάδε, οὐκ ἢν τοὺς φίλους κακώσωμεν, ἀλλ’ ἢν οἱ ἐχθροὶ διὰ τὴν τῶν φίλων ῥώμην ἀδύνατοι ὦσιν.

2 ἀπιστεῖν δὲ οὐ χρή· καὶ γὰρ τοὺς ἐκεῖ ξυμμάχους ὡς ἕκαστοι χρήσιμοι ἐξηγούμεθα, Χίους μὲν καὶ Μηθυμναίους νεῶν παροκωχῇ αὐτονόμους, τοὺς δὲ πολλοὺς χρημάτων βιαιότερον φορᾷ, ἄλλους δὲ καὶ πάνυ ἐλευθέρως ξυμμαχοῦντας, καίπερ νησιώτας ὄντας καὶ εὐλήπτους, διότι ἐν χωρίοις ἐπικαίροις εἰσὶ περὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον.

3 ὥστε καὶ τἀνθάδε εἰκὸς πρὸς τὸ λυσιτελοῦν, καὶ ὃ λέγομεν, ἐς Συρακοσίους δέος καθίστασθαι. ἀρχῆς γὰρ ἐφίενται ὑμῶν καὶ βούλονται ἐπὶ τῷ ἡμετέρῳ ξυστήσαντες ὑμᾶς ὑπόπτῳ, βίᾳ ἢ καὶ κατ’ ἐρημίαν, ἀπράκτων ἡμῶν ἀπελθόντων, αὐτοὶ ἄρξαι τῆς Σικελίας. ἀνάγκη δέ, ἢν ξυστῆτε πρὸς αὐτούς· οὔτε γὰρ ἡμῖν ἔτι ἔσται ἰσχὺς τοσαύτη ἐς ἓν ξυστᾶσα εὐμεταχείριστος, οὔθ’ οἵδ’ ἀσθενεῖς ἂν ἡμῶν μὴ παρόντων πρὸς ὑμᾶς εἶεν.

Chapter 86

1 καὶ ὅτῳ ταῦτα μὴ δοκεῖ, αὐτὸ τὸ ἔργον ἐλέγχει. τὸ γὰρ πρότερον ἡμᾶς ἐπηγάγεσθε οὐκ ἄλλον τινὰ προσείοντες φόβον ἤ, εἰ περιοψόμεθα ὑμᾶς ὑπὸ Συρακοσίοις γενέσθαι, ὅτι καὶ αὐτοὶ κινδυνεύσομεν.

2 καὶ νῦν οὐ δίκαιον, ᾧπερ καὶ ἡμᾶς ἠξιοῦτε λόγῳ πείθειν, τῷ αὐτῷ ἀπιστεῖν, οὐδ’ ὅτι δυνάμει μείζονι πρὸς τὴν τῶνδε ἰσχὺν πάρεσμεν ὑποπτεύεσθαι, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον τοῖσδε ἀπιστεῖν.

3 ἡμεῖς μέν γε οὔτε ἐμμεῖναι δυνατοὶ μὴ μεθ’ ὑμῶν, εἴ τε καὶ γενόμενοι κακοὶ κατεργασαίμεθα, ἀδύνατοι κατασχεῖν διὰ μῆκός τε πλοῦ καὶ ἀπορίᾳ φυλακῆς πόλεων μεγάλων καὶ τῇ παρασκευῇ ἠπειρωτίδων· οἵδε δὲ οὐ στρατοπέδῳ, πόλει δὲ μείζονι τῆς ἡμετέρας παρουσίας ἐποικοῦντες ὑμῖν αἰεί τε ἐπιβουλεύουσι καὶ ὅταν καιρὸν λάβωσιν ἑκάστου,

4 οὐκ ἀνιᾶσιν (ἔδειξαν δὲ καὶ ἄλλα ἤδη καὶ τὰ ἐς Λεοντίνους), καὶ νῦν τολμῶσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς ταῦτα κωλύοντας καὶ ἀνέχοντας τὴν Σικελίαν μέχρι τοῦδε μὴ ὑπ’ αὐτοὺς εἶναι παρακαλεῖν ὑμᾶς ὡς ἀναισθήτους.

5 πολὺ δὲ ἐπὶ ἀληθεστέραν γε σωτηρίαν ἡμεῖς ἀντιπαρακαλοῦμεν, δεόμενοι τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν ἀπ’ ἀλλήλων ἀμφοτέροις μὴ προδιδόναι, νομίσαι δὲ τοῖσδε μὲν καὶ ἄνευ ξυμμάχων αἰεὶ ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς ἑτοίμην διὰ τὸ πλῆθος εἶναι ὁδόν, ὑμῖν δ’ οὐ πολλάκις παρασχήσειν μετὰ τοσῆσδε ἐπικουρίας ἀμύνασθαι· ἣν εἰ τῷ ὑπόπτῳ ἢ ἄπρακτον ἐάσετε ἀπελθεῖν ἢ καὶ σφαλεῖσαν, ἔτι βουλήσεσθε καὶ πολλοστὸν μόριον αὐτῆς ἰδεῖν, ὅτε οὐδὲν ἔτι περανεῖ παραγενόμενον ὑμῖν.

Chapter 87

1 ‘ἀλλὰ μήτε ὑμεῖς, ὦ Καμαριναῖοι, ταῖς τῶνδε διαβολαῖς ἀναπείθεσθε μήτε οἱ ἄλλοι· εἰρήκαμεν δ’ ὑμῖν πᾶσαν τὴν ἀλήθειαν περὶ ὧν ὑποπτευόμεθα, καὶ ἔτι ἐν κεφαλαίοις ὑπομνήσαντες ἀξιώσομεν πείθειν.

2 φαμὲν γὰρ ἄρχειν μὲν τῶν ἐκεῖ, ἵνα μὴ ὑπακούωμεν ἄλλου, ἐλευθεροῦν δὲ τὰ ἐνθάδε, ὅπως μὴ ὑπ’ αὐτῶν βλαπτώμεθα, πολλὰ δ’ ἀναγκάζεσθαι πράσσειν, διότι καὶ πολλὰ φυλασσόμεθα, ξύμμαχοι δὲ καὶ νῦν καὶ πρότερον τοῖς ἐνθάδε ὑμῶν ἀδικουμένοις οὐκ ἄκλητοι, παρακληθέντες δὲ ἥκειν.

3 καὶ ὑμεῖς μήθ’ ὡς δικασταὶ γενόμενοι τῶν ἡμῖν ποιουμένων μήθ’ ὡς σωφρονισταί, ὃ χαλεπὸν ἤδη, ἀποτρέπειν πειρᾶσθε, καθ’ ὅσον δέ τι ὑμῖν τῆς ἡμετέρας πολυπραγμοσύνης καὶ τρόπου τὸ αὐτὸ ξυμφέρει, τούτῳ ἀπολαβόντες χρήσασθε, καὶ νομίσατε μὴ πάντας ἐν ἴσῳ βλάπτειν αὐτά, πολὺ δὲ πλείους τῶν Ἑλλήνων καὶ ὠφελεῖν·

4 ἐν παντὶ γὰρ πᾶς χωρίῳ, καὶ ᾧ μὴ ὑπάρχομεν, ὅ τε οἰόμενος ἀδικήσεσθαι καὶ ὁ ἐπιβουλεύων διὰ τὸ ἑτοίμην ὑπεῖναι ἐλπίδα τῷ μὲν ἀντιτυχεῖν ἐπικουρίας ἀφ’ ἡμῶν, τῷ δὲ εἰ ἥξομεν, μὴ ἀδεεῖ εἶναι κινδυνεύειν, ἀμφότεροι ἀναγκάζονται ὁ μὲν ἄκων σωφρονεῖν, ὁ δ’ ἀπραγμόνως σῴζεσθαι.

5 ταύτην οὖν τὴν κοινὴν τῷ τε δεομένῳ καὶ ὑμῖν νῦν παροῦσαν ἀσφάλειαν μὴ ἀπώσησθε, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξισώσαντες τοῖς ἄλλοις μεθ’ ἡμῶν τοῖς Συρακοσίοις, ἀντὶ τοῦ αἰεὶ φυλάσσεσθαι αὐτούς, καὶ ἀντεπιβουλεῦσαί ποτε ἐκ τοῦ ὁμοίου μεταλάβετε.’

Chapter 88

1 τοιαῦτα δὲ ὁ Εὔφημος εἶπεν. οἱ δὲ Καμαριναῖοι ἐπεπόνθεσαν τοιόνδε. τοῖς μὲν Ἀθηναίοις εὖνοι ἦσαν, πλὴν καθ’ ὅσον [εἰ] τὴν Σικελίαν ᾤοντο αὐτοὺς δουλώσεσθαι, τοῖς δὲ Συρακοσίοις αἰεὶ κατὰ τὸ ὅμορον διάφοροι· δεδιότες δ’ οὐχ ἧσσον τοὺς Συρακοσίους ἐγγὺς ὄντας μὴ καὶ ἄνευ σφῶν περιγένωνται, τό τε πρῶτον αὐτοῖς τοὺς ὀλίγους ἱππέας ἔπεμψαν καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐδόκει αὐτοῖς ὑπουργεῖν μὲν τοῖς Συρακοσίοις μᾶλλον ἔργῳ, ὡς ἂν δύνωνται μετριώτατα, ἐν δὲ τῷ παρόντι, ἵνα μηδὲ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἔλασσον δοκῶσι νεῖμαι, ἐπειδὴ καὶ ἐπικρατέστεροι τῇ μάχῃ ἐγένοντο, λόγῳ ἀποκρίνασθαι ἴσα ἀμφοτέροις.

2 καὶ οὕτω βουλευσάμενοι ἀπεκρίναντο, ἐπειδὴ τυγχάνει ἀμφοτέροις οὖσι ξυμμάχοις σφῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους πόλεμος ὤν, εὔορκον δοκεῖν εἶναι σφίσιν ἐν τῷ παρόντι μηδετέροις ἀμύνειν. καὶ οἱ πρέσβεις ἑκατέρων ἀπῆλθον.

3 καὶ οἱ μὲν Συρακόσιοι τὰ καθ’ ἑαυτοὺς ἐξηρτύοντο ἐς τὸν πόλεμον, οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐν τῇ Νάξῳ ἐστρατοπεδευμένοι τὰ πρὸς τοὺς Σικελοὺς ἔπρασσον ὅπως αὐτοῖς ὡς πλεῖστοι προσχωρήσονται.

4 καὶ οἱ μὲν πρὸς τὰ πεδία μᾶλλον τῶν Σικελῶν ὑπήκοοι ὄντες τῶν Συρακοσίων οἱ πολλοὶ ἀφειστήκεσαν· τῶν δὲ τὴν μεσόγειαν ἐχόντων αὐτόνομοι οὖσαι καὶ πρότερον αἰεὶ 〈αἱ〉 οἰκήσεις εὐθὺς πλὴν ὀλίγοι μετὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἦσαν, καὶ σῖτόν τε κατεκόμιζον τῷ στρατεύματι καὶ εἰσὶν οἳ καὶ χρήματα.

5 ἐπὶ δὲ τοὺς μὴ προσχωροῦντας οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι στρατεύοντες τοὺς μὲν προσηνάγκαζον, τοὺς δὲ καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Συρακοσίων φρουρούς τε πεμπόντων καὶ βοηθούντων ἀπεκωλύοντο. τόν τε χειμῶνα μεθορμισάμενοι ἐκ τῆς Νάξου ἐς τὴν Κατάνην καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ὃ κατεκαύθη ὑπὸ τῶν Συρακοσίων αὖθις ἀνορθώσαντες διεχείμαζον.

6 καὶ ἔπεμψαν μὲν ἐς Καρχηδόνα τριήρη περὶ φιλίας, εἰ δύναιντό τι ὠφελεῖσθαι, ἔπεμψαν δὲ καὶ ἐς Τυρσηνίαν, ἔστιν ὧν πόλεων ἐπαγγελλομένων καὶ αὐτῶν ξυμπολεμεῖν. περιήγγελλον δὲ καὶ τοῖς Σικελοῖς καὶ ἐς τὴν Ἔγεσταν πέμψαντες ἐκέλευον ἵππους σφίσιν ὡς πλείστους πέμπειν, καὶ τἆλλα ἐς τὸν περιτειχισμόν, πλινθία καὶ σίδηρον, ἡτοίμαζον, καὶ ὅσα ἔδει, ὡς ἅμα τῷ ἦρι ἑξόμενοι τοῦ πολέμου.

7 οἱ δ’ ἐς τὴν Κόρινθον καὶ Λακεδαίμονα τῶν Συρακοσίων ἀποσταλέντες πρέσβεις τούς τε Ἰταλιώτας ἅμα παραπλέοντες ἐπειρῶντο πείθειν μὴ περιορᾶν τὰ γιγνόμενα ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ὡς καὶ ἐκείνοις ὁμοίως ἐπιβουλευόμενα, καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐν τῇ Κορίνθῳ ἐγένοντο, λόγους ἐποιοῦντο ἀξιοῦντες σφίσι κατὰ τὸ ξυγγενὲς βοηθεῖν.

8 καὶ οἱ Κορίνθιοι εὐθὺς ψηφισάμενοι αὐτοὶ πρῶτοι ὥστε πάσῃ προθυμίᾳ ἀμύνειν, καὶ ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα ξυναπέστελλον αὐτοῖς πρέσβεις, ὅπως καὶ ἐκείνους ξυναναπείθοιεν τόν τε αὐτοῦ πόλεμον σαφέστερον ποιεῖσθαι πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους καὶ ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν ὠφελίαν τινὰ πέμπειν.

9 καὶ οἵ τε ἐκ τῆς Κορίνθου πρέσβεις παρῆσαν ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα καὶ Ἀλκιβιάδης μετὰ τῶν ξυμφυγάδων περαιωθεὶς τότ’ εὐθὺς ἐπὶ πλοίου φορτηγικοῦ ἐκ τῆς Θουρίας ἐς Κυλλήνην τῆς Ἠλείας πρῶτον, ἔπειτα ὕστερον ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα αὐτῶν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων μεταπεμψάντων ὑπόσπονδος ἐλθών· ἐφοβεῖτο γὰρ αὐτοὺς διὰ τὴν περὶ τῶν Μαντινικῶν πρᾶξιν.

10 καὶ ξυνέβη ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων τούς τε Κορινθίους καὶ τοὺς Συρακοσίους τὰ αὐτὰ καὶ τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην δεομένους πείθειν τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους. καὶ διανοουμένων τῶν τε ἐφόρων καὶ τῶν ἐν τέλει ὄντων πρέσβεις πέμπειν ἐς Συρακούσας κωλύοντας μὴ ξυμβαίνειν Ἀθηναίοις, βοηθεῖν δὲ οὐ προθύμων ὄντων, παρελθὼν ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης παρώξυνέ τε τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ ἐξώρμησε λέγων τοιάδε.

Chapter 89

1 ‘ἀναγκαῖον περὶ τῆς ἐμῆς διαβολῆς πρῶτον ἐς ὑμᾶς εἰπεῖν, ἵνα μὴ χεῖρον τὰ κοινὰ τῷ ὑπόπτῳ μου ἀκροάσησθε.

2 τῶν δ’ ἐμῶν προγόνων τὴν προξενίαν ὑμῶν κατά τι ἔγκλημα ἀπειπόντων αὐτὸς ἐγὼ πάλιν ἀναλαμβάνων ἐθεράπευον ὑμᾶς ἄλλα τε καὶ περὶ τὴν ἐκ Πύλου ξυμφοράν. καὶ διατελοῦντός μου προθύμου ὑμεῖς πρὸς Ἀθηναίους καταλλασσόμενοι τοῖς μὲν ἐμοῖς ἐχθροῖς δύναμιν δι’ ἐκείνων πράξαντες, ἐμοὶ δὲ ἀτιμίαν περιέθετε.

3 καὶ διὰ ταῦτα δικαίως ὑπ’ ἐμοῦ πρός τε τὰ Μαντινέων καὶ Ἀργείων τραπομένου καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἐνηντιούμην ὑμῖν ἐβλάπτεσθε· καὶ νῦν, εἴ τις καὶ τότε ἐν τῷ πάσχειν οὐκ εἰκότως ὠργίζετό μοι, μετὰ τοῦ ἀληθοῦς σκοπῶν ἀναπειθέσθω. ἢ εἴ τις, διότι καὶ τῷ δήμῳ προσεκείμην μᾶλλον, χείρω με ἐνόμιζε, μηδ’ οὕτως ἡγήσηται ὀρθῶς ἄχθεσθαι.

4 τοῖς γὰρ τυράννοις αἰεί ποτε διάφοροί ἐσμεν (πᾶν δὲ τὸ ἐναντιούμενον τῷ δυναστεύοντι δῆμος ὠνόμασται), καὶ ἀπ’ ἐκείνου ξυμπαρέμεινεν ἡ προστασία ἡμῖν τοῦ πλήθους. ἅμα δὲ καὶ τῆς πόλεως δημοκρατουμένης τὰ πολλὰ ἀνάγκη ἦν τοῖς παροῦσιν ἕπεσθαι.

5 τῆς δὲ ὑπαρχούσης ἀκολασίας ἐπειρώμεθα μετριώτεροι ἐς τὰ πολιτικὰ εἶναι.ἄλλοι δ’ ἦσαν καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν πάλαι καὶ νῦν οἳ ἐπὶ τὰ πονηρότερα ἐξῆγον τὸν ὄχλον· οἵπερ καὶ ἐμὲ ἐξήλασαν.

6 ἡμεῖς δὲ τοῦ ξύμπαντος προέστημεν, δικαιοῦντες ἐν ᾧ σχήματι μεγίστη ἡ πόλις ἐτύγχανε καὶ ἐλευθερωτάτη οὖσα καὶ ὅπερ ἐδέξατό τις, τοῦτο ξυνδιασῴζειν, ἐπεὶ δημοκρατίαν γε καὶ ἐγιγνώσκομεν οἱ φρονοῦντές τι, καὶ αὐτὸς οὐδενὸς ἂν χεῖρον, ὅσῳ καὶ λοιδορήσαιμι. ἀλλὰ περὶ ὁμολογουμένης ἀνοίας οὐδὲν ἂν καινὸν λέγοιτο· καὶ τὸ μεθιστάναι αὐτὴν οὐκ ἐδόκει ἡμῖν ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι ὑμῶν πολεμίων προσκαθημένων.

Chapter 90

1 ‘καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐς τὰς ἐμὰς διαβολὰς τοιαῦτα ξυνέβη· περὶ δὲ ὧν ὑμῖν τε βουλευτέον καὶ ἐμοί, εἴ τι πλέον οἶδα, ἐσηγητέον, μάθετε ἤδη.

2 ἐπλεύσαμεν ἐς Σικελίαν πρῶτον μέν, εἰ δυναίμεθα, Σικελιώτας καταστρεψόμενοι, μετὰ δ᾽ ἐκείνους αὖθις καὶ Ἰταλιώτας, ἔπειτα καὶ τῆς Καρχηδονίων ἀρχῆς καὶ αὐτῶν ἀποπειράσοντες.

3 εἰ δὲ προχωρήσειε ταῦτα ἢ πάντα ἢ καὶ τὰ πλείω, ἤδη τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ ἐμέλλομεν ἐπιχειρήσειν, κομίσαντες ξύμπασαν μὲν τὴν ἐκεῖθεν προσγενομένην δύναμιν τῶν Ἑλλήνων, πολλοὺς δὲ βαρβάρους μισθωσάμενοι καὶ Ἴβηρας καὶ ἄλλους τῶν ἐκεῖ ὁμολογουμένως νῦν βαρβάρων μαχιμωτάτους, τριήρεις τε πρὸς ταῖς ἡμετέραις πολλὰς ναυπηγησάμενοι, ἐχούσης τῆς Ἰταλίας ξύλα ἄφθονα, αἷς τὴν Πελοπόννησον πέριξ πολιορκοῦντες καὶ τῷ πεζῷ ἅμα ἐκ γῆς ἐφορμαῖς τῶν πόλεων τὰς μὲν βίᾳ λαβόντες, τὰς δ’ ἐντειχισάμενοι, ῥᾳδίως ἠλπίζομεν καταπολεμήσειν καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ τοῦ ξύμπαντος Ἑλληνικοῦ ἄρξειν.

4 χρήματα δὲ καὶ σῖτον, ὥστε εὐπορώτερον γίγνεσθαί τι αὐτῶν, αὐτὰ τὰ προσγενόμενα ἐκεῖθεν χωρία ἔμελλε διαρκῆ ἄνευ τῆς ἐνθένδε προσόδου παρέξειν.

Chapter 91

1 τοιαῦτα μὲν περὶ τοῦ νῦν οἰχομένου στόλου παρὰ τοῦ τὰ ἀκριβέστατα εἰδότος ὡς διενοήθημεν ἀκηκόατε· καὶ ὅσοι ὑπόλοιποι στρατηγοί, ἢν δύνωνται, ὁμοίως αὐτὰ πράξουσιν. ὡς δέ, εἰ μὴ βοηθήσετε οὐ περιέσται τἀκεῖ, μάθετε ἤδη.

2 Σικελιῶται γὰρ ἀπειρότεροι μέν εἰσιν, ὅμως δ’ ἂν ξυστραφέντες ἁθρόοι καὶ νῦν ἔτι περιγένοιντο· Συρακόσιοι δὲ μόνοι μάχῃ τε ἤδη πανδημεὶ ἡσσημένοι καὶ ναυσὶν ἅμα κατειργόμενοι ἀδύνατοι ἔσονται τῇ νῦν Ἀθηναίων ἐκεῖ παρασκευῇ ἀντισχεῖν.

3 καὶ εἰ αὕτη ἡ πόλις ληφθήσεται, ἔχεται καὶ ἡ πᾶσα Σικελία, καὶ εὐθὺς καὶ Ἰταλία· καὶ ὃν ἄρτι κίνδυνον ἐκεῖθεν προεῖπον, οὐκ ἂν διὰ μακροῦ ὑμῖν ἐπιπέσοι.

4 ὥστε μὴ περὶ τῆς Σικελίας τις οἰέσθω μόνον βουλεύειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ τῆς Πελοποννήσου, εἰ μὴ ποιήσετε τάδε ἐν τάχει, στρατιάν τε ἐπὶ νεῶν πέμψετε τοιαύτην ἐκεῖσε οἵτινες αὐτερέται κομισθέντες καὶ ὁπλιτεύσουσιν εὐθύς, καὶ ὃ τῆς στρατιᾶς ἔτι χρησιμώτερον εἶναι νομίζω, ἄνδρα Σπαρτιάτην ἄρχοντα, ὡς ἂν τούς τε παρόντας ξυντάξῃ καὶ τοὺς μὴ ᾽θέλοντας προσαναγκάσῃ· οὕτω γὰρ οἵ τε ὑπάρχοντες ὑμῖν φίλοι θαρσήσουσι μᾶλλον καὶ οἱ ἐνδοιάζοντες ἀδεέστερον προσίασιν.

5 καὶ τὰ ἐνθάδε χρὴ ἅμα φανερώτερον ἐκπολεμεῖν, ἵνα Συρακόσιοί τε νομίζοντες ὑμᾶς ἐπιμέλεσθαι μᾶλλον ἀντέχωσι καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι τοῖς ἑαυτῶν ἧσσον ἄλλην ἐπικουρίαν πέμπωσιν.

6 τειχίζειν τε χρὴ Δεκέλειαν τῆς Ἀττικῆς, ὅπερ Ἀθηναῖοι μάλιστα αἰεὶ φοβοῦνται, καὶ μόνου αὐτοῦ νομίζουσι τῶν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ οὐ διαπεπειρᾶσθαι. βεβαιότατα δ’ ἄν τις οὕτω τοὺς πολεμίους βλάπτοι, εἰ ἃ μάλιστα δεδιότας αὐτοὺς αἰσθάνοιτο, ταῦτα σαφῶς πυνθανόμενος ἐπιφέροι· εἰκὸς γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἀκριβέστατα ἑκάστους τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν δεινὰ ἐπισταμένους φοβεῖσθαι.

7 ἃ δ’ ἐν τῇ ἐπιτειχίσει αὐτοὶ ὠφελούμενοι τοὺς ἐναντίους κωλύσετε, πολλὰ παρεὶς τὰ μέγιστα κεφαλαιώσω. οἷς τε γὰρ ἡ χώρα κατεσκεύασται, τὰ πολλὰ πρὸς ὑμᾶς τὰ μὲν ληφθέντα, τὰ δ’ αὐτόματα ἥξει· καὶ τὰς τοῦ Λαυρείου τῶν ἀργυρείων μετάλλων προσόδους καὶ ὅσα ἀπὸ γῆς καὶ δικαστηρίων νῦν ὠφελοῦνται εὐθὺς ἀποστερήσονται, μάλιστα δὲ τῆς ἀπὸ τῶν ξυμμάχων προσόδου ἧσσον διαφορουμένης, οἳ τὰ παρ’ ὑμῶν νομίσαντες ἤδη κατὰ κράτος πολεμεῖσθαι ὀλιγωρήσουσιν.

Chapter 92

1 γίγνεσθαι δέ τι αὐτῶν καὶ ἐν τάχει καὶ προθυμότερον ἐν ὑμῖν ἐστίν, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, ἐπεὶ ὥς γε δυνατά (καὶ οὐχ ἁμαρτήσεσθαι οἶμαι γνώμης) πάνυ θαρσῶ.

2 ‘καὶ χείρων οὐδενὶ ἀξιῶ δοκεῖν ὑμῶν εἶναι, εἰ τῇ ἐμαυτοῦ μετὰ τῶν πολεμιωτάτων φιλόπολίς ποτε δοκῶν εἶναι νῦν ἐγκρατῶς ἐπέρχομαι, οὐδὲ ὑποπτεύεσθαί μου ἐς τὴν φυγαδικὴν προθυμίαν τὸν λόγον.

3 φυγάς τε γάρ εἰμι τῆς τῶν ἐξελασάντων πονηρίας, καὶ οὐ τῆς ὑμετέρας, ἢν πείθησθέ μοι, ὠφελίας· καὶ πολεμιώτεροι οὐχ οἱ τοὺς πολεμίους που βλάψαντες ὑμεῖς ἢ οἱ τοὺς φίλους ἀναγκάσαντες πολεμίους γενέσθαι.

4 τό τε φιλόπολι οὐκ ἐν ᾧ ἀδικοῦμαι ἔχω, ἀλλ’ ἐν ᾧ ἀσφαλῶς ἐπολιτεύθην. οὐδ’ ἐπὶ πατρίδα οὖσαν ἔτι ἡγοῦμαι νῦν ἰέναι, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον τὴν οὐκ οὖσαν ἀνακτᾶσθαι. καὶ φιλόπολις οὗτος ὀρθῶς, οὐχ ὃς ἂν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἀδίκως ἀπολέσας μὴ ἐπίῃ, ἀλλ’ ὃς ἂν ἐκ παντὸς τρόπου διὰ τὸ ἐπιθυμεῖν πειραθῇ αὐτὴν ἀναλαβεῖν.

5 οὕτως ἐμοί τε ἀξιῶ ὑμᾶς καὶ ἐς κίνδυνον καὶ ἐς ταλαιπωρίαν πᾶσαν ἀδεῶς χρῆσθαι, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, γνόντας τοῦτον δὴ τὸν ὑφ’ ἁπάντων προβαλλόμενον λόγον, ὡς εἰ πολέμιός γε ὢν σφόδρα ἔβλαπτον, κἂν φίλος ὢν ἱκανῶς ὠφελοίην, ὅσῳ τὰ μὲν Ἀθηναίων οἶδα, τὰ δ᾽ ὑμέτερα ᾔκαζον· καὶ αὐτοὺς νῦν νομίσαντας περὶ μεγίστων δὴ τῶν διαφερόντων βουλεύεσθαι μὴ ἀποκνεῖν τὴν ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν τε καὶ ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν στρατείαν, ἵνα τά τε ἐκεῖ βραχεῖ μορίῳ ξυμπαραγενόμενοι μεγάλα σώσητε καὶ Ἀθηναίων τήν τε οὖσαν καὶ τὴν μέλλουσαν δύναμιν καθέλητε, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα αὐτοί τε ἀσφαλῶς οἰκῆτε καὶ τῆς ἁπάσης Ἑλλάδος ἑκούσης καὶ οὐ βίᾳ, κατ’ εὔνοιαν δὲ ἡγῆσθε.’

Chapter 93

1 ὁ μὲν Ἀλκιβιάδης τοσαῦτα εἶπεν, οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι διανοούμενοι μὲν καὶ αὐτοὶ πρότερον στρατεύειν ἐπὶ τὰς Ἀθήνας, μέλλοντες δ’ ἔτι καὶ περιορώμενοι, πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἐπερρώσθησαν διδάξαντος ταῦτα ἕκαστα αὐτοῦ καὶ νομίσαντες παρὰ τοῦ σαφέστατα εἰδότος ἀκηκοέναι·

2 ὥστε τῇ ἐπιτειχίσει τῆς Δεκελείας προσεῖχον ἤδη τὸν νοῦν καὶ τὸ παραυτίκα καὶ τοῖς ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ πέμπειν τινὰ τιμωρίαν. καὶ Γύλιππον τὸν Κλεανδρίδου προστάξαντες ἄρχοντα τοῖς Συρακοσίοις ἐκέλευον μετ’ ἐκείνων καὶ τῶν Κορινθίων βουλευόμενον ποιεῖν ὅπῃ ἐκ τῶν παρόντων μάλιστα καὶ τάχιστά τις ὠφελία ἥξει τοῖς ἐκεῖ.

3 ὁ δὲ δύο μὲν ναῦς τοὺς Κορινθίους ἤδη ἐκέλευέν οἱ πέμπειν ἐς Ἀσίνην, τὰς δὲ λοιπὰς παρασκευάζεσθαι ὅσας διανοοῦνται πέμπειν καί, ὅταν καιρὸς ᾖ, ἑτοίμας εἶναι πλεῖν. ταῦτα δὲ ξυνθέμενοι ἀνεχώρουν ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος.

4 ἀφίκετο δὲ καὶ ἡ ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας τριήρης τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ἣν ἀπέστειλαν οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἐπί τε χρήματα καὶ ἱππέας. καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀκούσαντες ἐψηφίσαντο τήν τε τροφὴν πέμπειν τῇ στρατιᾷ καὶ τοὺς ἱππέας. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἐτελεύτα, καὶ ἕβδομον καὶ δέκατον ἔτος τῷ πολέμῳ ἐτελεύτα τῷδε ὃν Θουκυδίδης ξυνέγραψεν.

Chapter 94

1 ἅμα δὲ τῷ ἦρι εὐθὺς ἀρχομένῳ τοῦ ἐπιγιγνομένου θέρους οἱ ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ Ἀθηναῖοι ἄραντες ἐκ τῆς Κατάνης παρέπλευσαν ἐπὶ Μεγάρων τῶν ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ, οὓς ἐπὶ Γέλωνος τοῦ τυράννου, ὥσπερ καὶ πρότερόν μοι εἴρηται, ἀναστήσαντες Συρακόσιοι αὐτοὶ ἔχουσι τὴν γῆν.

2 ἀποβάντες δὲ ἐδῄωσαν τούς [τε] ἀγροὺς καὶ ἐλθόντες ἐπὶ ἔρυμά τι τῶν Συρακοσίων καὶ οὐχ ἑλόντες αὖθις καὶ πεζῇ καὶ ναυσὶ παρακομισθέντες ἐπὶ τὸν Τηρίαν ποταμὸν τό τε πεδίον ἀναβάντες ἐδῄουν καὶ τὸν σῖτον ἐνεπίμπρασαν, καὶ τῶν Συρακοσίων περιτυχόντες τισὶν οὐ πολλοῖς καὶ ἀποκτείναντές τέ τινας καὶ τροπαῖον στήσαντες ἀνεχώρησαν ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς.

3 καὶ ἀποπλεύσαντες ἐς Κατάνην, ἐκεῖθεν δὲ ἐπισιτισάμενοι, πάσῃ τῇ στρατιᾷ ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ Κεντόριπα, Σικελῶν πόλισμα, καὶ προσαγαγόμενοι ὁμολογίᾳ ἀπῇσαν, πιμπράντες ἅμα τὸν σῖτον τῶν τε Ἰνησσαίων καὶ τῶν Ὑβλαίων.

4 καὶ ἀφικόμενοι ἐς Κατάνην καταλαμβάνουσι τούς τε ἱππέας ἥκοντας ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίους ἄνευ τῶν ἵππων μετὰ σκευῆς, ὡς αὐτόθεν ἵππων πορισθησομένων, καὶ ἱπποτοξότας τριάκοντα καὶ τάλαντα ἀργυρίου τριακόσια.

Chapter 95

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ ἦρος καὶ ἐπ’ Ἄργος στρατεύσαντες Λακεδαιμόνιοι μέχρι μὲν Κλεωνῶν ἦλθον, σεισμοῦ δὲ γενομένου ἀπεχώρησαν. καὶ Ἀργεῖοι μετὰ ταῦτα ἐσβαλόντες ἐς τὴν Θυρεᾶτιν ὅμορον οὖσαν λείαν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων πολλὴν ἔλαβον, ἣ ἐπράθη ταλάντων οὐκ ἔλασσον πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι.

2 καὶ ὁ Θεσπιῶν δῆμος ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ θέρει οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον ἐπιθέμενος τοῖς τὰς ἀρχὰς ἔχουσιν οὐ κατέσχεν, ἀλλὰ βοηθησάντων Θηβαίων οἱ μὲν ξυνελήφθησαν, οἱ δ’ ἐξέπεσον Ἀθήναζε.

Chapter 96

1 καὶ οἱ Συρακόσιοι τοῦ αὐτοῦ θέρους, ὡς ἐπύθοντο τούς [τε] ἱππέας ἥκοντας τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις καὶ μέλλοντας ἤδη ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἰέναι, νομίσαντες, ἐὰν μὴ τῶν Ἐπιπολῶν κρατήσωσιν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, χωρίου ἀποκρήμνου τε καὶ ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως εὐθὺς κειμένου, οὐκ ἂν ῥᾳδίως σφᾶς, οὐδ’ εἰ κρατοῖντο μάχῃ, ἀποτειχισθῆναι, διενοοῦντο τὰς προσβάσεις αὐτῶν φυλάσσειν, ὅπως μὴ κατὰ ταύτας λάθωσι σφᾶς ἀναβάντες οἱ πολέμιοι· οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἄλλῃ γε αὐτοὺς δυνηθῆναι.

2 ἐξήρτηται γὰρ τὸ ἄλλο χωρίον, καὶ μέχρι τῆς πόλεως ἐπικλινές τ’ ἐστὶ καὶ ἐπιφανὲς πᾶν ἔσω· καὶ ὠνόμασται ὑπὸ τῶν Συρακοσίων διὰ τὸ ἐπιπολῆς τοῦ ἄλλου εἶναι Ἐπιπολαί.

3 καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐξελθόντες πανδημεὶ ἐς τὸν λειμῶνα παρὰ τὸν Ἄναπον ποταμὸν ἅμα τῇ ἡμέρᾳ (ἐτύγχανον γὰρ αὐτοῖς καὶ οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἑρμοκράτη στρατηγοὶ ἄρτι παρειληφότες τὴν ἀρχήν) ἐξέτασίν τε ὅπλων ἐποιοῦντο καὶ ἑξακοσίους λογάδας τῶν ὁπλιτῶν ἐξέκριναν πρότερον, ὧν ἦρχε Διόμιλος φυγὰς ἐξ Ἄνδρου, ὅπως τῶν τε Ἐπιπολῶν εἶεν φύλακες, καὶ ἢν ἐς ἄλλο τι δέῃ, ταχὺ ξυνεστῶτες παραγίγνωνται.

Chapter 97

1 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι ταύτης τῆς νυκτὸς τῇ ἐπιγιγνομένῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἐξητάζοντο καὶ ἔλαθον αὐτοὺς παντὶ ἤδη τῷ στρατεύματι ἐκ τῆς Κατάνης σχόντες κατὰ τὸν Λέοντα καλούμενον, ὃς ἀπέχει τῶν Ἐπιπολῶν ἓξ ἢ ἑπτὰ σταδίους, καὶ τοὺς πεζοὺς ἀποβιβάσαντες, ταῖς τε ναυσὶν ἐς τὴν Θάψον καθορμισάμενοι· ἔστι δὲ χερσόνησος μὲν ἐν στενῷ ἰσθμῷ προύχουσα ἐς τὸ πέλαγος, τῆς δὲ Συρακοσίων πόλεως οὔτε πλοῦν οὔτε ὁδὸν πολλὴν ἀπέχει.

2 καὶ ὁ μὲν ναυτικὸς στρατὸς τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐν τῇ Θάψῳ διασταυρωσάμενος τὸν ἰσθμὸν ἡσύχαζεν· ὁ δὲ πεζὸς ἐχώρει εὐθὺς δρόμῳ πρὸς τὰς Ἐπιπολὰς καὶ φθάνει ἀναβὰς κατὰ τὸν Εὐρύηλον πρὶν τοὺς Συρακοσίους αἰσθομένους ἐκ τοῦ λειμῶνος καὶ τῆς ἐξετάσεως παραγενέσθαι.

3 ἐβοήθουν δὲ οἵ τε ἄλλοι, ὡς ἕκαστος τάχους εἶχε, καὶ οἱ περὶ τὸν Διόμιλον ἑξακόσιοι· στάδιοι δὲ πρὶν προσμεῖξαι ἐκ τοῦ λειμῶνος ἐγίγνοντο αὐτοῖς οὐκ ἔλασσον ἢ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι.

4 προσπεσόντες οὖν αὐτοῖς τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ ἀτακτότερον καὶ μάχῃ νικηθέντες οἱ Συρακόσιοι ἐπὶ ταῖς Ἐπιπολαῖς ἀνεχώρησαν ἐς τὴν πόλιν· καὶ ὅ τε Διόμιλος ἀποθνῄσκει καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὡς τριακόσιοι.

5 καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τροπαῖόν τε στήσαντες καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς ὑποσπόνδους ἀποδόντες τοῖς Συρακοσίοις, πρὸς τὴν πόλιν αὐτὴν τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἐπικαταβάντες, ὡς οὐκ ἐπεξῇσαν αὐτοῖς, ἐπαναχωρήσαντες φρούριον ἐπὶ τῷ Λαβδάλῳ ᾠκοδόμησαν, ἐπ’ ἄκροις τοῖς κρημνοῖς τῶν Ἐπιπολῶν, ὁρῶν πρὸς τὰ Μέγαρα, ὅπως εἴη αὐτοῖς, ὁπότε προΐοιεν ἢ μαχούμενοι ἢ τειχιοῦντες, τοῖς τε σκεύεσι καὶ τοῖς χρήμασιν ἀποθήκη.

Chapter 98

1 καὶ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον αὐτοῖς ἦλθον ἔκ τε Ἐγέστης ἱππῆς τριακόσιοι καὶ Σικελῶν καὶ Ναξίων καὶ ἄλλων τινῶν ὡς ἑκατόν· καὶ Ἀθηναίων ὑπῆρχον πεντήκοντα καὶ διακόσιοι, οἷς ἵππους τοὺς μὲν παρ’ Ἐγεσταίων καὶ Καταναίων ἔλαβον, τοὺς δ’ ἐπρίαντο, καὶ ξύμπαντες πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑξακόσιοι ἱππῆς ξυνελέγησαν.

2 καὶ καταστήσαντες ἐν τῷ Λαβδάλῳ φυλακὴν ἐχώρουν πρὸς τὴν Συκῆν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἵναπερ καθεζόμενοι ἐτείχισαν τὸν κύκλον διὰ τάχους. καὶ ἔκπληξιν τοῖς Συρακοσίοις παρέσχον τῷ τάχει τῆς οἰκοδομίας· καὶ ἐπεξελθόντες μάχην διενοοῦντο ποιεῖσθαι καὶ μὴ περιορᾶν.

3 καὶ ἤδη ἀντιπαρατασσομένων ἀλλήλοις οἱ τῶν Συρακοσίων στρατηγοὶ ὡς ἑώρων σφίσι τὸ στράτευμα διεσπασμένον τε καὶ οὐ ῥᾳδίως ξυντασσόμενον, ἀνήγαγον πάλιν ἐς τὴν πόλιν πλὴν μέρους τινὸς τῶν ἱππέων· οὗτοι δὲ ὑπομένοντες ἐκώλυον τοὺς Ἀθηναίους λιθοφορεῖν τε καὶ ἀποσκίδνασθαι μακροτέραν.

4 καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων φυλὴ μία τῶν ὁπλιτῶν καὶ οἱ ἱππῆς μετ’ αὐτῶν πάντες ἐτρέψαντο τοὺς τῶν Συρακοσίων ἱππέας προσβαλόντες, καὶ ἀπέκτεινάν τέ τινας καὶ τροπαῖον τῆς ἱππομαχίας ἔστησαν.

Chapter 99

1 καὶ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ οἱ μὲν ἐτείχιζον τῶν Ἀθηναίων τὸ πρὸς βορέαν τοῦ κύκλου τεῖχος, οἱ δὲ λίθους καὶ ξύλα ξυμφοροῦντες παρέβαλλον ἐπὶ τὸν Τρωγίλον καλούμενον αἰεί, ᾗπερ βραχύτατον ἐγίγνετο αὐτοῖς ἐκ τοῦ μεγάλου λιμένος ἐπὶ τὴν ἑτέραν θάλασσαν τὸ ἀποτείχισμα.

2 οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι οὐχ ἥκιστα Ἑρμοκράτους τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐσηγησαμένου μάχαις μὲν πανδημεὶ πρὸς Ἀθηναίους οὐκέτι ἐβούλοντο διακινδυνεύειν, ὑποτειχίζειν δὲ ἄμεινον ἐδόκει εἶναι, ᾗ ἐκεῖνοι ἔμελλον ἄξειν τὸ τεῖχος καί, εἰ φθάσειαν, ἀποκλῄσεις γίγνεσθαι, καὶ ἅμα καὶ ἐν τούτῳ εἰ ἐπιβοηθοῖεν, μέρος ἀντιπέμπειν αὐτοῖς τῆς στρατιᾶς καὶ φθάνειν αὐτοὶ προκαταλαμβάνοντες τοῖς σταυροῖς τὰς ἐφόδους, ἐκείνους δὲ ἂν παυομένους τοῦ ἔργου πάντας ἂν πρὸς σφᾶς τρέπεσθαι.

3 ἐτείχιζον οὖν ἐξελθόντες ἀπὸ τῆς σφετέρας πόλεως ἀρξάμενοι, κάτωθεν τοῦ κύκλου τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐγκάρσιον τεῖχος ἄγοντες, τάς τε ἐλάας ἐκκόπτοντες τοῦ τεμένους καὶ πύργους ξυλίνους καθιστάντες.

4 αἱ δὲ νῆες τῶν Ἀθηναίων οὔπω ἐκ τῆς Θάψου περιεπεπλεύκεσαν ἐς τὸν μέγαν λιμένα, ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι οἱ Συρακόσιοι ἐκράτουν τῶν περὶ τὴν θάλασσαν, κατὰ γῆν δ’ ἐκ τῆς Θάψου οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐπήγοντο.

Chapter 100

1 ἐπειδὴ δὲ τοῖς Συρακοσίοις ἀρκούντως ἐδόκει ἔχειν ὅσα τε ἐσταυρώθη καὶ ᾠκοδομήθη τοῦ ὑποτειχίσματος, καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι αὐτοὺς οὐκ ἦλθον κωλύσοντες, φοβούμενοι μὴ σφίσι δίχα γιγνομένοις ῥᾷον μάχωνται, καὶ ἅμα τὴν καθ’ αὑτοὺς περιτείχισιν ἐπειγόμενοι, οἱ μὲν Συρακόσιοι φυλὴν μίαν καταλιπόντες φύλακα τοῦ οἰκοδομήματος ἀνεχώρησαν ἐς τὴν πόλιν, οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι τούς τε ὀχετοὺς αὐτῶν, οἳ ἐς τὴν πόλιν ὑπονομηδὸν ποτοῦ ὕδατος ἠγμένοι ἦσαν, διέφθειραν, καὶ τηρήσαντες τούς τε ἄλλους Συρακοσίους κατὰ σκηνὰς ὄντας ἐν μεσημβρίᾳ καί τινας καὶ ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἀποκεχωρηκότας καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῷ σταυρώματι ἀμελῶς φυλάσσοντας, τριακοσίους μὲν σφῶν αὐτῶν λογάδας καὶ τῶν ψιλῶν τινὰς ἐκλεκτοὺς ὡπλισμένους προύταξαν θεῖν δρόμῳ ἐξαπιναίως πρὸς τὸ ὑποτείχισμα, ἡ δ’ ἄλλη στρατιὰ δίχα, ἡ μὲν μετὰ τοῦ ἑτέρου στρατηγοῦ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν, εἰ ἐπιβοηθοῖεν, ἐχώρουν, ἡ δὲ μετὰ τοῦ ἑτέρου πρὸς τὸ σταύρωμα τὸ παρὰ τὴν πυλίδα.

2 καὶ προσβαλόντες οἱ τριακόσιοι αἱροῦσι τὸ σταύρωμα· καὶ οἱ φύλακες αὐτὸ ἐκλιπόντες κατέφυγον ἐς τὸ προτείχισμα τὸ περὶ τὸν Τεμενίτην. καὶ αὐτοῖς ξυνεσέπεσον οἱ διώκοντες, καὶ ἐντὸς γενόμενοι βίᾳ ἐξεκρούσθησαν πάλιν ὑπὸ τῶν Συρακοσίων, καὶ τῶν Ἀργείων τινὲς αὐτόθι καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων οὐ πολλοὶ διεφθάρησαν.

3 καὶ ἐπαναχωρήσασα ἡ πᾶσα στρατιὰ τήν τε ὑποτείχισιν καθεῖλον καὶ τὸ σταύρωμα ἀνέσπασαν καὶ διεφόρησαν τοὺς σταυροὺς παρ’ ἑαυτοὺς καὶ τροπαῖον ἔστησαν.

Chapter 101

1 τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ ἀπὸ τοῦ κύκλου ἐτείχιζον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὸν κρημνὸν τὸν ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἕλους, ὃς τῶν Ἐπιπολῶν ταύτῃ πρὸς τὸν μέγαν λιμένα ὁρᾷ, καὶ ᾗπερ αὐτοῖς βραχύτατον ἐγίγνετο καταβᾶσι διὰ τοῦ ὁμαλοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἕλους ἐς τὸν λιμένα τὸ περιτείχισμα.

2 καὶ οἱ Συρακόσιοι ἐν τούτῳ ἐξελθόντες καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀπεσταύρουν αὖθις ἀρξάμενοι ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως διὰ μέσου τοῦ ἕλους, καὶ τάφρον ἅμα παρώρυσσον, ὅπως μὴ οἷόν τε ᾖ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις μέχρι τῆς θαλάσσης ἀποτειχίσαι.

3 οἱ δ᾽, ἐπειδὴ τὸ πρὸς τὸν κρημνὸν αὐτοῖς ἐξείργαστο, ἐπιχειροῦσιν αὖθις τῷ τῶν Συρακοσίων σταυρώματι καὶ τάφρῳ, τὰς μὲν ναῦς κελεύσαντες περιπλεῦσαι ἐκ τῆς Θάψου ἐς τὸν μέγαν λιμένα τὸν τῶν Συρακοσίων, αὐτοὶ δὲ περὶ ὄρθρον καταβάντες ἀπὸ τῶν Ἐπιπολῶν ἐς τὸ ὁμαλὸν καὶ διὰ τοῦ ἕλους, ᾗ πηλῶδες ἦν καὶ στεριφώτατον, θύρας καὶ ξύλα πλατέα ἐπιθέντες καὶ ἐπ’ αὐτῶν διαβαδίσαντες, αἱροῦσιν ἅμα ἕῳ τό τε σταύρωμα πλὴν ὀλίγου καὶ τὴν τάφρον, καὶ ὕστερον καὶ τὸ ὑπολειφθὲν εἷλον.

4 καὶ μάχη ἐγένετο, καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ ἐνίκων οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι. καὶ τῶν Συρακοσίων οἱ μὲν τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας ἔχοντες πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἔφευγον, οἱ δ’ ἐπὶ τῷ εὐωνύμῳ παρὰ τὸν ποταμόν. καὶ αὐτοὺς βουλόμενοι ἀποκλῄσασθαι τῆς διαβάσεως οἱ τῶν Ἀθηναίων τριακόσιοι λογάδες δρόμῳ ἠπείγοντο πρὸς τὴν γέφυραν.

5 δείσαντες δὲ οἱ Συρακόσιοι (ἦσαν γὰρ καὶ τῶν ἱππέων αὐτοῖς οἱ πολλοὶ ἐνταῦθα) ὁμόσε χωροῦσι τοῖς τριακοσίοις τούτοις, καὶ τρέπουσί τε αὐτοὺς καὶ ἐσβάλλουσιν ἐς τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας τῶν Ἀθηναίων· καὶ προσπεσόντων αὐτῶν ξυνεφοβήθη καὶ ἡ πρώτη φυλὴ τοῦ κέρως.

6 ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ Λάμαχος παρεβοήθει ἀπὸ τοῦ εὐωνύμου τοῦ ἑαυτῶν μετὰ τοξοτῶν τε οὐ πολλῶν καὶ τοὺς Ἀργείους παραλαβών, καὶ ἐπιδιαβὰς τάφρον τινὰ καὶ μονωθεὶς μετ’ ὀλίγων τῶν ξυνδιαβάντων ἀποθνῄσκει αὐτός τε καὶ πέντε ἢ ἓξ τῶν μετ’ αὐτοῦ. καὶ τούτους μὲν οἱ Συρακόσιοι εὐθὺς κατὰ τάχος φθάνουσιν ἁρπάσαντες πέραν τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐς τὸ ἀσφαλές, αὐτοὶ δὲ ἐπιόντος ἤδη καὶ τοῦ ἄλλου στρατεύματος τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀπεχώρουν.

Chapter 102

1 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ οἱ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν αὐτῶν τὸ πρῶτον καταφυγόντες ὡς ἑώρων ταῦτα γιγνόμενα, αὐτοί τε πάλιν ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως ἀναθαρσήσαντες ἀντετάξαντο πρὸς τοὺς κατὰ σφᾶς Ἀθηναίους, καὶ μέρος τι αὑτῶν πέμπουσιν ἐπὶ τὸν κύκλον τὸν ἐπὶ ταῖς Ἐπιπολαῖς, ἡγούμενοι ἐρῆμον αἱρήσειν.

2 καὶ τὸ μὲν δεκάπλεθρον προτείχισμα αὐτῶν αἱροῦσι καὶ διεπόρθησαν, αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν κύκλον Νικίας διεκώλυσεν· ἔτυχε γὰρ ἐν αὐτῷ δι’ ἀσθένειαν ὑπολελειμμένος. τὰς γὰρ μηχανὰς καὶ ξύλα ὅσα πρὸ τοῦ τείχους ἦν καταβεβλημένα, ἐμπρῆσαι τοὺς ὑπηρέτας ἐκέλευσεν, ὡς ἔγνω ἀδυνάτους ἐσομένους ἐρημίᾳ ἀνδρῶν ἄλλῳ τρόπῳ περιγενέσθαι.

3 καὶ ξυνέβη οὕτως· οὐ γὰρ ἔτι προσῆλθον οἱ Συρακόσιοι διὰ τὸ πῦρ, ἀλλὰ ἀπεχώρουν πάλιν. καὶ γὰρ πρός τε τὸν κύκλον βοήθεια ἤδη κάτωθεν τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀποδιωξάντων τοὺς ἐκεῖ ἐπανῄει, καὶ αἱ νῆες ἅμα αὐτῶν ἐκ τῆς Θάψου, ὥσπερ εἴρητο, κατέπλεον ἐς τὸν μέγαν λιμένα.

4 ἃ ὁρῶντες οἱ ἄνωθεν κατὰ τάχος ἀπῇσαν καὶ ἡ ξύμπασα στρατιὰ τῶν Συρακοσίων ἐς τὴν πόλιν, νομίσαντες μὴ ἂν ἔτι ἀπὸ τῆς παρούσης σφίσι δυνάμεως ἱκανοὶ γενέσθαι κωλῦσαι τὸν ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν τειχισμόν.

Chapter 103

1 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τροπαῖον ἔστησαν καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς ὑποσπόνδους ἀπέδοσαν τοῖς Συρακοσίοις καὶ τοὺς μετὰ Λαμάχου καὶ αὐτὸν ἐκομίσαντο· καὶ παρόντος ἤδη σφίσι παντὸς τοῦ στρατεύματος καὶ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ καὶ τοῦ πεζοῦ, ἀπὸ τῶν Ἐπιπολῶν καὶ τοῦ κρημνώδους ἀρξάμενοι ἀπετείχιζον μέχρι τῆς θαλάσσης τείχει διπλῷ τοὺς Συρακοσίους.

2 τὰ δ’ ἐπιτήδεια τῇ στρατιᾷ ἐσήγετο ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας πανταχόθεν. ἦλθον δὲ καὶ τῶν Σικελῶν πολλοὶ ξύμμαχοι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, οἳ πρότερον περιεωρῶντο, καὶ ἐκ τῆς Τυρσηνίας νῆες πεντηκόντοροι τρεῖς. καὶ τἆλλα προυχώρει αὐτοῖς ἐς ἐλπίδας.

3 καὶ γὰρ οἱ Συρακόσιοι πολέμῳ μὲν οὐκέτι ἐνόμιζον ἂν περιγενέσθαι, ὡς αὐτοῖς οὐδὲ ἀπὸ τῆς Πελοποννήσου ὠφελία οὐδεμία ἧκε, τοὺς δὲ λόγους ἔν τε σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἐποιοῦντο ξυμβατικοὺς καὶ πρὸς τὸν Νικίαν· οὗτος γὰρ δὴ μόνος εἶχε Λαμάχου τεθνεῶτος τὴν ἀρχήν.

4 καὶ κύρωσις μὲν οὐδεμία ἐγίγνετο, οἷα δὲ εἰκὸς ἀνθρώπων ἀπορούντων καὶ μᾶλλον ἢ πρὶν πολιορκουμένων, πολλὰ ἐλέγετο πρός τε ἐκεῖνον καὶ πλείω ἔτι κατὰ τὴν πόλιν. καὶ γάρ τινα καὶ ὑποψίαν ὑπὸ τῶν παρόντων κακῶν ἐς ἀλλήλους εἶχον, καὶ τοὺς στρατηγούς τε ἐφ᾽ ὧν αὐτοῖς ταῦτα ξυνέβη ἔπαυσαν, ὡς ἢ δυστυχίᾳ ἢ προδοσίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνων βλαπτόμενοι, καὶ ἄλλους ἀνθείλοντο, Ἡρακλείδην καὶ Εὐκλέα καὶ Τελλίαν.

Chapter 104

1 ἐν δὲ τούτῳ Γύλιππος ὁ Λακεδαιμόνιος καὶ αἱ ἀπὸ τῆς Κορίνθου νῆες περὶ Λευκάδα ἤδη ἦσαν, βουλόμενοι ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν διὰ τάχους βοηθῆσαι. καὶ ὡς αὐτοῖς αἱ ἀγγελίαι ἐφοίτων δειναὶ καὶ πᾶσαι ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ ἐψευσμέναι ὡς ἤδη παντελῶς ἀποτετειχισμέναι αἱ Συράκουσαί εἰσι, τῆς μὲν Σικελίας οὐκέτι ἐλπίδα οὐδεμίαν εἶχεν ὁ Γύλιππος, τὴν δὲ Ἰταλίαν βουλόμενος περιποιῆσαι αὐτὸς μὲν καὶ Πυθὴν ὁ Κορίνθιος ναυσὶ δυοῖν μὲν Λακωνικαῖν, δυοῖν δὲ Κορινθίαιν ὅτι τάχιστα ἐπεραιώθησαν τὸν Ἰόνιον ἐς Τάραντα, οἱ δὲ Κορίνθιοι πρὸς ταῖς σφετέραις δέκα Λευκαδίας δύο καὶ Ἀμπρακιώτιδας τρεῖς προσπληρώσαντες ὕστερον ἔμελλον πλεύσεσθαι.

2 καὶ ὁ μὲν Γύλιππος ἐκ τοῦ Τάραντος ἐς τὴν Θουρίαν πρῶτον πρεσβευσάμενος καὶ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς ἀνανεωσάμενος πολιτείαν καὶ οὐ δυνάμενος αὐτοὺς προσαγαγέσθαι, ἄρας παρέπλει τὴν Ἰταλίαν, καὶ ἁρπασθεὶς ὑπ’ ἀνέμου κατὰ τὸν Τεριναῖον κόλπον, ὃς ἐκπνεῖ ταύτῃ μέγας κατὰ βορέαν ἑστηκώς, ἀποφέρεται ἐς τὸ πέλαγος, καὶ πάλιν χειμασθεὶς ἐς τὰ μάλιστα τῷ Τάραντι προσμίσγει· καὶ τὰς ναῦς, ὅσαι μάλιστα ἐπόνησαν ὑπὸ τοῦ χειμῶνος, ἀνελκύσας ἐπεσκεύαζεν.

3 ὁ δὲ Νικίας πυθόμενος αὐτὸν προσπλέοντα ὑπερεῖδε τὸ πλῆθος τῶν νεῶν, ὅπερ καὶ οἱ Θούριοι ἔπαθον, καὶ λῃστικώτερον ἔδοξε παρεσκευασμένους πλεῖν, καὶ οὐδεμίαν φυλακήν πω ἐποιεῖτο.

Chapter 105

1 κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους τούτου τοῦ θέρους καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐς τὸ Ἄργος ἐσέβαλον αὐτοί τε καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι καὶ τῆς γῆς τὴν πολλὴν ἐδῄωσαν, καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι Ἀργείοις τριάκοντα ναυσὶν ἐβοήθησαν· αἵπερ τὰς σπονδὰς φανερώτατα τὰς πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους αὐτοῖς ἔλυσαν.

2 πρότερον μὲν γὰρ λῃστείαις ἐκ Πύλου καὶ περὶ τὴν ἄλλην Πελοπόννησον μᾶλλον ἢ ἐς τὴν Λακωνικὴν ἀποβαίνοντες μετά τε Ἀργείων καὶ Μαντινέων ξυνεπολέμουν, καὶ πολλάκις Ἀργείων κελευόντων ὅσον σχόντας μόνον ξὺν ὅπλοις ἐς τὴν Λακωνικὴν καὶ τὸ ἐλάχιστον μετὰ σφῶν δῃώσαντας ἀπελθεῖν οὐκ ἤθελον· τότε δὲ Πυθοδώρου καὶ Λαισποδίου καὶ Δημαράτου ἀρχόντων ἀποβάντες ἐς Ἐπίδαυρον τὴν Λιμηρὰν καὶ Πρασιὰς καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἐδῄωσαν τῆς γῆς, καὶ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἤδη εὐπροφάσιστον μᾶλλον τὴν αἰτίαν ἐς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τοῦ ἀμύνεσθαι ἐποίησαν.

3 ἀναχωρησάντων δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐκ τοῦ Ἄργους ταῖς ναυσὶ καὶ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων οἱ Ἀργεῖοι ἐσβαλόντες ἐς τὴν Φλειασίαν τῆς τε γῆς αὐτῶν ἔτεμον καὶ ἀπέκτεινάν τινας, καὶ ἀπῆλθον ἐπ’ οἴκου.

Chapter 1

1 That same winter the Athenians wanted to sail to Sicily again. This time they planned a larger force than the one sent with Laches and Eurymedon, hoping to conquer the island if they could. Most of them did not know how big it was or how many people, both Greeks and non-Greeks, lived there. They also did not realize that they were taking on a war not much smaller than their war against the Peloponnesians.

2 Sailing around Sicily in a merchant ship takes not much less than eight days. Yet, large as it is, only about twenty stades of sea separate it from the mainland.

Chapter 2

1 This is how the island was settled in early times, and these were all the peoples who lived there. The Cyclopes and Laestrygonians are said to have been the earliest inhabitants of one part of the country. I cannot say what people they belonged to, where they came from, or where they went. We must leave them as the poets have described them and as each person understands them.

2 The Sicani appear to have been the first people to settle there after them. They themselves say they came even earlier, because they were native to the island. But investigation shows that they were Iberians, driven by the Ligurians from the river Sicanus in Iberia. The island, previously called Trinacria, was then named Sicania after them. They still live in the western parts of Sicily today.

3 When Troy fell, some Trojans escaped the Achaeans and reached Sicily by ship. They settled next to the Sicani, and the combined population was called the Elymians. Their cities were Eryx and Egesta. Some Phocians also settled with them. These had been blown off course on their way from Troy, first to Libya and then from there to Sicily.

4 The Sicels crossed to Sicily from Italy, where they had been living, to escape the Opicans. The likely account, which is also the one people give, is that they crossed on rafts, waiting until the wind blew down the strait. But they may have sailed across in some other way. There are still Sicels in Italy today. The country got its name, Italy, from a Sicel king named Italus.

5 They arrived in Sicily as a large army, defeated the Sicani in battle, and pushed them into the southern and western parts of the island. They changed its name from Sicania to Sicily. After their crossing they settled in and held the best land, nearly three hundred years before the Greeks came to Sicily. They still occupy the central and northern parts of the island today.

6 Phoenicians also lived all around Sicily. They occupied coastal headlands and the small offshore islands so they could trade with the Sicels. But when Greeks began arriving by sea in large numbers, the Phoenicians left most of these places. They concentrated their settlements at Motya, Soloeis, and Panormus, near the Elymians. They relied on their alliance with the Elymians, and this part of Sicily also offered the shortest crossing to Carthage. These, then, were the non-Greek peoples who settled Sicily, and this was how they did so.

Chapter 3

1 The first Greeks were Chalcidians who sailed from Euboea with Thucles as their founder and established Naxos. They built the altar of Apollo the Founder that now stands outside the city. Sacred delegations sailing from Sicily first offer sacrifices at this altar.

2 The following year Archias, a descendant of Heracles from Corinth, founded Syracuse. He first drove the Sicels out of the island where the inner city now stands, though it is no longer surrounded by water. Later the outer city was also enclosed by a wall and became heavily populated.

3 In the fifth year after Syracuse was founded, Thucles and the Chalcidians set out from Naxos. They drove out the Sicels by force and founded Leontini, and afterward Catana. The Catanaeans themselves chose Euarchus as their founder.

Chapter 4

1 About the same time, Lamis arrived in Sicily leading a colony from Megara. He founded a place called Trotilus beyond the river Pantacyas. Later he left there and joined the Chalcidians as a fellow citizen at Leontini for a short time. They expelled him, and he founded Thapsus, where he died. The others left Thapsus and founded the city called Hyblaean Megara. Hyblon, a Sicel king, had given them the land and guided them there.

2 After living there for two hundred and forty-five years, they were driven out of their city and territory by Gelon, the tyrant of Syracuse. Before their expulsion, a hundred years after their own settlement, they sent out Pamillus and founded Selinus. Pamillus came from Megara, their mother city, and helped establish the colony.

3 Antiphemus from Rhodes and Entimus from Crete brought settlers and jointly founded Gela in the forty-fifth year after Syracuse was settled. The city was named after the river Gelas. The site where the city now stands, which was the first part to be walled, is called Lindii. They adopted Dorian institutions.

4 About a hundred and eight years after their own settlement, the people of Gela founded Acragas. They named the city after the river Acragas and appointed Aristonous and Pystilus as its founders. They gave it the institutions of Gela.

5 Zancle was first settled by pirates from Cumae, a Chalcidian city in Opicia. Later a large number of people came from Chalcis and the rest of Euboea and shared out the land with them. Its founders were Perieres from Cumae and Crataemenes from Chalcis. Its original name was Zancle, a name given by the Sicels because the site is shaped like a sickle: the Sicels call a sickle a ‘zanclon.’ Later the inhabitants were driven out by Samians and other Ionians who reached Sicily while escaping from the Persians.

6 Not long afterward Anaxilas, the tyrant of Rhegium, drove out the Samians. He settled a mixed population in the city himself and renamed it Messene after his own original homeland.

Chapter 5

1 Himera was settled from Zancle by Euclides, Simus, and Sacon. Most of the colonists were Chalcidians, but some exiles from Syracuse, called the Myletidae, joined them after being defeated in civil strife. Their language became a mixture of Chalcidian and Dorian, but Chalcidian institutions prevailed.

2 Acrae and Casmenae were founded by the Syracusans: Acrae seventy years after Syracuse, and Casmenae nearly twenty years after Acrae.

3 Camarina too was first founded by the Syracusans, about a hundred and thirty-five years after Syracuse was established. Its founders were Dascon and Menecolus. The Syracusans later drove out the people of Camarina in a war following their revolt. Some time afterward Hippocrates, the tyrant of Gela, received the territory of Camarina as ransom for Syracusan prisoners. He settled Camarina again, acting as its founder himself. Gelon emptied it once more, and the people of Gela settled it for the third time.

Chapter 6

1 These were the Greek and non-Greek peoples living in Sicily. It was against an island of this size and population that the Athenians were eager to campaign. Their real aim was to rule the whole island, though they also wanted the respectable excuse of helping their relatives and the allies they had gained there.

2 The strongest encouragement came from the Egestaean ambassadors who were in Athens urgently asking for help. The Egestaeans had gone to war with their neighbors at Selinus over some marriage disputes and a piece of disputed land. The Selinuntians brought in the Syracusans as allies and were pressing them hard in the war, on both land and sea. The Egestaeans therefore reminded the Athenians of the alliance made in the time of Laches and the earlier Leontine war. They asked the Athenians to send ships to defend them. Among their many arguments, their main point was this: if the Syracusans went unpunished after expelling the people of Leontini, and went on to destroy Athens' remaining allies and take control of all Sicily's power, there would be a danger later. The Syracusans might send a large force to help the Peloponnesians, as fellow Dorians and as colonists helping the people who had sent them out, and join in destroying Athenian power. It would be sensible, they said, to resist the Syracusans together with the allies who still remained, especially since the Egestaeans would provide enough money for the war.

3 The Athenians heard these arguments repeated at the assemblies by the Egestaeans and their supporters. They voted to send ambassadors to Egesta first. These would investigate whether the money really was available in the public treasury and the temples, as the Egestaeans claimed. They would also find out how the war against the Selinuntians stood.

Chapter 7

1 The Athenian ambassadors were sent to Sicily. That same winter the Lacedaemonians and their allies, except the Corinthians, invaded Argive territory. They devastated a small part of the land and took away some grain, using teams of animals they had brought along. They settled the Argive exiles at Orneae and left a few men from the rest of the army with them. They also arranged a truce for a set period, under which the people of Orneae and the Argives would not damage one another's territory. Then they withdrew their army and went home.

2 Not long afterward the Athenians arrived with thirty ships and six hundred hoplites. The Argives marched out with their entire army alongside the Athenians and besieged the people in Orneae for one day. At night, when the army camped some distance away, the people in Orneae escaped. The next day, when the Argives found out, they demolished Orneae and withdrew. The Athenians later sailed home too.

3 The Athenians also took cavalry by sea to Methone, on the border of Macedonia. These were their own cavalry and the Macedonian exiles living among them. They ravaged Perdiccas' territory.

4 The Lacedaemonians sent a message to the Chalcidians in Thrace, who had a truce with Athens renewable on ten days' notice. They told them to join Perdiccas in the war, but the Chalcidians refused. The winter ended, and with it the sixteenth year of this war, which Thucydides wrote about.

Chapter 8

1 At the start of the next summer, in early spring, the Athenian ambassadors returned from Sicily. Egestaeans came with them, bringing sixty talents of uncoined silver as a month's pay for the sixty ships they intended to request.

2 The Athenians held an assembly and heard the Egestaeans and their own ambassadors. Along with other attractive but untrue statements, they reported that plenty of money was ready in the temples and the public treasury. The Athenians voted to send sixty ships to Sicily, with Alcibiades son of Clinias, Nicias son of Niceratus, and Lamachus son of Xenophanes as generals with full authority. They were to help the Egestaeans against the Selinuntians and, if the war went well for them, help restore the people of Leontini to their city. They were also to handle other matters in Sicily as they thought best for Athens.

3 On the fifth day after this, another assembly was held. It was to decide how to prepare the ships as quickly as possible and vote the generals anything else they needed for the voyage.

4 Nicias had been elected to the command against his wishes. He thought the city had made a bad decision: on a slight but respectable excuse, it was aiming to take all Sicily, an enormous undertaking. He came forward to try to stop it and gave the Athenians the following advice.

Chapter 9

1 “This assembly was called to discuss our preparations and how we should sail to Sicily. But I think we should still consider the basic question: is it better to send the ships at all? We should not make such a major decision after so little thought, or let foreigners persuade us to take on a war that is none of our business.

2 “I do gain honor from a command like this, and I am less afraid for my own life than others are. That said, I think a man who takes some care of his own life and property is just as good a citizen. For his own sake, he would be particularly eager for his city's affairs to go well. Still, I have never spoken against my judgment to gain honors, and I will not do so now. I will say what I think is best.

3 “Given your character, I would achieve little by advising you to preserve what you have and not risk your present possessions for uncertain gains in the future. But I will show you that you are rushing ahead at the wrong time, and that what you are setting out to conquer will not be easy to hold.

Chapter 10

1 “My point is that you are leaving many enemies behind you here, yet want to sail over there and bring still more enemies back upon yourselves.

2 “You may think the treaty you have made offers some security. As long as you stay quiet it will remain a treaty in name: that was how men on both sides arranged it. But if you suffer a setback with a substantial force, our enemies will quickly attack us. First, their troubles forced them into the agreement on terms more humiliating for them than for us. Second, we have many disputes over the treaty itself.

3 “Some states have not even accepted this agreement yet, and they are not the weakest. Some are openly at war with us. Others are restrained only by truces renewable on ten days' notice, and only because the Lacedaemonians are still keeping quiet.

4 “If they find our forces divided, as we are now hurrying to divide them, they may very well join the Sicilian Greeks in attacking us. They would have valued an alliance with them above many other things in the past.

5 “So we must consider these matters. We should not choose to put our city at risk while its position is uncertain, or reach for another empire before we secure the one we have. The Chalcidians in Thrace have been in revolt against us for years and are still not subdued. Some others on the mainland give us only doubtful obedience. Yet we hurry to help the Egestaeans on the grounds that they are our allies and are being wronged. Meanwhile we still put off defending ourselves against the people whose long-standing revolt wrongs us directly.

Chapter 11

1 “If we defeated these people, we could keep them under control. But even if we beat the Sicilians, they are so far away and so numerous that we could hardly rule them. It is foolish to attack people when victory will not let you hold them, and failure will leave you worse off than before you began.

2 “As things stand, I think the Sicilian Greeks would be even less dangerous to us if the Syracusans came to rule them. Yet this is the very thing the Egestaeans use most to frighten us.

3 “At present, individual states might perhaps come here to please the Lacedaemonians. But under those conditions, one empire would be unlikely to attack another. If they helped the Peloponnesians destroy our empire, their own would probably be destroyed by the same people in the same way.

4 “The Greeks over there would fear us most if we never went, or next best, if we displayed our power and soon left. We all know that people admire what is most distant and what has least exposed its reputation to a test. But if we met with any setback, they would quickly lose their respect for us and join our enemies here in attacking us.

5 “This is just what has now happened to you, Athenians, in your attitude toward the Lacedaemonians and their allies. You were afraid of them at first. But because you did better against them than you expected, you now look down on them and are reaching for Sicily as well.

6 “We should not let our enemies' misfortunes make us overconfident. We should feel confident only when we have defeated their plans. We should also assume that the Lacedaemonians, humiliated as they are, are thinking of nothing else but how, even now, they can trip us up if possible and repair their disgrace. They care more than anyone about a reputation for courage and have worked at it longer than anyone.

7 “So if we are sensible, our struggle is not about the Egestaeans, non-Greeks in Sicily. It is about taking prompt precautions against a city whose oligarchy is plotting against us.

Chapter 12

1 “We must also remember that only recently have we had a short respite from a great epidemic and from war, allowing us to recover money and manpower. We should spend these resources here on ourselves, not on these exiles who are asking for help. They benefit from telling convincing lies. They put others at risk while contributing nothing but words themselves. If they succeed, they need not show gratitude in proportion to what we have done; if they fail somewhere, they can destroy their friends along with themselves.

2 “And if someone who is delighted to have been elected to command urges you to sail, think about his motives. He may be looking only to his own interests, especially if he is still too young for command. He wants admiration for his racehorses and, because of his expensive habits, some profit from his command. Do not give him the chance to make himself famous at the city's risk. Consider that such men harm public interests while wasting their own resources. This is a major undertaking, not something for a younger man to plan and carry out in a hurry.

Chapter 13

1 “I am alarmed to see these young men sitting here at that same man's call to support him. In response, I appeal to the older men. If one of them is sitting beside you, do not be embarrassed or fear being thought a coward if you do not vote for war. Do not share their unhealthy longing for things far away. Remember that desire brings very few successes, while foresight brings most. Vote against them for the sake of your country, which is taking the greatest risk it has ever faced. Vote to let the Sicilian Greeks keep the boundaries that now separate them from us—boundaries that give us no cause for complaint: the Ionian Gulf for those sailing along the coast, and the Sicilian Sea for those crossing open water. Let them enjoy their own possessions and settle their affairs among themselves.

2 “Tell the Egestaeans separately that, since they began their war against the Selinuntians without the Athenians, they must also end it on their own. In future, let us stop making allies as we usually do: people whom we will defend when things go badly for them, but from whom we will get no help when we need it ourselves.

Chapter 14

1 “And you, presiding officer, put this to a vote and open the question to the Athenians again, if you think it your duty to care for the city and want to be a good citizen. If you are afraid of holding another vote, consider this: with so many witnesses, you cannot be charged with breaking the law. Instead, you can cure the city's bad decision. Good leadership means benefiting your country as much as possible, or at least doing it no deliberate harm.”

Chapter 15

1 That was what Nicias said. Most of the Athenians who came forward urged them to carry out the expedition and not overturn the vote. Some, however, spoke against it.

2 The most eager supporter of the expedition was Alcibiades son of Clinias. He wanted to oppose Nicias, both because they disagreed on politics in general and because Nicias had spoken insultingly about him. Above all, he wanted the command. He hoped to capture both Sicily and Carthage through his leadership, and at the same time to use his success to gain wealth and fame for himself.

3 He enjoyed high standing among the citizens, but his spending on racehorses and other things went beyond what his existing wealth could support. This contributed more than almost anything else to the later downfall of Athens.

4 Most people were frightened by how far he disregarded the law in his personal way of life, and by the ambition he showed in everything he undertook. They became his enemies because they thought he wanted to become a tyrant. Although his public management of the war was excellent, individuals were offended by his private behavior and put affairs in other hands. Before long they brought the city to disaster.

5 At this time, then, he came forward and gave the Athenians the following advice.

Chapter 16

1 “Athenians, I am more entitled than others to command, and I believe I deserve it. I have to begin here, since Nicias has attacked me. The things that make people talk about me bring fame to my ancestors and myself, and also benefit our country.

2 “The Greeks had expected our city to be worn out by the war. But the splendid display I made at Olympia led them to think it even more powerful than it really is. I entered seven chariots, more than any private individual had ever entered before. I won first, second, and fourth place, and arranged everything else on a scale worthy of my victory. Custom treats such things as an honor, but people also infer power from what they see done.

3 “Again, when I make a show in our city by sponsoring choruses or in some other way, my fellow citizens naturally envy it. But foreigners see this too as a sign of strength. This supposed foolishness is not useless when a man spends his own money to benefit not just himself but his city as well.

4 “Nor is it unfair for someone who takes pride in himself to refuse to be on an equal footing with others. After all, no one takes an equal share of the misfortunes of someone who is doing badly. Just as people do not greet us when we are unfortunate, they should put up with being looked down on by the successful. Or let them give equal treatment before demanding it in return.

5 “I know that men like this, and everyone who stands out for some distinction, are resented during their own lives. Their equals resent them most, but so do the other people they deal with. Yet they leave later generations claiming kinship with them, sometimes even when none exists. Their country boasts about them, not as outsiders or failures, but as its own people who achieved great things.

6 “That is what I aim for, and why people make a fuss about my private life. But look at my public work: do I handle it worse than anyone else? I brought together the strongest powers in the Peloponnese, without great risk or expense to you, and forced the Lacedaemonians to stake everything on a single day's fighting at Mantinea. Even though they won that battle, they have still not fully regained their confidence.

Chapter 17

1 “This was what my youth and my supposedly outrageous foolishness achieved. I dealt with the Peloponnesian powers using arguments suited to them, and my enthusiasm inspired trust and won them over. Do not be afraid of that quality now. While I am still in my prime and have it, and while Nicias has his reputation for good luck, make full use of what each of us can offer.

2 “Do not change your decision to sail to Sicily on the grounds that we would be facing a great power. The cities have large populations, but these are mixed crowds. Their citizenship changes easily, and newcomers are easily admitted.

3 “As a result, no one equips himself with weapons or furnishes the countryside with permanent buildings as he would if it were his own homeland. Instead, each man prepares to get whatever he can from the community, either by persuasive speeches or through civil strife, and to settle in another country if he fails.

4 “A crowd like that is unlikely either to agree when listening to a speech or to work together in action. Each group would quickly come over to us if it heard something it liked, especially if they are in civil strife, as we are told they are.

5 “Nor do they have as many hoplites as they boast. The other Greeks have not turned out to have the numbers each claimed for themselves either. Hellas greatly deceived itself on this point and has barely managed to equip enough men in this war.

6 “From what I hear, then, that is the situation over there, and it will be still more favorable. We will have many non-Greeks who will join our attack on the Syracusans out of hatred for them. And the situation here will not stand in our way if you make the right decisions.

7 “Our fathers won their empire with these very same enemies—the ones we are now told we would leave behind if we sailed—and with Persia as an enemy too. Their strength lay in nothing other than the superiority of their navy.

8 “And the Peloponnesians have never had less hope of success against us than they do now. Even if they are full of confidence, they can invade our land whether we sail or not. But they could not harm us at sea, since we will still have a navy left here that is a match for theirs.

Chapter 18

1 “So what reasonable excuse could we give for holding back ourselves, or for refusing to help our allies there? We have sworn an alliance with them, so we must defend them. We should not object that they do not help us in return. We did not take them as allies so that they would come here to help us. We wanted them to keep our enemies there busy and prevent them from coming to attack us here.

2 “We acquired our empire in this way, as everyone else who has ruled others has done: by readily helping whoever called on us, whether Greeks or non-Greeks. If everyone stayed quiet or carefully sorted out which people deserved help, we would add little to our empire and put what we already have at greater risk. When someone is stronger, you do not just defend yourself when he attacks. You take steps beforehand to stop him from attacking.

3 “We cannot decide for ourselves how far we want our rule to extend. Now that we are in this position, we must plan to attack some people and keep our hold on others. Otherwise, if we do not rule others, we risk being ruled ourselves. You cannot judge the advantages of staying quiet on the same basis as other people unless you also intend to adopt their way of life.

4 “So let us consider that going there will strengthen our position here, and make the voyage. We will discourage the Peloponnesians if they see that we have not been content with the present peace and have even sailed to Sicily. At the same time, if we gain control of the people there, we will probably rule all of Hellas. Or we will at least damage Syracuse, benefiting both ourselves and our allies.

5 “Our ships will make it safe for us either to stay, if things go well, or to leave. Even against all the Sicilians together, we will control the sea.

6 “Do not let Nicias turn you aside with his arguments for doing nothing or his attempt to divide the young from the old. Keep our usual good order. Our fathers brought our power to its present level by having young and old make decisions together. Try to advance the city in the same way now. Remember that neither youth nor old age can achieve anything without the other. Their less developed, average, and highly accurate judgments will be strongest when combined. If the city does nothing, it will wear itself out from within, like anything else, and its knowledge in every field will grow outdated. By constantly taking on challenges, it will gain more experience and become used to defending itself in practice rather than just in words.

7 “In short, I believe that nothing would destroy a city used to activity faster than a change to inactivity. The people who live most securely are those who make the fewest departures from their existing customs and laws, even if those customs and laws are not particularly good.”

Chapter 19

1 That was what Alcibiades said. The Athenians heard him, and also the Egestaeans and the exiles from Leontini. These came forward to appeal for help, reminding the Athenians of their sworn promises and begging them to honor them. The Athenians were now much more eager to launch the expedition than before.

2 Nicias realized that repeating his arguments would no longer turn them against it. But he thought he might change their minds by demanding preparations on a very large scale. He came forward again and spoke as follows.

Chapter 20

1 “Athenians, I see that you are completely determined to go on this expedition. I hope it turns out as we wish. For now, I will tell you what I think.

2 “From what I hear, the cities we are about to attack are large. They are not subject to one another. They have no need for a change of government, such as people would welcome if it took them from forced slavery to an easier condition. They are unlikely to exchange their freedom for our rule. And there are many Greek cities for a single island.

3 “Besides Naxos and Catana, which I expect to join us because of their kinship with Leontini, there are seven others. They are equipped in much the same way as our own forces in every respect. This is especially true of Selinus and Syracuse, the main targets of our voyage.

4 “They have many hoplites, archers, and javelin throwers, as well as many triremes and enough men to crew them. They have money in private hands, and the people of Selinus also have money in their temples. Syracuse also receives offerings of first produce from some non-Greek peoples. Their greatest advantages over us are their large numbers of horses and their use of homegrown grain rather than imports.

Chapter 21

1 “Against forces like these, we need more than a fleet and a small army. A large infantry force must sail with us if we intend to achieve anything worthy of our plans and avoid being kept off the land by their numerous cavalry. This is especially important if fear unites the cities and no allies besides the Egestaeans supply us with cavalry to oppose theirs.

2 “It would be disgraceful to be forced to withdraw, or to send for reinforcements later because we had not thought things through at the start. We must leave here with adequate forces. Remember that we are going to sail a long way from home. This will not be like an expedition here, when you went as allies to attack someone among your subjects and could easily get any extra supplies from friendly territory. We will be cut off in a completely foreign country. During the four winter months, even a messenger cannot easily get here from there.

Chapter 22

1 “So I think we must take many hoplites, both our own and our allies': those of our subject allies and any men from the Peloponnese we can persuade to come or hire for pay. We also need many archers and slingers to resist their cavalry. Our fleet must be much larger than theirs, so that we can bring in supplies more easily. We must also take grain from here in cargo ships—wheat and roasted barley—and paid grain processors, conscripted in due proportion from the mills. Then, if bad sailing conditions hold us up somewhere, the army will have provisions. Not every city will be able to accommodate such a large force. We must prepare everything else as fully as possible and not depend on others. Above all, we must take as much money from here as we can. As for the funds that the Egestaeans say are ready over there, assume that they are mainly ready in words.

Chapter 23

1 “If we set out from here with equipment not just equal to theirs but greater in every respect, apart from their fighting infantry, the hoplites, only then will we just be able to defeat them and keep our own forces safe.

2 “You must think of yourselves as going to establish a city among foreign and hostile peoples. Such settlers must take control of the land immediately, on the very day they arrive. Otherwise, they must understand that if they fail, everything around them will be hostile.

3 “That is what I fear. I know that we must make many sound decisions, and that we will need good luck in even more things. That is difficult for human beings. So I want to sail with as little as possible left to chance, and with preparations that make us as secure as we can reasonably expect.

4 “I believe this is the surest course for the city as a whole and the way to keep those of us on the expedition alive. If anyone disagrees, I hand over the command to him.”

Chapter 24

1 Nicias said this thinking that the scale of the undertaking would either discourage the Athenians or, if he was forced to go, allow him to sail as safely as possible.

2 But the burden of the preparations did not take away their desire to sail. Instead, they became much more eager. The result was the opposite of what he intended. They thought his advice was good and that the expedition would now be very safe indeed.

3 Everyone alike was seized with a desire to sail. The older men thought that they would either conquer the places they were sailing against or that, at least, so large a force could not come to harm. Those of military age wanted to see and explore distant places, and they were confident that they would come back alive. The mass of ordinary people and the soldiers expected to earn money immediately and to acquire power that would provide them with paid service forever.

4 The majority's enthusiasm was so great that anyone who disapproved kept quiet. He feared that voting against the expedition would make him seem disloyal to the city.

Chapter 25

1 Finally, an Athenian came forward and called on Nicias to stop making excuses or delaying. He should tell everyone there, right away, what preparations he wanted the Athenians to vote for.

2 Reluctantly, Nicias said that he would rather discuss the matter quietly with his fellow commanders. But his present view was that they must sail with at least a hundred triremes. The Athenians themselves should provide as many troop transports as seemed necessary, and further ships should be called in from the allies. There should be at least five thousand hoplites in all, Athenians and allies together, and more if possible. They would prepare and take other forces in proportion: archers from Athens and Crete, slingers, and anything else they thought suitable.

Chapter 26

1 On hearing this, the Athenians immediately voted to give the generals full authority over the size of the army and the expedition as a whole. They could act as they thought best [for the Athenians].

2 Preparations then began. They sent messages to the allies and drew up enlistment lists at home. The city had only recently recovered from the plague and the continuous fighting. During the truce, a large new generation had reached military age and money had accumulated. This made it easier to supply everything. So the Athenians continued their preparations.

Chapter 27

1 Meanwhile, in a single night, most of the stone figures of Hermes in Athens had their faces hacked away. These are made in the local style, with a square pillar, and stand in large numbers both at the entrances to private houses and in sacred places.

2 No one knew who had done it. The state offered large rewards for information leading to the culprits. The Athenians also voted that anyone who knew of any other offense against religion could report it without fear of punishment, whether a citizen, a foreigner, or a slave.

3 They took the affair very seriously. They saw it as an omen for the expedition and also believed it was part of a conspiracy to bring about revolution and overthrow the democracy.

Chapter 28

1 Some resident foreigners and servants then gave information, though not about the figures of Hermes. They reported that young men had previously damaged other statues as a drunken joke, and that the mystery rites were being performed in private houses as an insult to religion. Alcibiades was among those they accused.

2 The men who most resented Alcibiades seized on these reports. He prevented them from securing the leadership of the people for themselves, and they thought that if they drove him out, they would take first place. They exaggerated the affair and loudly claimed that the mockery of the mysteries and the mutilation of the figures of Hermes had been intended to overthrow the democracy. They said that nothing in either affair had been done without him. As evidence, they cited the other lawless features of his way of life, which were at odds with democracy.

Chapter 29

1 Alcibiades immediately defended himself against the accusations. The preparations for departure were already complete, and he was ready to stand trial before sailing to determine whether he had done any of these things. If guilty of any of them, he would accept punishment. If acquitted, he would take up his command.

2 He appealed to them not to accept slanders against him in his absence. If he was guilty, they should put him to death now. It would be wiser, he said, not to send him out in command of so large a force with an accusation like this unresolved.

3 But his enemies feared that if he stood trial immediately, the army would support him. They also feared that the people would be lenient and favor him because he had persuaded the Argives and some of the Mantineans to join the expedition. They worked to prevent the trial and hurry him away. They put forward other speakers who said he should sail now, without delaying the departure, and stand trial on a specified date after his return. Their aim was to have him recalled to face trial after stirring up more hostility against him, which they could do more easily while he was away. It was decided that Alcibiades should sail.

Chapter 30

1 After this, when summer was already halfway through, the expedition set sail for Sicily. Most of the allies, the grain-carrying cargo ships, the other vessels, and all the other supporting equipment had already been told to assemble at Corcyra. From there they would cross the Ionian Sea together to the Iapygian promontory. The Athenians themselves, with any allies who were present, went down to the Piraeus at dawn on the appointed day and manned the ships for departure.

2 Almost everyone else in the city, citizens and foreigners alike, went down with them. The local people each saw off their own friends, relatives, or sons. They went with both hope and tears: hope for what they would gain, and tears at the thought that they might never see their loved ones again. They thought about how far from home they were sending them.

Chapter 31

1 Now, when they were about to part and face danger, the terrors of the expedition struck them more strongly than when they had voted to sail. Still, the sight of the force before them restored their confidence, because of the huge quantities of everything they saw. The foreigners and the rest of the crowd had come to watch what seemed an important and almost unbelievable undertaking. No Greek force sent out by a single city up to that time had been so expensive or so impressive to look at.

2 In numbers of ships and hoplites, the expedition to Epidaurus under Pericles, and the same force that went to Potidaea under Hagnon, had been no smaller. Four thousand Athenian hoplites, three hundred cavalry, and a hundred triremes had sailed on it, along with fifty ships from Lesbos and Chios and many more allies.

3 But those forces had set out on a short voyage with modest equipment. This fleet, by contrast, was fitted out for a long campaign and for action, wherever needed, both at sea and on land. The city and the trireme commanders had spent large sums and taken great trouble over the fleet. The state paid each sailor a drachma a day and provided the ship hulls: sixty fast ships and forty troop transports, with the best crews for them. The trireme commanders added extra pay to the state wages for the upper-tier rowers and the ships' specialist crews. They also provided expensive figureheads and other fittings. Each commander made every possible effort to make his ship stand out for its appearance and speed. The infantry had been picked from carefully selected enlistment lists, and the men competed keenly with one another over their weapons and personal equipment.

4 As a result, there was competition among the men in every assigned duty. To the other Greeks, the whole undertaking looked more like a display of power and wealth than preparations for a campaign against an enemy.

5 Suppose someone had added up the city's public spending and the private spending of the men on the expedition. On the city's side, there was all it had already spent in advance and the money it sent out with the generals. On the private side, there was what each man had spent on his own equipment, what each trireme commander had spent on his ship, and what they would still have to spend. In addition, everyone would naturally have provided money for a long campaign beyond the pay from the state, and soldiers and traders were taking goods to sell. The total being carried out of the city would have amounted to many talents.

6 The expedition became famous as much for its astonishing boldness and magnificent appearance as for the army's overwhelming size compared with those it was attacking. It was also the largest expedition yet to cross the sea far from home, and none had placed such great hopes in future gains compared with what it already possessed.

Chapter 32

1 When the ships were manned and everything they needed for departure was aboard, a trumpet signaled for silence. They said the customary prayers before sailing, not ship by ship but all together, led by a herald. Wine was mixed in bowls throughout the force, and the fighting men aboard and their officers poured offerings from gold and silver cups.

2 The crowd on shore joined in the prayers, both citizens and anyone else present who wished them well. After singing the hymn and completing the drink offerings, they put to sea. At first they sailed out in single file; then they raced as far as Aegina. They hurried on toward Corcyra, where the rest of the allied force was assembling.

3 Reports of the coming attack reached Syracuse from many sources, but for a long time none of them was believed. An assembly was held, and speakers gave arguments of the following kind. Some believed the reports about the Athenian expedition; others argued against them. Hermocrates son of Hermon also came forward. Believing that he had reliable information about the Athenians, he spoke and gave the following advice.

Chapter 33

1 “Like some other speakers, I may seem to you to be saying things you cannot believe when I tell you the truth about the coming attack. I know that people who state or report things that seem unbelievable not only fail to persuade their audience but also look foolish. Even so, I will not let fear silence me when the city is in danger. I am convinced that I speak with more definite knowledge than anyone else.

2 “The Athenians have set out against you with a large force of ships and infantry, however surprising you find that. Their stated reasons are their alliance with Egesta and the restoration of the people of Leontini to their home. Their real aim is to take Sicily, especially our city. They think that if they capture it, they will easily control the rest.

3 “So expect them to arrive soon. Consider how to use what you have to defend yourselves as effectively as possible. Do not despise them and let yourselves be caught without defenses. And do not disbelieve the reports and neglect the whole matter.

4 “But anyone who does believe the reports should not be overwhelmed by their boldness or strength. They will not be able to do us more harm than they suffer themselves. And the fact that they are attacking with a large fleet is not entirely to our disadvantage. It will greatly improve our position with the other Sicilians, who will be frightened and more willing to become our allies. If we defeat the Athenians, or drive them away without achieving their aims—I certainly do not fear that they will achieve what they expect—we will have accomplished something outstanding. I, for one, do not think this is beyond our hopes.

5 “Very few large expeditions, whether Greek or non-Greek, have succeeded after sailing far from home. They do not arrive in greater numbers than the inhabitants and their neighbors, since fear unites everyone. And if lack of supplies brings them to disaster in a foreign land, they still leave a great reputation to the people they attacked, even if their own mistakes caused most of their trouble.

6 “That is how these very Athenians grew powerful. The Persians suffered many unexpected reverses, but the Athenians gained the reputation because the attack had been directed against Athens. We too can reasonably hope for something like that.

Chapter 34

1 “So let us prepare our defenses here with confidence. We should send to the Sicels, strengthening our ties with some and trying to establish friendship and an alliance with others. We should also send ambassadors to the rest of Sicily to make clear that the danger threatens everyone, and to Italy, to win allies or at least persuade the people there not to receive the Athenians.

2 “I also think it would be best to send to Carthage. The Carthaginians do not regard an Athenian attack on their city as impossible. In fact, they constantly fear it. They may think that if they abandon us, they too will be in trouble, and so be willing to help us secretly, openly, or in some other way. If they choose to act, they are better able to help than any other power today. They possess enormous amounts of gold and silver, which provide the means for war and everything else.

3 “We should also send to Lacedaemon and Corinth, asking them to send help here quickly and to get the war going again over there.

4 “Now I will tell you what I think is the most useful step, though your habit of staying quiet makes it the proposal you are least likely to accept quickly. If all of us Sicilians were willing—or, failing that, as many as possible joined us—we could launch every ship we have, take two months' provisions, and go to meet the Athenians at Tarentum and the Iapygian promontory. We would make it clear that before they could fight for Sicily, they would have to fight to cross the Ionian Sea. This would alarm them most and make them think. They would see that we were defending ourselves from a base in friendly territory, since Tarentum receives us, while they had to cross a wide stretch of sea with all their equipment. The length of the voyage would make it hard for them to keep formation. Their force would be easy for us to attack as it came up slowly in small groups.

5 “If instead they lightened their loads and attacked with a more concentrated force of fast ships, we could attack them when they were tired, if they had used their oars. If we decided not to attack, we could retreat to Tarentum. They would have crossed with few supplies, expecting a sea battle, and would be short of provisions along a deserted coast. If they stayed, they could be blockaded. If they tried to sail along the coast, they would leave the rest of their equipment behind. And uncertainty about whether the cities would receive them would discourage them.

6 “So I think this reasoning would make them feel blocked, and they would not even set out from Corcyra. They would either keep debating and sending scouts to find out how many we were and where we were stationed, until the season slipped away into winter, or they would be so alarmed by this unexpected development that they would call off the voyage. This is especially likely because, as I hear, the most experienced of their generals is leading them unwillingly. He would gladly seize on any excuse if he saw us making a serious show of strength.

7 “I am certain that reports would exaggerate our numbers. People base their decisions on what they hear. They are more afraid of those who attack first, or at least make it clear to their attackers in advance that they will defend themselves. They think that such opponents face them on equal terms of danger.

8 “That is how the Athenians would react now. They are coming against us expecting no resistance. They have good reason to think poorly of us, since we did not help the Lacedaemonians to crush them. But if they saw us showing courage beyond their expectations, the surprise would frighten them more than our actual strength.

9 “So take my advice. Above all, be bold enough to carry out this plan. If not, get everything else ready for war as quickly as possible. Everyone must understand that contempt for an attacker should be shown by courage in action. For now, the most useful course is to regard preparations made out of fear as the safest and act as though danger is at hand. The enemy is coming. I know for certain that they are already at sea and will be here at any moment.”

Chapter 35

1 That was what Hermocrates said. The people of Syracuse argued fiercely among themselves. Some said the Athenians would never come and that his report was untrue. Others asked what harm the Athenians could do them, even if they came, without suffering still greater harm in return. Others were completely dismissive and made a joke of the whole thing. Only a few believed Hermocrates and feared what was coming.

2 Then Athenagoras came forward to speak. He was a leader of the people and, at that time, the speaker the majority found most convincing. He said this:

Chapter 36

1 “Anyone who does not want the Athenians to make such a foolish mistake and come here to fall into our hands is either a coward or no friend of this city. As for those who report these things and frighten you, I am not surprised at their nerve. But I am surprised at their stupidity, if they think their motives are not obvious.

2 “People who have something to fear for themselves want to panic the city. They hope to hide their own fear behind everyone's fear. That is what these reports amount to now. They have not come about by chance. They are put together by the very men who are always stirring up trouble here.

3 “If you want to make a sound decision, do not judge what is likely by looking at their reports. Instead, consider what clever, experienced men would do. That is how I rate the Athenians.

4 “They are hardly likely to leave the Peloponnesians behind, with the war there still not securely settled, and willingly start another war just as big. In fact, I think they are glad that we are not attacking them, with so many cities, and such large ones.

Chapter 37

1 “But suppose they do come, as the reports say. I think Sicily is better able than the Peloponnese to fight the war through, because it is better equipped in every way. Our city alone, I think, is far stronger than the force said to be coming against us, even if twice that number comes. I know they will bring no horses with them. They will not get any here either, except perhaps a few from the Egestaeans. Nor can they bring as many hoplites as we have, when they have to come by sea. Even getting the ships themselves here over such a distance, without extra loads, is a major task. Then there are all the other supplies that must be provided for an attack on a city like ours. Those are no small matter.

2 “That is how great I think the difference is. Even if they brought another city as large as Syracuse, settled it beside us, and fought from there, I think they would barely escape complete destruction. Still less could they escape in Sicily with the whole island against them—for it will unite. They would have a camp set up after leaving their ships, with little tents and only essential equipment. Our cavalry would stop them from going far outside it. In short, I do not think they could even control the countryside. That is how much stronger I consider our resources.

Chapter 38

1 “But the Athenians understand this, just as I have explained it, and I am sure they are looking after their own interests. Men here are making up stories about things that are not happening and never could happen.

2 “I have known these men, not just now but all along, to want to frighten the mass of you into letting them rule the city. They use speeches like these, or even more harmful ones, or actual deeds. And I really do fear that, with so many attempts, they may succeed someday. We are poor at taking precautions before we suffer, and at taking action against them once we recognize the danger.

3 “That is why our city is rarely at peace. It goes through repeated civil strife and fights as many battles against itself as against its enemies. Sometimes it also suffers tyrannies and the unjust rule of small groups.

4 “If you are willing to follow me, I will try never to let any of this happen in our time. I will persuade the majority of you and punish those who plot such things. I will not punish them only when they are caught in the act—that is hard to do—but also for what they intend, even if they cannot carry it out. We must defend ourselves against an enemy's intentions, not just his actions. Otherwise, unless we take precautions, we will suffer first. As for the few, I will expose them in some cases, watch them in others, and in others teach them better. I think that is the best way to turn them away from wrongdoing.

5 “And now, young men, what is it you actually want? I have often wondered. Do you want to hold office already? The law does not allow it. That law was made because you lack the ability, rather than to deny you office when you have it. Or is it that you do not want to have equal rights with everyone else? How can it be right for people who are equals not to receive equal treatment?

Chapter 39

1 “Someone will say that democracy is neither sensible nor fair, and that those with money are also best suited to govern. My answer is, first, that ‘the people’ means the whole community, while ‘oligarchy’ means only a part. Second, the rich are best at looking after money, the intelligent at giving advice, and the majority at judging once they have heard the arguments. In a democracy all these groups have equal shares, both separately and together.

2 “An oligarchy gives the majority a share of the dangers. But when it comes to the benefits, it does not just take more than its share. It takes everything and keeps it. This is what the powerful men and the young men among you are eager for. In a large city it is impossible to maintain. Even now, you utterly foolish men, if you do not understand that you are rushing toward disaster, you are the most ignorant Greeks I know. Or, if you do understand and still dare to do it, you are the most unjust.

Chapter 40

1 “So either learn better or change your minds, and build up the city's common good for everyone. Recognize that the better men among you can have an equal share in it, or even a larger one [than the mass of the city's people]. But if you want something else, you risk losing everything. And stop bringing us reports like these. We see through you and will not let you have your way.

2 “If the Athenians really are coming, this city will defend itself in a way worthy of it. We have generals to look into these things. And if none of this is true, as I believe, the city will not let your reports frighten it into choosing you as rulers and imposing slavery on itself. It will think for itself and judge your words by the effects they can have. It will not lose its existing freedom simply by listening to you. Instead, it will try to keep that freedom by taking practical precautions and refusing to give in.”

Chapter 41

1 That was what Athenagoras said. One of the generals stood up and let no one else come forward. He spoke about the present situation himself, as follows:

2 “It is not sensible for speakers to make accusations against each other, or for listeners to accept them. We should pay more attention to the reports we are receiving. We must see how each of us, and the city as a whole, can be properly prepared to defend ourselves against the attackers.

3 “Even if none of this turns out to be needed, there is no harm in equipping the community with horses and weapons

4 “and all the other things that make a military force impressive. We will take responsibility for arranging and inspecting these. Nor is there any harm in sending people to the cities, both to gather information and for any other useful purpose that appears. We have already taken care of some things, and we will report to you whatever we learn.” After the general had said this, the Syracusans left the meeting.

Chapter 42

1 By now the Athenians and all their allies were at Corcyra. First the generals reviewed the force and organized it in the order they intended to use when anchoring and camping. They divided it into three parts and assigned one to each general by lot. This was to prevent the whole fleet from sailing together and running short of water, harbors, and supplies wherever they put in. It would also keep the force better organized in other respects and easier to command, with each division assigned to a general.

2 They then sent three ships ahead to Italy and Sicily to find out which cities would receive them. These ships were told to come back and meet them, so that they would know the situation before sailing in.

Chapter 43

1 After this the Athenians left Corcyra and crossed toward Sicily with the following force. There were 134 triremes in all, and two Rhodian ships with fifty oars each. Of the triremes, 100 were Athenian: sixty were fast ships, and the rest troop transports. The remaining ships belonged to Chios and the other allies. There were 5,100 hoplites in all. Among these, the Athenians themselves provided 1,500 from the citizen muster roll and 700 from the poorest citizen class serving as marines aboard the ships. The rest of the army consisted of allies, some from the subject cities, together with 500 Argives and 250 Mantineans and mercenaries. There were 480 archers in all, including eighty Cretans, as well as 700 Rhodian slingers and 120 lightly armed Megarian exiles. There was also one horse transport carrying thirty cavalrymen.

Chapter 44

1 That was the size of the first force to sail across for the war. Thirty grain-carrying cargo ships brought its supplies. They also carried bakers, stonemasons, carpenters, and all the tools needed for building fortifications. A hundred smaller vessels had been required to sail with these cargo ships. Many other boats and cargo ships followed the army voluntarily for trade. All of them crossed the Ionian Gulf together from Corcyra at this time.

2 The whole force made land at the Iapygian promontory, at Tarentum, or wherever each group could manage. They then sailed along the coast of Italy. The cities would not let them into their markets or towns, but allowed them water and anchorage. Tarentum and Locri refused even these. Eventually they reached Rhegium, at the tip of Italy.

3 There they gathered together. Since they were not allowed inside the city, they set up camp outside it in the sanctuary of Artemis, where the Rhegians also provided them with a market. They pulled their ships ashore and rested. They opened talks with the Rhegians and asked them, as people of Chalcidian descent, to help the people of Leontini, who were also Chalcidian. The Rhegians said they would not join either side. They would do whatever the other Greeks in Italy jointly decided.

4 The Athenians considered how best to deal with the situation in Sicily. At the same time they waited for the ships sent ahead to return from Egesta. They wanted to know whether the money was there, as the envoys had claimed at Athens.

Chapter 45

1 Meanwhile the Syracusans were receiving clear reports from many sources, including their scouts, that the ships were at Rhegium. With this confirmed, they threw themselves into preparations and no longer doubted the news. They sent guards to some of the Sicels and envoys to others. They put garrisons into the outlying forts in their territory. In the city they inspected weapons and horses to see whether everything was in order. They made their other arrangements for a war that would come quickly and was almost upon them.

Chapter 46

1 The three ships sent ahead to Egesta reached the Athenians at Rhegium. They reported that the rest of the promised money did not exist. Only thirty talents could be found.

2 The generals were immediately discouraged. This was the first setback, along with the Rhegians' refusal to join the expedition. The Rhegians had been the first people they tried to persuade and seemed the most likely to agree. They were related to the people of Leontini and had always been friendly to the Athenians. Nicias had expected the news from Egesta, but the other two generals found it more surprising.

3 The Egestaeans had used the following trick when the first Athenian envoys came to inspect their funds. They took them to the sanctuary of Aphrodite at Eryx and showed them the offerings: bowls, wine jugs, incense burners, and a considerable amount of other equipment. These silver objects gave an impression of wealth far greater than their relatively small value. They also entertained the ships' crews in private homes. They collected the gold and silver drinking cups from Egesta itself and borrowed others from nearby cities, both Phoenician and Greek. Each host brought these out at dinner as though they were his own.

4 Most of the hosts were using the same objects. But because so many appeared everywhere, the Athenians from the triremes were deeply impressed. When they got back to Athens, they spread the word that they had seen great wealth.

5 These men had been fooled themselves and had then persuaded the others. When the news spread that the money did not exist at Egesta, the soldiers blamed them heavily. The generals discussed what to do in the circumstances.

Chapter 47

1 Nicias proposed sailing against Selinus with the whole army. That was the main purpose for which they had been sent. If the Egestaeans provided money for the whole force, they could plan accordingly. If not, they should demand supplies for the sixty ships the Egestaeans had actually requested. They should stay until they had reconciled the Selinuntians with the Egestaeans, either by force or by agreement. Then they should sail past the other cities, displaying the power of Athens and showing its readiness to help its friends and allies, and sail home. The only exception would be if some quick, unexpected opportunity let them help the people of Leontini or win over another city. They should not put Athens at risk by using up its own resources.

Chapter 48

1 Alcibiades said they should not sail away in disgrace without achieving anything, after coming out with so large a force. Instead, they should send heralds to all the cities except Selinus and Syracuse. They should also try to get some of the Sicels to break away from Syracuse and make friends with the others, so that they would have grain and troops. First they should persuade the people of Messene. That city was right on the strait, at the point of entry into Sicily, and would provide an excellent harbor and base for the army. Once they had won the cities over and knew who would fight on their side, they should attack Syracuse and Selinus, unless Selinus reached an agreement with Egesta and Syracuse allowed the people of Leontini to be resettled.

Chapter 49

1 Lamachus said they should sail straight to Syracuse and fight beside the city as quickly as possible, while the Syracusans were still unprepared and most frightened.

2 Every army was most frightening at first, he said. If it delayed before appearing, people regained confidence and were more inclined to look down on it when they saw it. But if they struck suddenly, while the Syracusans were still waiting in fear, they would have the best chance of winning and would frighten them in every way. The sight of the army would be frightening, since it would now appear at its greatest strength. So would the thought of what they might suffer, and, most of all, the immediate danger of battle.

3 Many people were also likely to be caught outside in the fields because they did not believe the Athenians would come. While these people were bringing their possessions into the city, the army would have no shortage of resources, if it took up a position outside the city and controlled the area.

4 This would also make the other Sicilian Greeks more likely to refuse an alliance with Syracuse and join the Athenians instead. They would not keep delaying while they watched to see which side would win. He said they should withdraw to Megara and make it their naval base for further attacks. It was deserted and not far from Syracuse by either sea or land.

Chapter 50

1 Although Lamachus argued this way, he too supported Alcibiades' proposal in the end. After this Alcibiades sailed to Messene in his own ship and discussed an alliance with its people. He did not persuade them. They answered that they would not admit the Athenians into the city but would provide a market outside. He then sailed back to Rhegium.

2 The generals immediately manned sixty ships drawn from the whole fleet, loaded supplies, and sailed along the coast to Naxos. They left the rest of the army at Rhegium with one of the generals.

3 The Naxians admitted them into their city, and they sailed on to Catana. The people of Catana would not admit them, because there were men there who supported Syracuse.

4 So they went to the river Terias and camped for the night. The next day they sailed toward Syracuse with the main body of their ships in single file. They sent ten ships ahead to sail into the Great Harbor and see whether any warships had been launched. These ships were also to sail close in and announce that the Athenians had come to resettle the people of Leontini in their own land, because of their alliance and shared ancestry. Any people from Leontini who were in Syracuse should therefore come out without fear to the Athenians, their friends and helpers.

5 When they had made the announcement and examined the city, the harbors, and the surrounding countryside from which they would have to conduct the war, they sailed back to Catana.

Chapter 51

1 An assembly was held. The people of Catana would not admit the army, but invited the generals to come in and say whatever they wished. While Alcibiades was speaking and the people in the city were focused on the assembly, the soldiers broke through a small gateway that had been poorly walled up, without being noticed. They entered the city and began buying things in the market.

2 When the supporters of Syracuse in Catana saw the army inside, they immediately became frightened and slipped away. There were not many of them. The others voted for an alliance with Athens and told the Athenians to bring the rest of their army from Rhegium.

3 After this the Athenians sailed across to Rhegium, then left for Catana with the whole army. When they arrived, they set up their camp.

Chapter 52

1 They received a report from Camarina that its people would join them if they came. They also heard that the Syracusans were manning a fleet. So they first sailed along the coast to Syracuse with their whole force. Finding no fleet being manned, they sailed on to Camarina. They put in at the beach and sent a herald. But the Camarinaeans would not admit them. They said their sworn agreement was to receive the Athenians when they arrived in a single ship, unless they themselves sent for more.

2 Having achieved nothing, they sailed away. They landed in a part of Syracusan territory and plundered it. The Syracusan cavalry came to its defense and killed some of the light troops who had scattered. The Athenians then returned to Catana.

Chapter 53

1 They found that the ship Salaminia had arrived from Athens. It had come to order Alcibiades to sail home and defend himself against the city's charges. It had also come for some of the soldiers with him who had been accused of offenses against religion involving the Mysteries, some of them also in connection with the statues of Hermes.

2 After the army sailed, the Athenians had continued just as vigorously to investigate what had been done concerning the Mysteries and the statues of Hermes. They did not check the informers' credibility. Instead, they accepted every report as grounds for suspicion, arrested thoroughly respectable citizens on the word of dishonest men, and put them in prison. They thought it better to investigate the affair fully and discover the truth than to let any accused man escape investigation, even one considered respectable, just because the informer was dishonest.

3 The people knew from accounts handed down to them that the tyranny of Pisistratus and his sons had become harsh toward the end. They also knew that it had been overthrown not by themselves and Harmodius, but by the Lacedaemonians. So they were always afraid and treated everything with suspicion.

Chapter 54

1 The daring attack by Aristogiton and Harmodius began with an incident involving a love affair. I will describe it in more detail and show that neither other people nor the Athenians themselves give an accurate account of their own tyrants or of what happened.

2 When Pisistratus died in old age while still tyrant, it was not Hipparchus who took power, as most people think, but Hippias, who was the oldest son. Harmodius was a young man of striking beauty. Aristogiton, an Athenian citizen of middle rank, was his lover and had a relationship with him.

3 Hipparchus, the son of Pisistratus, made advances to Harmodius, who rejected him and told Aristogiton. Aristogiton was deeply hurt as a lover and feared that Hipparchus would use his power to take Harmodius by force. He immediately began planning, as far as his position allowed, to overthrow the tyranny.

4 Meanwhile Hipparchus made another attempt and had no more success in persuading Harmodius. He did not want to use force. Instead, he planned to humiliate him in some indirect way, so that this would not appear to be the reason.

5 In his exercise of power more generally, too, he did not oppress the majority, but ruled without provoking resentment. These tyrants made a very great effort to act honorably and intelligently. They took only a twentieth of the Athenians' produce as tax. They made their city beautiful, fought their wars, and offered sacrifices at the sanctuaries.

6 Otherwise the city itself continued to use its existing laws. The only exception was that the tyrants always made sure one of their own people was in office. Several of them held the yearly office of archon at Athens, including Pisistratus, the son of the tyrant Hippias, who had his grandfather's name. While archon, he dedicated the altar of the Twelve Gods in the marketplace and the altar of Apollo in the Pythian sanctuary.

7 Later the Athenian people extended the altar in the marketplace, making it longer and covering up the inscription. But the inscription on the altar in the Pythian sanctuary can still be seen even now, in faint letters. It says: / Pisistratus, son of Hippias, set this up to commemorate his term in office / in the sacred precinct of Pythian Apollo.

Chapter 55

1 I am confident that Hippias ruled as the oldest brother. What I have learned by word of mouth is more accurate than most people's information. But anyone can also recognize this from the following fact. Of the legitimate brothers, he alone is known to have had children. This is shown both by the altar and by the stone recording the tyrants' wrongdoing that was set up on the Athenian Acropolis. It lists no child of Thessalus or Hipparchus, but five of Hippias, born to him by Myrrhine, the daughter of Callias son of Hyperochides. It was natural for the oldest brother to marry first.

2 On that same stone he is listed first after his father. This too makes sense, since he was his father's oldest son and ruled as tyrant.

3 Nor do I think Hippias could ever have kept control of the tyranny so easily at that critical moment if Hipparchus had died while in power and Hippias himself had taken over that very day. Instead, his established position had already made him feared by the citizens and given him a firm hold over the mercenaries. This gave him a large margin of safety as he kept control. He did not find himself helpless, as a younger brother would have been who had not previously been regularly involved in governing.

4 Hipparchus, however, became well known because of his unfortunate death. As a result, later generations also came to think that he had been the tyrant.

Chapter 56

1 After Harmodius rejected his approach, Hipparchus went ahead with the insult he had planned. They invited Harmodius' unmarried sister to come and carry a basket in a procession. Then they turned her away, saying that they had never invited her in the first place because she was not worthy of it.

2 Harmodius took this badly, and Aristogiton was even more angry on his account. They had already made the other arrangements with those who would join their attack. They were waiting for the Great Panathenaea. This was the only day when the citizens taking part in the procession could assemble with weapons without raising suspicion. Harmodius and Aristogiton were to begin the attack, and the others were immediately to help them fight the bodyguards.

3 For safety, they had allowed only a few people into the plot. They hoped that, if even a few men took action, people who knew nothing of the plan would also want to help win their own freedom on the spot, since they would have their weapons with them.

Chapter 57

1 When the festival came, Hippias was outside the city in the place called the Ceramicus. With his bodyguards, he was arranging the order in which each part of the procession should move forward. Meanwhile, Harmodius and Aristogiton were already carrying their daggers and going to make the attack.

2 Then they saw one of their fellow conspirators talking on friendly terms with Hippias. Hippias was easy for anyone to approach. They became frightened and thought that the plot had been reported and that they were about to be arrested.

3 So, if they could, they wanted to get their revenge first on the man who had hurt them and was the reason they were risking everything. They rushed inside the gates just as they were and came across Hipparchus beside the place called the Leocorium. They immediately attacked him without thinking. Both were as angry as they could be, one because of his love, the other because he had been insulted. They struck Hipparchus and killed him.

4 As the crowd rushed together, Aristogiton escaped the bodyguards for the moment. He was caught later and treated harshly. Harmodius was killed there on the spot.

Chapter 58

1 When the news reached Hippias in the Ceramicus, he immediately went, not to the scene of the killing, but to the hoplites taking part in the procession. They were some distance away and had not yet heard what had happened. He kept his face from showing any response to the disaster. Pointing out a place, he ordered them to go there without their weapons.

2 They went off, thinking he wanted to speak to them. He told the mercenaries to take charge of the weapons and immediately picked out the men he suspected, along with anyone found carrying a dagger. The usual weapons for the processions were a shield and a spear.

Chapter 59

1 That is how a painful affair of love led Harmodius and Aristogiton to begin their plot, and how their sudden fear led them to act so recklessly.

2 After this, the tyranny became harsher for the Athenians. Hippias was now more afraid. He killed many citizens and at the same time looked abroad for some place where he could find safety if his situation changed.

3 Afterward, for example, although he was an Athenian, he gave his daughter Archedice in marriage to a man from Lampsacus, Aeantides, the son of Hippoclus, its tyrant. He knew that they had great influence with King Darius. Her tomb is in Lampsacus and has this inscription: / Hippias stood above the men of his time in Hellas; / this earth covers his daughter Archedice. / Her father, husband, and brothers were tyrants, / and her sons too, but she did not let pride lead her mind into wrongdoing.

4 Hippias ruled the Athenians as tyrant for three more years. In the fourth he was removed by the Lacedaemonians and the exiled Alcmaeonids. He left under an agreement guaranteeing his safety and went to Sigeum and to Aeantides at Lampsacus. From there he went to King Darius. Setting out from there, he later joined the Medes in their campaign against Marathon in the twentieth year after his departure, when he was already an old man.

Chapter 60

1 The Athenian people had these events in mind and remembered all they had heard about them. So at this time they were harsh and suspicious toward those accused over the mysteries. They thought that everything had been done as part of a conspiracy to establish an oligarchy or a tyranny.

2 Their anger over this had already put many prominent men in prison. There seemed to be no end in sight. Each day they grew more violent and arrested still more people. At that point, one of the prisoners persuaded another, the man thought most guilty, to give information. Whether his account was true or not is uncertain. People have suggested both possibilities, but neither then nor later has anyone been able to say for certain who committed the act.

3 His fellow prisoner persuaded him by saying that, even if he had not done it, he should obtain immunity and save himself, and end the city's current suspicions. He would be more certain of surviving if he confessed with a guarantee of immunity than if he denied the charge and went through a trial.

4 So he gave information about the damage to the herms, accusing both himself and others. The Athenian people were delighted to have what they thought was the truth. Previously they had been deeply alarmed at the thought that they might not discover who was plotting against their democracy. They immediately released the informer and the other prisoners he had not accused. They tried those he had accused and executed those who were in custody. They sentenced those who had escaped to death and announced a cash reward for anyone who killed them.

5 In this affair it remained uncertain whether the people who suffered had been punished unjustly. But the rest of the city clearly benefited for the time being.

Chapter 61

1 Meanwhile, the enemies of Alcibiades kept stirring up accusations against him. These were the same men who had attacked him before he sailed. The Athenians took the matter very seriously. Now that they thought they knew the truth about the herms, they were all the more convinced that the affair of the mysteries, in which he was implicated, had also been arranged by him for the same purpose, as part of the conspiracy against the people.

2 Also, during this period of alarm, a small Lacedaemonian army happened to have advanced as far as the Isthmus on some business with the Boeotians. People believed that it had come by prior agreement at Alcibiades' arrangement, not because of the Boeotians. They thought the city would have been betrayed if they had not acted first and arrested the men named in the information. For one night they even slept under arms in the sanctuary of Theseus in the city.

3 At the same time, Alcibiades' personal friends in Argos were suspected of plotting an attack on the people there. For this reason, the Athenians then handed over the Argive hostages they were holding on the islands to the Argive people to be killed.

4 Suspicion surrounded Alcibiades on every side. Wanting to put him on trial and execute him, they therefore sent the ship Salaminia to Sicily to fetch him and the others who had been accused.

5 The crew had orders to tell him to come with them to defend himself, but not to arrest him. The Athenians wanted to avoid causing alarm among either their own troops in Sicily or the enemy. Above all, they wanted the Mantineans and Argives to stay. They believed that these men had been persuaded by Alcibiades to join their expedition.

6 Alcibiades, with his own ship, and those accused along with him sailed from Sicily with the Salaminia, supposedly bound for Athens. When they reached Thurii, however, they stopped following it. They left the ship and disappeared, afraid to sail back and face trial on malicious accusations.

7 The men from the Salaminia searched for Alcibiades and his companions for a while. When they could find them nowhere, they sailed away. Not long afterward, Alcibiades, now an exile, crossed by boat from the territory of Thurii to the Peloponnese. The Athenians tried him and his companions in their absence and sentenced them to death.

Chapter 62

1 After this, the remaining Athenian generals in Sicily divided the army into two parts. Each took command of one by lot, and they sailed with the whole force toward Selinus and Egesta. They wanted to find out whether the Egestaeans would provide the money. They also wanted to investigate the situation at Selinus and learn about its dispute with Egesta.

2 They sailed along the side of Sicily facing the Tyrrhenian Gulf, keeping the island on their left, and put in at Himera. It is the only Greek city in that part of Sicily. When its people refused to admit them, they continued along the coast.

3 On their way along the coast, they captured Hyccara, a small Sicanian town that was hostile to the Egestaeans. It stood beside the sea. They enslaved its people and handed the town over to the Egestaeans, some of whose cavalry had joined them. Their own infantry then returned through Sicel territory until they reached Catana. The ships sailed around the coast carrying the captives.

4 Nicias sailed straight from Hyccara along the coast toward Egesta. He dealt with the other business there, received thirty talents, and returned to the army. They sold the captives and received 120 talents for them.

5 They also sailed around to their Sicel allies and told them to send troops. With half their own army they marched against the hostile town of Hybla Geleatis, but failed to capture it. And the summer ended.

Chapter 63

1 At the very beginning of the following winter, the Athenians began preparing their advance on Syracuse. The Syracusans were also preparing to march against them.

2 The Athenians had not attacked immediately, as the Syracusans had first feared and expected. Each day that passed made them more confident. When they saw the Athenians sailing along the far side of Sicily, a long way from them, and heard that they had attacked Hybla but failed to take it by force, they became still more dismissive. As a crowd tends to do when it feels confident, they demanded that their generals lead them against Catana, since the Athenians were not coming against them.

3 Syracusan cavalry scouts also kept riding up to the Athenian army and insulting them. Among other things, they asked whether the Athenians had come to settle themselves in someone else's country rather than to resettle the Leontinians in their own.

Chapter 64

1 The Athenian generals knew about this. They wanted to draw the entire Syracusan force as far from the city as possible. Meanwhile, they would sail along the coast at night and occupy a suitable campsite without interference. They knew they could not do this so easily if they landed from their ships against an enemy who was ready, or if they marched by land and were spotted. The Syracusans' large cavalry force would badly damage their light troops and camp followers, since the Athenians had no cavalry with them. By using this plan, they could instead take up a position where the cavalry could do them little serious harm. Syracusan exiles accompanying them had told them about the place beside the sanctuary of Olympian Zeus, which they did in fact occupy. To achieve their purpose, the generals devised the following trick.

2 They sent a man they trusted, who also seemed no less friendly to the Syracusan generals. He was from Catana. He said he had been sent by men in Catana whose names the generals recognized and whom they knew to be among their supporters still left in the city.

3 He said that the Athenians spent the night in the city away from their weapons. If the Syracusans were willing to bring their whole force against the camp at dawn on a specified day, the men in Catana would shut in the Athenians staying with them and burn their ships. The Syracusans could easily capture the camp by attacking the stockade. Many people in Catana would join in this action, he said, and the men who had sent him were already prepared.

Chapter 65

1 The Syracusan generals were already confident about the situation in general. Even without this proposal, they intended to prepare an advance against Catana. So they trusted the man with far too little thought. They immediately agreed on a day when they would arrive and sent him away. Then, since the Selinuntians and some of their other allies had already arrived, they ordered all the Syracusans to march out in full force. Once their preparations were complete and the agreed date for their arrival was near, they set off toward Catana. They camped beside the river Symaethus in Leontinian territory.

2 When the Athenians learned that they were approaching, they took their entire army, together with all the Sicels and anyone else who had joined them, and put them aboard the warships and transports. They sailed toward Syracuse during the night.

3 At dawn the Athenians landed near the sanctuary of Olympian Zeus to occupy their campsite. At the same time, the Syracusan cavalry reached Catana ahead of the infantry and found that the whole army had sailed away. They turned back and told the infantry. The entire force then turned around and hurried to defend the city.

Chapter 66

1 The Syracusans had a long way to go. Meanwhile, the Athenians settled their army without interference in a suitable position. It would let them begin battle whenever they wanted, and gave the Syracusan cavalry the least chance to trouble them either during the fighting or beforehand. On one side small walls, houses, trees, and a marsh blocked access; on the other there were steep drops.

2 They cut down the nearby trees, carried them down to the sea, and built a stockade beside their ships. At Dascon, where the enemy could most easily approach, they quickly put up a defensive barrier of stones gathered as they came to hand and timber. They also broke up the bridge over the Anapus.

3 While they were making these preparations, no one came out of the city to interfere. The Syracusan cavalry arrived first to help defend it, and later the whole infantry force assembled as well. At first they approached close to the Athenian army. But when the Athenians did not come out to meet them, they withdrew, crossed the road to Helorus, and camped.

Chapter 67

1 The next day the Athenians and their allies prepared for battle and arranged their forces as follows. The Argives and Mantineans held the right wing, the Athenians the center, and the other allies the rest of the line. Half the army was posted in front, eight men deep. The other half was formed into a square near the sleeping quarters, also eight deep. These men had orders to watch and go to help whichever part of the army was under the greatest pressure. The baggage carriers were placed inside this reserve formation.

2 The Syracusans arranged all their hoplites sixteen men deep. These included the full Syracusan levy and all the allies present. The Selinuntians provided the most help. There were also cavalry from Gela, about two hundred in all, and about twenty cavalry and fifty archers from Camarina. The Syracusans posted their cavalry on the right, no fewer than 1,200 men, with the javelin throwers beside them.

3 As the Athenians were about to attack first, Nicias went along the ranks, addressing each national contingent and the whole force with encouragement like this.

Chapter 68

1 “Men, why should we need a long speech of encouragement when we have come here for the same fight? I think the force we have assembled can give us more confidence than a fine speech delivered to a weak army.

2 “We have Argives, Mantineans, Athenians, and the best of the islanders among us. With allies of such quality and in such numbers, how can any of us fail to have high hopes of victory? This is especially true against men who are defending themselves with a general levy, not a selected force like ours. Besides, they are Sicilians. They look down on us, but they will not stand up to us, because their skill falls short of their daring.

3 “Each of you should also remember this. We are a long way from our own country, and we are not near any friendly land except what you yourselves win by fighting. My reminder to you is the opposite of what I know the enemy are saying to encourage themselves. They say that they will be fighting for their homeland. I say that we are not in our homeland. Here we must win, or we will find it hard to get away, because their many cavalry will be on our heels.

4 “So remember your own quality and attack the enemy eagerly. Consider the desperate difficulty of our present situation more frightening than the enemy themselves.”

Chapter 69

1 After giving this encouragement, Nicias immediately led the army forward. The Syracusans had not expected to fight just then. Some had even gone off to the city, since it was nearby. They hurried back at a run to help, but arrived late and took their places wherever each man happened to reach the main body. They were certainly not short of enthusiasm or daring, either in this battle or in the others. They matched their opponents in courage as far as their skill could support it. But where their skill fell short, they could not carry out their intentions, however much they wanted to. Still, although they had not thought the Athenians would attack first and were forced to defend themselves in a hurry, they took up their weapons and immediately advanced to meet them.

2 First the stone throwers, slingers, and archers on both sides fought in front of the main armies. They drove one another back in the usual way of light troops. Then the diviners brought forward the customary animals for sacrifice, and the trumpeters gave the hoplites the signal to engage.

3 The armies advanced. The Syracusans were fighting for their homeland, and each man for his own immediate survival and future freedom. On the other side, the Athenians were fighting to make someone else's country their own, and to avoid damaging their own country through defeat. The Argives and the independent allies wanted to help the Athenians win what they had come for, and to win the battle so they could see their own homeland again. The subject allies were eager to fight mainly because of their immediate survival: without victory, they had no hope of it. As a secondary motive, they also hoped that helping conquer other peoples might make their own obedience less burdensome.

Chapter 70

1 Once the battle became hand-to-hand, the two sides held out against each other for a long time. Thunder, lightning, and heavy rain also broke out. For those fighting for the first time, with very little experience of war, this added to their fear. The more experienced men thought the weather was simply normal for the time of year. The enemy facing them, still undefeated, gave them much more reason for alarm.

2 First the Argives drove back the Syracusan left wing. Then the Athenians drove back the troops facing them. The rest of the Syracusan army now began to break apart as well and took to flight.

3 The Athenians did not pursue far. The Syracusan cavalry were numerous and still undefeated, and held them back. Whenever they saw any Athenian hoplites pursuing ahead of the others, they charged them and drove them back. The Athenians followed in a close body as far as it was safe, then returned and set up a victory monument.

4 The Syracusans gathered at the road to Helorus and formed up as well as circumstances allowed. Even in this situation, they sent a detachment of their own men to guard the sanctuary of Olympian Zeus. They were afraid the Athenians might take some of the treasures kept there. The rest withdrew into the city.

Chapter 71

1 The Athenians did not approach the sanctuary. They gathered their own dead, laid them on a funeral pyre, and camped there for the night. The next day they returned the Syracusan dead under a truce. About 260 Syracusans and allies had been killed. They collected the bones of their own dead, about fifty Athenians and allies, and sailed away to Catana with the equipment stripped from the enemy.

2 It was winter, and they did not yet think they could conduct the war from that position. First they would have to send to Athens for cavalry and gather more from their local allies, so that they would not be completely outmatched in cavalry. They also needed to collect money locally and receive funds from Athens. They wanted to win over some of the cities, which they hoped would be more ready to submit to them after the battle. They also needed to prepare grain and all their other requirements, ready to attack Syracuse in the spring.

Chapter 72

1 With this plan, they sailed away to Naxos and Catana to spend the winter. The Syracusans buried their own dead and held an assembly.

2 Hermocrates son of Hermon came forward to speak to them. He was as intelligent as anyone in other matters, and in war he had gained considerable experience and was known for his courage. He encouraged them and urged them not to give way because of what had happened.

3 Their resolve had not been defeated, he said. Their lack of order had hurt them. Even so, they had not fallen as far short as might have been expected, especially since they had faced the most experienced of the Greeks. It had been, so to speak, a contest between amateurs and skilled workers.

4 Another great disadvantage had been the number of generals and the divided command: they had fifteen generals. The troops' disorderly lack of discipline had also done great harm. But they would probably defeat the enemy, he said, if they appointed a few experienced generals and used this winter to prepare their hoplites. They should obtain armor and weapons for those who had none, to bring their numbers as high as possible, and also make them practice the other military skills. They already had courage; good order in action would now be added to it. Both would improve. Discipline would be practiced in dangerous situations, and their courage itself would become more confident with the assurance that comes from skill.

5 They should elect only a few generals and give them full authority. They should swear an oath to let these men command according to their own judgment. That way, matters needing secrecy would be better protected, and all the other preparations would be made in an orderly way, without excuses.

Chapter 73

1 After hearing him, the Syracusans voted for all his proposals. They elected three generals: Hermocrates himself, Heraclides son of Lysimachus, and Sicanus son of Execestus.

2 They also sent ambassadors to Corinth and Lacedaemon. They wanted allied help to reach them, and they wanted to persuade the Lacedaemonians to wage war against Athens more firmly and openly on their behalf. This would either draw the Athenians away from Sicily or reduce the reinforcements they could send to their army there.

Chapter 74

1 The Athenian army at Catana immediately sailed to Messene, expecting the city to be handed over by people inside it. But the plan failed. When Alcibiades left his command after being recalled, he already knew he would go into exile. He knew about the plan and revealed it to the friends of Syracuse in Messene. They had already killed the men involved. Now they were engaged in civil strife and under arms, and those who wanted to keep the Athenians out had the upper hand.

2 The Athenians stayed about thirteen days. But they were suffering from winter weather, had no supplies, and were making no progress. They left for Naxos, marked out their camp, put a palisade around it, and spent the winter there. They sent a trireme to Athens to ask for money and cavalry, so that these could arrive at the start of spring.

Chapter 75

1 During the winter the Syracusans also added a wall to their city. It ran along the whole side facing Epipolae and brought the Temenites inside the defenses. This would prevent the enemy from easily cutting them off with a shorter wall if they suffered a defeat. They also built a fort at Megara and another in the Olympieum. Along the sea they set up stakes in front of every possible landing place.

2 Knowing that the Athenians were wintering at Naxos, they marched against Catana with their whole available force. They ravaged part of its territory, burned the Athenians' tents and camp, and went home.

3 They heard that the Athenians were sending ambassadors to Camarina, hoping to win it over through the alliance made in the time of Laches. So they too sent ambassadors to oppose them. They suspected that the Camarinaeans had been reluctant to send even the help they had sent for the first battle. They also feared that, after seeing the Athenians' success in the battle, the Camarinaeans would no longer be willing to support them. Instead, the Athenians might persuade them to change sides on the strength of their earlier friendship.

4 Hermocrates and others came to Camarina from Syracuse, and Euphemus came with others from the Athenians. The Camarinaeans held an assembly. Hermocrates wanted to turn them against the Athenians before the Athenians spoke, and said this:

Chapter 76

1 “Camarinaeans, we have not sent this embassy because we feared that the Athenian force now here would frighten and overwhelm you. We are more afraid that the speeches they are about to make will persuade you before you have heard anything from us.

2 “They have come to Sicily with the excuse you have heard, but with the intention we all suspect. I think they want not so much to resettle the Leontini as to drive us out of our homes. It makes no sense for them to destroy cities back there while resettling cities here. Nor does it make sense for them to care about the Leontini as their Chalcidian relatives while keeping the Chalcidians in Euboea enslaved. Those are the very people who founded Leontini.

3 “They are now trying to gain control here by the same method they used there. The Ionians and the allies descended from Athens willingly accepted them as leaders, supposedly to take revenge on the Persian. Then Athens conquered them. It charged some with failing to serve in the army, others with fighting one another, and each of the rest with whatever plausible accusation it could find.

4 “So neither did the Athenians resist the Persian for the freedom of the Greeks, nor did the Greeks resist him for their own freedom. The Athenians wanted to enslave them for themselves rather than for him. The Greeks were only exchanging their master for one who was no less clever, but cleverer at doing harm.

Chapter 77

1 “But we have not come here now to expose the Athenian state. It is easy enough to accuse it, and you know all its wrongdoing already. We have come much more to blame ourselves. We have the example of the Greeks over there, who were enslaved because they did not defend themselves. Now the same tricks are being used against us: resettling their relatives, the Leontini, and helping their allies, the Egestaeans. Yet we are unwilling to unite and show the Athenians more forcefully who lives here. We are not Ionians or people of the Hellespont and the islands. They keep changing masters, whether the Persian or someone else, and remain slaves. We are free Dorians who came from the independent Peloponnese to settle Sicily.

2 “Or are we waiting to be captured city by city? We know that this is the only way we can be conquered. We can see the Athenians following this method. They use speeches to divide some of us. They lead others into war against one another by offering the hope of an alliance. They tell each city something it likes to hear, and so manage to harm it. When a fellow Sicilian community some distance away is destroyed first, do we think the danger will not reach us too? Do we think that its suffering is merely its own separate misfortune, rather than something happening to it before it happens to us?

Chapter 78

1 “Perhaps someone thinks that Syracuse is Athens' enemy, but he is not, and feels it is wrong to take risks for my country. He should remember that, in fighting for my country, he will be fighting just as much for his own. He will also fight with greater safety, because I will not have been destroyed beforehand. He will have me as an ally, instead of facing the struggle alone. He should remember too that Athens does not simply want to punish Syracuse for its hostility. It is using us as an excuse to make his own friendship with Athens just as firmly binding.

2 “Perhaps someone envies us, or is even afraid of us. Greater powers provoke both feelings. Because of this, he wants Syracuse to suffer enough to teach us a lesson, but to survive for the sake of his own safety. He is hoping for something beyond human power. No one can control the outcome as fully as he controls his own wishes.

3 “If he miscalculates, he may soon be mourning his own troubles and wishing he could envy our good fortune once again. But that will be impossible if he abandons us and refuses to share the same dangers. These concern realities, not labels. In name, he would be preserving our power; in fact, he would be protecting his own safety.

4 “Camarinaeans, as our neighbors and the next people who will be in danger, you above all should have seen this coming. You should not be such halfhearted allies as you are now. Instead, you should come to us yourselves and urge us not to give in at all. You should make the same appeal to us now, on equal terms, that you would have begged us to accept if the Athenians had attacked Camarina first. But neither you nor the others have yet made any move to do this.

Chapter 79

1 “Perhaps fear will make you try to meet your obligations both to us and to the invaders. You will say that you have an alliance with the Athenians. But you did not make it for use against your friends. It was for defense if any enemy attacked you, and to help the Athenians when others wronged them, not when they themselves wronged their neighbors, as they are doing now.

2 “Even the people of Rhegium, who are Chalcidians, are unwilling to help resettle the Leontini, although they too are Chalcidians. They suspect what is really behind this fine claim, and act sensibly despite having no respectable excuse. It would be outrageous if you, with a respectable excuse, chose to help your natural enemies and joined your bitterest enemies in destroying people still more closely related to you by nature.

3 “That is not right. You must help us and not be afraid of their forces. Those forces are no threat if we all stand together. They are a threat if, on the contrary, we split apart, which is just what the Athenians are trying to achieve. Even when they attacked us alone and won a battle, they failed to get what they wanted and quickly withdrew.

Chapter 80

1 “So if we are united, there is no reason to lose heart. You should join the alliance more eagerly, especially since help will come from the Peloponnese, whose people are far superior to these men in warfare. No one should think that the following cautious course is fair to us and safe for you: to help neither side, on the grounds that you are allies of both.

2 “It is fair in its claim, but not in its effect. Suppose your refusal to join us means that the victims are defeated and the conquerors prevail. By the very same absence, have you not both failed to help one side survive and failed to stop the other from doing wrong? It would be better to side with people who are being wronged and are also your relatives. You would protect Sicily's common interest, and stop the Athenians, your supposed friends, from doing wrong.

3 “To sum up, we Syracusans say there is no need to explain clearly to you or to the others things you understand just as well yourselves. But we ask for help. And if we fail to persuade you, we put this on record: we Dorians are being attacked by Ionians, our constant enemies, and betrayed by you, who are Dorians yourselves.

4 “If the Athenians conquer us, your decisions will have won their victory, but they will take the credit themselves. Their prize for winning will be none other than the people who gave them the victory. If, on the other hand, we win, you yourselves will pay the penalty for having caused our danger.

5 “So consider this and make your choice now. You can accept slavery at once without taking a risk. Or you can have the chance of winning with us, avoiding the shame of taking these men as masters, and escaping an enmity with us that would not be short-lived.”

Chapter 81

1 That was what Hermocrates said. After him, Euphemus, the Athenian ambassador, spoke as follows:

Chapter 82

1 “We came to renew the alliance that existed before. But since the Syracusan has attacked us, we must also explain why we have good reason to hold our empire.

2 “He himself gave the strongest evidence: the Ionians have always been enemies of the Dorians. This is indeed the case. We are Ionians. The Peloponnesians are Dorians, are more numerous than we are, and live near us. We considered how best to avoid coming under their rule.

3 “After the Persian Wars, we acquired ships and freed ourselves from Lacedaemonian rule and leadership. They had no more right to give orders to us than we had to give orders to them, except that they were stronger at the time. We ourselves became leaders of those who had formerly been under the King, and we still hold that position. We thought that having the power to defend ourselves was the best way to avoid falling under the Peloponnesians. And to be precise, we were not unjust in conquering the Ionians and islanders whom the Syracusans say we have enslaved despite their kinship with us.

4 “They came with the Persian to attack us, their mother city. They did not dare to rebel and sacrifice their property, as we did when we abandoned our city. Instead, they accepted slavery for themselves and wanted to impose the same on us.

Chapter 83

1 “For these reasons we rule them, and deserve to. We supplied the Greeks with the largest navy and gave our wholehearted support without making excuses. These people, by willingly doing the same for the Persian, harmed us. At the same time, we seek the strength to stand up to the Peloponnesians.

2 “We do not dress this up by claiming that we rightly rule because we alone defeated the non-Greeks. Nor do we claim that we took risks for these people's freedom rather than for everyone's, including our own. No one can be blamed for securing their own safety. We are here now for our own security, and we see that the same course serves your interests too.

3 “We will show this from the very things they accuse us of, which make you most fearful and suspicious. We know that people whose fears make them suspicious may enjoy a pleasant speech for the moment. But when it comes to action later, they do what serves their interests.

4 “As we have said, fear makes us hold our empire at home. The same reason has brought us here to put affairs on a secure footing with our friends. We have come not to enslave people, but rather to prevent our own enslavement.

Chapter 84

1 “No one should think we have no reason to care about you. He should understand that if you survive and are strong enough to resist Syracuse, we will be less exposed to harm from any force it sends to help the Peloponnesians.

2 “In this respect, you are already of the greatest concern to us. That is also why it makes sense to resettle the Leontini, not as subjects like their relatives in Euboea, but as strong as possible. From their own territory on the Syracusan border, they can then cause Syracuse trouble on our behalf.

3 “At home, we can face our enemies by ourselves. The Chalcidians there are useful to us without armed forces, simply paying us money. He says it makes no sense for us to have enslaved them while freeing the Chalcidians here. But here the Leontini and our other friends are useful to us when they are as independent as possible.

Chapter 85

1 “For a tyrant or a city that rules others, nothing is unreasonable if it serves their interests, and no one counts as a relative if they cannot be trusted. In each case they must become an enemy or a friend as the situation requires. What helps us here is not to harm our friends, but to have friends strong enough to keep our enemies powerless.

2 “You should not distrust us. We also direct each of our allies at home according to how it can be useful. The Chians and Methymnaeans are independent and supply ships. We put stronger pressure on most of the others to make them pay money. Others are our allies on completely free terms, although they are islanders and easy to conquer, because they occupy important positions around the Peloponnese.

3 “So you should expect our policy here too to serve our interests and, as we say, to be shaped by fear of Syracuse. The Syracusans want to rule you. They want to unite you through suspicion of us and then rule Sicily themselves, either by force or by taking advantage of your isolation after we leave without achieving anything. This must happen if you join them. We will no longer find it easy to deal with such great strength united in one body. And once we are gone, they will not be weak when they confront you.

Chapter 86

1 “The facts themselves refute anyone who disagrees. When you first called us in, you held out only this threat: if we let you fall under Syracusan rule, we ourselves would be in danger too.

2 “It is not right for you now to distrust the very argument you thought should persuade us. Nor should you suspect us because we have come with a larger force to match their strength. You have much more reason to distrust them.

3 “We cannot even stay here without your support. Even if we acted wickedly and conquered you, we could not keep control. The voyage is long, and we would lack the means to garrison large cities equipped to fight on land. But these men live close to you, not in a camp, but in a city stronger than the force we have brought here. They are always plotting against you. Whenever they get an opportunity against one of you,

4 “they do not let it go. They have already shown this in other cases and in their treatment of the Leontini. Yet now they dare to call on you to attack the people who stop them and have so far kept Sicily from falling under their rule, as though you could not see what was happening.

5 “Our appeal, on the other hand, offers much more real safety. We ask you not to throw away the security that each side gains from the other. Remember that their numbers always leave them ready to march against you, even without allies. But you will not often have the chance to defend yourselves with so much help. If your suspicions make you let this force leave without achieving anything, or even after a defeat, you will later wish you could see even a tiny fraction of it. By then, its arrival will no longer do you any good.

Chapter 87

1 “Camarinaeans, do not let their accusations persuade either you or the others. We have told you the whole truth about the things that make you suspicious of us. We will briefly remind you of the main points, and ask you to accept them.

2 “We say that we rule the people at home so that we do not have to obey someone else. We free the people here so that they cannot harm us. We are forced to do many things because we must guard against many things. Both now and before, we have come as allies to those of you here who are being wronged, not uninvited, but because we were called in.

3 “Do not try to turn us from our course by making yourselves judges of what we do or by trying to discipline us. That would be difficult now anyway. Instead, take whatever part of our active policy and our way of doing things serves your own interests, and use it. Remember that these things do not harm everyone equally, and that they benefit far more of the Greeks than they harm.

4 “Everywhere, even in places where we are not present, both the person expecting to be wronged and the person planning harm have to reckon with us. The first can always hope to get help from us. The second knows that, if we come, he cannot take his risk without fear. So the would-be attacker has to restrain himself, however unwillingly, while his intended victim stays safe without having to do anything.

5 “Do not reject this protection, which is available to anyone who needs it and is now offered to you. Instead, put yourselves on the same footing as the others and join us. Take your turn in plotting against Syracuse on equal terms, rather than always having to guard against it.”

Chapter 88

1 That was what Euphemus said. The Camarinaeans' feelings were as follows. They were friendly toward the Athenians, except that they thought Athens would enslave Sicily. They were always at odds with Syracuse because they shared a border. But they were just as afraid that their Syracusan neighbors might win even without their help. That was why they had sent them the small cavalry force at first. For the future, they decided that their practical help would favor Syracuse, but they would give as little as they could. For the moment, however, they decided to give both sides the same answer. Since the Athenians had also won the battle, they did not want to seem to have treated them less favorably.

2 Having reached this decision, they answered that, since both their allies happened to be at war with each other, they thought keeping their oaths required them to help neither side for the present. The ambassadors of both sides left.

3 The Syracusans continued their own preparations for war. Meanwhile, the Athenians, encamped at Naxos, negotiated with the Sicels to get as many as possible to join them.

4 Most of the Sicels living nearer the plains had held back, since they were subjects of Syracuse. Among those in the interior, whose settlements had always been independent, all but a few immediately sided with the Athenians. They brought grain down to the army, and some brought money too.

5 The Athenians marched against those who would not join them and forced some to do so. In other cases, the Syracusans sent garrisons and help, and prevented them. During the winter the Athenians moved their ships from Naxos to Catana, rebuilt the camp the Syracusans had burned, and spent the winter there.

6 They sent a trireme to Carthage to discuss friendship and see whether they could get any help. They also sent to Tyrrhenia, where some cities had themselves offered to join the war. They sent instructions around to the Sicels and sent to Egesta too, telling them to provide as many horses as possible. They also prepared bricks, iron, and everything else needed for a wall around Syracuse. They intended to take up the war at the start of spring.

7 The Syracusan ambassadors sent to Corinth and Lacedaemon sailed along the coast of Italy. On the way, they tried to persuade the Greeks there not to stand by and watch what the Athenians were doing, since the same plans threatened them too. When they reached Corinth, they spoke there, asking for help on the grounds of kinship.

8 The Corinthians were the first to vote, immediately and on their own initiative, to give help with all their strength. They also sent ambassadors with the Syracusans to Lacedaemon. Together they were to persuade the Lacedaemonians both to wage war against Athens more openly in their own region and to send some help to Sicily.

9 The ambassadors from Corinth arrived at Lacedaemon, and Alcibiades was there too. At about this time he and his fellow exiles had first crossed on a merchant ship from the territory of Thurii to Cyllene in Elis. Later he came to Lacedaemon under a safe-conduct, at the invitation of the Lacedaemonians themselves. He was afraid of them because of his involvement in the affairs of Mantinea.

10 In the Lacedaemonian assembly, the Corinthians, the Syracusans, and Alcibiades all happened to urge the same course on the Lacedaemonians. The ephors and the other authorities intended to send ambassadors to Syracuse to stop it from reaching an agreement with Athens, but they were not eager to send help. Alcibiades came forward, stirred the Lacedaemonians up, and urged them into action with this speech:

Chapter 89

1 “I must first speak about the accusations against me, so that your suspicion of me does not make you less willing to listen to what I say about public affairs.

2 “My ancestors gave up their role as your city's official hosts and representatives because of a grievance. I myself took it up again and worked to serve you, both in other matters and during the disaster at Pylos. Although I remained eager to help, when you made peace with Athens you negotiated through my enemies. You gave them influence and brought dishonor on me.

3 “So you deserved the harm I did you when I turned to the Mantineans and Argives, and through my other actions against you. Anyone who was unreasonably angry with me then, while suffering that harm, should now look at the truth and change his mind. Or if someone thought less of me because I was more closely aligned with the people, he should not think his resentment justified on that account either.

4 “My family has always opposed tyrants. Everything opposed to the ruling power has been called ‘the people.’ That is how leadership of the people came to us and stayed with us. Besides, since the city was a democracy, we generally had to go along with the established system.

5 “Still, we tried to be more moderate in our political conduct than the prevailing lack of restraint. Others, both in the past and now, led the crowd to worse behavior. They were the very people who drove me out.

6 “We led the whole community. We thought it right to help preserve the form of government under which the city had become greatest and freest, the same form each of us had inherited. Those of us with any sense understood democracy, and I understood it as well as anyone—all the more because I could say so much against it. But there is nothing new to be said about something everyone agrees is foolish. With you stationed nearby as enemies, we did not think it safe to change it.

Chapter 90

1 “Those are the facts about the accusations against me. Now listen to the matters you need to decide, and on which I need to advise you if I know anything more than you do.

2 “We sailed to Sicily intending first to conquer the Sicilian Greeks, if we could, and then the Greeks in Italy. After that we would attack the Carthaginian empire and Carthage itself.

3 “If all or most of this succeeded, we then intended to attack the Peloponnese. We would bring all the Greek forces we had gained there and hire large numbers of non-Greeks, including Iberians and others from that region who are now generally recognized as the best fighters among non-Greeks. We would also build many triremes to add to our own, since Italy has plentiful timber. With these ships we would blockade the Peloponnese all around its coast, while our infantry attacked by land. We would take some cities by force and build forts against others. We hoped to defeat the Peloponnese easily in this way and then rule the whole Greek world.

4 “The territories we gained there would provide enough money and grain to make both more plentiful for us, without any need for revenue from here.

Chapter 91

1 “So you have heard what we intended to do with the expedition that has now sailed, from the man who knows the facts most exactly. The generals who remain will carry out the same plans if they can. Now learn why things there will not survive unless you help.

2 “The Sicilian Greeks are less experienced, but even now they could still win if they joined together as a single force. But the Syracusans alone cannot resist the Athenian forces now there. Their entire army has already been defeated in battle, and they are also being blockaded by sea.

3 “If this city is taken, all Sicily is in Athenian hands, and Italy will immediately follow. The danger from that direction that I have just described would soon fall on you.

4 “So no one should think that you are deciding only about Sicily. You are also deciding about the Peloponnese, unless you act quickly as follows. Send troops there on ships, men who will row themselves across and immediately serve as hoplites. And send a Spartan commander, which I think is even more useful than the troops. He can organize the forces already there and force the unwilling to join them. This will give your existing friends more confidence, and those who are undecided will feel safer about joining you.

5 “At the same time you must wage war more openly here. This will make the Syracusans resist more firmly, because they see that you are taking an interest in them. It will also make the Athenians less able to send further reinforcements to their own troops.

6 “You must also fortify Decelea in Attica. This is what the Athenians have always feared most. They believe it is the only experience of this war they have not yet faced. The surest way to hurt your enemies is to find out exactly what they fear most and then bring it upon them. It is reasonable to suppose that each side knows its own dangers best and fears them accordingly.

7 “I will pass over many of the advantages you will gain, and the losses you will inflict on your opponents, by establishing this fort. I will sum up the most important. Most of the resources with which their countryside is stocked will come into your hands, some by capture and some of their own accord. They will immediately lose the revenue from the silver mines at Laurium, and everything they now earn from the land and the law courts. Above all, they will lose revenue from their allies, which will come in less regularly. The allies will become careless about paying when they think you are now waging war with all your strength.

Chapter 92

1 “Lacedaemonians, it is up to you to carry out any of this quickly and energetically. I am entirely confident that it can be done, and I do not think my judgment will prove wrong.

2 “I do not think any of you should consider me a worse man because I now attack my own city so forcefully alongside its bitterest enemies, although I once seemed devoted to it. Nor should you distrust what I say because of an exile's eagerness.

3 “I am in exile from the wickedness of those who drove me out, not from the chance to help you, if you listen to me. You, who have harmed your enemies, are not greater enemies than those who forced their friends to become enemies.

4 “My love for my city is not for a city where I am wronged, but for one where I lived securely as a citizen. I do not think I am now attacking a country that is still mine. Instead, I am trying to recover the country I no longer have. The true lover of his city is not the man who refuses to attack it after unjustly losing it. It is the man who wants it so much that he tries every possible way to recover it.

5 “So, Lacedaemonians, I ask you to use me without hesitation in any danger or hardship. Remember the argument everyone repeats: if I did you great harm as an enemy, I could also be very useful as a friend. Indeed, I know the Athenians' affairs, whereas I could only guess at yours. You should now recognize that the matters you are deciding are of the greatest importance. Do not hesitate to send expeditions to Sicily and Attica. By sending a small part of your forces to help there, you can save great interests and bring down both the present and the future power of Athens. After that you can live in safety yourselves and lead all Hellas with its willing support, through goodwill rather than force.”

Chapter 93

1 That was what Alcibiades said. The Lacedaemonians had already been thinking of marching against Athens themselves, but they were still delaying and watching events. His explanation of each of these points made them much more determined. They thought they had heard from the man who knew the facts most clearly.

2 They now turned their attention to fortifying Decelea and to sending immediate help to the people in Sicily. They appointed Gylippus son of Cleandridas commander for the Syracusans. They told him to consult with them and the Corinthians and arrange for the greatest and quickest possible help to reach the people there with the resources available.

3 He immediately told the Corinthians to send him two ships to Asine. They were to prepare the rest of the ships they intended to send and have them ready to sail when the time came. After making these arrangements, they left Lacedaemon.

4 The Athenian trireme that the generals had sent from Sicily to get money and cavalry also arrived. After hearing its report, the Athenians voted to send the army money for its upkeep and the cavalry. The winter ended, and the seventeenth year of this war, whose history Thucydides wrote, came to an end.

Chapter 94

1 At the very beginning of spring in the following summer, the Athenians in Sicily sailed from Catana along the coast toward Megara in Sicily. As I mentioned earlier, the Syracusans had expelled its inhabitants in the time of the tyrant Gelon and now held the land themselves.

2 The Athenians landed and destroyed the crops in the fields. They advanced against a Syracusan fort but failed to take it. Then they moved on by land and sea to the river Terias. They went inland onto the plain, destroyed the crops, and burned the grain. They met a small number of Syracusans and killed some of them. After setting up a victory monument, they returned to their ships.

3 They sailed back to Catana and collected provisions there. Then they marched with their whole army against Centoripa, a Sicel town. They brought it over to their side by agreement and left, burning the grain of the Inessaeans and Hyblaeans as they went.

4 When they reached Catana, they found that 250 cavalrymen had arrived from Athens with their equipment but without horses, since horses were to be obtained locally. Thirty mounted archers and 300 talents of silver had also arrived.

Chapter 95

1 That same spring the Lacedaemonians marched against Argos. They reached Cleonae, but an earthquake made them withdraw. After this the Argives invaded the neighboring district of Thyreatis and took a great deal of plunder belonging to the Lacedaemonians. It sold for at least twenty-five talents.

2 Not long afterward, in the same summer, the people of Thespiae attacked those holding office but failed to gain control. The Thebans came to help the authorities. Some of the attackers were captured, and others fled to Athens.

Chapter 96

1 That same summer the Syracusans learned that the cavalry had reached the Athenians and that they were now about to advance against them. They thought the Athenians could not easily surround them with a wall, even if they won a battle, unless they took control of Epipolae. This was a steep height directly above the city. They planned to guard its approaches so that the enemy could not climb up by these routes without being noticed. There was no other way for them to get up.

2 The rest of the ground stands high above its surroundings. It slopes down as far as the city, and its entire inner surface is visible. The Syracusans call it Epipolae because it lies above the rest of the area.

3 At daybreak the Syracusans went out with their whole army to the meadow beside the river Anapus. Hermocrates and his fellow generals had just taken office. They held a review of the troops and first picked out 600 selected hoplites under Diomilus, an exile from Andros. These men were to guard Epipolae and, if needed elsewhere, to assemble and arrive quickly.

Chapter 97

1 During the night before the day of this review, the Athenians had brought their whole army from Catana without the Syracusans noticing. They put in at the place called Leon, six or seven stades from Epipolae, and landed their infantry. They then anchored their ships at Thapsus. This is a peninsula extending into the open sea from a narrow isthmus, only a short journey from Syracuse by either sea or land.

2 The Athenian naval force built a palisade across the isthmus at Thapsus and stayed there. The infantry immediately ran toward Epipolae. They climbed up by Euryelus before the Syracusans, on learning what was happening, could arrive from the meadow where they were holding their review.

3 The other Syracusans hurried to help as fast as each could, together with Diomilus and his 600 men. From the meadow they had to cover at least twenty-five stades before they could meet the enemy.

4 As a result, the Syracusans attacked in considerable disorder. They were defeated in battle on Epipolae and withdrew into the city. Diomilus was killed, along with about 300 others.

5 After this the Athenians set up a victory monument and returned the Syracusan dead under a truce. The next day they went down toward the city itself. When the Syracusans did not come out against them, they withdrew and built a fort at Labdalum, on the edge of the cliffs of Epipolae facing Megara. It was to serve as a store for their equipment and money whenever they went forward to fight or build walls.

Chapter 98

1 Not long afterward, 300 cavalrymen from Egesta reached them, along with about 100 from the Sicels, Naxos, and some other places. There were already 250 Athenians there. They obtained horses for these men, some supplied by the Egestaeans and Catanaeans and others bought. Altogether they assembled 650 cavalrymen.

2 The Athenians left a garrison in Labdalum and advanced to Syce. They established themselves there and quickly built their circular fort. The speed of the building alarmed the Syracusans. They came out intending to fight rather than stand by and let it continue.

3 The two sides were already forming up against each other when the Syracusan generals saw that their army was scattered and difficult to get into formation. They led it back into the city, except for some of the cavalry. These stayed behind and prevented the Athenians from carrying stones or spreading out very far.

4 The hoplites of one Athenian tribe, together with all their cavalry, attacked and routed the Syracusan cavalry. They killed some of them and set up a victory monument for the cavalry battle.

Chapter 99

1 The next day some of the Athenians were building the wall north of the circular fort. Others collected stones and timber and kept laying them along the route toward the place called Trogilus. This was the shortest line for their blockade wall from the Great Harbor to the sea on the other side.

2 The Syracusans no longer wanted to risk their whole army in battles against the Athenians, particularly on the advice of their general Hermocrates. They thought it better to build a counterwall across the line where the Athenians intended to take their wall. If they finished first, it would block the Athenians' route. And if the Athenians came to stop the work, the Syracusans could send part of their army against them while getting ahead of them to secure the approaches with stakes. The Athenians would then have to stop work and turn their whole force against them.

3 So they came out and began building from their own city. They ran a wall across the Athenian line below the circular fort, cutting down the olive trees in the sacred precinct and putting up wooden towers.

4 The Athenian ships had not yet sailed around from Thapsus into the Great Harbor. The Syracusans still controlled the coastal area, and the Athenians brought their supplies overland from Thapsus.

Chapter 100

1 The Syracusans decided that they had built enough of their counterwall and its palisade. The Athenians had not come to stop them, since they feared that dividing their own forces would make them easier to fight, and they were also hurrying to complete their own blockade wall. The Syracusans left one tribe to guard the structure and withdrew into the city. The Athenians destroyed the underground channels that brought drinking water into the city. Then they watched for a time at midday when the other Syracusans were in their tents, some had even gone back into the city, and the men at the palisade were keeping a careless watch. They placed 300 selected men of their own and some picked light troops with their weapons in front, with orders to run suddenly at the counterwall. The rest of the army advanced in two divisions. One, under one of the generals, moved toward the city to meet any force coming to help. The other, under the other general, moved toward the palisade beside the small gate.

2 The 300 attacked and took the palisade. Its guards abandoned it and fled into the outer defensive wall around the Temenites. Their pursuers rushed in with them, but once inside they were forced out again by the Syracusans. Some Argives and a few Athenians were killed there.

3 The whole army withdrew, demolished the counterwall, pulled up the palisade, and carried the stakes back to their own lines. They also set up a victory monument.

Chapter 101

1 The next day the Athenians extended their wall from the circular fort along the cliff above the marsh. This is the side of Epipolae that faces the Great Harbor. From there, down across the level ground and the marsh to the harbor, lay the shortest route for their blockade wall.

2 Meanwhile the Syracusans also came out and built another line of stakes, starting from the city and running through the middle of the marsh. They dug a ditch alongside it to prevent the Athenians from completing their wall to the sea.

3 Once the Athenians had finished their work by the cliff, they attacked the Syracusan palisade and ditch again. They ordered their ships to sail around from Thapsus into the Great Harbor of Syracuse. They themselves went down from Epipolae onto the level ground before dawn. They laid doors and broad planks across the marsh where its muddy ground was firmest and walked over them. At daybreak they captured the ditch and all but a small section of the palisade. Later they took the remaining section too.

4 A battle followed, and the Athenians won. The Syracusan right wing fled toward the city, and the left wing along the river. The 300 selected Athenian troops hurried at a run toward the bridge, hoping to cut them off from the crossing.

5 The Syracusans were alarmed. Most of their cavalry were also there. They advanced to meet these 300 men, routed them, and charged into the Athenian right wing. Their attack also panicked the tribe at the front of the wing.

6 Lamachus saw this and came to help from the Athenian left wing, bringing a few archers and the Argives with him. He crossed a ditch and was cut off with a few men who had crossed with him. He was killed, along with five or six of his companions. The Syracusans immediately seized their bodies and hurried them to safety on the other side of the river before the Athenians could intervene. They themselves withdrew as the rest of the Athenian army was now coming up.

Chapter 102

1 Meanwhile, the Syracusans who had first fled toward the city saw what was happening. Encouraged, they came out from the city again and formed up against the Athenians facing them. They also sent some of their men against the circular fort on Epipolae, thinking they could capture it while it was deserted.

2 They captured and destroyed the Athenians' outer wall, ten plethra long. But Nicias prevented them from taking the circular fort itself. He happened to have been left there because he was ill. He realized that, with so few men, they could not hold out in any other way. So he ordered the attendants to set fire to the siege engines and all the timber lying in front of the wall.

3 This had the intended effect. The Syracusans could no longer approach because of the fire and withdrew again. Athenian reinforcements were already coming back up to the circular fort from below, after driving off the enemy there. At the same time their ships, following their orders, sailed from Thapsus into the Great Harbor.

4 When the Syracusans on the heights saw this, they withdrew quickly, and the entire Syracusan army returned to the city. They thought their present forces could no longer stop the wall from reaching the sea.

Chapter 103

1 After this the Athenians set up a victory monument, returned the Syracusan dead under a truce, and recovered Lamachus and the men killed with him. Their entire force, both fleet and infantry, was now there. Starting from Epipolae and the cliffs, they began to cut off the Syracusans with a double wall extending to the sea.

2 Supplies for the army came in from every part of Italy. Many Sicels who had previously stood back now came to join the Athenians as allies. Three ships with fifty oars each also arrived from Tyrrhenia. Everything else was going as they hoped.

3 The Syracusans no longer thought they could win the war, since no help had reached them even from the Peloponnese. They discussed a settlement both among themselves and with Nicias. He now held sole command, since Lamachus was dead.

4 Nothing was agreed. But, as was natural among people in difficulty and under a tighter siege than before, there was much discussion with Nicias and still more within the city. Their current troubles also made them somewhat suspicious of one another. They dismissed the generals under whom these events had happened, thinking they were suffering from either their bad luck or their treachery. They elected Heraclides, Eucles, and Tellias in their place.

Chapter 104

1 Meanwhile Gylippus the Lacedaemonian and the ships from Corinth had reached the area of Leucas. They wanted to get to Sicily quickly to help. Alarming reports kept reaching them, all repeating the same false claim that Syracuse was already completely walled off. Gylippus gave up all hope for Sicily but wanted to save Italy. He and Pythen the Corinthian therefore crossed the Ionian Sea to Tarentum as quickly as possible with two Laconian and two Corinthian ships. The Corinthians were to sail later, after manning two Leucadian ships and three Ambraciot ships in addition to their own ten.

2 From Tarentum, Gylippus first sent an embassy to Thurii and renewed the citizenship his father had held there, but he could not win them over. He then set sail along the Italian coast. Off the Terinaean Gulf he was caught by a strong wind that blows steadily from the north there, and was driven out to sea. After being badly battered by the storm, he returned to Tarentum. He pulled ashore the ships that had suffered most in the storm and repaired them.

3 Nicias learned that Gylippus was sailing toward him, but dismissed the small number of ships, just as the people of Thurii had done. He thought they were equipped more for piracy and took no precautions yet.

Chapter 105

1 About the same time that summer, the Lacedaemonians and their allies invaded the territory of Argos and devastated most of the land. The Athenians sent thirty ships to help the Argives. These ships marked their clearest breach of the treaty with the Lacedaemonians.

2 Previously they had fought alongside the Argives and Mantineans by making raids from Pylos and landing elsewhere around the Peloponnese rather than in Laconia. The Argives had often urged them merely to make an armed landing in Laconia, destroy even the smallest amount of property with them, and then leave. But the Athenians had refused. Now, however, under the command of Pythodorus, Laespodias, and Demaratus, they landed at Epidaurus Limera, Prasiae, and other places and devastated the land. This gave the Lacedaemonians a better justification for blaming the Athenians and taking action against them.

3 After the Athenians had sailed away from Argos and the Lacedaemonians had also withdrawn, the Argives invaded the territory of Phlius. They ravaged some of its land, killed some people, and returned home.

Book 7

Chapter 1

1 ὁ δὲ Γύλιππος καὶ ὁ Πυθὴν ἐκ τοῦ Τάραντος, ἐπεὶ ἐπεσκεύασαν τὰς ναῦς, παρέπλευσαν ἐς Λοκροὺς τοὺς Ἐπιζεφυρίους· καὶ πυνθανόμενοι σαφέστερον ἤδη ὅτι οὐ παντελῶς πω ἀποτετειχισμέναι αἱ Συράκουσαί εἰσιν, ἀλλ’ ἔτι οἷόν τε κατὰ τὰς Ἐπιπολὰς στρατιᾷ ἀφικομένους ἐσελθεῖν, ἐβουλεύοντο εἴτ’ ἐν δεξιᾷ λαβόντες τὴν Σικελίαν διακινδυνεύσωσιν ἐσπλεῦσαι, εἴτ’ ἐν ἀριστερᾷ ἐς Ἱμέραν πρῶτον πλεύσαντες καὶ αὐτούς τε ἐκείνους καὶ στρατιὰν ἄλλην προσλαβόντες, οὓς ἂν πείθωσι, κατὰ γῆν ἔλθωσιν.

2 καὶ ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τῆς Ἱμέρας πλεῖν, ἄλλως τε καὶ τῶν Ἀττικῶν τεσσάρων νεῶν οὔπω παρουσῶν ἐν τῷ Ῥηγίῳ, ἃς ὁ Νικίας ὅμως πυνθανόμενος αὐτοὺς ἐν Λοκροῖς εἶναι ἀπέστειλεν. φθάσαντες δὲ τὴν φυλακὴν ταύτην περαιοῦνται διὰ τοῦ πορθμοῦ, καὶ σχόντες Ῥηγίῳ καὶ Μεσσήνῃ ἀφικνοῦνται ἐς Ἱμέραν.

3 ἐκεῖ δὲ ὄντες τούς τε Ἱμεραίους ἔπεισαν ξυμπολεμεῖν καὶ αὐτούς τε ἕπεσθαι καὶ τοῖς ἐκ τῶν νεῶν τῶν σφετέρων ναύταις ὅσοι μὴ εἶχον ὅπλα παρασχεῖν (τὰς γὰρ ναῦς ἀνείλκυσαν ἐν Ἱμέρᾳ), καὶ τοὺς Σελινουντίους πέμψαντες ἐκέλευον ἀπαντᾶν πανστρατιᾷ ἔς τι χωρίον.

4 πέμψειν δέ τινα αὐτοῖς ὑπέσχοντο στρατιὰν οὐ πολλὴν καὶ οἱ Γελῷοι καὶ τῶν Σικελῶν τινές, οἳ πολὺ προθυμότερον προσχωρεῖν ἑτοῖμοι ἦσαν τοῦ τε Ἀρχωνίδου νεωστὶ τεθνηκότος, ὃς τῶν ταύτῃ Σικελῶν βασιλεύων τινῶν καὶ ὢν οὐκ ἀδύνατος τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις φίλος ἦν,καὶ τοῦ Γυλίππου ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος προθύμως δοκοῦντος ἥκειν.

5 καὶ ὁ μὲν Γύλιππος ἀναλαβὼν τῶν τε σφετέρων ναυτῶν καὶ ἐπιβατῶν τοὺς ὡπλισμένους ἑπτακοσίους μάλιστα, Ἱμεραίους δὲ ὁπλίτας καὶ ψιλοὺς ξυναμφοτέρους χιλίους καὶ ἱππέας ἑκατὸν καὶ Σελινουντίων τέ τινας ψιλοὺς καὶ ἱππέας καὶ Γελῴων ὀλίγους, Σικελῶν τε ἐς χιλίους τοὺς πάντας, ἐχώρει πρὸς τὰς Συρακούσας·

Chapter 2

1 οἱ δ’ ἐκ τῆς Λευκάδος Κορίνθιοι ταῖς τε ἄλλαις ναυσὶν ὡς εἶχον τάχους ἐβοήθουν καὶ Γογγύλος, εἷς τῶν Κορινθίων ἀρχόντων, μιᾷ νηὶ τελευταῖος ὁρμηθεὶς πρῶτος μὲν ἀφικνεῖται ἐς τὰς Συρακούσας, ὀλίγον δὲ πρὸ Γυλίππου, καὶ καταλαβὼν αὐτοὺς περὶ ἀπαλλαγῆς τοῦ πολέμου μέλλοντας ἐκκλησιάσειν διεκώλυσέ τε καὶ παρεθάρσυνε, λέγων ὅτι νῆές τε ἄλλαι ἔτι προσπλέουσι καὶ Γύλιππος ὁ Κλεανδρίδου Λακεδαιμονίων ἀποστειλάντων ἄρχων.

2 καὶ οἱ μὲν Συρακόσιοι ἐπερρώσθησάν τε καὶ τῷ Γυλίππῳ εὐθὺς πανστρατιᾷ ὡς ἀπαντησόμενοι ἐξῆλθον· ἤδη γὰρ καὶ ἐγγὺς ὄντα ᾐσθάνοντο αὐτόν.

3 ὁ δὲ Ἰέτας τότε τι τεῖχος ἐν τῇ παρόδῳ τῶν Σικελῶν ἑλὼν καὶ ξυνταξάμενος ὡς ἐς μάχην ἀφικνεῖται ἐς τὰς Ἐπιπολάς· καὶ ἀναβὰς κατὰ τὸν Εὐρύηλον, ᾗπερ καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὸ πρῶτον, ἐχώρει μετὰ τῶν Συρακοσίων ἐπὶ τὸ τείχισμα τῶν Ἀθηναίων.

4 ἔτυχε δὲ κατὰ τοῦτο τοῦ καιροῦ ἐλθὼν ἐν ᾧ ἑπτὰ μὲν ἢ ὀκτὼ σταδίων ἤδη ἀπετετέλεστο τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐς τὸν μέγαν λιμένα διπλοῦν τεῖχος, πλὴν κατὰ βραχύ τι τὸ πρὸς τὴν θάλασσαν (τοῦτο δ’ ἔτι ᾠκοδόμουν), τῷ δὲ ἄλλῳ τοῦ κύκλου πρὸς τὸν Τρωγίλον ἐπὶ τὴν ἑτέραν θάλασσαν λίθοι τε παραβεβλημένοι τῷ πλέονι ἤδη ἦσαν, καὶ ἔστιν ἃ καὶ ἡμίεργα, τὰ δὲ καὶ ἐξειργασμένα κατελέλειπτο. παρὰ τοσοῦτον μὲν αἱ Συράκουσαι ἦλθον κινδύνου.

Chapter 3

1 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι αἰφνιδίως τοῦ τε Γυλίππου καὶ τῶν Συρακοσίων σφίσιν ἐπιόντων ἐθορυβήθησαν μὲν τὸ πρῶτον, παρετάξαντο δέ. ὁ δὲ θέμενος τὰ ὅπλα ἐγγὺς κήρυκα προσπέμπει αὐτοῖς λέγοντα, εἰ βούλονται ἐξιέναι ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας πέντε ἡμερῶν λαβόντες τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν, ἑτοῖμος εἶναι σπένδεσθαι.

2 οἱ δ’ ἐν ὀλιγωρίᾳ τε ἐποιοῦντο καὶ οὐδὲν ἀποκρινάμενοι ἀπέπεμψαν. καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο ἀντιπαρεσκευάζοντο ἀλλήλοις ὡς ἐς μάχην.

3 καὶ ὁ Γύλιππος ὁρῶν τοὺς Συρακοσίους ταρασσομένους καὶ οὐ ῥᾳδίως ξυντασσομένους, ἐπανῆγε τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐς τὴν εὐρυχωρίαν μᾶλλον. καὶ ὁ Νικίας οὐκ ἐπῆγε τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, ἀλλ’ ἡσύχαζε πρὸς τῷ ἑαυτῶν τείχει. ὡς δ’ ἔγνω ὁ Γύλιππος οὐ προσιόντας αὐτούς, ἀπήγαγε τὴν στρατιὰν ἐπὶ τὴν ἄκραν τὴν Τεμενῖτιν καλουμένην, καὶ αὐτοῦ ηὐλίσαντο.

4 τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ ἄγων τὴν μὲν πλείστην τῆς στρατιᾶς παρέταξε πρὸς τὰ τείχη τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ὅπως μὴ ἐπιβοηθοῖεν ἄλλοσε, μέρος δέ τι πέμψας πρὸς τὸ φρούριον τὸ Λάβδαλον αἱρεῖ, καὶ ὅσους ἔλαβεν ἐν αὐτῷ πάντας ἀπέκτεινεν· ἦν δὲ οὐκ ἐπιφανὲς τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις τὸ χωρίον.

5 καὶ τριήρης τῇ αὐτῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἁλίσκεται τῶν Ἀθηναίων ὑπὸ τῶν Συρακοσίων ἐφορμοῦσα τῷ λιμένι.

Chapter 4

1 καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ἐτείχιζον οἱ Συρακόσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι διὰ τῶν Ἐπιπολῶν ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως ἀρξάμενοι ἄνω πρὸς τὸ ἐγκάρσιον τεῖχος ἁπλοῦν, ὅπως οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, εἰ μὴ δύναιντο κωλῦσαι, μηκέτι οἷοί τε ὦσιν ἀποτειχίσαι.

2 καὶ οἵ τε Ἀθηναῖοι ἀνεβεβήκεσαν ἤδη ἄνω, τὸ ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ τεῖχος ἐπιτελέσαντες, καὶ ὁ Γύλιππος (ἦν γάρ τι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις τοῦ τείχους ἀσθενές) νυκτὸς ἀναλαβὼν τὴν στρατιὰν ἐπῄει πρὸς αὐτό.

3 οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι (ἔτυχον γὰρ ἔξω αὐλιζόμενοι) ὡς ᾔσθοντο, ἀντεπῇσαν· ὁ δὲ γνοὺς κατὰ τάχος ἀπήγαγε τοὺς σφετέρους πάλιν. ἐποικοδομήσαντες δὲ αὐτὸ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ὑψηλότερον αὐτοὶ μὲν ταύτῃ ἐφύλασσον, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ξυμμάχους κατὰ τὸ ἄλλο τείχισμα ἤδη διέταξαν, ᾗπερ ἔμελλον ἕκαστοι φρουρεῖν.

4 τῷ δὲ Νικίᾳ ἐδόκει τὸ Πλημμύριον καλούμενον τειχίσαι· ἔστι δὲ ἄκρα ἀντιπέρας τῆς πόλεως, ἥπερ προύχουσα τοῦ μεγάλου λιμένος τὸ στόμα στενὸν ποιεῖ, καὶ εἰ τειχισθείη, ῥᾴων αὐτῷ ἐφαίνετο ἡ ἐσκομιδὴ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἔσεσθαι· δι’ ἐλάσσονος γὰρ πρὸς τῷ λιμένι τῷ τῶν Συρακοσίων ἐφορμήσειν σφᾶς, καὶ οὐχ ὥσπερ νῦν ἐκ μυχοῦ τοῦ λιμένος τὰς ἐπαναγωγὰς ποιήσεσθαι, ἤν τι ναυτικῷ κινῶνται. προσεῖχέ τε ἤδη μᾶλλον τῷ κατὰ θάλασσαν πολέμῳ, ὁρῶν τὰ ἐκ τῆς γῆς σφίσιν ἤδη, ἐπειδὴ Γύλιππος ἧκεν, ἀνελπιστότερα ὄντα.

5 διακομίσας οὖν στρατιὰν καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἐξετείχισε τρία φρούρια· καὶ ἐν αὐτοῖς τά τε σκεύη τὰ πλεῖστα ἔκειτο καὶ τὰ πλοῖα ἤδη ἐκεῖ τὰ μεγάλα ὥρμει καὶ αἱ ταχεῖαι νῆες.

6 ὥστε καὶ τῶν πληρωμάτων οὐχ ἥκιστα τότε πρῶτον κάκωσις ἐγένετο· τῷ τε γὰρ ὕδατι σπανίῳ χρώμενοι καὶ οὐκ ἐγγύθεν, καὶ ἐπὶ φρυγανισμὸν ἅμα ὁπότε ἐξέλθοιεν οἱ ναῦται, ὑπὸ τῶν ἱππέων τῶν Συρακοσίων κρατούντων τῆς γῆς διεφθείροντο· τρίτον γὰρ μέρος τῶν ἱππέων τοῖς Συρακοσίοις διὰ τοὺς ἐν τῷ Πλημμυρίῳ, ἵνα μὴ κακουργήσοντες ἐξίοιεν, ἐπὶ τῇ ἐν τῷ Ὀλυμπιείῳ πολίχνῃ ἐτετάχατο.

7 ἐπυνθάνετο δὲ καὶ τὰς λοιπὰς τῶν Κορινθίων ναῦς προσπλεούσας ὁ Νικίας· καὶ πέμπει ἐς φυλακὴν αὐτῶν εἴκοσι ναῦς, αἷς εἴρητο περί τε Λοκροὺς καὶ Ῥήγιον καὶ τὴν προσβολὴν τῆς Σικελίας ναυλοχεῖν αὐτάς.

Chapter 5

1 ὁ δὲ Γύλιππος ἅμα μὲν ἐτείχιζε τὸ διὰ τῶν Ἐπιπολῶν τεῖχος, τοῖς λίθοις χρώμενος οὓς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι προπαρεβάλοντο σφίσιν, ἅμα δὲ παρέτασσεν ἐξάγων αἰεὶ πρὸ τοῦ τειχίσματος τοὺς Συρακοσίους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους· καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀντιπαρετάσσοντο.

2 ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἔδοξε τῷ Γυλίππῳ καιρὸς εἶναι, ἦρχε τῆς ἐφόδου· καὶ ἐν χερσὶ γενόμενοι ἐμάχοντο μεταξὺ τῶν τειχισμάτων, ᾗ τῆς ἵππου τῶν Συρακοσίων οὐδεμία χρῆσις ἦν.

3 καὶ νικηθέντων τῶν Συρακοσίων καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων καὶ νεκροὺς ὑποσπόνδους ἀνελομένων καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων τροπαῖον στησάντων, ὁ Γύλιππος ξυγκαλέσας τὸ στράτευμα οὐκ ἔφη τὸ ἁμάρτημα ἐκείνων, ἀλλ’ ἑαυτοῦ γενέσθαι· τῆς γὰρ ἵππου καὶ τῶν ἀκοντιστῶν τὴν ὠφελίαν τῇ τάξει ἐντὸς λίαν τῶν τειχῶν ποιήσας ἀφελέσθαι· νῦν οὖν αὖθις ἐπάξειν.

4 καὶ διανοεῖσθαι οὕτως ἐκέλευεν αὐτοὺς ὡς τῇ μὲν παρασκευῇ οὐκ ἔλασσον ἕξοντας, τῇ δὲ γνώμῃ οὐκ ἀνεκτὸν ἐσόμενον εἰ μὴ ἀξιώσουσι Πελοποννήσιοί τε ὄντες καὶ Δωριῆς Ἰώνων καὶ νησιωτῶν καὶ ξυγκλύδων ἀνθρώπων κρατήσαντες ἐξελάσασθαι ἐκ τῆς χώρας.

Chapter 6

1 καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα, ἐπειδὴ καιρὸς ἦν, αὖθις ἐπῆγεν αὐτούς. ὁ δὲ Νικίας καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι νομίζοντες, καὶ εἰ ἐκεῖνοι μὴ ἐθέλοιεν μάχης ἄρχειν, ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι σφίσι μὴ περιορᾶν παροικοδομούμενον τὸ τεῖχος (ἤδη γὰρ καὶ ὅσον οὐ παρεληλύθει τὴν τῶν Ἀθηναίων τοῦ τείχους τελευτὴν ἡ ἐκείνων τείχισις, καί, εἰ προέλθοι, ταὐτὸν ἤδη ἐποίει αὐτοῖς νικᾶν τε μαχομένοις διὰ παντὸς καὶ μηδὲ μάχεσθαι), ἀντεπῇσαν οὖν τοῖς Συρακοσίοις.

2 καὶ ὁ Γύλιππος τοὺς μὲν ὁπλίτας ἔξω τῶν τειχῶν μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον προαγαγὼν ξυνέμισγεν αὐτοῖς, τοὺς δ’ ἱππέας καὶ τοὺς ἀκοντιστὰς ἐκ πλαγίου τάξας τῶν Ἀθηναίων κατὰ τὴν εὐρυχωρίαν, ᾗ τῶν τειχῶν ἀμφοτέρων αἱ ἐργασίαι ἔληγον.

3 καὶ προσβαλόντες οἱ ἱππῆς ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τῷ εὐωνύμῳ κέρᾳ τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ὅπερ κατ’ αὐτοὺς ἦν, ἔτρεψαν· καὶ δι’ αὐτὸ καὶ τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα νικηθὲν ὑπὸ τῶν Συρακοσίων κατηράχθη ἐς τὰ τειχίσματα.

4 καὶ τῇ ἐπιούσῃ νυκτὶ ἔφθασαν παροικοδομήσαντες καὶ παρελθόντες τὴν τῶν Ἀθηναίων οἰκοδομίαν, ὥστε μηκέτι μήτε αὐτοὶ κωλύεσθαι ὑπ’ αὐτῶν, ἐκείνους τε καὶ παντάπασιν ἀπεστερηκέναι, εἰ καὶ κρατοῖεν, μὴ ἂν ἔτι σφᾶς ἀποτειχίσαι.

Chapter 7

1 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο αἵ τε τῶν Κορινθίων νῆες καὶ Ἀμπρακιωτῶν καὶ Λευκαδίων ἐσέπλευσαν αἱ ὑπόλοιποι δώδεκα, λαθοῦσαι τὴν τῶν Ἀθηναίων φυλακήν (ἦρχε δ’ αὐτῶν Ἐρασινίδης Κορίνθιος), καὶ ξυνετείχισαν τὸ λοιπὸν τοῖς Συρακοσίοις μέχρι τοῦ ἐγκαρσίου τείχους.

2 καὶ ὁ Γύλιππος ἐς τὴν ἄλλην Σικελίαν ἐπὶ στρατιάν τε ᾤχετο, καὶ ναυτικὴν καὶ πεζὴν ξυλλέξων, καὶ τῶν πόλεων ἅμα προσαξόμενος εἴ τις ἢ μὴ πρόθυμος ἦν ἢ παντάπασιν ἔτι ἀφειστήκει τοῦ πολέμου.

3 πρέσβεις τε ἄλλοι τῶν Συρακοσίων καὶ Κορινθίων ἐς Λακεδαίμονα καὶ Κόρινθον ἀπεστάλησαν, ὅπως στρατιὰ ἔτι περαιωθῇ τρόπῳ ᾧ ἂν ἐν ὁλκάσιν ἢ πλοίοις ἢ ἄλλως ὅπως ἂν προχωρῇ, ὡς καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐπιμεταπεμπομένων.

4 οἵ τε Συρακόσιοι ναυτικὸν ἐπλήρουν καὶ ἀνεπειρῶντο ὡς καὶ τούτῳ ἐπιχειρήσοντες, καὶ ἐς τἆλλα πολὺ ἐπέρρωντο.

Chapter 8

1 ὁ δὲ Νικίας αἰσθόμενος τοῦτο καὶ ὁρῶν καθ’ ἡμέραν ἐπιδιδοῦσαν τήν τε τῶν πολεμίων ἰσχὺν καὶ τὴν σφετέραν ἀπορίαν, ἔπεμπε καὶ αὐτὸς ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας ἀγγέλλων πολλάκις μὲν καὶ ἄλλοτε καθ’ ἕκαστα τῶν γιγνομένων, μάλιστα δὲ καὶ τότε, νομίζων ἐν δεινοῖς τε εἶναι καί, εἰ μὴ ὡς τάχιστα ἢ σφᾶς μεταπέμψουσιν ἢ ἄλλους μὴ ὀλίγους ἀποστελοῦσιν, οὐδεμίαν εἶναι σωτηρίαν.

2 φοβούμενος δὲ μὴ οἱ πεμπόμενοι ἢ κατὰ τὴν τοῦ λέγειν ἀδυνασίαν ἢ καὶ μνήμης ἐλλιπεῖς γιγνόμενοι ἢ τῷ ὄχλῳ πρὸς χάριν τι λέγοντες οὐ τὰ ὄντα ἀπαγγέλλωσιν, ἔγραψεν ἐπιστολήν, νομίζων οὕτως ἂν μάλιστα τὴν αὑτοῦ γνώμην μηδὲν ἐν τῷ ἀγγέλῳ ἀφανισθεῖσαν μαθόντας τοὺς Ἀθηναίους βουλεύσασθαι περὶ τῆς ἀληθείας.

3 καὶ οἱ μὲν ᾤχοντο φέροντες, οὓς ἀπέστειλε, τὰ γράμματα καὶ ὅσα ἔδει αὐτοὺς εἰπεῖν· ὁ δὲ τὰ κατὰ τὸ στρατόπεδον διὰ φυλακῆς μᾶλλον ἤδη ἔχων ἢ δι’ ἑκουσίων κινδύνων ἐπεμέλετο.

Chapter 9

1 ἐν δὲ τῷ αὐτῷ θέρει τελευτῶντι καὶ Εὐετίων στρατηγὸς Ἀθηναίων μετὰ Περδίκκου στρατεύσας ἐπ’ Ἀμφίπολιν Θρᾳξὶ πολλοῖς τὴν μὲν πόλιν οὐχ εἷλεν, ἐς δὲ τὸν Στρυμόνα περικομίσας τριήρεις ἐκ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐπολιόρκει ὁρμώμενος ἐξ Ἱμεραίου. καὶ τὸ θέρος ἐτελεύτα.

Chapter 10

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος ἥκοντες ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας οἱ παρὰ τοῦ Νικίου ὅσα τε ἀπὸ γλώσσης εἴρητο αὐτοῖς εἶπον, καὶ εἴ τίς τι ἐπηρώτα ἀπεκρίνοντο, καὶ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἀπέδοσαν. ὁ δὲ γραμματεὺς ὁ τῆς πόλεως παρελθὼν ἀνέγνω τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις δηλοῦσαν τοιάδε.

Chapter 11

1 ‘τὰ μὲν πρότερον πραχθέντα, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἐν ἄλλαις πολλαῖς ἐπιστολαῖς ἴστε· νῦν δὲ καιρὸς οὐχ ἧσσον μαθόντας ὑμᾶς ἐν ᾧ ἐσμὲν βουλεύσασθαι.

2 κρατησάντων γὰρ ἡμῶν μάχαις ταῖς πλέοσι Συρακοσίους ἐφ’ οὓς ἐπέμφθημεν καὶ τὰ τείχη οἰκοδομησαμένων ἐν οἷσπερ νῦν ἐσμέν, ἦλθε Γύλιππος Λακεδαιμόνιος στρατιὰν ἔχων ἔκ τε Πελοποννήσου καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν Σικελίᾳ πόλεων ἔστιν ὧν. καὶ μάχῃ τῇ μὲν πρώτῃ νικᾶται ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν, τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ ἱππεῦσί τε πολλοῖς καὶ ἀκοντισταῖς βιασθέντες ἀνεχωρήσαμεν ἐς τὰ τείχη.

3 νῦν οὖν ἡμεῖς μὲν παυσάμενοι τοῦ περιτειχισμοῦ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐναντίων ἡσυχάζομεν (οὐδὲ γὰρ ξυμπάσῃ τῇ στρατιᾷ δυναίμεθ’ ἂν χρήσασθαι ἀπανηλωκυίας τῆς φυλακῆς τῶν τειχῶν μέρος τι τοῦ ὁπλιτικοῦ)· οἱ δὲ παρῳκοδομήκασιν ἡμῖν τεῖχος ἁπλοῦν, ὥστε μὴ εἶναι ἔτι περιτειχίσαι αὐτούς, ἢν μή τις τὸ παρατείχισμα τοῦτο πολλῇ στρατιᾷ ἐπελθὼν ἕλῃ.

4 ξυμβέβηκέ τε πολιορκεῖν δοκοῦντας ἡμᾶς ἄλλους αὐτοὺς μᾶλλον, ὅσα γε κατὰ γῆν, τοῦτο πάσχειν· οὐδὲ γὰρ τῆς χώρας ἐπὶ πολὺ διὰ τοὺς ἱππέας ἐξερχόμεθα.

Chapter 12

1 ‘πεπόμφασι δὲ καὶ ἐς Πελοπόννησον πρέσβεις ἐπ’ ἄλλην στρατιάν, καὶ ἐς τὰς ἐν Σικελίᾳ πόλεις Γύλιππος οἴχεται, τὰς μὲν καὶ πείσων ξυμπολεμεῖν ὅσαι νῦν ἡσυχάζουσιν, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν καὶ στρατιὰν ἔτι πεζὴν καὶ ναυτικοῦ παρασκευήν, ἢν δύνηται, ἄξων.

2 διανοοῦνται γάρ, ὡς ἐγὼ πυνθάνομαι, τῷ τε πεζῷ ἅμα τῶν τειχῶν ἡμῶν πειρᾶν καὶ ταῖς ναυσὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν.

3 καὶ δεινὸν μηδενὶ ὑμῶν δόξῃ εἶναι ὅτι καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν. τὸ γὰρ ναυτικὸν ἡμῶν, ὅπερ κἀκεῖνοι πυνθάνονται, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἤκμαζε καὶ τῶν νεῶν τῇ ξηρότητι καὶ τῶν πληρωμάτων τῇ σωτηρίᾳ· νῦν δὲ αἵ τε νῆες διάβροχοι τοσοῦτον χρόνον ἤδη θαλασσεύουσαι, καὶ τὰ πληρώματα ἔφθαρται.

4 τὰς μὲν γὰρ ναῦς οὐκ ἔστιν ἀνελκύσαντας διαψύξαι διὰ τὸ ἀντιπάλους τῷ πλήθει καὶ ἔτι πλείους τὰς τῶν πολεμίων οὔσας αἰεὶ προσδοκίαν παρέχειν ὡς ἐπιπλεύσονται.

5 φανεραὶ δ’ εἰσὶν ἀναπειρώμεναι, καὶ αἱ ἐπιχειρήσεις ἐπ’ ἐκείνοις καὶ ἀποξηρᾶναι τὰς σφετέρας μᾶλλον ἐξουσία· οὐ γὰρ ἐφορμοῦσιν ἄλλοις.

Chapter 13

1 ἡμῖν δ’ ἐκ πολλῆς ἂν περιουσίας νεῶν μόλις τοῦτο ὑπῆρχε καὶ μὴ ἀναγκαζομένοις ὥσπερ νῦν πάσαις φυλάσσειν· εἰ γὰρ ἀφαιρήσομέν τι καὶ βραχὺ τῆς τηρήσεως, τὰ ἐπιτήδεια οὐχ ἕξομεν, παρὰ τὴν ἐκείνων πόλιν χαλεπῶς καὶ νῦν ἐσκομιζόμενοι.

2 τὰ δὲ πληρώματα διὰ τόδε ἐφθάρη τε ἡμῖν καὶ ἔτι νῦν φθείρεται, τῶν ναυτῶν [τῶν] μὲν διὰ φρυγανισμὸν καὶ ἁρπαγὴν καὶ ὑδρείαν μακρὰν ὑπὸ τῶν ἱππέων ἀπολλυμένων· οἱ δὲ θεράποντες, ἐπειδὴ ἐς ἀντίπαλα καθεστήκαμεν, αὐτομολοῦσι, καὶ οἱ ξένοι οἱ μὲν ἀναγκαστοὶ ἐσβάντες εὐθὺς κατὰ τὰς πόλεις ἀποχωροῦσιν,οἱ δὲ ὑπὸ μεγάλου μισθοῦ τὸ πρῶτον ἐπαρθέντες καὶ οἰόμενοι χρηματιεῖσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ μαχεῖσθαι, ἐπειδὴ παρὰ γνώμην ναυτικόν τε δὴ καὶ τἆλλα ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἀνθεστῶτα ὁρῶσιν, οἱ μὲν ἐπ’ αὐτομολίας προφάσει ἀπέρχονται, οἱ δὲ ὡς ἕκαστοι δύνανται (πολλὴ δ’ ἡ Σικελία), εἰσὶ δ’ οἳ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐμπορευόμενοι ἀνδράποδα Ὑκκαρικὰ ἀντεμβιβάσαι ὑπὲρ σφῶν πείσαντες τοὺς τριηράρχους τὴν ἀκρίβειαν τοῦ ναυτικοῦ ἀφῄρηνται.

Chapter 14

1 ἐπισταμένοις δ’ ὑμῖν γράφω ὅτι βραχεῖα ἀκμὴ πληρώματος καὶ ὀλίγοι τῶν ναυτῶν οἱ ἐξορμῶντές τε ναῦν καὶ ξυνέχοντες τὴν εἰρεσίαν.

2 τούτων δὲ πάντων ἀπορώτατον τό τε μὴ οἷόν τε εἶναι ταῦτα ἐμοὶ κωλῦσαι τῷ στρατηγῷ (χαλεπαὶ γὰρ αἱ ὑμέτεραι φύσεις ἄρξαι) καὶ ὅτι οὐδ’ ὁπόθεν ἐπιπληρωσόμεθα τὰς ναῦς ἔχομεν, ὃ τοῖς πολεμίοις πολλαχόθεν ὑπάρχει, ἀλλ’ ἀνάγκη ἀφ’ ὧν ἔχοντες ἤλθομεν τά τε ὄντα καὶ ἀπαναλισκόμενα γίγνεσθαι· αἱ γὰρ νῦν οὖσαι πόλεις ξύμμαχοι ἀδύνατοι Νάξος καὶ Κατάνη.

3 εἰ δὲ προσγενήσεται ἓν ἔτι τοῖς πολεμίοις, ὥστε τὰ τρέφοντα ἡμᾶς χωρία τῆς Ἰταλίας, ὁρῶντα ἐν ᾧ τ’ ἐσμὲν καὶ ὑμῶν μὴ ἐπιβοηθούντων, πρὸς ἐκείνους χωρῆσαι, διαπεπολεμήσεται αὐτοῖς ἀμαχεὶ ἐκπολιορκηθέντων ἡμῶν [ὁ πόλεμος].

4 ‘τούτων ἐγὼ ἡδίω μὲν ἂν εἶχον ὑμῖν ἕτερα ἐπιστέλλειν, οὐ μέντοι χρησιμώτερά γε, εἰ δεῖ σαφῶς εἰδότας τὰ ἐνθάδε βουλεύσασθαι. καὶ ἅμα τὰς φύσεις ἐπιστάμενος ὑμῶν, βουλομένων μὲν τὰ ἥδιστα ἀκούειν, αἰτιωμένων δὲ ὕστερον, ἤν τι ὑμῖν ἀπ’ αὐτῶν μὴ ὁμοῖον ἐκβῇ, ἀσφαλέστερον ἡγησάμην τὸ ἀληθὲς δηλῶσαι.

Chapter 15

1 καὶ νῦν ὡς ἐφ’ ἃ μὲν ἤλθομεν τὸ πρῶτον καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ὑμῖν μὴ μεμπτῶν γεγενημένων, οὕτω τὴν γνώμην ἔχετε· ἐπειδὴ δὲ Σικελία τε ἅπασα ξυνίσταται καὶ ἐκ Πελοποννήσου ἄλλη στρατιὰ προσδόκιμος αὐτοῖς, βουλεύεσθε ἤδη ὡς τῶν γ’ ἐνθάδε μηδὲ τοῖς παροῦσιν ἀνταρκούντων, ἀλλ’ ἢ τούτους μεταπέμπειν δέον ἢ ἄλλην στρατιὰν μὴ ἐλάσσω ἐπιπέμπειν καὶ πεζὴν καὶ ναυτικὴν καὶ χρήματα μὴ ὀλίγα, ἐμοὶ δὲ διάδοχόν τινα, ὡς ἀδύνατός εἰμι διὰ νόσον νεφρῖτιν παραμένειν.

2 ἀξιῶ δ’ ὑμῶν ξυγγνώμης τυγχάνειν· καὶ γὰρ ὅτ’ ἐρρώμην πολλὰ ἐν ἡγεμονίαις ὑμᾶς εὖ ἐποίησα. ὅτι δὲ μέλλετε, ἅμα τῷ ἦρι εὐθὺς καὶ μὴ ἐς ἀναβολὰς πράσσετε, ὡς τῶν πολεμίων τὰ μὲν ἐν Σικελίᾳ δι’ ὀλίγου ποριουμένων, τὰ δ’ ἐκ Πελοποννήσου σχολαίτερον μέν, ὅμως δ᾽, ἢν μὴ προσέχητε τὴν γνώμην, τὰ μὲν λήσουσιν ὑμᾶς, ὥσπερ καὶ πρότερον, τὰ δὲ φθήσονται.’

Chapter 16

1 ἡ μὲν τοῦ Νικίου ἐπιστολὴ τοσαῦτα ἐδήλου, οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀκούσαντες αὐτῆς τὸν μὲν Νικίαν οὐ παρέλυσαν τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἀλλ’ αὐτῷ, ἕως ἂν ἕτεροι ξυνάρχοντες αἱρεθέντες ἀφίκωνται, τῶν αὐτοῦ ἐκεῖ δύο προσείλοντο Μένανδρον καὶ Εὐθύδημον, ὅπως μὴ μόνος ἐν ἀσθενείᾳ ταλαιπωροίη, στρατιὰν δὲ ἄλλην ἐψηφίσαντο πέμπειν καὶ ναυτικὴν καὶ πεζὴν Ἀθηναίων τε ἐκ καταλόγου καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων.

2 καὶ ξυνάρχοντας αὐτῷ εἵλοντο Δημοσθένη τε τὸν Ἀλκισθένους καὶ Εὐρυμέδοντα τὸν Θουκλέους. καὶ τὸν μὲν Εὐρυμέδοντα εὐθὺς περὶ ἡλίου τροπὰς τὰς χειμερινὰς ἀποπέμπουσιν ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν μετὰ δέκα νεῶν, ἄγοντα εἴκοσι 〈καὶ ἑκατὸν〉 τάλαντα ἀργυρίου, καὶ ἅμα ἀγγελοῦντα τοῖς ἐκεῖ ὅτι ἥξει βοήθεια καὶ ἐπιμέλεια αὐτῶν ἔσται·

Chapter 17

1 ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης ὑπομένων παρεσκευάζετο τὸν ἔκπλουν ὡς ἅμα τῷ ἦρι ποιησόμενος, στρατιάν τε ἐπαγγέλλων ἐς τοὺς ξυμμάχους καὶ χρήματα αὐτόθεν καὶ ναῦς καὶ ὁπλίτας ἑτοιμάζων.

2 πέμπουσι δὲ καὶ περὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι εἴκοσι ναῦς, ὅπως φυλάσσοιεν μηδένα ἀπὸ Κορίνθου καὶ τῆς Πελοποννήσου ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν περαιοῦσθαι.

3 οἱ γὰρ Κορίνθιοι, ὡς αὐτοῖς οἱ πρέσβεις ἧκον καὶ τὰ ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ βελτίω ἤγγελλον, νομίσαντες οὐκ ἄκαιρον καὶ τὴν προτέραν πέμψιν τῶν νεῶν ποιήσασθαι, πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἐπέρρωντο, καὶ ἐν ὁλκάσι παρεσκευάζοντο αὐτοί τε ἀποστελοῦντες ὁπλίτας ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν καὶ ἐκ τῆς ἄλλης Πελοποννήσου οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τῷ αὐτῷ τρόπῳ πέμψοντες·

4 ναῦς τε οἱ Κορίνθιοι πέντε καὶ εἴκοσιν ἐπλήρουν, ὅπως ναυμαχίας τε ἀποπειράσωσι πρὸς τὴν ἐν τῇ Ναυπάκτῳ φυλακήν, καὶ τὰς ὁλκάδας αὐτῶν ἧσσον οἱ ἐν τῇ Ναυπάκτῳ Ἀθηναῖοι κωλύοιεν ἀπαίρειν, πρὸς τὴν σφετέραν ἀντίταξιν τῶν τριήρων τὴν φυλακὴν ποιούμενοι.

Chapter 18

1 παρεσκευάζοντο δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἐσβολὴν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, ὥσπερ τε προυδέδοκτο αὐτοῖς καὶ τῶν Συρακοσίων καὶ Κορινθίων ἐναγόντων, ἐπειδὴ ἐπυνθάνοντο τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων βοήθειαν ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν, ὅπως δὴ ἐσβολῆς γενομένης διακωλυθῇ. καὶ ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης προσκείμενος ἐδίδασκε τὴν Δεκέλειαν τειχίζειν καὶ μὴ ἀνιέναι τὸν πόλεμον.

2 μάλιστα δὲ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐγεγένητό τις ῥώμη, διότι τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐνόμιζον διπλοῦν τὸν πόλεμον ἔχοντας, πρός τε σφᾶς καὶ Σικελιώτας, εὐκαθαιρετωτέρους ἔσεσθαι, καὶ ὅτι τὰς σπονδὰς προτέρους λελυκέναι ἡγοῦντο αὐτούς· ἐν γὰρ τῷ προτέρῳ πολέμῳ σφέτερον τὸ παρανόμημα μᾶλλον γενέσθαι, ὅτι τε ἐς Πλάταιαν ἦλθον Θηβαῖοι ἐν σπονδαῖς, καὶ εἰρημένον ἐν ταῖς πρότερον ξυνθήκαις ὅπλα μὴ ἐπιφέρειν, ἢν δίκας ἐθέλωσι διδόναι, αὐτοὶ οὐχ ὑπήκουον ἐς δίκας προκαλουμένων τῶν Ἀθηναίων. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο εἰκότως δυστυχεῖν τε ἐνόμιζον, καὶ ἐνεθυμοῦντο τήν τε περὶ Πύλον ξυμφορὰν καὶ εἴ τις ἄλλη αὐτοῖς ἐγένετο.

3 ἐπειδὴ δὲ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ταῖς τριάκοντα ναυσὶν ἐξ Ἄργους ὁρμώμενοι Ἐπιδαύρου τέ τι καὶ Πρασιῶν καὶ ἄλλα ἐδῄωσαν καὶ ἐκ Πύλου ἅμα ἐλῃστεύοντο, καὶ ὁσάκις περί του διαφοραὶ γένοιντο τῶν κατὰ τὰς σπονδὰς ἀμφισβητουμένων, ἐς δίκας προκαλουμένων τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων οὐκ ἤθελον ἐπιτρέπειν, τότε δὴ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι νομίσαντες τὸ παρανόμημα, ὅπερ καὶ σφίσι πρότερον ἡμάρτητο, αὖθις ἐς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τὸ αὐτὸ περιεστάναι, πρόθυμοι ἦσαν ἐς τὸν πόλεμον.

4 καὶ ἐν τῷ χειμῶνι τούτῳ σίδηρόν τε περιήγγελλον κατὰ τοὺς ξυμμάχους καὶ τἆλλα ἐργαλεῖα ἡτοίμαζον ἐς τὸν ἐπιτειχισμόν, καὶ τοῖς ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ ἅμα ὡς ἀποπέμψοντες ἐν ταῖς ὁλκάσιν ἐπικουρίαν αὐτοί τε ἐπόριζον καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Πελοποννησίους προσηνάγκαζον. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἐτελεύτα, καὶ ὄγδοον καὶ δέκατον ἔτος τῷ πολέμῳ ἐτελεύτα τῷδε ὃν Θουκυδίδης ξυνέγραψεν.

Chapter 19

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου ἦρος εὐθὺς ἀρχομένου πρωίτατα δὴ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἐσέβαλον· ἡγεῖτο δὲ Ἆγις ὁ Ἀρχιδάμου Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεύς. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τῆς χώρας τὰ περὶ τὸ πεδίον ἐδῄωσαν, ἔπειτα Δεκέλειαν ἐτείχιζον, κατὰ πόλεις διελόμενοι τὸ ἔργον.

2 ἀπέχει δὲ ἡ Δεκέλεια σταδίους μάλιστα τῆς τῶν Ἀθηναίων πόλεως εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατόν, παραπλήσιον δὲ καὶ οὐ πολλῷ πλέον καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς Βοιωτίας. ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ πεδίῳ καὶ τῆς χώρας τοῖς κρατίστοις ἐς τὸ κακουργεῖν ᾠκοδομεῖτο τὸ τεῖχος, ἐπιφανὲς μέχρι τῆς τῶν Ἀθηναίων πόλεως.

3 καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἐτείχιζον, οἱ δ’ ἐν τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ ἀπέστελλον περὶ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ταῖς ὁλκάσι τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν, Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν τῶν τε Εἱλώτων ἐπιλεξάμενοι τοὺς βελτίστους καὶ τῶν νεοδαμωδῶν, ξυναμφοτέρων ἐς ἑξακοσίους ὁπλίτας,καὶ Ἔκκριτον Σπαρτιάτην ἄρχοντα, Βοιωτοὶ δὲ τριακοσίους ὁπλίτας, ὧν ἦρχον Ξένων τε καὶ Νίκων Θηβαῖοι καὶ Ἡγήσανδρος Θεσπιεύς.

4 οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἐν τοῖς πρῶτοι ὁρμήσαντες ἀπὸ τοῦ Ταινάρου τῆς Λακωνικῆς ἐς τὸ πέλαγος ἀφῆκαν· μετὰ δὲ τούτους Κορίνθιοι οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον πεντακοσίους ὁπλίτας, τοὺς μὲν ἐξ αὐτῆς Κορίνθου, τοὺς δὲ προσμισθωσάμενοι Ἀρκάδων, καὶ ἄρχοντα Ἀλέξαρχον Κορίνθιον προστάξαντες ἀπέπεμψαν. ἀπέστειλαν δὲ καὶ Σικυώνιοι διακοσίους ὁπλίτας ὁμοῦ τοῖς Κορινθίοις, ὧν ἦρχε Σαργεὺς Σικυώνιος.

5 αἱ δὲ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι νῆες τῶν Κορινθίων αἱ τοῦ χειμῶνος πληρωθεῖσαι ἀνθώρμουν ταῖς ἐν τῇ Ναυπάκτῳ εἴκοσιν Ἀττικαῖς, ἕωσπερ αὐτοῖς οὗτοι οἱ ὁπλῖται ταῖς ὁλκάσιν ἀπὸ τῆς Πελοποννήσου ἀπῆραν· οὗπερ ἕνεκα καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἐπληρώθησαν, ὅπως μὴ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι πρὸς τὰς ὁλκάδας μᾶλλον ἢ πρὸς τὰς τριήρεις τὸν νοῦν ἔχωσιν.

Chapter 20

1 ἐν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἅμα τῆς Δεκελείας τῷ τειχισμῷ καὶ τοῦ ἦρος εὐθὺς ἀρχομένου περί τε Πελοπόννησον ναῦς τριάκοντα ἔστειλαν καὶ Χαρικλέα τὸν Ἀπολλοδώρου ἄρχοντα, ᾧ εἴρητο καὶ ἐς Ἄργος ἀφικομένῳ κατὰ τὸ ξυμμαχικὸν παρακαλεῖν Ἀργείων [τε] ὁπλίτας ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς,

2 καὶ τὸν Δημοσθένη ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν, ὥσπερ ἔμελλον, ἀπέστελλον ἑξήκοντα μὲν ναυσὶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ πέντε Χίαις, ὁπλίταις δὲ ἐκ καταλόγου Ἀθηναίων διακοσίοις καὶ χιλίοις, καὶ νησιωτῶν ὅσοις ἑκασταχόθεν οἷόν τ’ ἦν πλείστοις χρήσασθαι, καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ξυμμάχων τῶν ὑπηκόων, εἴ ποθέν τι εἶχον ἐπιτήδειον ἐς τὸν πόλεμον, ξυμπορίσαντες. εἴρητο δ’ αὐτῷ πρῶτον μετὰ τοῦ Χαρικλέους ἅμα περιπλέοντα ξυστρατεύεσθαι περὶ τὴν Λακωνικήν.

3 καὶ ὁ μὲν Δημοσθένης ἐς τὴν Αἴγιναν προσπλεύσας τοῦ στρατεύματός τε εἴ τι ὑπελέλειπτο περιέμενε καὶ τὸν Χαρικλέα τοὺς Ἀργείους παραλαβεῖν.

Chapter 21

1 ἐν δὲ τῇ Σικελίᾳ ὑπὸ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους τούτου τοῦ ἦρος καὶ ὁ Γύλιππος ἧκεν ἐς τὰς Συρακούσας, ἄγων ἀπὸ τῶν πόλεων ὧν ἔπεισε στρατιὰν ὅσην ἑκασταχόθεν πλείστην ἐδύνατο.

2 καὶ ξυγκαλέσας τοὺς Συρακοσίους ἔφη χρῆναι πληροῦν ναῦς ὡς δύνανται πλείστας καὶ ναυμαχίας ἀπόπειραν λαμβάνειν· ἐλπίζειν γὰρ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ τι ἔργον ἄξιον τοῦ κινδύνου ἐς τὸν πόλεμον κατεργάσεσθαι.

3 ξυνανέπειθε δὲ καὶ ὁ Ἑρμοκράτης οὐχ ἥκιστα, τοῦ ταῖς ναυσὶ μὴ ἀθυμεῖν ἐπιχειρῆσαι πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, λέγων οὐδ’ ἐκείνους πάτριον τὴν ἐμπειρίαν οὐδ’ ἀίδιον τῆς θαλάσσης ἔχειν, ἀλλ’ ἠπειρώτας μᾶλλον τῶν Συρακοσίων ὄντας καὶ ἀναγκασθέντας ὑπὸ Μήδων ναυτικοὺς γενέσθαι. καὶ πρὸς ἄνδρας τολμηρούς, οἵους καὶ Ἀθηναίους, τοὺς ἀντιτολμῶντας χαλεπωτάτους ἂν [αὐτοῖς] φαίνεσθαι· ᾧ γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι τοὺς πέλας, οὐ δυνάμει ἔστιν ὅτε προύχοντες, τῷ δὲ θράσει ἐπιχειροῦντες καταφοβοῦσι, καὶ σφᾶς ἂν τὸ αὐτὸ ὁμοίως τοῖς ἐναντίοις ὑποσχεῖν.

4 καὶ Συρακοσίους εὖ εἰδέναι ἔφη τῷ τολμῆσαι ἀπροσδοκήτως πρὸς τὸ Ἀθηναίων ναυτικὸν ἀντιστῆναι πλέον τι διὰ τὸ τοιοῦτον ἐκπλαγέντων αὐτῶν περιγενησομένους ἢ Ἀθηναίους τῇ ἐπιστήμῃ τὴν Συρακοσίων ἀπειρίαν βλάψοντας. ἰέναι οὖν ἐκέλευεν ἐς τὴν πεῖραν τοῦ ναυτικοῦ καὶ μὴ ἀποκνεῖν.

5 καὶ οἱ μὲν Συρακόσιοι, τοῦ τε Γυλίππου καὶ Ἑρμοκράτους καὶ εἴ του ἄλλου πειθόντων, ὥρμηντό τε ἐς τὴν ναυμαχίαν καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἐπλήρουν·

Chapter 22

1 ὁ δὲ Γύλιππος ἐπειδὴ παρεσκευάσατο τὸ ναυτικόν, ἀγαγὼν ὑπὸ νύκτα πᾶσαν τὴν στρατιὰν τὴν πεζὴν αὐτὸς μὲν τοῖς ἐν τῷ Πλημμυρίῳ τείχεσι κατὰ γῆν ἔμελλε προσβαλεῖν, αἱ δὲ τριήρεις τῶν Συρακοσίων ἅμα καὶ ἀπὸ ξυνθήματος πέντε μὲν καὶ τριάκοντα ἐκ τοῦ μεγάλου λιμένος ἐπέπλεον, αἱ δὲ πέντε καὶ τεσσαράκοντα ἐκ τοῦ ἐλάσσονος, οὗ ἦν καὶ τὸ νεώριον αὐτοῖς, [καὶ] περιέπλεον βουλόμενοι πρὸς τὰς ἐντὸς προσμεῖξαι καὶ ἅμα ἐπιπλεῖν τῷ Πλημμυρίῳ, ὅπως οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀμφοτέρωθεν θορυβῶνται.

2 οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι διὰ τάχους ἀντιπληρώσαντες ἑξήκοντα ναῦς ταῖς μὲν πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι πρὸς τὰς πέντε καὶ τριάκοντα τῶν Συρακοσίων τὰς ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ λιμένι ἐναυμάχουν, ταῖς δ’ ἐπιλοίποις ἀπήντων ἐπὶ τὰς ἐκ τοῦ νεωρίου περιπλεούσας. καὶ εὐθὺς πρὸ τοῦ στόματος τοῦ μεγάλου λιμένος ἐναυμάχουν, καὶ ἀντεῖχον ἀλλήλοις ἐπὶ πολύ, οἱ μὲν βιάσασθαι βουλόμενοι τὸν ἔσπλουν, οἱ δὲ κωλύειν.

Chapter 23

1 ἐν τούτῳ δ’ ὁ Γύλιππος τῶν ἐν τῷ Πλημμυρίῳ Ἀθηναίων πρὸς τὴν θάλασσαν ἐπικαταβάντων καὶ τῇ ναυμαχίᾳ τὴν γνώμην προσεχόντων φθάνει προσπεσὼν ἅμα τῇ ἕῳ αἰφνιδίως τοῖς τείχεσι, καὶ αἱρεῖ τὸ μέγιστον πρῶτον, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐλάσσω δύο, οὐχ ὑπομεινάντων τῶν φυλάκων, ὡς εἶδον τὸ μέγιστον ῥᾳδίως ληφθέν.

2 καὶ ἐκ μὲν τοῦ πρώτου ἁλόντος χαλεπῶς οἱ ἄνθρωποι, ὅσοι καὶ ἐς τὰ πλοῖα καὶ ὁλκάδα τινὰ κατέφυγον, ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐξεκομίζοντο· τῶν γὰρ Συρακοσίων ταῖς ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ λιμένι ναυσὶ κρατούντων τῇ ναυμαχίᾳ ὑπὸ τριήρους μιᾶς καὶ εὖ πλεούσης ἐπεδιώκοντο· ἐπειδὴ δὲ τὰ δύο τειχίσματα ἡλίσκετο, ἐν τούτῳ καὶ οἱ Συρακόσιοι ἐτύγχανον ἤδη νικώμενοι καὶ οἱ ἐξ αὐτῶν φεύγοντες ῥᾷον παρέπλευσαν.

3 αἱ γὰρ τῶν Συρακοσίων αἱ πρὸ τοῦ στόματος νῆες ναυμαχοῦσαι βιασάμεναι τὰς τῶν Ἀθηναίων ναῦς οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ ἐσέπλεον, καὶ ταραχθεῖσαι περὶ ἀλλήλας παρέδοσαν τὴν νίκην τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις· ταύτας τε γὰρ ἔτρεψαν καὶ ὑφ’ ὧν τὸ πρῶτον ἐνικῶντο ἐν τῷ λιμένι.

4 καὶ ἕνδεκα μὲν ναῦς τῶν Συρακοσίων κατέδυσαν, καὶ τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀπέκτειναν, πλὴν ὅσον ἐκ τριῶν νεῶν οὓς ἐζώγρησαν· τῶν δὲ σφετέρων τρεῖς νῆες διεφθάρησαν. τὰ δὲ ναυάγια ἀνελκύσαντες τῶν Συρακοσίων καὶ τροπαῖον ἐν τῷ νησιδίῳ στήσαντες τῷ πρὸ τοῦ Πλημμυρίου, ἀνεχώρησαν ἐς τὸ ἑαυτῶν στρατόπεδον.

Chapter 24

1 οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι κατὰ μὲν τὴν ναυμαχίαν οὕτως ἐπεπράγεσαν, τὰ δ’ ἐν τῷ Πλημμυρίῳ τείχη εἶχον, καὶ τροπαῖα ἔστησαν αὐτῶν τρία. καὶ τὸ μὲν ἕτερον τοῖν δυοῖν τειχοῖν τοῖν ὕστερον ληφθέντοιν κατέβαλον, τὰ δὲ δύο ἐπισκευάσαντες ἐφρούρουν.

2 ἄνθρωποι δ’ ἐν τῶν τειχῶν τῇ ἁλώσει ἀπέθανον καὶ ἐζωγρήθησαν πολλοί, καὶ χρήματα πολλὰ τὰ ξύμπαντα ἑάλω· ὥσπερ γὰρ ταμιείῳ χρωμένων τῶν Ἀθηναίων τοῖς τείχεσι πολλὰ μὲν ἐμπόρων χρήματα καὶ σῖτος ἐνῆν, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ τῶν τριηράρχων, ἐπεὶ καὶ ἱστία τεσσαράκοντα τριήρων καὶ τἆλλα σκεύη ἐγκατελήφθη καὶ τριήρεις ἀνειλκυσμέναι τρεῖς.

3 μέγιστόν τε καὶ ἐν τοῖς πρῶτον ἐκάκωσε τὸ στράτευμα τὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἡ τοῦ Πλημμυρίου λῆψις· οὐ γὰρ ἔτι οὐδ’ οἱ ἔσπλοι ἀσφαλεῖς ἦσαν τῆς ἐπαγωγῆς τῶν ἐπιτηδείων (οἱ γὰρ Συρακόσιοι ναυσὶν αὐτόθι ἐφορμοῦντες ἐκώλυον, καὶ διὰ μάχης ἤδη ἐγίγνοντο αἱ ἐσκομιδαί), ἔς τε τἆλλα κατάπληξιν παρέσχε καὶ ἀθυμίαν τῷ στρατεύματι.

Chapter 25

1 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ναῦς τε ἐκπέμπουσι δώδεκα οἱ Συρακόσιοι καὶ Ἀγάθαρχον ἐπ’ αὐτῶν Συρακόσιον ἄρχοντα. καὶ αὐτῶν μία μὲν ἐς Πελοπόννησον ᾤχετο, πρέσβεις ἄγουσα οἵπερ τά τε σφέτερα φράσουσιν ὅτι ἐν ἐλπίσιν εἰσὶ καὶ τὸν ἐκεῖ πόλεμον ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐποτρυνοῦσι γίγνεσθαι· αἱ δ’ ἕνδεκα νῆες πρὸς τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἔπλευσαν, πυνθανόμεναι πλοῖα τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις γέμοντα χρημάτων προσπλεῖν.

2 καὶ τῶν τε πλοίων ἐπιτυχοῦσαι τὰ πολλὰ διέφθειραν καὶ ξύλα ναυπηγήσιμα ἐν τῇ Καυλωνιάτιδι κατέκαυσαν, ἃ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἑτοῖμα ἦν.

3 ἔς τε Λοκροὺς μετὰ ταῦτα ἦλθον, καὶ ὁρμουσῶν αὐτῶν κατέπλευσε μία τῶν ὁλκάδων τῶν ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου ἄγουσα Θεσπιῶν ὁπλίτας·

4 καὶ ἀναλαβόντες αὐτοὺς οἱ Συρακόσιοι ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς παρέπλεον ἐπ’ οἴκου. φυλάξαντες δ᾽ αὐτοὺς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι εἴκοσι ναυσὶ πρὸς τοῖς Μεγάροις μίαν μὲν ναῦν λαμβάνουσιν αὐτοῖς ἀνδράσι, τὰς δ’ ἄλλας οὐκ ἐδυνήθησαν, ἀλλ’ ἀποφεύγουσιν ἐς τὰς Συρακούσας.

5 ἐγένετο δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν σταυρῶν ἀκροβολισμὸς ἐν τῷ λιμένι, οὓς οἱ Συρακόσιοι πρὸ τῶν παλαιῶν νεωσοίκων κατέπηξαν ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ, ὅπως αὐτοῖς αἱ νῆες ἐντὸς ὁρμοῖεν καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐπιπλέοντες μὴ βλάπτοιεν ἐμβάλλοντες.

6 προσαγαγόντες γὰρ ναῦν μυριοφόρον αὐτοῖς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, πύργους τε ξυλίνους ἔχουσαν καὶ παραφράγματα, ἔκ τε τῶν ἀκάτων ὤνευον ἀναδούμενοι τοὺς σταυροὺς καὶ ἀνέκλων καὶ κατακολυμβῶντες ἐξέπριον. οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι ἀπὸ τῶν νεωσοίκων ἔβαλλον· οἱ δ’ ἐκ τῆς ὁλκάδος ἀντέβαλλον, καὶ τέλος τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν σταυρῶν ἀνεῖλον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι.

7 χαλεπωτάτη δ’ ἦν τῆς σταυρώσεως ἡ κρύφιος· ἦσαν γὰρ τῶν σταυρῶν οὓς οὐχ ὑπερέχοντας τῆς θαλάσσης κατέπηξαν, ὥστε δεινὸν ἦν προσπλεῦσαι, μὴ οὐ προϊδών τις ὥσπερ περὶ ἕρμα περιβάλῃ τὴν ναῦν. ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτους κολυμβηταὶ δυόμενοι ἐξέπριον μισθοῦ. ὅμως δ’ αὖθις οἱ Συρακόσιοι ἐσταύρωσαν.

8 πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἄλλα πρὸς ἀλλήλους οἷον εἰκὸς τῶν στρατοπέδων ἐγγὺς ὄντων καὶ ἀντιτεταγμένων ἐμηχανῶντο καὶ ἀκροβολισμοῖς καὶ πείραις παντοίαις ἐχρῶντο.

9 ἔπεμψαν δὲ καὶ ἐς τὰς πόλεις πρέσβεις οἱ Συρακόσιοι Κορινθίων καὶ Ἀμπρακιωτῶν καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων, ἀγγέλλοντας τήν τε τοῦ Πλημμυρίου λῆψιν καὶ τῆς ναυμαχίας πέρι ὡς οὐ τῇ τῶν πολεμίων ἰσχύι μᾶλλον ἢ τῇ σφετέρᾳ ταραχῇ ἡσσηθεῖεν, τά τε ἄλλα [αὖ] δηλώσοντας ὅτι ἐν ἐλπίσιν εἰσὶ καὶ ἀξιώσοντας ξυμβοηθεῖν ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς καὶ ναυσὶ καὶ πεζῷ, ὡς καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων προσδοκίμων ὄντων ἄλλῃ στρατιᾷ καί, ἢν φθάσωσιν αὐτοὶ πρότερον διαφθείραντες τὸ παρὸν στράτευμα αὐτῶν, διαπεπολεμησόμενον. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ ταῦτα ἔπρασσον.

Chapter 26

1 ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης, ἐπεὶ ξυνελέγη αὐτῷ τὸ στράτευμα ὃ ἔδει ἔχοντα ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν βοηθεῖν, ἄρας ἐκ τῆς Αἰγίνης καὶ πλεύσας πρὸς τὴν Πελοπόννησον τῷ τε Χαρικλεῖ καὶ ταῖς τριάκοντα ναυσὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ξυμμίσγει, καὶ παραλαβόντες τῶν Ἀργείων ὁπλίτας ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς ἔπλεον ἐς τὴν Λακωνικήν·

2 καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τῆς Ἐπιδαύρου τι τῆς Λιμηρᾶς ἐδῄωσαν, ἔπειτα σχόντες ἐς τὰ καταντικρὺ Κυθήρων τῆς Λακωνικῆς, ἔνθα τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνός ἐστι, τῆς τε γῆς ἔστιν ἃ ἐδῄωσαν καὶ ἐτείχισαν ἰσθμῶδές τι χωρίον, ἵνα δὴ οἵ τε Εἵλωτες τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων αὐτόσε αὐτομολῶσι καὶ ἅμα λῃσταὶ ἐξ αὐτοῦ, ὥσπερ ἐκ τῆς Πύλου, ἁρπαγὴν ποιῶνται.

3 καὶ ὁ μὲν Δημοσθένης εὐθὺς ἐπειδὴ ξυγκατέλαβε τὸ χωρίον παρέπλει ἐπὶ τῆς Κερκύρας, ὅπως καὶ τῶν ἐκεῖθεν ξυμμάχων παραλαβὼν τὸν ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν πλοῦν ὅτι τάχιστα ποιῆται· ὁ δὲ Χαρικλῆς περιμείνας ἕως τὸ χωρίον ἐξετείχισε καὶ καταλιπὼν φυλακὴν αὐτοῦ ἀπεκομίζετο καὶ αὐτὸς ὕστερον ταῖς τριάκοντα ναυσὶν ἐπ’ οἴκου καὶ οἱ Ἀργεῖοι ἅμα.

Chapter 27

1 ἀφίκοντο δὲ καὶ Θρᾳκῶν τῶν μαχαιροφόρων τοῦ Διακοῦ γένους ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας πελτασταὶ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ θέρει τούτῳ τριακόσιοι καὶ χίλιοι, οὓς ἔδει τῷ Δημοσθένει ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν ξυμπλεῖν.

2 οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι, ὡς ὕστεροι ἧκον, διενοοῦντο αὐτοὺς πάλιν ὅθεν ἦλθον ἐς Θρᾴκην ἀποπέμπειν. τὸ γὰρ ἔχειν πρὸς τὸν ἐκ τῆς Δεκελείας πόλεμον αὐτοὺς πολυτελὲς ἐφαίνετο· δραχμὴν γὰρ τῆς ἡμέρας ἕκαστος ἐλάμβανεν.

3 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἡ Δεκέλεια τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὑπὸ πάσης τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐν τῷ θέρει τούτῳ τειχισθεῖσα, ὕστερον δὲ φρουραῖς ἀπὸ τῶν πόλεων κατὰ διαδοχὴν χρόνου ἐπιούσαις τῇ χώρᾳ ἐπῳκεῖτο, πολλὰ ἔβλαπτε τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, καὶ ἐν τοῖς πρῶτον χρημάτων τ’ ὀλέθρῳ καὶ ἀνθρώπων φθορᾷ ἐκάκωσε τὰ πράγματα.

4 πρότερον μὲν γὰρ βραχεῖαι γιγνόμεναι αἱ ἐσβολαὶ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον τῆς γῆς ἀπολαύειν οὐκ ἐκώλυον· τότε δὲ ξυνεχῶς ἐπικαθημένων, καὶ ὁτὲ μὲν καὶ πλεόνων ἐπιόντων, ὁτὲ δ’ ἐξ ἀνάγκης τῆς ἴσης φρουρᾶς καταθεούσης τε τὴν χώραν καὶ λῃστείας ποιουμένης, βασιλέως τε παρόντος τοῦ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων Ἄγιδος, ὃς οὐκ ἐκ παρέργου τὸν πόλεμον ἐποιεῖτο, μεγάλα οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐβλάπτοντο.

5 τῆς τε γὰρ χώρας ἁπάσης ἐστέρηντο, καὶ ἀνδραπόδων πλέον ἢ δύο μυριάδες ηὐτομολήκεσαν, καὶ τούτων τὸ πολὺ μέρος χειροτέχναι, πρόβατά τε πάντα ἀπωλώλει καὶ ὑποζύγια· ἵπποι τε, ὁσημέραι ἐξελαυνόντων τῶν ἱππέων πρός τε τὴν Δεκέλειαν καταδρομὰς ποιουμένων καὶ κατὰ τὴν χώραν φυλασσόντων, οἱ μὲν ἀπεχωλοῦντο ἐν γῇ ἀποκρότῳ τε καὶ ξυνεχῶς ταλαιπωροῦντες, οἱ δ’ ἐτιτρώσκοντο.

Chapter 28

1 ἥ τε τῶν ἐπιτηδείων παρακομιδὴ ἐκ τῆς Εὐβοίας, πρότερον ἐκ τοῦ Ὠρωποῦ κατὰ γῆν διὰ τῆς Δεκελείας θάσσων οὖσα, περὶ Σούνιον κατὰ θάλασσαν πολυτελὴς ἐγίγνετο· τῶν τε πάντων ὁμοίως ἐπακτῶν ἐδεῖτο ἡ πόλις, καὶ ἀντὶ τοῦ πόλις εἶναι φρούριον κατέστη.

2 πρὸς γὰρ τῇ ἐπάλξει τὴν μὲν ἡμέραν κατὰ διαδοχὴν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι φυλάσσοντες, τὴν δὲ νύκτα καὶ ξύμπαντες πλὴν τῶν ἱππέων, οἱ μὲν ἐφ’ ὅπλοις † ποιούμενοι †, οἱ δ’ ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους, καὶ θέρους καὶ χειμῶνος ἐταλαιπωροῦντο.

3 μάλιστα δ’ αὐτοὺς ἐπίεζεν ὅτι δύο πολέμους ἅμα εἶχον, καὶ ἐς φιλονικίαν καθέστασαν τοιαύτην ἣν πρὶν γενέσθαι ἠπίστησεν ἄν τις ἀκούσας. τὸ γὰρ αὐτοὺς πολιορκουμένους ἐπιτειχισμῷ ὑπὸ Πελοποννησίων μηδ’ ὣς ἀποστῆναι ἐκ Σικελίας, ἀλλ’ ἐκεῖ Συρακούσας τῷ αὐτῷ τρόπῳ ἀντιπολιορκεῖν, πόλιν οὐδὲν ἐλάσσω αὐτήν γε καθ’ αὑτὴν τῆς τῶν Ἀθηναίων, καὶ τὸν παράλογον τοσοῦτον ποιῆσαι τοῖς Ἕλλησι τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ τόλμης, ὅσον κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς τοῦ πολέμου οἱ μὲν ἐνιαυτόν, οἱ δὲ δύο, οἱ δὲ τριῶν γε ἐτῶν οὐδεὶς πλείω χρόνον ἐνόμιζον περιοίσειν αὐτούς, εἰ οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι ἐσβάλοιεν ἐς τὴν χώραν, ὥστε ἔτει ἑπτακαιδεκάτῳ μετὰ τὴν πρώτην ἐσβολὴν ἦλθον ἐς Σικελίαν ἤδη τῷ πολέμῳ κατὰ πάντα τετρυχωμένοι, καὶ πόλεμον οὐδὲν ἐλάσσω προσανείλοντο τοῦ πρότερον ὑπάρχοντος ἐκ Πελοποννήσου.

4 δι’ ἃ καὶ τότε ὑπό τε τῆς Δεκελείας πολλὰ βλαπτούσης καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀναλωμάτων μεγάλων προσπιπτόντων ἀδύνατοι ἐγένοντο τοῖς χρήμασιν. καὶ τὴν εἰκοστὴν ὑπὸ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον τῶν κατὰ θάλασσαν ἀντὶ τοῦ φόρου τοῖς ὑπηκόοις ἐποίησαν, πλείω νομίζοντες ἂν σφίσι χρήματα οὕτω προσιέναι. αἱ μὲν γὰρ δαπάναι οὐχ ὁμοίως καὶ πρίν, ἀλλὰ πολλῷ μείζους καθέστασαν, ὅσῳ καὶ μείζων ὁ πόλεμος ἦν· αἱ δὲ πρόσοδοι ἀπώλλυντο.

Chapter 29

1 τοὺς οὖν Θρᾷκας τοὺς τῷ Δημοσθένει ὑστερήσαντας διὰ τὴν παροῦσαν ἀπορίαν τῶν χρημάτων οὐ βουλόμενοι δαπανᾶν εὐθὺς ἀπέπεμπον, προστάξαντες κομίσαι αὐτοὺς Διειτρέφει, καὶ εἰπόντες ἅμα ἐν τῷ παράπλῳ (ἐπορεύοντο γὰρ δι’ Εὐρίπου) καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, ἤν τι δύνηται, ἀπ’ αὐτῶν βλάψαι.

2 ὁ δὲ ἔς τε τὴν Τάναγραν ἀπεβίβασεν αὐτοὺς καὶ ἁρπαγήν τινα ἐποιήσατο διὰ τάχους καὶ ἐκ Χαλκίδος τῆς Εὐβοίας ἀφ’ ἑσπέρας διέπλευσε τὸν Εὔριπον καὶ ἀποβιβάσας ἐς τὴν Βοιωτίαν ἦγεν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ Μυκαλησσόν.

3 καὶ τὴν μὲν νύκτα λαθὼν πρὸς τῷ Ἑρμαίῳ ηὐλίσατο (ἀπέχει δὲ τῆς Μυκαλησσοῦ ἑκκαίδεκα μάλιστα σταδίους), ἅμα δὲ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ πόλει προσέκειτο οὔσῃ οὐ μεγάλῃ, καὶ αἱρεῖ ἀφυλάκτοις τε ἐπιπεσὼν καὶ ἀπροσδοκήτοις μὴ ἄν ποτέ τινας σφίσιν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης τοσοῦτον ἐπαναβάντας ἐπιθέσθαι, τοῦ τείχους ἀσθενοῦς ὄντος καὶ ἔστιν ᾗ καὶ πεπτωκότος, τοῦ δὲ βραχέος ᾠκοδομημένου, καὶ πυλῶν ἅμα διὰ τὴν ἄδειαν ἀνεῳγμένων.

4 ἐσπεσόντες δὲ οἱ Θρᾷκες ἐς τὴν Μυκαλησσὸν τάς τε οἰκίας καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ ἐπόρθουν καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐφόνευον φειδόμενοι οὔτε πρεσβυτέρας οὔτε νεωτέρας ἡλικίας, ἀλλὰ πάντας ἑξῆς, ὅτῳ ἐντύχοιεν, καὶ παῖδας καὶ γυναῖκας κτείνοντες, καὶ προσέτι καὶ ὑποζύγια καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἔμψυχα ἴδοιεν· τὸ γὰρ γένος τὸ τῶν Θρᾳκῶν ὁμοῖα τοῖς μάλιστα τοῦ βαρβαρικοῦ, ἐν ᾧ ἂν θαρσήσῃ, φονικώτατόν ἐστιν.

5 καὶ τότε ἄλλη τε ταραχὴ οὐκ ὀλίγη καὶ ἰδέα πᾶσα καθειστήκει ὀλέθρου, καὶ ἐπιπεσόντες διδασκαλείῳ παίδων, ὅπερ μέγιστον ἦν αὐτόθι καὶ ἄρτι ἔτυχον οἱ παῖδες ἐσεληλυθότες, κατέκοψαν πάντας· καὶ ξυμφορὰ τῇ πόλει πάσῃ οὐδεμιᾶς ἥσσων μᾶλλον ἑτέρας ἀδόκητός τε ἐπέπεσεν αὕτη καὶ δεινή.

Chapter 30

1 οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι αἰσθόμενοι ἐβοήθουν, καὶ καταλαβόντες προκεχωρηκότας ἤδη τοὺς Θρᾷκας οὐ πολὺ τήν τε λείαν ἀφείλοντο καὶ αὐτοὺς φοβήσαντες καταδιώκουσιν ἐπὶ τὸν Εὔριπον καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν, οὗ αὐτοῖς τὰ πλοῖα ἃ ἤγαγεν ὥρμει.

2 καὶ ἀποκτείνουσιν αὐτῶν ἐν τῇ ἐσβάσει τοὺς πλείστους οὔτε ἐπισταμένους νεῖν τῶν τε ἐν τοῖς πλοίοις, ὡς ἑώρων τὰ ἐν τῇ γῇ, ὁρμισάντων ἔξω τοξεύματος τὰ πλοῖα, ἐπεὶ ἔν γε τῇ ἄλλῃ ἀναχωρήσει οὐκ ἀτόπως οἱ Θρᾷκες πρὸς τὸ τῶν Θηβαίων ἱππικόν, ὅπερ πρῶτον προσέκειτο, προεκθέοντές τε καὶ ξυστρεφόμενοι ἐν ἐπιχωρίῳ τάξει τὴν φυλακὴν ἐποιοῦντο, καὶ ὀλίγοι αὐτῶν ἐν τούτῳ διεφθάρησαν. μέρος δέ τι καὶ ἐν τῇ πόλει αὐτῇ δι’ ἁρπαγὴν ἐγκαταληφθὲν ἀπώλετο. οἱ δὲ ξύμπαντες τῶν Θρᾳκῶν πεντήκοντα καὶ διακόσιοι ἀπὸ τριακοσίων καὶ χιλίων ἀπέθανον.

3 διέφθειραν δὲ καὶ τῶν Θηβαίων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων οἳ ξυνεβοήθησαν ἐς εἴκοσι μάλιστα ἱππέας τε καὶ ὁπλίτας ὁμοῦ καὶ Θηβαίων τῶν βοιωταρχῶν Σκιρφώνδαν· τῶν δὲ Μυκαλησσίων μέρος τι ἀπανηλώθη. τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Μυκαλησσὸν πάθει χρησαμένην οὐδενὸς ὡς ἐπὶ μεγέθει τῶν κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἧσσον ὀλοφύρασθαι ἀξίῳ τοιαῦτα ξυνέβη.

Chapter 31

1 ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης τότε ἀποπλέων ἐπὶ τῆς Κερκύρας μετὰ τὴν ἐκ τῆς Λακωνικῆς τείχισιν, ὁλκάδα ὁρμοῦσαν ἐν Φειᾷ τῇ Ἠλείων εὑρών, ἐν ᾗ οἱ Κορίνθιοι ὁπλῖται ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν ἔμελλον περαιοῦσθαι, αὐτὴν μὲν διαφθείρει, οἱ δ’ ἄνδρες ἀποφυγόντες ὕστερον λαβόντες ἄλλην ἔπλεον.

2 καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο ἀφικόμενος ὁ Δημοσθένης ἐς τὴν Ζάκυνθον καὶ Κεφαλληνίαν ὁπλίτας τε παρέλαβε καὶ ἐκ τῆς Ναυπάκτου τῶν Μεσσηνίων μετεπέμψατο καὶ ἐς τὴν ἀντιπέρας ἤπειρον τῆς Ἀκαρνανίας διέβη, ἐς Ἀλύζιάν τε καὶ Ἀνακτόριον, ὃ αὐτοὶ εἶχον.

3 ὄντι δ’ αὐτῷ περὶ ταῦτα ὁ Εὐρυμέδων ἀπαντᾷ ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας ἀποπλέων, ὃς τότε τοῦ χειμῶνος τὰ χρήματα ἄγων τῇ στρατιᾷ ἀπεπέμφθη, καὶ ἀγγέλλει τά τε ἄλλα καὶ ὅτι πύθοιτο κατὰ πλοῦν ἤδη ὢν τὸ Πλημμύριον ὑπὸ τῶν Συρακοσίων ἑαλωκός.

4 ἀφικνεῖται δὲ καὶ Κόνων παρ’ αὐτούς, ὃς ἦρχε Ναυπάκτου, ἀγγέλλων ὅτι αἱ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι νῆες τῶν Κορινθίων αἱ σφίσιν ἀνθορμοῦσαι οὔτε καταλύουσι τὸν πόλεμον ναυμαχεῖν τε μέλλουσιν· πέμπειν οὖν ἐκέλευεν αὐτοὺς ναῦς, ὡς οὐχ ἱκανὰς οὔσας δυοῖν δεούσας εἴκοσι τὰς ἑαυτῶν πρὸς τὰς ἐκείνων πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι ναυμαχεῖν.

5 τῷ μὲν οὖν Κόνωνι δέκα ναῦς ὁ Δημοσθένης καὶ ὁ Εὐρυμέδων τὰς ἄριστα σφίσι πλεούσας ἀφ’ ὧν αὐτοὶ εἶχον ξυμπέμπουσι πρὸς τὰς ἐν τῇ Ναυπάκτῳ· αὐτοὶ δὲ τὰ περὶ τῆς στρατιᾶς τὸν ξύλλογον ἡτοιμάζοντο, Εὐρυμέδων μὲν ἐς τὴν Κέρκυραν πλεύσας καὶ πέντε καὶ δέκα τε ναῦς πληροῦν κελεύσας αὐτοὺς καὶ ὁπλίτας καταλεγόμενος (ξυνῆρχε γὰρ ἤδη Δημοσθένει ἀποτραπόμενος, ὥσπερ καὶ ᾑρέθη), Δημοσθένης δ’ ἐκ τῶν περὶ τὴν Ἀκαρνανίαν χωρίων σφενδονήτας τε καὶ ἀκοντιστὰς ξυναγείρων.

Chapter 32

1 οἱ δ’ ἐκ τῶν Συρακουσῶν τότε μετὰ τὴν τοῦ Πλημμυρίου ἅλωσιν πρέσβεις οἰχόμενοι ἐς τὰς πόλεις ἐπειδὴ ἔπεισάν τε καὶ ξυναγείραντες ἔμελλον ἄξειν τὸν στρατόν, ὁ Νικίας προπυθόμενος πέμπει ἐς τῶν Σικελῶν τοὺς τὴν δίοδον ἔχοντας καὶ σφίσι ξυμμάχους, Κεντόριπάς τε καὶ Ἀλικυαίους καὶ ἄλλους, ὅπως μὴ διαφρήσωσι τοὺς πολεμίους, ἀλλὰ ξυστραφέντες κωλύσωσι διελθεῖν· ἄλλῃ γὰρ αὐτοὺς οὐδὲ πειράσειν· Ἀκραγαντῖνοι γὰρ οὐκ ἐδίδοσαν διὰ τῆς ἑαυτῶν ὁδόν.

2 πορευομένων δ’ ἤδη τῶν Σικελιωτῶν οἱ Σικελοί, καθάπερ ἐδέοντο οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἐνέδραν τινὰ τριχῇ ποιησάμενοι, ἀφυλάκτοις τε καὶ ἐξαίφνης ἐπιγενόμενοι διέφθειραν ἐς ὀκτακοσίους μάλιστα καὶ τοὺς πρέσβεις πλὴν ἑνὸς τοῦ Κορινθίου πάντας· οὗτος δὲ τοὺς διαφυγόντας ἐς πεντακοσίους καὶ χιλίους ἐκόμισεν ἐς τὰς Συρακούσας.

Chapter 33

1 καὶ περὶ τὰς αὐτὰς ἡμέρας καὶ οἱ Καμαριναῖοι ἀφικνοῦνται αὐτοῖς βοηθοῦντες, πεντακόσιοι μὲν ὁπλῖται, τριακόσιοι δὲ ἀκοντισταὶ καὶ τοξόται τριακόσιοι. ἔπεμψαν δὲ καὶ οἱ Γελῷοι ναυτικόν τε ἐς πέντε ναῦς καὶ ἀκοντιστὰς τετρακοσίους καὶ ἱππέας διακοσίους.

2 σχεδὸν γάρ τι ἤδη πᾶσα ἡ Σικελία πλὴν Ἀκραγαντίνων (οὗτοι δ’ οὐδὲ μεθ’ ἑτέρων ἦσαν), οἱ δ’ ἄλλοι ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους μετὰ τῶν Συρακοσίων οἱ πρότερον περιορώμενοι ξυστάντες ἐβοήθουν.

3 καὶ οἱ μὲν Συρακόσιοι, ὡς αὐτοῖς τὸ ἐν τοῖς Σικελοῖς πάθος ἐγένετο, ἐπέσχον τὸ εὐθέως τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐπιχειρεῖν· ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης καὶ Εὐρυμέδων, ἑτοίμης ἤδη τῆς στρατιᾶς οὔσης ἔκ τε τῆς Κερκύρας καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς ἠπείρου, ἐπεραιώθησαν ξυμπάσῃ τῇ στρατιᾷ τὸν Ἰόνιον ἐπ’ ἄκραν Ἰαπυγίαν·

4 καὶ ὁρμηθέντες αὐτόθεν κατίσχουσιν ἐς τὰς Χοιράδας νήσους Ἰαπυγίας, καὶ ἀκοντιστάς τέ τινας τῶν Ἰαπύγων πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν τοῦ Μεσσαπίου ἔθνους ἀναβιβάζονται ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς, καὶ τῷ Ἄρτᾳ, ὅσπερ καὶ τοὺς ἀκοντιστὰς δυνάστης ὢν παρέσχετο αὐτοῖς, ἀνανεωσάμενοί τινα παλαιὰν φιλίαν ἀφικνοῦνται ἐς Μεταπόντιον τῆς Ἰταλίας.

5 καὶ τοὺς Μεταποντίους πείσαντες κατὰ τὸ ξυμμαχικὸν ἀκοντιστάς τε ξυμπέμπειν τριακοσίους καὶ τριήρεις δύο καὶ ἀναλαβόντες ταῦτα παρέπλευσαν ἐς Θουρίαν. καὶ καταλαμβάνουσι νεωστὶ στάσει τοὺς τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐναντίους ἐκπεπτωκότας·

6 καὶ βουλόμενοι τὴν στρατιὰν αὐτόθι πᾶσαν ἁθροίσαντες εἴ τις ὑπελέλειπτο ἐξετάσαι, καὶ τοὺς Θουρίους πεῖσαι σφίσι ξυστρατεύειν τε ὡς προθυμότατα καί, ἐπειδήπερ ἐν τούτῳ τύχης εἰσί, τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἐχθροὺς καὶ φίλους τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις νομίζειν, περιέμενον ἐν τῇ Θουρίᾳ καὶ ἔπρασσον ταῦτα.

Chapter 34

1 οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι περὶ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον τοῦτον οἱ ἐν ταῖς πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι ναυσίν, οἵπερ τῶν ὁλκάδων ἕνεκα τῆς ἐς Σικελίαν κομιδῆς ἀνθώρμουν πρὸς τὰς ἐν Ναυπάκτῳ ναῦς, παρασκευασάμενοι ὡς ἐπὶ ναυμαχίᾳ καὶ προσπληρώσαντες ἔτι ναῦς ὥστε ὀλίγῳ ἐλάσσους εἶναι αὐτοῖς τῶν Ἀττικῶν νεῶν, ὁρμίζονται κατὰ Ἐρινεὸν τῆς Ἀχαΐας ἐν τῇ Ῥυπικῇ.

2 καὶ αὐτοῖς τοῦ χωρίου μηνοειδοῦς ὄντος ἐφ’ ᾧ ὥρμουν, ὁ μὲν πεζὸς ἑκατέρωθεν προσβεβοηθηκὼς τῶν τε Κορινθίων καὶ τῶν αὐτόθεν ξυμμάχων ἐπὶ ταῖς προανεχούσαις ἄκραις παρετέτακτο, αἱ δὲ νῆες τὸ μεταξὺ εἶχον ἐμφάρξασαι· ἦρχε δὲ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ Πολυάνθης Κορίνθιος.

3 οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐκ τῆς Ναυπάκτου τριάκοντα ναυσὶ καὶ τρισίν (ἦρχε δὲ αὐτῶν Δίφιλος) ἐπέπλευσαν αὐτοῖς.

4 καὶ οἱ Κορίνθιοι τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἡσύχαζον, ἔπειτα ἀρθέντος αὐτοῖς τοῦ σημείου, ἐπεὶ καιρὸς ἐδόκει εἶναι, ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους καὶ ἐναυμάχουν. καὶ χρόνον ἀντεῖχον πολὺν ἀλλήλοις.

5 καὶ τῶν μὲν Κορινθίων τρεῖς νῆες διαφθείρονται, τῶν δ’ Ἀθηναίων κατέδυ μὲν οὐδεμία ἁπλῶς, ἑπτὰ δέ τινες ἄπλοι ἐγένοντο ἀντίπρῳροι ἐμβαλλόμεναι καὶ ἀναρραγεῖσαι τὰς παρεξειρεσίας ὑπὸ τῶν Κορινθίων νεῶν ἐπ’ αὐτὸ τοῦτο παχυτέρας τὰς ἐπωτίδας ἐχουσῶν.

6 ναυμαχήσαντες δὲ ἀντίπαλα μὲν καὶ ὡς αὐτοὺς ἑκατέρους ἀξιοῦν νικᾶν, ὅμως δὲ τῶν ναυαγίων κρατησάντων τῶν Ἀθηναίων διά τε τὴν τοῦ ἀνέμου ἄπωσιν αὐτῶν ἐς τὸ πέλαγος καὶ διὰ τὴν τῶν Κορινθίων οὐκέτι ἐπαναγωγήν, διεκρίθησαν ἀπ’ ἀλλήλων, καὶ δίωξις οὐδεμία ἐγένετο, οὐδ’ ἄνδρες οὐδετέρων ἑάλωσαν· οἱ μὲν γὰρ Κορίνθιοι καὶ Πελοποννήσιοι πρὸς τῇ γῇ ναυμαχοῦντες ῥᾳδίως διεσῴζοντο, τῶν δὲ Ἀθηναίων οὐδεμία κατέδυ ναῦς.

7 ἀποπλευσάντων δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐς τὴν Ναύπακτον οἱ Κορίνθιοι εὐθὺς τροπαῖον ἔστησαν ὡς νικῶντες, ὅτι πλείους τῶν ἐναντίων ναῦς ἄπλους ἐποίησαν καὶ νομίσαντες αὐτοὶ οὐχ ἡσσᾶσθαι δι’ ὅπερ οὐδ’ οἱ ἕτεροι νικᾶν· οἵ τε γὰρ Κορίνθιοι ἡγήσαντο κρατεῖν εἰ μὴ καὶ πολὺ ἐκρατοῦντο, οἵ τ’ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐνόμιζον ἡσσᾶσθαι ὅτι οὐ πολὺ ἐνίκων.

8 ἀποπλευσάντων δὲ τῶν Πελοποννησίων καὶ τοῦ πεζοῦ διαλυθέντος οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἔστησαν τροπαῖον καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐν τῇ Ἀχαΐᾳ ὡς νικήσαντες,ἀπέχον τοῦ Ἐρινεοῦ, ἐν ᾧ οἱ Κορίνθιοι ὥρμουν, ὡς εἴκοσι σταδίους. καὶ ἡ μὲν ναυμαχία οὕτως ἐτελεύτα.

Chapter 35

1 ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης καὶ Εὐρυμέδων, ἐπειδὴ ξυστρατεύειν αὐτοῖς οἱ Θούριοι παρεσκευάσθησαν ἑπτακοσίοις μὲν ὁπλίταις, τριακοσίοις δὲ ἀκοντισταῖς, τὰς μὲν ναῦς παραπλεῖν ἐκέλευον ἐπὶ τῆς Κροτωνιάτιδος, αὐτοὶ δὲ τὸν πεζὸν πάντα ἐξετάσαντες πρῶτον ἐπὶ τῷ Συβάρει ποταμῷ ἦγον διὰ τῆς Θουριάδος γῆς.

2 καὶ ὡς ἐγένοντο ἐπὶ τῷ Ὑλίᾳ ποταμῷ καὶ αὐτοῖς οἱ Κροτωνιᾶται προσπέμψαντες εἶπον οὐκ ἂν σφίσι βουλομένοις εἶναι διὰ τῆς γῆς σφῶν τὸν στρατὸν ἰέναι, ἐπικαταβάντες ηὐλίσαντο πρὸς τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ Ὑλίου· καὶ αἱ νῆες αὐτοῖς ἐς τὸ αὐτὸ ἀπήντων. τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ ἀναβιβασάμενοι παρέπλεον, ἴσχοντες πρὸς ταῖς πόλεσι πλὴν Λοκρῶν, ἕως ἀφίκοντο ἐπὶ Πέτραν τῆς Ῥηγίνης.

Chapter 36

1 οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι ἐν τούτῳ πυνθανόμενοι αὐτῶν τὸν ἐπίπλουν αὖθις ταῖς ναυσὶν ἀποπειρᾶσαι ἐβούλοντο καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ παρασκευῇ τοῦ πεζοῦ, ἥνπερ ἐπ’ αὐτὸ τοῦτο πρὶν ἐλθεῖν αὐτοὺς φθάσαι βουλόμενοι ξυνέλεγον.

2 παρεσκευάσαντο δὲ τό τε ἄλλο ναυτικὸν ὡς ἐκ τῆς προτέρας ναυμαχίας τι πλέον ἐνεῖδον σχήσοντες, καὶ τὰς πρῴρας τῶν νεῶν ξυντεμόντες ἐς ἔλασσον στεριφωτέρας ἐποίησαν, καὶ τὰς ἐπωτίδας ἐπέθεσαν ταῖς πρῴραις παχείας, καὶ ἀντηρίδας ἀπ’ αὐτῶν ὑπέτειναν πρὸς τοὺς τοίχους ὡς ἐπὶ ἓξ πήχεις ἐντός τε καὶ ἔξωθεν· ᾧπερ τρόπῳ καὶ οἱ Κορίνθιοι πρὸς τὰς ἐν τῇ Ναυπάκτῳ ναῦς ἐπισκευασάμενοι πρῴραθεν ἐναυμάχουν.

3 ἐνόμισαν γὰρ οἱ Συρακόσιοι πρὸς τὰς τῶν Ἀθηναίων ναῦς οὐχ ὁμοίως ἀντινεναυπηγημένας, ἀλλὰ λεπτὰ τὰ πρῴραθεν ἐχούσας διὰ τὸ μὴ ἀντιπρῴροις μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς ἢ ἐκ περίπλου ταῖς ἐμβολαῖς χρῆσθαι, οὐκ ἔλασσον σχήσειν, καὶ τὴν ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ λιμένι ναυμαχίαν, οὐκ ἐν πολλῷ πολλαῖς ναυσὶν οὖσαν, πρὸς ἑαυτῶν ἔσεσθαι· ἀντιπρῴροις γὰρ ταῖς ἐμβολαῖς χρώμενοι ἀναρρήξειν τὰ πρῴραθεν αὐτοῖς, στερίφοις καὶ παχέσι πρὸς κοῖλα καὶ ἀσθενῆ παίοντες τοῖς ἐμβόλοις.

4 τοῖς δὲ Ἀθηναίοις οὐκ ἔσεσθαι σφῶν ἐν στενοχωρίᾳ οὔτε περίπλουν οὔτε διέκπλουν, ᾧπερ τῆς τέχνης μάλιστα ἐπίστευον· αὐτοὶ γὰρ κατὰ τὸ δυνατὸν τὸ μὲν οὐ δώσειν διεκπλεῖν, τὸ δὲ τὴν στενοχωρίαν κωλύσειν ὥστε μὴ περιπλεῖν.

5 τῇ τε πρότερον ἀμαθίᾳ τῶν κυβερνητῶν δοκούσῃ εἶναι, τὸ ἀντίπρῳρον ξυγκροῦσαι, μάλιστ᾽ ἂν αὐτοὶ χρήσασθαι· πλεῖστον γὰρ ἐν αὐτῷ σχήσειν· τὴν γὰρ ἀνάκρουσιν οὐκ ἔσεσθαι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐξωθουμένοις ἄλλοσε ἢ ἐς τὴν γῆν, καὶ ταύτην δι’ ὀλίγου καὶ ἐς ὀλίγον, κατ᾽ αὐτὸ τὸ στρατόπεδον τὸ ἑαυτῶν· τοῦ δ’ ἄλλου λιμένος αὐτοὶ κρατήσειν, καὶ ξυμφερομένους αὐτούς, ἤν πῃ βιάζωνται,

6 ἐς ὀλίγον τε καὶ πάντας ἐς τὸ αὐτό, προσπίπτοντας ἀλλήλοις ταράξεσθαι (ὅπερ καὶ ἔβλαπτε μάλιστα τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐν ἁπάσαις ταῖς ναυμαχίαις, οὐκ οὔσης αὐτοῖς ἐς πάντα τὸν λιμένα τῆς ἀνακρούσεως, ὥσπερ τοῖς Συρακοσίοις)· περιπλεῦσαι δὲ ἐς τὴν εὐρυχωρίαν, σφῶν ἐχόντων τὴν ἐπίπλευσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ πελάγους τε καὶ ἀνάκρουσιν, οὐ δυνήσεσθαι αὐτούς, ἄλλως τε καὶ τοῦ Πλημμυρίου πολεμίου τε αὐτοῖς ἐσομένου καὶ τοῦ στόματος οὐ μεγάλου ὄντος τοῦ λιμένος.

Chapter 37

1 τοιαῦτα οἱ Συρακόσιοι πρὸς τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἐπιστήμην τε καὶ δύναμιν ἐπινοήσαντες καὶ ἅμα τεθαρσηκότες μᾶλλον ἤδη ἀπὸ τῆς προτέρας ναυμαχίας, ἐπεχείρουν τῷ τε πεζῷ ἅμα καὶ ταῖς ναυσίν.

2 καὶ τὸν μὲν πεζὸν ὀλίγῳ πρότερον τὸν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως Γύλιππος προεξαγαγὼν προσῆγε τῷ τείχει τῶν Ἀθηναίων, καθ’ ὅσον πρὸς τὴν πόλιν αὐτοῦ ἑώρα· καὶ οἱ ἀπὸ τοῦ Ὀλυμπιείου, οἵ τε ὁπλῖται ὅσοι ἐκεῖ ἦσαν καὶ οἱ ἱππῆς καὶ ἡ γυμνητεία τῶν Συρακοσίων ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ θάτερα προσῄει τῷ τείχει· αἱ δὲ νῆες μετὰ τοῦτο εὐθὺς ἐπεξέπλεον τῶν Συρακοσίων καὶ ξυμμάχων.

3 καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὸ πρῶτον αὐτοὺς οἰόμενοι τῷ πεζῷ μόνῳ πειράσειν, ὁρῶντες δὲ καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἐπιφερομένας ἄφνω, ἐθορυβοῦντο, καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ τὰ τείχη καὶ πρὸ τῶν τειχῶν τοῖς προσιοῦσιν ἀντιπαρετάσσοντο, οἱ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ Ὀλυμπιείου καὶ τῶν ἔξω κατὰ τάχος χωροῦντας ἱππέας τε πολλοὺς καὶ ἀκοντιστὰς ἀντεπεξῇσαν, ἄλλοι δὲ τὰς ναῦς ἐπλήρουν καὶ ἅμα ἐπὶ τὸν αἰγιαλὸν παρεβοήθουν, καὶ ἐπειδὴ πλήρεις ἦσαν, ἀντανῆγον πέντε καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα ναῦς· καὶ τῶν Συρακοσίων ἦσαν ὀγδοήκοντα μάλιστα.

Chapter 38

1 τῆς δὲ ἡμέρας ἐπὶ πολὺ προσπλέοντες καὶ ἀνακρουόμενοι καὶ πειράσαντες ἀλλήλων καὶ οὐδέτεροι δυνάμενοι ἄξιόν τι λόγου παραλαβεῖν, εἰ μὴ ναῦν μίαν ἢ δύο τῶν Ἀθηναίων οἱ Συρακόσιοι καταδύσαντες, διεκρίθησαν· καὶ ὁ πεζὸς ἅμα ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἀπῆλθεν.

2 τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ οἱ μὲν Συρακόσιοι ἡσύχαζον, οὐδὲν δηλοῦντες ὁποῖόν τι τὸ μέλλον ποιήσουσιν· ὁ δὲ Νικίας ἰδὼν ἀντίπαλα τὰ τῆς ναυμαχίας γενόμενα καὶ ἐλπίζων αὐτοὺς αὖθις ἐπιχειρήσειν τούς τε τριηράρχους ἠνάγκαζεν ἐπισκευάζειν τὰς ναῦς, εἴ τίς τι ἐπεπονήκει, καὶ ὁλκάδας προώρμισε πρὸ τοῦ σφετέρου σταυρώματος, ὃ αὐτοῖς πρὸ τῶν νεῶν ἀντὶ λιμένος κλῃστοῦ ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ ἐπεπήγει.

3 διαλειπούσας δὲ τὰς ὁλκάδας ὅσον δύο πλέθρα ἀπ’ ἀλλήλων κατέστησεν, ὅπως, εἴ τις βιάζοιτο ναῦς, εἴη κατάφευξις ἀσφαλὴς καὶ πάλιν καθ’ ἡσυχίαν ἔκπλους. παρασκευαζόμενοι δὲ ταῦτα ὅλην τὴν ἡμέραν διετέλεσαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι μέχρι νυκτός.

Chapter 39

1 τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ οἱ Συρακόσιοι τῆς μὲν ὥρας πρωίτερον, τῇ δ’ ἐπιχειρήσει τῇ αὐτῇ τοῦ τε πεζοῦ καὶ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ προσέμισγον τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις,

2 καὶ ἀντικαταστάντες ταῖς ναυσὶ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον αὖθις ἐπὶ πολὺ διῆγον τῆς ἡμέρας πειρώμενοι ἀλλήλων, πρὶν δὴ Ἀρίστων ὁ Πυρρίχου Κορίνθιος, ἄριστος ὢν κυβερνήτης τῶν μετὰ Συρακοσίων, πείθει τοὺς σφετέρους τοῦ ναυτικοῦ ἄρχοντας, πέμψαντας ὡς τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει ἐπιμελομένους, κελεύειν ὅτι τάχιστα τὴν ἀγορὰν τῶν πωλουμένων παρὰ τὴν θάλασσαν μεταστῆσαι κομίσαντας, καὶ ὅσα τις ἔχει ἐδώδιμα, πάντας ἐκεῖσε φέροντας ἀναγκάσαι πωλεῖν, ὅπως αὐτοῖς ἐκβιβάσαντες τοὺς ναύτας εὐθὺς παρὰ τὰς ναῦς ἀριστοποιήσωνται, καὶ δι’ ὀλίγου αὖθις καὶ αὐθημερὸν ἀπροσδοκήτοις τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐπιχειρῶσιν.

Chapter 40

1 καὶ οἱ μὲν πεισθέντες ἔπεμψαν ἄγγελον, καὶ ἡ ἀγορὰ παρεσκευάσθη, καὶ οἱ Συρακόσιοι ἐξαίφνης πρύμναν κρουσάμενοι πάλιν πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἔπλευσαν καὶ εὐθὺς ἐκβάντες αὐτοῦ ἄριστον ἐποιοῦντο·

2 οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι νομίσαντες αὐτοὺς ὡς ἡσσημένους σφῶν πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἀνακρούσασθαι, καθ’ ἡσυχίαν ἐκβάντες τά τε ἄλλα διεπράσσοντο καὶ τὰ ἀμφὶ τὸ ἄριστον ὡς τῆς γε ἡμέρας ταύτης οὐκέτι οἰόμενοι ἂν ναυμαχῆσαι.

3 ἐξαίφνης δὲ οἱ Συρακόσιοι πληρώσαντες τὰς ναῦς ἐπέπλεον αὖθις· οἱ δὲ διὰ πολλοῦ θορύβου καὶ ἄσιτοι οἱ πλείους οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ ἐσβάντες μόλις ποτὲ ἀντανήγοντο.

4 καὶ χρόνον μέν τινα ἀπέσχοντο ἀλλήλων φυλασσόμενοι· ἔπειτα οὐκ ἐδόκει τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ὑπὸ σφῶν αὐτῶν διαμέλλοντας κόπῳ ἁλίσκεσθαι, ἀλλ’ ἐπιχειρεῖν ὅτι τάχιστα, καὶ ἐπιφερόμενοι ἐκ παρακελεύσεως ἐναυμάχουν.

5 οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι δεξάμενοι καὶ ταῖς [τε] ναυσὶν ἀντιπρῴροις χρώμενοι, ὥσπερ διενοήθησαν, τῶν ἐμβόλων τῇ παρασκευῇ ἀνερρήγνυσαν τὰς τῶν Ἀθηναίων ναῦς ἐπὶ πολὺ τῆς παρεξειρεσίας, καὶ οἱ ἀπὸ τῶν καταστρωμάτων αὐτοῖς ἀκοντίζοντες μεγάλα ἔβλαπτον τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, πολὺ δ’ ἔτι μείζω οἱ ἐν τοῖς λεπτοῖς πλοίοις περιπλέοντες τῶν Συρακοσίων καὶ ἔς τε τοὺς ταρσοὺς ὑποπίπτοντες τῶν πολεμίων νεῶν καὶ ἐς τὰ πλάγια παραπλέοντες καὶ ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐς τοὺς ναύτας ἀκοντίζοντες.

Chapter 41

1 τέλος δὲ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ κατὰ κράτος ναυμαχοῦντες οἱ Συρακόσιοι ἐνίκησαν, καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τραπόμενοι διὰ τῶν ὁλκάδων τὴν κατάφευξιν ἐποιοῦντο ἐς τὸν ἑαυτῶν ὅρμον.

2 αἱ δὲ τῶν Συρακοσίων νῆες μέχρι μὲν τῶν ὁλκάδων ἐπεδίωκον· ἔπειτα αὐτοὺς αἱ κεραῖαι ὑπὲρ τῶν ἔσπλων αἱ ἀπὸ τῶν ὁλκάδων δελφινοφόροι ἠρμέναι ἐκώλυον.

3 δύο δὲ νῆες τῶν Συρακοσίων ἐπαιρόμεναι τῇ νίκῃ προσέμειξαν αὐτῶν ἐγγὺς καὶ διεφθάρησαν, καὶ ἡ ἑτέρα αὐτοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἑάλω.

4 καταδύσαντες δ’ οἱ Συρακόσιοι τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἑπτὰ ναῦς καὶ κατατραυματίσαντες πολλὰς ἄνδρας τε τοὺς μὲν πολλοὺς ζωγρήσαντες, τοὺς δὲ ἀποκτείναντες ἀπεχώρησαν, καὶ τροπαῖά τε ἀμφοτέρων τῶν ναυμαχιῶν ἔστησαν, καὶ τὴν ἐλπίδα ἤδη ἐχυρὰν εἶχον ταῖς μὲν ναυσὶ καὶ πολὺ κρείσσους εἶναι, ἐδόκουν δὲ καὶ τὸν πεζὸν χειρώσεσθαι.

Chapter 42

1 καὶ οἱ μὲν ὡς ἐπιθησόμενοι κατ’ ἀμφότερα παρεσκευάζοντο αὖθις, ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Δημοσθένης καὶ Εὐρυμέδων ἔχοντες τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν βοήθειαν παραγίγνονται, ναῦς τε τρεῖς καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα μάλιστα ξὺν ταῖς ξενικαῖς καὶ ὁπλίτας περὶ πεντακισχιλίους ἑαυτῶν τε καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων, ἀκοντιστάς τε βαρβάρους καὶ Ἕλληνας οὐκ ὀλίγους, καὶ σφενδονήτας καὶ τοξότας καὶ τὴν ἄλλην παρασκευὴν ἱκανήν.

2 καὶ τοῖς μὲν Συρακοσίοις καὶ ξυμμάχοις κατάπληξις ἐν τῷ αὐτίκα οὐκ ὀλίγη ἐγένετο, εἰ πέρας μηδὲν ἔσται σφίσι τοῦ ἀπαλλαγῆναι τοῦ κινδύνου, ὁρῶντες οὔτε διὰ τὴν Δεκέλειαν τειχιζομένην οὐδὲν ἧσσον στρατὸν ἴσον καὶ παραπλήσιον τῷ προτέρῳ ἐπεληλυθότα τήν τε τῶν Ἀθηναίων δύναμιν πανταχόσε πολλὴν φαινομένην· τῷ δὲ προτέρῳ στρατεύματι τῶν Ἀθηναίων ὡς ἐκ κακῶν ῥώμη τις ἐγεγένητο.

3 ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης ἰδὼν ὡς εἶχε τὰ πράγματα καὶ νομίσας οὐχ οἷόν τε εἶναι διατρίβειν οὐδὲ παθεῖν ὅπερ ὁ Νικίας ἔπαθεν (ἀφικόμενος γὰρ τὸ πρῶτον ὁ Νικίας φοβερός, ὡς οὐκ εὐθὺς προσέκειτο ταῖς Συρακούσαις, ἀλλ’ ἐν Κατάνῃ διεχείμαζεν, ὑπερώφθη τε καὶ ἔφθασεν αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς Πελοποννήσου στρατιᾷ ὁ Γύλιππος ἀφικόμενος, ἣν οὐδ’ ἂν μετέπεμψαν οἱ Συρακόσιοι, εἰ ἐκεῖνος εὐθὺς ἐπέκειτο· ἱκανοὶ γὰρ αὐτοὶ οἰόμενοι εἶναι ἅμα τ’ ἂν ἔμαθον ἥσσους ὄντες καὶ ἀποτετειχισμένοι ἂν ἦσαν, ὥστε μηδ’ εἰ μετέπεμψαν ἔτι ὁμοίως ἂν αὐτοὺς ὠφελεῖν), ταῦτα οὖν ἀνασκοπῶν ὁ Δημοσθένης, καὶ γιγνώσκων ὅτι καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν τῷ παρόντι τῇ πρώτῃ ἡμέρᾳ μάλιστα δεινότατός ἐστι τοῖς ἐναντίοις, ἐβούλετο ὅτι τάχος ἀποχρήσασθαι τῇ παρούσῃ τοῦ στρατεύματος ἐκπλήξει.

4 καὶ ὁρῶν τὸ παρατείχισμα τῶν Συρακοσίων, ᾧ ἐκώλυσαν περιτειχίσαι σφᾶς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, ἁπλοῦν ὂν καί, εἰ κρατήσειέ τις τῶν τε Ἐπιπολῶν τῆς ἀναβάσεως καὶ αὖθις τοῦ ἐν αὐταῖς στρατοπέδου, ῥᾳδίως ἂν αὐτὸ ληφθέν (οὐδὲ γὰρ ὑπομεῖναι ἂν σφᾶς οὐδένα),

5 ἠπείγετο ἐπιθέσθαι τῇ πείρᾳ, καί οἱ ξυντομωτάτην ἡγεῖτο διαπολέμησιν· ἢ γὰρ κατορθώσας ἕξειν Συρακούσας, ἢ ἀπάξειν τὴν στρατιὰν καὶ οὐ τρίψεσθαι ἄλλως Ἀθηναίους τε τοὺς ξυστρατευομένους καὶ τὴν ξύμπασαν πόλιν.

6 πρῶτον μὲν οὖν τήν τε γῆν ἐξελθόντες τῶν Συρακοσίων ἔτεμον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι περὶ τὸν Ἄναπον, καὶ τῷ στρατεύματι ἐπεκράτουν ὥσπερ τὸ πρῶτον, τῷ τε πεζῷ καὶ ταῖς ναυσίν (οὐδὲ γὰρ καθ’ ἕτερα οἱ Συρακόσιοι ἀντεπεξῇσαν ὅτι μὴ τοῖς ἱππεῦσι καὶ ἀκοντισταῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ Ὀλυμπιείου)·

Chapter 43

1 ἔπειτα μηχαναῖς ἔδοξε τῷ Δημοσθένει πρότερον ἀποπειρᾶσαι τοῦ παρατειχίσματος. ὡς δὲ αὐτῷ προσαγαγόντι κατεκαύθησάν τε ὑπὸ τῶν ἐναντίων ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους ἀμυνομένων αἱ μηχαναὶ καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ στρατιᾷ πολλαχῇ προσβάλλοντες ἀπεκρούοντο, οὐκέτι ἐδόκει διατρίβειν, ἀλλὰ πείσας τόν τε Νικίαν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ξυνάρχοντας, ὡς ἐπενόει, τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν τῶν Ἐπιπολῶν ἐποιεῖτο.

2 καὶ ἡμέρας μὲν ἀδύνατα ἐδόκει εἶναι λαθεῖν προσελθόντας τε καὶ ἀναβάντας, παραγγείλας δὲ πέντε ἡμερῶν σιτία καὶ τοὺς λιθολόγους καὶ τέκτονας πάντας λαβὼν καὶ ἄλλην παρασκευὴν τοξευμάτων τε καὶ ὅσα ἔδει, ἢν κρατῶσι, τειχίζοντας ἔχειν, αὐτὸς μὲν ἀπὸ πρώτου ὕπνου καὶ Εὐρυμέδων καὶ Μένανδρος ἀναλαβὼν τὴν πᾶσαν στρατιὰν ἐχώρει πρὸς τὰς Ἐπιπολάς, Νικίας δὲ ἐν τοῖς τείχεσιν ὑπελέλειπτο.

3 καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐγένοντο πρὸς αὐταῖς κατὰ τὸν Εὐρύηλον, ᾗπερ καὶ ἡ προτέρα στρατιὰ τὸ πρῶτον ἀνέβη, λανθάνουσί τε τοὺς φύλακας τῶν Συρακοσίων, καὶ προσβάντες τὸ τείχισμα ὃ ἦν αὐτόθι τῶν Συρακοσίων αἱροῦσι καὶ ἄνδρας τῶν φυλάκων ἀποκτείνουσιν.

4 οἱ δὲ πλείους διαφυγόντες εὐθὺς πρὸς τὰ στρατόπεδα, ἃ ἦν ἐπὶ τῶν Ἐπιπολῶν τρία ἐν προτειχίσμασιν, ἓν μὲν τῶν Συρακοσίων, ἓν δὲ τῶν ἄλλων Σικελιωτῶν, ἓν δὲ τῶν ξυμμάχων, ἀγγέλλουσι τὴν ἔφοδον καὶ τοῖς ἑξακοσίοις τῶν Συρακοσίων, οἳ καὶ πρῶτοι κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος τῶν Ἐπιπολῶν φύλακες ἦσαν, ἔφραζον.

5 οἱ δ’ ἐβοήθουν τ’ εὐθύς, καὶ αὐτοῖς ὁ Δημοσθένης καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐντυχόντες ἀμυνομένους προθύμως ἔτρεψαν. καὶ αὐτοὶ μὲν εὐθὺς ἐχώρουν ἐς τὸ πρόσθεν, ὅπως τῇ παρούσῃ ὁρμῇ τοῦ περαίνεσθαι ὧν ἕνεκα ἦλθον μὴ βραδεῖς γένωνται· ἄλλοι δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς πρώτης τὸ παρατείχισμα τῶν Συρακοσίων οὐχ ὑπομενόντων τῶν φυλάκων ᾕρουν τε καὶ τὰς ἐπάλξεις ἀπέσυρον.

6 οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι καὶ ὁ Γύλιππος καὶ οἱ μετ’ αὐτοῦ ἐβοήθουν ἐκ τῶν προτειχισμάτων, καὶ ἀδοκήτου τοῦ τολμήματος σφίσιν ἐν νυκτὶ γενομένου προσέβαλόν τε τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐκπεπληγμένοι καὶ βιασθέντες ὑπ’ αὐτῶν τὸ πρῶτον ὑπεχώρησαν.

7 προϊόντων δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐν ἀταξίᾳ μᾶλλον ἤδη ὡς κεκρατηκότων καὶ βουλομένων διὰ παντὸς τοῦ μήπω μεμαχημένου τῶν ἐναντίων ὡς τάχιστα διελθεῖν, ἵνα μὴ ἀνέντων σφῶν τῆς ἐφόδου αὖθις ξυστραφῶσιν, οἱ Βοιωτοὶ πρῶτοι αὐτοῖς ἀντέσχον καὶ προσβαλόντες ἔτρεψάν τε καὶ ἐς φυγὴν κατέστησαν.

Chapter 44

1 καὶ ἐνταῦθα ἤδη ἐν πολλῇ ταραχῇ καὶ ἀπορίᾳ ἐγίγνοντο οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἣν οὐδὲ πυθέσθαι ῥᾴδιον ἦν οὐδ’ ἀφ’ ἑτέρων ὅτῳ τρόπῳ ἕκαστα ξυνηνέχθη. ἐν μὲν γὰρ ἡμέρᾳ σαφέστερα μέν, ὅμως δὲ οὐδὲ ταῦτα οἱ παραγενόμενοι πάντα πλὴν τὸ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ἕκαστος μόλις οἶδεν· ἐν δὲ νυκτομαχίᾳ, ἣ μόνη δὴ στρατοπέδων μεγάλων ἔν γε τῷδε τῷ πολέμῳ ἐγένετο, πῶς ἄν τις σαφῶς τι ᾔδει;

2 ἦν μὲν γὰρ σελήνη λαμπρά, ἑώρων δὲ οὕτως ἀλλήλους ὡς ἐν σελήνῃ εἰκὸς τὴν μὲν ὄψιν τοῦ σώματος προορᾶν, τὴν δὲ γνῶσιν τοῦ οἰκείου ἀπιστεῖσθαι. ὁπλῖται δὲ ἀμφοτέρων οὐκ ὀλίγοι ἐν στενοχωρίᾳ ἀνεστρέφοντο.

3 καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων οἱ μὲν ἤδη ἐνικῶντο, οἱ δ’ ἔτι τῇ πρώτῃ ἐφόδῳ ἀήσσητοι ἐχώρουν. πολὺ δὲ καὶ τοῦ ἄλλου στρατεύματος αὐτοῖς τὸ μὲν ἄρτι ἀνεβεβήκει, τὸ δ’ ἔτι προσανῄει, ὥστ᾽ οὐκ ἠπίσταντο πρὸς ὅτι χρὴ χωρῆσαι. ἤδη γὰρ τὰ πρόσθεν τῆς τροπῆς γεγενημένης ἐτετάρακτο πάντα καὶ χαλεπὰ ἦν ὑπὸ τῆς βοῆς διαγνῶναι.

4 οἵ τε γὰρ Συρακόσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ὡς κρατοῦντες παρεκελεύοντό τε κραυγῇ οὐκ ὀλίγῃ χρώμενοι, ἀδύνατον ὂν ἐν νυκτὶ ἄλλῳ τῳ σημῆναι, καὶ ἅμα τοὺς προσφερομένους ἐδέχοντο· οἵ τε Ἀθηναῖοι ἐζήτουν τε σφᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ πᾶν τὸ ἐξ ἐναντίας, καὶ εἰ φίλιον εἴη τῶν ἤδη πάλιν φευγόντων, πολέμιον ἐνόμιζον, καὶ τοῖς ἐρωτήμασι τοῦ ξυνθήματος πυκνοῖς χρώμενοι διὰ τὸ μὴ εἶναι ἄλλῳ τῳ γνωρίσαι σφίσι τε αὐτοῖς θόρυβον πολὺν παρεῖχον ἅμα πάντες ἐρωτῶντες καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις σαφὲς αὐτὸ κατέστησαν·

5 τὸ δ’ ἐκείνων οὐχ ὁμοίως ἠπίσταντο διὰ τὸ κρατοῦντας αὐτοὺς καὶ μὴ διεσπασμένους ἧσσον ἀγνοεῖσθαι, ὥστ’ εἰ μὲν ἐντύχοιέν τισι κρείσσους ὄντες τῶν πολεμίων, διέφευγον αὐτοὺς ἅτε ἐκείνων ἐπιστάμενοι τὸ ξύνθημα, εἰ δ’ αὐτοὶ μὴ ἀποκρίνοιντο, διεφθείροντο.

6 μέγιστον δὲ καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα ἔβλαψε καὶ ὁ παιανισμός· ἀπὸ γὰρ ἀμφοτέρων παραπλήσιος ὢν ἀπορίαν παρεῖχεν. οἵ τε γὰρ Ἀργεῖοι καὶ οἱ Κερκυραῖοι καὶ ὅσον Δωρικὸν μετ’ Ἀθηναίων ἦν, ὁπότε παιανίσειαν, φόβον παρεῖχε τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, οἵ τε πολέμιοι ὁμοίως.

7 ὥστε τέλος ξυμπεσόντες αὑτοῖς κατὰ πολλὰ τοῦ στρατοπέδου, ἐπεὶ ἅπαξ ἐταράχθησαν, φίλοι τε φίλοις καὶ πολῖται πολίταις, οὐ μόνον ἐς φόβον κατέστησαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐς χεῖρας ἀλλήλοις ἐλθόντες μόλις ἀπελύοντο.

8 καὶ διωκόμενοι κατά τε τῶν κρημνῶν [οἱ] πολλοὶ ῥίπτοντες ἑαυτοὺς ἀπώλλυντο, στενῆς οὔσης τῆς ἀπὸ τῶν Ἐπιπολῶν πάλιν καταβάσεως, καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐς τὸ ὁμαλὸν οἱ σῳζόμενοι ἄνωθεν καταβαῖεν, οἱ μὲν πολλοὶ αὐτῶν καὶ ὅσοι ἦσαν τῶν προτέρων στρατιωτῶν ἐμπειρίᾳ μᾶλλον τῆς χώρας ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον διεφύγγανον, οἱ δὲ ὕστερον ἥκοντες εἰσὶν οἳ διαμαρτόντες τῶν ὁδῶν κατὰ τὴν χώραν ἐπλανήθησαν· οὕς,ἐπειδὴ ἡμέρα ἐγένετο, οἱ ἱππῆς τῶν Συρακοσίων περιελάσαντες διέφθειραν.

Chapter 45

1 τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ οἱ μὲν Συρακόσιοι δύο τροπαῖα ἔστησαν, ἐπί τε ταῖς Ἐπιπολαῖς ᾗ ἡ πρόσβασις καὶ κατὰ τὸ χωρίον ᾗ οἱ Βοιωτοὶ πρῶτον ἀντέστησαν, οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι τοὺς νεκροὺς ὑποσπόνδους ἐκομίσαντο.

2 ἀπέθανον δὲ οὐκ ὀλίγοι αὐτῶν τε καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων, ὅπλα μέντοι ἔτι πλείω ἢ κατὰ τοὺς νεκροὺς ἐλήφθη· οἱ γὰρ κατὰ τῶν κρημνῶν βιασθέντες ἅλλεσθαι ψιλοὶ [ἄνευ τῶν ἀσπίδων] οἱ μὲν ἀπώλλυντο, οἱ δ’ ἐσώθησαν.

Chapter 46

1 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο οἱ μὲν Συρακόσιοι ὡς ἐπὶ ἀπροσδοκήτῳ εὐπραγίᾳ πάλιν αὖ ἀναρρωσθέντες, ὥσπερ καὶ πρότερον, ἐς μὲν Ἀκράγαντα στασιάζοντα πέντε καὶ δέκα ναυσὶ Σικανὸν ἀπέστειλαν, ὅπως ὑπαγάγοιτο τὴν πόλιν, εἰ δύναιτο· Γύλιππος δὲ κατὰ γῆν ἐς τὴν ἄλλην Σικελίαν ᾤχετο αὖθις, ἄξων στρατιὰν ἔτι, ὡς ἐν ἐλπίδι ὢν καὶ τὰ τείχη τῶν Ἀθηναίων αἱρήσειν βίᾳ, ἐπειδὴ τὰ ἐν ταῖς Ἐπιπολαῖς οὕτω ξυνέβη.

Chapter 47

1 οἱ δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατηγοὶ ἐν τούτῳ ἐβουλεύοντο πρός τε τὴν γεγενημένην ξυμφορὰν καὶ πρὸς τὴν παροῦσαν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ κατὰ πάντα ἀρρωστίαν. τοῖς τε γὰρ ἐπιχειρήμασιν ἑώρων οὐ κατορθοῦντες καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀχθομένους τῇ μονῇ·

2 νόσῳ τε γὰρ ἐπιέζοντο κατ’ ἀμφότερα, τῆς τε ὥρας τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ ταύτης οὔσης ἐν ᾗ ἀσθενοῦσιν ἄνθρωποι μάλιστα, καὶ τὸ χωρίον ἅμα ἐν ᾧ ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο ἑλῶδες καὶ χαλεπὸν ἦν, τά τε ἄλλα ὅτι ἀνέλπιστα αὐτοῖς ἐφαίνετο.

3 τῷ οὖν Δημοσθένει οὐκ ἐδόκει ἔτι χρῆναι μένειν, ἀλλ’ ἅπερ καὶ διανοηθεὶς ἐς τὰς Ἐπιπολὰς διεκινδύνευσεν, ἐπειδὴ ἔσφαλτο, ἀπιέναι ἐψηφίζετο καὶ μὴ διατρίβειν, ἕως ἔτι τὸ πέλαγος οἷόν τε περαιοῦσθαι καὶ τοῦ στρατεύματος ταῖς γοῦν ἐπελθούσαις ναυσὶ κρατεῖν.

4 καὶ τῇ πόλει ὠφελιμώτερον ἔφη εἶναι πρὸς τοὺς ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ σφῶν ἐπιτειχίζοντας τὸν πόλεμον ποιεῖσθαι ἢ Συρακοσίους, οὓς οὐκέτι ῥᾴδιον εἶναι χειρώσασθαι· οὐδ’ αὖ ἄλλως χρήματα πολλὰ δαπανῶντας εἰκὸς εἶναι προσκαθῆσθαι.

Chapter 48

1 καὶ ὁ μὲν Δημοσθένης τοιαῦτα ἐγίγνωσκεν· ὁ δὲ Νικίας ἐνόμιζε μὲν καὶ αὐτὸς πονηρά σφῶν τὰ πράγματα εἶναι, τῷ δὲ λόγῳ οὐκ ἐβούλετο αὐτὰ ἀσθενῆ ἀποδεικνύναι, οὐδ’ ἐμφανῶς σφᾶς ψηφιζομένους μετὰ πολλῶν τὴν ἀναχώρησιν τοῖς πολεμίοις καταγγέλτους γίγνεσθαι· λαθεῖν γὰρ ἄν, ὁπότε βούλοιντο, τοῦτο ποιοῦντες πολλῷ ἧσσον.

2 τὸ δέ τι καὶ τὰ τῶν πολεμίων, ἀφ’ ὧν ἐπὶ πλέον ἢ οἱ ἄλλοι ᾐσθάνετο αὐτῶν, ἐλπίδος τι ἔτι παρεῖχε πονηρότερα τῶν σφετέρων ἔσεσθαι, ἢν καρτερῶσι προσκαθήμενοι· χρημάτων γὰρ ἀπορίᾳ αὐτοὺς ἐκτρυχώσειν, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἐπὶ πλέον ἤδη ταῖς ὑπαρχούσαις ναυσὶ θαλασσοκρατούντων. καὶ ἦν γάρ τι καὶ ἐν ταῖς Συρακούσαις βουλόμενον τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις τὰ πράγματα ἐνδοῦναι, ἐπεκηρυκεύετο ὡς αὐτὸν καὶ οὐκ εἴα ἀπανίστασθαι.

3 ἃ ἐπιστάμενος τῷ μὲν ἔργῳ ἔτι ἐπ’ ἀμφότερα ἔχων καὶ διασκοπῶν ἀνεῖχε, τῷ δ’ ἐμφανεῖ τότε λόγῳ οὐκ ἔφη ἀπάξειν τὴν στρατιάν. εὖ γὰρ εἰδέναι ὅτι Ἀθηναῖοι σφῶν ταῦτα οὐκ ἀποδέξονται, ὥστε μὴ αὐτῶν ψηφισαμένων ἀπελθεῖν. καὶ γὰρ οὐ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ψηφιεῖσθαί τε περὶ σφῶν [αὐτῶν] καὶ τὰ πράγματα ὥσπερ καὶ αὐτοὶ ὁρῶντας καὶ οὐκ ἄλλων ἐπιτιμήσει ἀκούσαντας γνώσεσθαι, ἀλλ’ ἐξ ὧν ἄν τις εὖ λέγων διαβάλλοι, ἐκ τούτων αὐτοὺς πείσεσθαι.

4 τῶν τε παρόντων στρατιωτῶν πολλοὺς καὶ τοὺς πλείους ἔφη, οἳ νῦν βοῶσιν ὡς ἐν δεινοῖς ὄντες, ἐκεῖσε ἀφικομένους τἀναντία βοήσεσθαι ὡς ὑπὸ χρημάτων καταπροδόντες οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἀπῆλθον. οὔκουν βούλεσθαι αὐτός γε ἐπιστάμενος τὰς Ἀθηναίων φύσεις ἐπ᾽ αἰσχρᾷ τε αἰτίᾳ καὶ ἀδίκως ὑπ’ Ἀθηναίων ἀπολέσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, εἰ δεῖ, κινδυνεύσας τοῦτο παθεῖν ἰδίᾳ.

5 τά τε Συρακοσίων ἔφη ὅμως ἔτι ἥσσω τῶν σφετέρων εἶναι· καὶ χρήμασι γὰρ αὐτοὺς ξενοτροφοῦντας καὶ ἐν περιπολίοις ἅμα ἀναλίσκοντας καὶ ναυτικὸν πολὺ ἔτι ἐνιαυτὸν ἤδη βόσκοντας τὰ μὲν ἀπορεῖν, τὰ δ’ ἔτι ἀμηχανήσειν· δισχίλιά τε γὰρ τάλαντα ἤδη ἀνηλωκέναι καὶ ἔτι πολλὰ προσοφείλειν, ἤν τε καὶ ὁτιοῦν ἐκλίπωσι τῆς νῦν παρασκευῆς τῷ μὴ διδόναι τροφήν, φθερεῖσθαι αὐτῶν τὰ πράγματα, ἐπικουρικὰ μᾶλλον ἢ δι’ ἀνάγκης ὥσπερ τὰ σφέτερα ὄντα.

6 τρίβειν οὖν ἔφη χρῆναι προσκαθημένους καὶ μὴ χρήμασιν, ὧν πολὺ κρείσσους εἰσί, νικηθέντας ἀπιέναι.

Chapter 49

1 ὁ μὲν Νικίας τοσαῦτα λέγων ἰσχυρίζετο, αἰσθόμενος τὰ ἐν ταῖς Συρακούσαις ἀκριβῶς καὶ τὴν τῶν χρημάτων ἀπορίαν καὶ ὅτι ἦν αὐτόθι πολὺ τὸ βουλόμενον τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις γίγνεσθαι τὰ πράγματα καὶ ἐπικηρυκευόμενον πρὸς αὐτὸν ὥστε μὴ ἀπανίστασθαι, καὶ ἅμα ταῖς γοῦν ναυσὶ μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον ἐθάρσησε κρατήσειν.

2 ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης περὶ μὲν τοῦ προσκαθῆσθαι οὐδ’ ὁπωσοῦν ἐνεδέχετο· εἰ δὲ δεῖ μὴ ἀπάγειν τὴν στρατιὰν ἄνευ Ἀθηναίων ψηφίσματος, ἀλλὰ τρίβειν αὐτοῦ, ἔφη χρῆναι ἢ ἐς τὴν Θάψον ἀναστάντας τοῦτο ποιεῖν ἢ ἐς τὴν Κατάνην, ὅθεν τῷ τε πεζῷ ἐπὶ πολλὰ τῆς χώρας ἐπιόντες θρέψονται πορθοῦντες τὰ τῶν πολεμίων καὶ ἐκείνους βλάψουσι, ταῖς τε ναυσὶν ἐν πελάγει καὶ οὐκ ἐν στενοχωρίᾳ, ἣ πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων μᾶλλόν ἐστι, τοὺς ἀγῶνας ποιήσονται, ἀλλ’ ἐν εὐρυχωρίᾳ, ἐν ᾗ τά τε τῆς ἐμπειρίας χρήσιμα σφῶν ἔσται καὶ ἀναχωρήσεις καὶ ἐπίπλους οὐκ ἐκ βραχέος καὶ περιγραπτοῦ ὁρμώμενοί τε καὶ καταίροντες ἕξουσιν.

3 τό τε ξύμπαν εἰπεῖν, οὐδενὶ τρόπῳ οἱ ἔφη ἀρέσκειν ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ἔτι μένειν, ἀλλ’ ὅτι τάχιστα ἤδη ἐξανίστασθαι καὶ μὴ μέλλειν. καὶ ὁ Εὐρυμέδων αὐτῷ ταῦτα ξυνηγόρευεν.

4 ἀντιλέγοντος δὲ τοῦ Νικίου ὄκνος τις καὶ μέλλησις ἐνεγένετο καὶ ἅμα ὑπόνοια μή τι καὶ πλέον εἰδὼς ὁ Νικίας ἰσχυρίζηται. καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ διεμέλλησάν τε καὶ κατὰ χώραν ἔμενον.

Chapter 50

1 ὁ δὲ Γύλιππος καὶ ὁ Σικανὸς ἐν τούτῳ παρῆσαν ἐς τὰς Συρακούσας, ὁ μὲν Σικανὸς ἁμαρτὼν τοῦ Ἀκράγαντος (ἐν Γέλᾳ γὰρ ὄντος αὐτοῦ ἔτι ἡ τοῖς Συρακοσίοις στάσις [ἐς] φιλία ἐξεπεπτώκει)· ὁ δὲ Γύλιππος ἄλλην τε στρατιὰν πολλὴν ἔχων ἦλθεν ἀπὸ τῆς Σικελίας καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Πελοποννήσου τοῦ ἦρος ἐν ταῖς ὁλκάσιν ὁπλίτας ἀποσταλέντας, ἀφικομένους ἀπὸ τῆς Λιβύης ἐς Σελινοῦντα.

2 ἀπενεχθέντες γὰρ ἐς Λιβύην, καὶ δόντων Κυρηναίων τριήρεις δύο καὶ τοῦ πλοῦ ἡγεμόνας, καὶ ἐν τῷ παράπλῳ Εὐεσπερίταις πολιορκουμένοις ὑπὸ Λιβύων ξυμμαχήσαντες καὶ νικήσαντες τοὺς Λίβυς, καὶ αὐτόθεν παραπλεύσαντες ἐς Νέαν πόλιν Καρχηδονιακὸν ἐμπόριον, ὅθενπερ Σικελία ἐλάχιστον δυοῖν ἡμερῶν καὶ νυκτὸς πλοῦν ἀπέχει, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ περαιωθέντες ἀφίκοντο ἐς Σελινοῦντα.

3 καὶ οἱ μὲν Συρακόσιοι εὐθὺς αὐτῶν ἐλθόντων παρεσκευάζοντο ὡς ἐπιθησόμενοι κατ᾽ ἀμφότερα αὖθις τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις καὶ ναυσὶ καὶ πεζῷ· οἱ δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατηγοὶ ὁρῶντες στρατιάν τε ἄλλην προσγεγενημένην αὐτοῖς καὶ τὰ ἑαυτῶν ἅμα οὐκ ἐπὶ τὸ βέλτιον χωροῦντα, ἀλλὰ καθ’ ἡμέραν τοῖς πᾶσι χαλεπώτερον ἴσχοντα, μάλιστα δὲ τῇ ἀσθενείᾳ τῶν ἀνθρώπων πιεζόμενα, μετεμέλοντό τε πρότερον οὐκ ἀναστάντες καὶ ὡς αὐτοῖς οὐδὲ ὁ Νικίας ἔτι ὁμοίως ἐνηντιοῦτο, ἀλλ’ ἢ μὴ φανερῶς γε ἀξιῶν ψηφίζεσθαι, προεῖπον ὡς ἐδύναντο ἀδηλότατα ἔκπλουν ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου πᾶσι, καὶ παρασκευάσασθαι ὅταν τις σημήνῃ.

4 καὶ μελλόντων αὐτῶν, ἐπειδὴ ἑτοῖμα ἦν, ἀποπλεῖν ἡ σελήνη ἐκλείπει· ἐτύγχανε γὰρ πασσέληνος οὖσα. καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι οἵ τε πλείους ἐπισχεῖν ἐκέλευον τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἐνθύμιον ποιούμενοι, καὶ ὁ Νικίας (ἦν γάρ τι καὶ ἄγαν θειασμῷ τε καὶ τῷ τοιούτῳ προσκείμενος) οὐδ’ ἂν διαβουλεύσασθαι ἔτι ἔφη πρίν, ὡς οἱ μάντεις ἐξηγοῦντο, τρὶς ἐννέα ἡμέρας μεῖναι, ὅπως ἂν πρότερον κινηθείη. καὶ τοῖς μὲν Ἀθηναίοις μελλήσασι διὰ τοῦτο ἡ μονὴ ἐγεγένητο.

Chapter 51

1 οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι καὶ αὐτοὶ τοῦτο πυθόμενοι πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἐπηρμένοι ἦσαν μὴ ἀνιέναι τὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ὡς καὶ αὐτῶν κατεγνωκότων ἤδη μηκέτι κρεισσόνων εἶναι σφῶν μήτε ταῖς ναυσὶ μήτε τῷ πεζῷ (οὐ γὰρ ἂν τὸν ἔκπλουν ἐπιβουλεῦσαι), καὶ ἅμα οὐ βουλόμενοι αὐτοὺς ἄλλοσέ ποι τῆς Σικελίας καθεζομένους χαλεπωτέρους εἶναι προσπολεμεῖν, ἀλλ’ αὐτοῦ ὡς τάχιστα καὶ ἐν ᾧ σφίσι ξυμφέρει ἀναγκάσαι αὐτοὺς ναυμαχεῖν.

2 τὰς οὖν ναῦς ἐπλήρουν καὶ ἀνεπειρῶντο ἡμέρας ὅσαι αὐτοῖς ἐδόκουν ἱκαναὶ εἶναι. ἐπειδὴ δὲ καιρὸς ἦν, τῇ μὲν προτέρᾳ πρὸς τὰ τείχη τῶν Ἀθηναίων προσέβαλλον, καὶ ἐπεξελθόντος μέρους τινὸς οὐ πολλοῦ καὶ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν καὶ τῶν ἱππέων κατά τινας πύλας ἀπολαμβάνουσί τε τῶν ὁπλιτῶν τινὰς καὶ τρεψάμενοι καταδιώκουσιν· οὔσης δὲ στενῆς τῆς ἐσόδου οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἵππους τε ἑβδομήκοντα ἀπολλύασι καὶ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν οὐ πολλούς.

Chapter 52

1 καὶ ταύτῃ μὲν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἀπεχώρησεν ἡ στρατιὰ τῶν Συρακοσίων· τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ ταῖς τε ναυσὶν ἐκπλέουσιν οὔσαις ἓξ καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ τῷ πεζῷ ἅμα πρὸς τὰ τείχη ἐχώρουν. οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀντανῆγον ναυσὶν ἓξ καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ προσμείξαντες ἐναυμάχουν.

2 καὶ τὸν Εὐρυμέδοντα ἔχοντα τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ βουλόμενον περικλῄσασθαι τὰς ναῦς τῶν ἐναντίων καὶ ἐπεξάγοντα τῷ πλῷ πρὸς τὴν γῆν μᾶλλον, νικήσαντες οἱ Συρακόσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι τὸ μέσον πρῶτον τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀπολαμβάνουσι κἀκεῖνον ἐν τῷ κοίλῳ καὶ μυχῷ τοῦ λιμένος καὶ αὐτόν τε διαφθείρουσι καὶ τὰς μετ’ αὐτοῦ ναῦς ἐπισπομένας· ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τὰς πάσας ἤδη ναῦς τῶν Ἀθηναίων κατεδίωκόν τε καὶ ἐξεώθουν ἐς τὴν γῆν.

Chapter 53

1 ὁ δὲ Γύλιππος ὁρῶν τὰς ναῦς τῶν πολεμίων νικωμένας καὶ ἔξω τῶν σταυρωμάτων καὶ τοῦ ἑαυτῶν στρατοπέδου καταφερομένας, βουλόμενος διαφθείρειν τοὺς ἐκβαίνοντας καὶ τὰς ναῦς ῥᾷον τοὺς Συρακοσίους ἀφέλκειν τῆς γῆς φιλίας οὔσης, παρεβοήθει ἐπὶ τὴν χηλὴν μέρος τι ἔχων τῆς στρατιᾶς.

2 καὶ αὐτοὺς οἱ Τυρσηνοί (οὗτοι γὰρ ἐφύλασσον τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ταύτῃ) ὁρῶντες ἀτάκτως προσφερομένους, ἐπεκβοηθήσαντες καὶ προσπεσόντες τοῖς πρώτοις τρέπουσι καὶ ἐσβάλλουσιν ἐς τὴν λίμνην τὴν Λυσιμέλειαν καλουμένην.

3 ὕστερον δὲ πλέονος ἤδη τοῦ στρατεύματος παρόντος τῶν Συρακοσίων καὶ ξυμμάχων καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐπιβοηθήσαντες καὶ δείσαντες περὶ ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐς μάχην τε κατέστησαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ νικήσαντες ἐπεδίωξαν καὶ ὁπλίτας τε οὐ πολλοὺς ἀπέκτειναν καὶ τὰς ναῦς τὰς μὲν πολλὰς διέσωσάν τε καὶ ξυνήγαγον κατὰ τὸ στρατόπεδον, δυοῖν δὲ δεούσας εἴκοσιν οἱ Συρακόσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἔλαβον αὐτῶν καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας πάντας ἀπέκτειναν.

4 καὶ ἐπὶ τὰς λοιπὰς ἐμπρῆσαι βουλόμενοι ὁλκάδα παλαιὰν κληματίδων καὶ δᾳδὸς γεμίσαντες (ἦν γὰρ ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ὁ ἄνεμος οὔριος) ἀφεῖσαν [τὴν ναῦν] πῦρ ἐμβαλόντες. καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι δείσαντες περὶ ταῖς ναυσὶν ἀντεμηχανήσαντό τε σβεστήρια κωλύματα καὶ παύσαντες τήν τε φλόγα καὶ τὸ μὴ προσελθεῖν ἐγγὺς τὴν ὁλκάδα τοῦ κινδύνου ἀπηλλάγησαν.

Chapter 54

1 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο Συρακόσιοι μὲν τῆς τε ναυμαχίας τροπαῖον ἔστησαν καὶ τῆς ἄνω τῆς πρὸς τῷ τείχει ἀπολήψεως τῶν ὁπλιτῶν, ὅθεν καὶ τοὺς ἵππους ἔλαβον, Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ἧς τε οἱ Τυρσηνοὶ τροπῆς ἐποιήσαντο τῶν πεζῶν ἐς τὴν λίμνην καὶ ἧς αὐτοὶ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατοπέδῳ.

Chapter 55

1 γεγενημένης δὲ τῆς νίκης τοῖς Συρακοσίοις λαμπρᾶς ἤδη καὶ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ (πρότερον μὲν γὰρ ἐφοβοῦντο τὰς μετὰ τοῦ Δημοσθένους ναῦς ἐπελθούσας) οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι ἐν παντὶ δὴ ἀθυμίας ἦσαν καὶ ὁ παράλογος αὐτοῖς μέγας ἦν, πολὺ δὲ μείζων ἔτι τῆς στρατείας ὁ μετάμελος.

2 πόλεσι γὰρ ταύταις μόναις ἤδη ὁμοιοτρόποις ἐπελθόντες, δημοκρατουμέναις τε, ὥσπερ καὶ αὐτοί, καὶ ναῦς καὶ ἵππους καὶ μεγέθη ἐχούσαις, οὐ δυνάμενοι ἐπενεγκεῖν οὔτ’ ἐκ πολιτείας τι μεταβολῆς τὸ διάφορον αὐτοῖς, ᾧ προσήγοντο ἄν, οὔτ’ ἐκ παρασκευῆς πολλῷ κρείσσονος, σφαλλόμενοι δὲ τὰ πλείω, τά τε πρὸ αὐτῶν ἠπόρουν, καὶ ἐπειδή γε καὶ ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐκρατήθησαν, ὃ οὐκ ἂν ᾤοντο, πολλῷ δὴ μᾶλλον ἔτι.

Chapter 56

1 οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι τόν τε λιμένα εὐθὺς παρέπλεον ἀδεῶς καὶ τὸ στόμα αὐτοῦ διενοοῦντο κλῄσειν, ὅπως μηκέτι, μηδ’ εἰ βούλοιντο, λάθοιεν αὐτοὺς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐκπλεύσαντες.

2 οὐ γὰρ περὶ τοῦ αὐτοὶ σωθῆναι μόνον ἔτι τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ἐποιοῦντο, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅπως ἐκείνους κωλύσουσι, νομίζοντες ὅπερ ἦν, ἀπό τε τῶν παρόντων πολὺ σφῶν καθυπέρτερα τὰ πράγματα εἶναι καί, εἰ δύναιντο κρατῆσαι Ἀθηναίων τε καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν, καλὸν σφίσιν ἐς τοὺς Ἕλληνας τὸ ἀγώνισμα φανεῖσθαι· τούς τε γὰρ ἄλλους Ἕλληνας εὐθὺς τοὺς μὲν ἐλευθεροῦσθαι, τοὺς δὲ φόβου ἀπολύεσθαι (οὐ γὰρ ἔτι δυνατὴν ἔσεσθαι τὴν ὑπόλοιπον Ἀθηναίων δύναμιν τὸν ὕστερον ἐπενεχθησόμενον πόλεμον ἐνεγκεῖν), καὶ αὐτοὶ δόξαντες αὐτῶν αἴτιοι εἶναι ὑπό τε τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ἔπειτα πολὺ θαυμασθήσεσθαι.

3 καὶ ἦν δὲ ἄξιος ὁ ἀγὼν κατά τε ταῦτα καὶ ὅτι οὐχὶ Ἀθηναίων μόνον περιεγίγνοντο, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πολλῶν ξυμμάχων, καὶ οὐδ’ αὐτοὶ αὖ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ τῶν ξυμβοηθησάντων σφίσιν, ἡγεμόνες τε γενόμενοι μετὰ Κορινθίων καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ τὴν σφετέραν πόλιν ἐμπαρασχόντες προκινδυνεῦσαί τε καὶ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ μέγα μέρος προκόψαντες.

4 ἔθνη γὰρ πλεῖστα δὴ ἐπὶ μίαν πόλιν ταύτην ξυνῆλθε, πλήν γε δὴ τοῦ ξύμπαντος λόγου τοῦ ἐν τῷδε τῷ πολέμῳ πρὸς τὴν Ἀθηναίων τε πόλιν καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων.

Chapter 57

1 τοσοίδε γὰρ ἑκάτεροι ἐπὶ Σικελίαν τε καὶ περὶ Σικελίας, τοῖς μὲν ξυγκτησόμενοι τὴν χώραν ἐλθόντες, τοῖς δὲ ξυνδιασώσοντες, ἐπὶ Συρακούσας ἐπολέμησαν, οὐ κατὰ δίκην τι μᾶλλον οὐδὲ κατὰ ξυγγένειαν μετ’ ἀλλήλων στάντες, ἀλλ’ ὡς ἑκάστοις τῆς ξυντυχίας ἢ κατὰ τὸ ξυμφέρον ἢ ἀνάγκῃ ἔσχεν.

2 Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν αὐτοὶ Ἴωνες ἐπὶ Δωριᾶς Συρακοσίους ἑκόντες ἦλθον, καὶ αὐτοῖς τῇ αὐτῇ φωνῇ καὶ νομίμοις ἔτι χρώμενοι Λήμνιοι καὶ Ἴμβριοι καὶ Αἰγινῆται, οἳ τότε Αἴγιναν εἶχον, καὶ ἔτι Ἑστιαιῆς οἱ ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ Ἑστίαιαν οἰκοῦντες ἄποικοι ὄντες ξυνεστράτευσαν.

3 τῶν δ’ ἄλλων οἱ μὲν ὑπήκοοι,οἱ δ’ ἀπὸ ξυμμαχίας αὐτόνομοι, εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ οἳ μισθοφόροι ξυνεστράτευον.

4 καὶ τῶν μὲν ὑπηκόων καὶ φόρου ὑποτελῶν Ἐρετριῆς καὶ Χαλκιδῆς καὶ Στυρῆς καὶ Καρύστιοι ἀπ’ Εὐβοίας ἦσαν, ἀπὸ δὲ νήσων Κεῖοι καὶ Ἄνδριοι καὶ Τήνιοι, ἐκ δ’ Ἰωνίας Μιλήσιοι καὶ Σάμιοι καὶ Χῖοι. τούτων Χῖοι οὐχ ὑποτελεῖς ὄντες φόρου, ναῦς δὲ παρέχοντες αὐτόνομοι ξυνέσποντο. καὶ τὸ πλεῖστον Ἴωνες ὄντες οὗτοι πάντες καὶ ἀπ’ Ἀθηναίων πλὴν Καρυστίων (οὗτοι δ’ εἰσὶ Δρύοπες), ὑπήκοοι δ’ ὄντες καὶ ἀνάγκῃ ὅμως Ἴωνές γε ἐπὶ Δωριᾶς ἠκολούθουν.

5 πρὸς δ’ αὐτοῖς Αἰολῆς, Μηθυμναῖοι μὲν ναυσὶ καὶ οὐ φόρῳ ὑπήκοοι, Τενέδιοι δὲ καὶ Αἴνιοι ὑποτελεῖς. οὗτοι δὲ Αἰολῆς Αἰολεῦσι τοῖς κτίσασι Βοιωτοῖς 〈τοῖς 〉 μετὰ Συρακοσίων κατ’ ἀνάγκην ἐμάχοντο, Πλαταιῆς δὲ καταντικρὺ Βοιωτοὶ Βοιωτοῖς μόνοι εἰκότως κατὰ τὸ ἔχθος.

6 Ῥόδιοι δὲ καὶ Κυθήριοι Δωριῆς ἀμφότεροι, οἱ μὲν Λακεδαιμονίων ἄποικοι Κυθήριοι ἐπὶ Λακεδαιμονίους τοὺς ἅμα Γυλίππῳ μετ’ Ἀθηναίων ὅπλα ἔφερον, Ῥόδιοι δὲ Ἀργεῖοι γένος Συρακοσίοις μὲν Δωριεῦσι, Γελῴοις δὲ καὶ ἀποίκοις ἑαυτῶν οὖσι μετὰ Συρακοσίων στρατευομένοις ἠναγκάζοντο πολεμεῖν.

7 τῶν τε περὶ Πελοπόννησον νησιωτῶν Κεφαλλῆνες μὲν καὶ Ζακύνθιοι αὐτόνομοι μέν, κατὰ δὲ τὸ νησιωτικὸν μᾶλλον κατειργόμενοι, ὅτι θαλάσσης ἐκράτουν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ξυνείποντο· Κερκυραῖοι δὲ οὐ μόνον Δωριῆς, ἀλλὰ καὶ Κορίνθιοι σαφῶς ἐπὶ Κορινθίους τε καὶ Συρακοσίους, τῶν μὲν ἄποικοι ὄντες, τῶν δὲ ξυγγενεῖς, ἀνάγκῃ μὲν ἐκ τοῦ εὐπρεποῦς, βουλήσει δὲ κατὰ ἔχθος τὸ Κορινθίων οὐχ ἧσσον εἵποντο.

8 καὶ οἱ Μεσσήνιοι νῦν καλούμενοι ἐκ Ναυπάκτου καὶ ἐκ Πύλου τότε ὑπ’ Ἀθηναίων ἐχομένης ἐς τὸν πόλεμον παρελήφθησαν. καὶ ἔτι Μεγαρέων φυγάδες οὐ πολλοὶ Μεγαρεῦσι Σελινουντίοις οὖσι κατὰ ξυμφορὰν ἐμάχοντο.

9 τῶν δὲ ἄλλων ἑκούσιος μᾶλλον ἡ στρατεία ἐγίγνετο ἤδη. Ἀργεῖοι μὲν γὰρ οὐ τῆς ξυμμαχίας ἕνεκα μᾶλλον ἢ τῆς Λακεδαιμονίων τε ἔχθρας καὶ τῆς παραυτίκα ἕκαστοι ἰδίας ὠφελίας Δωριῆς ἐπὶ Δωριᾶς μετὰ Ἀθηναίων Ἰώνων ἠκολούθουν, Μαντινῆς δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι Ἀρκάδων μισθοφόροι ἐπὶ τοὺς αἰεὶ πολεμίους σφίσιν ἀποδεικνυμένους ἰέναι εἰωθότες καὶ τότε τοὺς μετὰ Κορινθίων ἐλθόντας Ἀρκάδας οὐδὲν ἧσσον διὰ κέρδος ἡγούμενοι πολεμίους, Κρῆτες δὲ καὶ Αἰτωλοὶ μισθῷ καὶ οὗτοι πεισθέντες· ξυνέβη δὲ τοῖς Κρησὶ τὴν Γέλαν Ῥοδίοις ξυγκτίσαντας μὴ ξὺν τοῖς ἀποίκοις, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀποίκους ἑκόντας μετὰ μισθοῦ ἐλθεῖν.

10 καὶ Ἀκαρνάνων τινὲς ἅμα μὲν κέρδει, τὸ δὲ πλέον Δημοσθένους φιλίᾳ καὶ Ἀθηναίων εὐνοίᾳ ξύμμαχοι ὄντες ἐπεκούρησαν.

11 καὶ οἵδε μὲν τῷ Ἰονίῳ κόλπῳ ὁριζόμενοι· Ἰταλιωτῶν δὲ Θούριοι καὶ Μεταπόντιοι ἐν τοιαύταις ἀνάγκαις τότε στασιωτικῶν καιρῶν κατειλημμένοι ξυνεστράτευον, καὶ Σικελιωτῶν Νάξιοι καὶ Καταναῖοι, βαρβάρων δὲ Ἐγεσταῖοί τε, οἵπερ ἐπηγάγοντο, καὶ Σικελῶν τὸ πλέον, καὶ τῶν ἔξω Σικελίας Τυρσηνῶν τέ τινες κατὰ διαφορὰν Συρακοσίων καὶ Ἰάπυγες μισθοφόροι. τοσάδε μὲν μετὰ Ἀθηναίων ἔθνη ἐστράτευον.

Chapter 58

1 Συρακοσίοις δὲ ἀντεβοήθησαν Καμαριναῖοι μὲν ὅμοροι ὄντες καὶ Γελῷοι οἰκοῦντες μετ’ αὐτούς, ἔπειτα Ἀκραγαντίνων ἡσυχαζόντων ἐν τῷ ἐπ᾽ ἐκεῖνα ἱδρυμένοι Σελινούντιοι.

2 καὶ οἵδε μὲν τῆς Σικελίας τὸ πρὸς Λιβύην μέρος τετραμμένον νεμόμενοι, Ἱμεραῖοι δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ πρὸς τὸν Τυρσηνικὸν πόντον μορίου, ἐν ᾧ καὶ μόνοι Ἕλληνες οἰκοῦσιν· οὗτοι δὲ καὶ ἐξ αὐτοῦ μόνοι ἐβοήθησαν.

3 καὶ Ἑλληνικὰ μὲν ἔθνη τῶν ἐν Σικελίᾳ τοσάδε, Δωριῆς τε καὶ [οἱ] αὐτόνομοι πάντες, ξυνεμάχουν, βαρβάρων δὲ Σικελοὶ μόνοι ὅσοι μὴ ἀφέστασαν πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους· τῶν δ᾽ ἔξω Σικελίας Ἑλλήνων Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν ἡγεμόνα Σπαρτιάτην παρεχόμενοι, νεοδαμώδεις δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους καὶ Εἵλωτας [δύναται δὲ τὸ νεοδαμῶδες ἐλεύθερον ἤδη εἶναι], Κορίνθιοι δὲ καὶ ναυσὶ καὶ πεζῷ μόνοι παραγενόμενοι καὶ Λευκάδιοι καὶ Ἀμπρακιῶται κατὰ τὸ ξυγγενές, ἐκ δὲ Ἀρκαδίας μισθοφόροι ὑπὸ Κορινθίων ἀποσταλέντες καὶ Σικυώνιοι ἀναγκαστοὶ στρατεύοντες, καὶ τῶν ἔξω Πελοποννήσου Βοιωτοί.

4 πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἐπελθόντας τούτους οἱ Σικελιῶται αὐτοὶ πλῆθος πλέον κατὰ πάντα παρέσχοντο ἅτε μεγάλας πόλεις οἰκοῦντες· καὶ γὰρ ὁπλῖται πολλοὶ καὶ νῆες καὶ ἵπποι καὶ ὁ ἄλλος ὅμιλος ἄφθονος ξυνελέγη. καὶ πρὸς ἅπαντας αὖθις ὡς εἰπεῖν τοὺς ἄλλους Συρακόσιοι αὐτοὶ πλείω ἐπορίσαντο διὰ μέγεθός τε πόλεως καὶ ὅτι ἐν μεγίστῳ κινδύνῳ ἦσαν.

Chapter 59

1 καὶ αἱ μὲν ἑκατέρων ἐπικουρίαι τοσαίδε ξυνελέγησαν, καὶ τότε ἤδη πᾶσαι ἀμφοτέροις παρῆσαν καὶ οὐκέτι οὐδὲν οὐδετέροις ἐπῆλθεν.

2 οἱ δ’ οὖν Συρακόσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι εἰκότως ἐνόμισαν καλὸν ἀγώνισμα σφίσιν εἶναι ἐπὶ τῇ γεγενημένῃ νίκῃ τῆς ναυμαχίας ἑλεῖν τε τὸ στρατόπεδον ἅπαν τῶν Ἀθηναίων τοσοῦτον ὄν, καὶ μηδὲ καθ’ ἕτερα αὐτούς, μήτε διὰ θαλάσσης μήτε τῷ πεζῷ, διαφυγεῖν.

3 ἔκλῃον οὖν τόν τε λιμένα εὐθὺς τὸν μέγαν, ἔχοντα τὸ στόμα ὀκτὼ σταδίων μάλιστα, τριήρεσι πλαγίαις καὶ πλοίοις καὶ ἀκάτοις ἐπ’ ἀγκυρῶν ὁρμίζοντες, καὶ τἆλλα, ἢν ἔτι ναυμαχεῖν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τολμήσωσι, παρεσκευάζοντο, καὶ ὀλίγον οὐδὲν ἐς οὐδὲν ἐπενόουν.

Chapter 60

1 τοῖς δὲ Ἀθηναίοις τήν τε ἀπόκλῃσιν ὁρῶσι καὶ τὴν ἄλλην διάνοιαν αὐτῶν αἰσθομένοις βουλευτέα ἐδόκει.

2 καὶ ξυνελθόντες οἵ τε στρατηγοὶ καὶ οἱ ταξίαρχοι πρὸς τὴν παροῦσαν ἀπορίαν τῶν τε ἄλλων καὶ ὅτι τὰ ἐπιτήδεια οὔτε αὐτίκα ἔτι εἶχον̔ προπέμψαντες γὰρ ἐς Κατάνην ὡς ἐκπλευσόμενοι ἀπεῖπον μὴ ἐπάγειν’ οὔτε τὸ λοιπὸν ἔμελλον ἕξειν, εἰ μὴ ναυκρατήσουσιν, ἐβουλεύσαντο τὰ μὲν τείχη τὰ ἄνω ἐκλιπεῖν, πρὸς δ’ αὐταῖς ταῖς ναυσὶν ἀπολαβόντες διατειχίσματι ὅσον οἷόν τε ἐλάχιστον τοῖς τε σκεύεσι καὶ τοῖς ἀσθενοῦσιν ἱκανὸν γενέσθαι, τοῦτο μὲν φρουρεῖν, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ ἄλλου πεζοῦ τὰς ναῦς ἁπάσας, ὅσαι ἦσαν καὶ δυναταὶ καὶ ἀπλοώτεραι, πάντα τινὰ ἐσβιβάζοντες πληρῶσαι, καὶ διαναυμαχήσαντες, ἢν μὲν νικῶσιν, ἐς Κατάνην κομίζεσθαι, ἢν δὲ μή, ἐμπρήσαντες τὰς ναῦς πεζῇ ξυνταξάμενοι ἀποχωρεῖν ᾗ ἂν τάχιστα μέλλωσί τινος χωρίου ἢ βαρβαρικοῦ ἢ Ἑλληνικοῦ φιλίου ἀντιλήψεσθαι.

3 καὶ οἱ μέν, ὡς ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς ταῦτα, καὶ ἐποίησαν· ἔκ τε γὰρ τῶν ἄνω τειχῶν ὑποκατέβησαν καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἐπλήρωσαν πάσας, ἀναγκάσαντες ἐσβαίνειν ὅστις καὶ ὁπωσοῦν ἐδόκει ἡλικίας μετέχων ἐπιτήδειος εἶναι.

4 καὶ ξυνεπληρώθησαν νῆες αἱ πᾶσαι δέκα μάλιστα καὶ ἑκατόν· τοξότας τε ἐπ’ αὐτὰς πολλοὺς καὶ ἀκοντιστὰς τῶν τε Ἀκαρνάνων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ξένων ἐσεβίβαζον, καὶ τἆλλα ὡς οἷόν τ’ ἦν ἐξ ἀναγκαίου τε καὶ τοιαύτης διανοίας ἐπορίσαντο.

5 ὁ δὲ Νικίας, ἐπειδὴ τὰ πολλὰ ἑτοῖμα ἦν, ὁρῶν τοὺς στρατιώτας τῷ τε παρὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς πολὺ ταῖς ναυσὶ κρατηθῆναι ἀθυμοῦντας καὶ διὰ τὴν τῶν ἐπιτηδείων σπάνιν ὡς τάχιστα βουλομένους διακινδυνεύειν, ξυγκαλέσας ἅπαντας παρεκελεύσατό τε πρῶτον καὶ ἔλεξε τοιάδε.

Chapter 61

1 ‘ἄνδρες στρατιῶται Ἀθηναίων τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ξυμμάχων, ὁ μὲν ἀγὼν ὁ μέλλων ὁμοίως κοινὸς ἅπασιν ἔσται περί τε σωτηρίας καὶ πατρίδος ἑκάστοις οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ τοῖς πολεμίοις· ἢν γὰρ κρατήσωμεν νῦν ταῖς ναυσίν, ἔστι τῳ τὴν ὑπάρχουσάν που οἰκείαν πόλιν ἐπιδεῖν.

2 ἀθυμεῖν δὲ οὐ χρὴ οὐδὲ πάσχειν ὅπερ οἱ ἀπειρότατοι τῶν ἀνθρώπων, οἳ τοῖς πρώτοις ἀγῶσι σφαλέντες ἔπειτα διὰ παντὸς τὴν ἐλπίδα τοῦ φόβου ὁμοίαν ταῖς ξυμφοραῖς ἔχουσιν.

3 ἀλλ’ ὅσοι τε Ἀθηναίων πάρεστε, πολλῶν ἤδη πολέμων ἔμπειροι ὄντες, καὶ ὅσοι τῶν ξυμμάχων, ξυστρατευόμενοι αἰεί, μνήσθητε τῶν ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις παραλόγων, καὶ τὸ τῆς τύχης κἂν μεθ’ ἡμῶν ἐλπίσαντες στῆναι καὶ ὡς ἀναμαχούμενοι ἀξίως τοῦδε τοῦ πλήθους, ὅσον αὐτοὶ ὑμῶν αὐτῶν ἐφορᾶτε, παρασκευάζεσθε.

Chapter 62

1 ‘ἃ δὲ ἀρωγὰ ἐνείδομεν ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ λιμένος στενότητι πρὸς τὸν μέλλοντα ὄχλον τῶν νεῶν ἔσεσθαι καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἐκείνων ἐπὶ τῶν καταστρωμάτων παρασκευήν, οἷς πρότερον ἐβλαπτόμεθα, πάντα καὶ ἡμῖν νῦν ἐκ τῶν παρόντων μετὰ τῶν κυβερνητῶν ἐσκεμμένα ἡτοίμασται.

2 καὶ γὰρ τοξόται πολλοὶ καὶ ἀκοντισταὶ ἐπιβήσονται καὶ ὄχλος, ᾧ ναυμαχίαν μὲν ποιούμενοι ἐν πελάγει οὐκ ἂν ἐχρώμεθα διὰ τὸ βλάπτειν ἂν τὸ τῆς ἐπιστήμης τῇ βαρύτητι τῶν νεῶν, ἐν δὲ τῇ ἐνθάδε ἠναγκασμένῃ ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν πεζομαχίᾳ πρόσφορα ἔσται.

3 ηὕρηται δ’ ἡμῖν ὅσα χρὴ ἀντιναυπηγῆσαι, καὶ πρὸς τὰς τῶν ἐπωτίδων αὐτοῖς παχύτητας, ᾧπερ δὴ μάλιστα ἐβλαπτόμεθα, χειρῶν σιδηρῶν ἐπιβολαί, αἳ σχήσουσι τὴν πάλιν ἀνάκρουσιν τῆς προσπεσούσης νεώς, ἢν τὰ ἐπὶ τούτοις οἱ ἐπιβάται ὑπουργῶσιν.

4 ἐς τοῦτο γὰρ δὴ ἠναγκάσμεθα ὥστε πεζομαχεῖν ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν, καὶ τὸ μήτε αὐτοὺς ἀνακρούεσθαι μήτ’ ἐκείνους ἐᾶν ὠφέλιμον φαίνεται, ἄλλως τε καὶ τῆς γῆς, πλὴν ὅσον ἂν ὁ πεζὸς ἡμῶν ἐπέχῃ, πολεμίας οὔσης.

Chapter 63

1 ‘ὧν χρὴ μεμνημένους διαμάχεσθαι ὅσον ἂν δύνησθε καὶ μὴ ἐξωθεῖσθαι ἐς αὐτήν, ἀλλὰ ξυμπεσούσης νηὶ νεὼς μὴ πρότερον ἀξιοῦν ἀπολύεσθαι ἢ τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ πολεμίου καταστρώματος ὁπλίτας ἀπαράξητε.

2 καὶ ταῦτα τοῖς ὁπλίταις οὐχ ἧσσον τῶν ναυτῶν παρακελεύομαι, ὅσῳ τῶν ἄνωθεν μᾶλλον τὸ ἔργον τοῦτο· ὑπάρχει δ’ ἡμῖν ἔτι νῦν γε τὰ πλείω τῷ πεζῷ ἐπικρατεῖν.

3 τοῖς δὲ ναύταις παραινῶ καὶ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ τῷδε καὶ δέομαι μὴ ἐκπεπλῆχθαί τι ταῖς ξυμφοραῖς ἄγαν, τήν τε παρασκευὴν ἀπὸ τῶν καταστρωμάτων βελτίω νῦν ἔχοντας καὶ τὰς ναῦς πλείους, ἐκείνην τε τὴν ἡδονὴν ἐνθυμεῖσθαι ὡς ἀξία ἐστὶ διασώσασθαι, οἳ τέως Ἀθηναῖοι νομιζόμενοι καὶ μὴ ὄντες ἡμῶν τῆς τε φωνῆς τῇ ἐπιστήμῃ καὶ τῶν τρόπων τῇ μιμήσει ἐθαυμάζεσθε κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα, καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς τῆς ἡμετέρας οὐκ ἔλασσον κατὰ τὸ ὠφελεῖσθαι ἔς τε τὸ φοβερὸν τοῖς ὑπηκόοις καὶ τὸ μὴ ἀδικεῖσθαι πολὺ πλέον μετείχετε.

4 ὥστε κοινωνοὶ μόνοι ἐλευθέρως ἡμῖν τῆς ἀρχῆς ὄντες δικαίως [ἂν] αὐτὴν νῦν μὴ καταπροδίδοτε, καταφρονήσαντες δὲ Κορινθίων τε, οὓς πολλάκις νενικήκατε, καὶ Σικελιωτῶν, ὧν οὐδ’ ἀντιστῆναι οὐδεὶς ἕως ἤκμαζε τὸ ναυτικὸν ἡμῖν ἠξίωσεν, ἀμύνασθε αὐτούς, καὶ δείξατε ὅτι καὶ μετ’ ἀσθενείας καὶ ξυμφορῶν ἡ ὑμετέρα ἐπιστήμη κρείσσων ἐστὶν ἑτέρας εὐτυχούσης ῥώμης.

Chapter 64

1 τούς τε Ἀθηναίους ὑμῶν πάλιν αὖ καὶ τάδε ὑπομιμνῄσκω, ὅτι οὔτε ναῦς ἐν τοῖς νεωσοίκοις ἄλλας ὁμοίας ταῖσδε οὔτε ὁπλιτῶν ἡλικίαν ὑπελίπετε, εἴ τε ξυμβήσεταί τι ἄλλο ἢ τὸ κρατεῖν ὑμῖν, τούς τε ἐνθάδε πολεμίους εὐθὺς ἐπ’ ἐκεῖνα πλευσομένους καὶ τοὺς ἐκεῖ ὑπολοίπους ἡμῶν ἀδυνάτους ἐσομένους τούς τε αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὺς ἐπελθόντας ἀμύνασθαι. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἂν ὑπὸ Συρακοσίοις εὐθὺς γίγνοισθε, οἷς αὐτοὶ ἴστε οἵᾳ γνώμῃ ἐπήλθετε, οἱ δὲ ἐκεῖ ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίοις.

2 ὥστε ἐν ἑνὶ τῷδε ὑπὲρ ἀμφοτέρων ἀγῶνι καθεστῶτες καρτερήσατε, εἴπερ ποτέ, καὶ ἐνθυμεῖσθε καθ’ ἑκάστους τε καὶ ξύμπαντες ὅτι οἱ ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν ὑμῶν νῦν ἐσόμενοι καὶ πεζοὶ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις εἰσὶ καὶ νῆες καὶ ἡ ὑπόλοιπος πόλις καὶ τὸ μέγα ὄνομα τῶν Ἀθηνῶν, περὶ ὧν, εἴ τίς τι ἕτερος ἑτέρου προφέρει ἢ ἐπιστήμῃ ἢ εὐψυχίᾳ, οὐκ ἂν ἐν ἄλλῳ μᾶλλον καιρῷ ἀποδειξάμενος αὐτός τε αὑτῷ ὠφέλιμος γένοιτο καὶ τοῖς ξύμπασι σωτήριος.’

Chapter 65

1 ὁ μὲν Νικίας τοσαῦτα παρακελευσάμενος εὐθὺς ἐκέλευε πληροῦν τὰς ναῦς. τῷ δὲ Γυλίππῳ καὶ τοῖς Συρακοσίοις παρῆν μὲν αἰσθάνεσθαι, ὁρῶσι καὶ αὐτὴν τὴν παρασκευήν, ὅτι ναυμαχήσουσιν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, προηγγέλθη δ’ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἡ ἐπιβολὴ τῶν σιδηρῶν χειρῶν,

2 καὶ πρός τε τἆλλα ἐξηρτύσαντο ὡς ἕκαστα καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο· τὰς γὰρ πρῴρας καὶ τῆς νεὼς ἄνω ἐπὶ πολὺ κατεβύρσωσαν, ὅπως ἂν ἀπολισθάνοι καὶ μὴ ἔχοι ἀντιλαβὴν ἡ χεὶρ ἐπιβαλλομένη.

3 καὶ ἐπειδὴ πάντα ἑτοῖμα ἦν, παρεκελεύσαντο ἐκείνοις οἵ τε στρατηγοὶ καὶ Γύλιππος καὶ ἔλεξαν τοιάδε.

Chapter 66

1 ‘ὅτι μὲν καλὰ τὰ προειργασμένα καὶ ὑπὲρ καλῶν τῶν μελλόντων ὁ ἀγὼν ἔσται, ὦ Συρακόσιοι καὶ ξύμμαχοι, οἵ τε πολλοὶ δοκεῖτε ἡμῖν εἰδέναι (οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν οὕτως αὐτῶν προθύμως ἀντελάβεσθε), καὶ εἴ τις μὴ ἐπὶ ὅσον δεῖ ᾔσθηται, σημανοῦμεν.

2 Ἀθηναίους γὰρ ἐς τὴν χώραν τήνδε ἐλθόντας πρῶτον μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς Σικελίας καταδουλώσει, ἔπειτ᾽, εἰ κατορθώσειαν, καὶ τῆς Πελοποννήσου καὶ τῆς ἄλλης Ἑλλάδος, καὶ ἀρχὴν τὴν ἤδη μεγίστην τῶν τε πρὶν Ἑλλήνων καὶ τῶν νῦν κεκτημένους, πρῶτοι ἀνθρώπων ὑποστάντες τῷ ναυτικῷ, ᾧπερ πάντα κατέσχον, τὰς μὲν νενικήκατε ἤδη ναυμαχίας, τὴν δ’ ἐκ τοῦ εἰκότος νῦν νικήσετε.

3 ἄνδρες γὰρ ἐπειδὰν ᾧ ἀξιοῦσι προύχειν κολουθῶσι, τό γ’ ὑπόλοιπον αὐτῶν τῆς δόξης ἀσθενέστερον αὐτὸ ἑαυτοῦ ἐστὶν ἢ εἰ μηδ’ ᾠήθησαν τὸ πρῶτον, καὶ τῷ παρ’ ἐλπίδα τοῦ αὐχήματος σφαλλόμενοι καὶ παρὰ ἰσχὺν τῆς δυνάμεως ἐνδιδόασιν· ὃ νῦν Ἀθηναίους εἰκὸς πεπονθέναι.

Chapter 67

1 ἡμῶν δὲ τό τε ὑπάρχον πρότερον, ᾧπερ καὶ ἀνεπιστήμονες ἔτι ὄντες ἀπετολμήσαμεν, βεβαιότερον νῦν, καὶ τῆς δοκήσεως προσγεγενημένης αὐτῷ, τὸ κρατίστους εἶναι εἰ τοὺς κρατίστους ἐνικήσαμεν, διπλασία ἑκάστου ἡ ἐλπίς· τὰ δὲ πολλὰ πρὸς τὰς ἐπιχειρήσεις ἡ μεγίστη ἐλπὶς μεγίστην καὶ τὴν προθυμίαν παρέχεται.

2 ‘τά τε τῆς ἀντιμιμήσεως αὐτῶν τῆς παρασκευῆς ἡμῶν τῷ μὲν ἡμετέρῳ τρόπῳ ξυνήθη τέ ἐστι καὶ οὐκ ἀνάρμοστοι πρὸς ἕκαστον αὐτῶν ἐσόμεθα· οἱ δ᾽, ἐπειδὰν πολλοὶ μὲν ὁπλῖται ἐπὶ τῶν καταστρωμάτων παρὰ τὸ καθεστηκὸς ὦσι, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ ἀκοντισταὶ χερσαῖοι ὡς εἰπεῖν Ἀκαρνᾶνές τε καὶ ἄλλοι ἐπὶ ναῦς ἀναβάντες, οἳ οὐδ’ ὅπως καθεζομένους χρὴ τὸ βέλος ἀφεῖναι εὑρήσουσι, πῶς οὐ σφαλοῦσί τε τὰς ναῦς καὶ ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς πάντες οὐκ ἐν τῷ ἑαυτῶν τρόπῳ κινούμενοι ταράξονται;

3 ἐπεὶ καὶ τῷ πλήθει τῶν νεῶν οὐκ ὠφελήσονται, εἴ τις καὶ τόδε ὑμῶν, ὅτι οὐκ ἴσαις ναυμαχήσει, πεφόβηται· ἐν ὀλίγῳ γὰρ πολλαὶ ἀργότεραι μὲν ἐς τὸ δρᾶν τι ὧν βούλονται ἔσονται, ῥᾷσται δὲ ἐς τὸ βλάπτεσθαι ἀφ’ ὧν ἡμῖν παρεσκεύασται.

4 τὸ δ’ ἀληθέστατον γνῶτε ἐξ ὧν ἡμεῖς οἰόμεθα σαφῶς πεπύσθαι· ὑπερβαλλόντων γὰρ αὐτοῖς τῶν κακῶν καὶ βιαζόμενοι ὑπὸ τῆς παρούσης ἀπορίας ἐς ἀπόνοιαν καθεστήκασιν οὐ παρασκευῆς πίστει μᾶλλον ἢ τύχης ἀποκινδυνεῦσαι οὕτως ὅπως δύνανται, ἵν’ ἢ βιασάμενοι ἐκπλεύσωσιν ἢ κατὰ γῆν μετὰ τοῦτο τὴν ἀποχώρησιν ποιῶνται, ὡς τῶν γε παρόντων οὐκ ἂν πράξαντες χεῖρον.

Chapter 68

1 πρὸς οὖν ἀταξίαν τε τοιαύτην καὶ τύχην ἀνδρῶν ἑαυτὴν παραδεδωκυῖαν πολεμιωτάτων ὀργῇ προσμείξωμεν, καὶ νομίσωμεν ἅμα μὲν νομιμώτατον εἶναι πρὸς τοὺς ἐναντίους οἳ ἂν ὡς ἐπὶ τιμωρίᾳ τοῦ προσπεσόντος δικαιώσωσιν ἀποπλῆσαι τῆς γνώμης τὸ θυμούμενον, ἅμα δὲ ἐχθροὺς ἀμύνασθαι ἐκγενησόμενον ἡμῖν καὶ τὸ λεγόμενόν που ἥδιστον εἶναι.

2 ὡς δὲ ἐχθροὶ καὶ ἔχθιστοι, πάντες ἴστε, οἵ γε ἐπὶ τὴν ἡμετέραν ἦλθον δουλωσόμενοι, ἐν ᾧ, εἰ κατώρθωσαν, ἀνδράσι μὲν ἂν τἄλγιστα προσέθεσαν, παισὶ δὲ καὶ γυναιξὶ τὰ ἀπρεπέστατα, πόλει δὲ τῇ πάσῃ τὴν αἰσχίστην ἐπίκλησιν.

3 ἀνθ’ ὧν μὴ μαλακισθῆναί τινα πρέπει μηδὲ τὸ ἀκινδύνως ἀπελθεῖν αὐτοὺς κέρδος νομίσαι. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ καὶ ἐὰν κρατήσωσιν ὁμοίως δράσουσιν· τὸ δὲ πραξάντων ἐκ τοῦ εἰκότος ἃ βουλόμεθα τούσδε τε κολασθῆναι καὶ τῇ πάσῃ Σικελίᾳ καρπουμένῃ καὶ πρὶν ἐλευθερίαν βεβαιοτέραν παραδοῦναι, καλὸς ὁ ἀγών. καὶ κινδύνων οὗτοι σπανιώτατοι οἳ ἂν ἐλάχιστα ἐκ τοῦ σφαλῆναι βλάπτοντες πλεῖστα διὰ τὸ εὐτυχῆσαι ὠφελῶσιν.’

Chapter 69

1 καὶ οἱ μὲν τῶν Συρακοσίων στρατηγοὶ καὶ Γύλιππος τοιαῦτα καὶ αὐτοὶ τοῖς σφετέροις στρατιώταις παρακελευσάμενοι ἀντεπλήρουν τὰς ναῦς εὐθὺς ἐπειδὴ καὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ᾐσθάνοντο.

2 ὁ δὲ Νικίας ὑπὸ τῶν παρόντων ἐκπεπληγμένος καὶ ὁρῶν οἷος ὁ κίνδυνος καὶ ὡς ἐγγὺς ἤδη [ἦν], ἐπειδὴ καὶ ὅσον οὐκ ἔμελλον ἀνάγεσθαι, καὶ νομίσας, ὅπερ πάσχουσιν ἐν τοῖς μεγάλοις ἀγῶσι, πάντα τε ἔργῳ ἔτι σφίσιν ἐνδεᾶ εἶναι καὶ λόγῳ αὐτοῖς οὔπω ἱκανὰ εἰρῆσθαι, αὖθις τῶν τριηράρχων ἕνα ἕκαστον ἀνεκάλει, πατρόθεν τε ἐπονομάζων καὶ αὐτοὺς ὀνομαστὶ καὶ φυλήν, ἀξιῶν τό τε καθ’ ἑαυτόν, ᾧ ὑπῆρχε λαμπρότητός τι, μὴ προδιδόναι τινὰ καὶ τὰς πατρικὰς ἀρετάς, ὧν ἐπιφανεῖς ἦσαν οἱ πρόγονοι, μὴ ἀφανίζειν, πατρίδος τε τῆς ἐλευθερωτάτης ὑπομιμνῄσκων καὶ τῆς ἐν αὐτῇ ἀνεπιτάκτου πᾶσιν ἐς τὴν δίαιταν ἐξουσίας, ἄλλα τε λέγων ὅσα ἐν τῷ τοιούτῳ ἤδη τοῦ καιροῦ ὄντες ἄνθρωποι οὐ πρὸς τὸ δοκεῖν τινὶ ἀρχαιολογεῖν φυλαξάμενοι εἴποιεν ἄν, καὶ ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων παραπλήσια ἔς τε γυναῖκας καὶ παῖδας καὶ θεοὺς πατρῴους προφερόμενα, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ τῇ παρούσῃ ἐκπλήξει ὠφέλιμα νομίζοντες ἐπιβοῶνται.

3 καὶ ὁ μὲν οὐχ ἱκανὰ μᾶλλον ἢ καὶ ἀναγκαῖα νομίσας παρῃνῆσθαι, ἀποχωρήσας ἦγε τὸν πεζὸν πρὸς τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ παρέταξεν ὡς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐδύνατο, ὅπως ὅτι μεγίστη τοῖς ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν ὠφελία ἐς τὸ θαρσεῖν γίγνοιτο·

4 ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης καὶ Μένανδρος καὶ Εὐθύδημος (οὗτοι γὰρ ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς τῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατηγοὶ ἐπέβησαν) ἄραντες ἀπὸ τοῦ ἑαυτῶν στρατοπέδου εὐθὺς ἔπλεον πρὸς τὸ ζεῦγμα τοῦ λιμένος καὶ τὸν παραλειφθέντα διέκπλουν, βουλόμενοι βιάσασθαι ἐς τὸ ἔξω.

Chapter 70

1 προεξαγαγόμενοι δὲ οἱ Συρακόσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ναυσὶ παραπλησίαις τὸν ἀριθμὸν καὶ πρότερον, κατά τε τὸν ἔκπλουν μέρει αὐτῶν ἐφύλασσον καὶ κατὰ τὸν ἄλλον κύκλῳ λιμένα, ὅπως πανταχόθεν ἅμα προσπίπτοιεν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, καὶ ὁ πεζὸς ἅμα αὐτοῖς παρεβοήθει ᾗπερ καὶ αἱ νῆες κατίσχοιεν. ἦρχον δὲ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ τοῖς Συρακοσίοις Σικανὸς μὲν καὶ Ἀγάθαρχος, κέρας ἑκάτερος τοῦ παντὸς ἔχων, Πυθὴν δὲ καὶ οἱ Κορίνθιοι τὸ μέσον.

2 ἐπειδὴ δὲ οἱ ἄλλοι Ἀθηναῖοι προσέμισγον τῷ ζεύγματι, τῇ μὲν πρώτῃ ῥύμῃ ἐπιπλέοντες ἐκράτουν τῶν τεταγμένων νεῶν πρὸς αὐτῷ καὶ ἐπειρῶντο λύειν τὰς κλῄσεις· μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο πανταχόθεν σφίσι τῶν Συρακοσίων καὶ ξυμμάχων ἐπιφερομένων οὐ πρὸς τῷ ζεύγματι ἔτι μόνον ἡ ναυμαχία, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ τὸν λιμένα ἐγίγνετο, καὶ ἦν καρτερὰ καὶ οἵα οὐχ ἑτέρα τῶν προτέρων.

3 πολλὴ μὲν γὰρ ἑκατέροις προθυμία ἀπὸ τῶν ναυτῶν ἐς τὸ ἐπιπλεῖν ὁπότε κελευσθείη ἐγίγνετο, πολλὴ δὲ ἡ ἀντιτέχνησις τῶν κυβερνητῶν καὶ ἀγωνισμὸς πρὸς ἀλλήλους· οἵ τε ἐπιβάται ἐθεράπευον, ὁπότε προσπέσοι ναῦς νηί, μὴ λείπεσθαι τὰ ἀπὸ τοῦ καταστρώματος τῆς ἄλλης τέχνης· πᾶς τέ τις ἐν ᾧ προσετέτακτο αὐτὸς ἕκαστος ἠπείγετο πρῶτος φαίνεσθαι.

4 ξυμπεσουσῶν δὲ ἐν ὀλίγῳ πολλῶν νεῶν (πλεῖσται γὰρ δὴ αὗται ἐν ἐλαχίστῳ ἐναυμάχησαν· βραχὺ γὰρ ἀπέλιπον ξυναμφότεραι διακόσιαι γενέσθαι) αἱ μὲν ἐμβολαὶ διὰ τὸ μὴ εἶναι τὰς ἀνακρούσεις καὶ διέκπλους ὀλίγαι ἐγίγνοντο, αἱ δὲ προσβολαί, ὡς τύχοι ναῦς νηὶ προσπεσοῦσα ἢ διὰ τὸ φεύγειν ἢ ἄλλῃ ἐπιπλέουσα, πυκνότεραι ἦσαν.

5 καὶ ὅσον μὲν χρόνον προσφέροιτο ναῦς, οἱ ἀπὸ τῶν καταστρωμάτων τοῖς ἀκοντίοις καὶ τοξεύμασι καὶ λίθοις ἀφθόνως ἐπ’ αὐτὴν ἐχρῶντο· ἐπειδὴ δὲ προσμείξειαν, οἱ ἐπιβάται ἐς χεῖρας ἰόντες ἐπειρῶντο ταῖς ἀλλήλων ναυσὶν ἐπιβαίνειν.

6 ξυνετύγχανέ τε πολλαχοῦ διὰ τὴν στενοχωρίαν τὰ μὲν ἄλλοις ἐμβεβληκέναι, τὰ δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐμβεβλῆσθαι, δύο τε περὶ μίαν καὶ ἔστιν ᾗ καὶ πλείους ναῦς κατ’ ἀνάγκην ξυνηρτῆσθαι, καὶ τοῖς κυβερνήταις τῶν μὲν φυλακήν, τῶν δ’ ἐπιβουλήν, μὴ καθ’ ἓν ἕκαστον, κατὰ πολλὰ δὲ πανταχόθεν, περιεστάναι, καὶ τὸν κτύπον μέγαν ἀπὸ πολλῶν νεῶν ξυμπιπτουσῶν ἔκπληξίν τε ἅμα καὶ ἀποστέρησιν τῆς ἀκοῆς ὧν οἱ κελευσταὶ φθέγγοιντο παρέχειν.

7 πολλὴ γὰρ δὴ ἡ παρακέλευσις καὶ βοὴ ἀφ’ ἑκατέρων τοῖς κελευσταῖς κατά τε τὴν τέχνην καὶ πρὸς τὴν αὐτίκα φιλονικίαν ἐγίγνετο, τοῖς μὲν Ἀθηναίοις βιάζεσθαί τε τὸν ἔκπλουν ἐπιβοῶντες καὶ περὶ τῆς ἐς τὴν πατρίδα σωτηρίας νῦν, εἴ ποτε καὶ αὖθις, προθύμως ἀντιλαβέσθαι, τοῖς δὲ Συρακοσίοις καὶ ξυμμάχοις καλὸν εἶναι κωλῦσαί τε αὐτοὺς διαφυγεῖν καὶ τὴν οἰκείαν ἑκάστους πατρίδα νικήσαντας ἐπαυξῆσαι.

8 καὶ οἱ στρατηγοὶ προσέτι ἑκατέρων, εἴ τινά που ὁρῷεν μὴ κατ’ ἀνάγκην πρύμναν κρουόμενον, ἀνακαλοῦντες ὀνομαστὶ τὸν τριήραρχον ἠρώτων, οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι εἰ τὴν πολεμιωτάτην γῆν οἰκειοτέραν ἤδη τῆς οὐ δι’ ὀλίγου πόνου κεκτημένης θαλάσσης ἡγούμενοι ὑποχωροῦσιν, οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι εἰ οὓς σαφῶς ἴσασι προθυμουμένους Ἀθηναίους παντὶ τρόπῳ διαφυγεῖν, τούτους αὐτοὶ φεύγοντας φεύγουσιν.

Chapter 71

1 ὅ τε ἐκ τῆς γῆς πεζὸς ἀμφοτέρων ἰσορρόπου τῆς ναυμαχίας καθεστηκυίας πολὺν τὸν ἀγῶνα καὶ ξύστασιν τῆς γνώμης εἶχε, φιλονικῶν μὲν ὁ αὐτόθεν περὶ τοῦ πλέονος ἤδη καλοῦ, δεδιότες δὲ οἱ ἐπελθόντες μὴ τῶν παρόντων ἔτι χείρω πράξωσιν.

2 πάντων γὰρ δὴ ἀνακειμένων τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐς τὰς ναῦς ὅ τε φόβος ἦν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέλλοντος οὐδενὶ ἐοικώς, καὶ διὰ τὸ 〈ἀνώμαλον〉 τῆς ναυμαχίας ἀνώμαλον καὶ τὴν ἔποψιν ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἠναγκάζοντο ἔχειν.

3 δι’ ὀλίγου γὰρ οὔσης τῆς θέας καὶ οὐ πάντων ἅμα ἐς τὸ αὐτὸ σκοπούντων, εἰ μέν τινες ἴδοιέν πῃ τοὺς σφετέρους ἐπικρατοῦντας, ἀνεθάρσησάν τε ἂν καὶ πρὸς ἀνάκλησιν θεῶν μὴ στερῆσαι σφᾶς τῆς σωτηρίας ἐτρέποντο, οἱ δ’ ἐπὶ τὸ ἡσσώμενον βλέψαντες ὀλοφυρμῷ τε ἅμα μετὰ βοῆς ἐχρῶντο καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν δρωμένων τῆς ὄψεως καὶ τὴν γνώμην μᾶλλον τῶν ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ ἐδουλοῦντο· ἄλλοι δὲ καὶ πρὸς ἀντίπαλόν τι τῆς ναυμαχίας ἀπιδόντες, διὰ τὸ ἀκρίτως ξυνεχὲς τῆς ἁμίλλης καὶ τοῖς σώμασιν αὐτοῖς ἴσα τῇ δόξῃ περιδεῶς ξυναπονεύοντες ἐν τοῖς χαλεπώτατα διῆγον· αἰεὶ γὰρ παρ’ ὀλίγον ἢ διέφευγον ἢ ἀπώλλυντο.

4 ἦν τε ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ στρατεύματι τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ἕως ἀγχώμαλα ἐναυμάχουν, πάντα ὁμοῦ ἀκοῦσαι, ὀλοφυρμὸς βοή, νικῶντες κρατούμενοι, ἄλλα ὅσα ἐν μεγάλῳ κινδύνῳ μέγα στρατόπεδον πολυειδῆ ἀναγκάζοιτο φθέγγεσθαι.

5 παραπλήσια δὲ καὶ οἱ ἐπὶ τῶν νεῶν αὐτοῖς ἔπασχον, πρίν γε δὴ οἱ Συρακόσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἐπὶ πολὺ ἀντισχούσης τῆς ναυμαχίας ἔτρεψάν τε τοὺς Ἀθηναίους καὶ ἐπικείμενοι λαμπρῶς, πολλῇ κραυγῇ καὶ διακελευσμῷ χρώμενοι, κατεδίωκον ἐς τὴν γῆν.

6 τότε δὲ ὁ μὲν ναυτικὸς στρατὸς ἄλλος ἄλλῃ, ὅσοι μὴ μετέωροι ἑάλωσαν, κατενεχθέντες ἐξέπεσον ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον· ὁ δὲ πεζὸς οὐκέτι διαφόρως, ἀλλ’ ἀπὸ μιᾶς ὁρμῆς οἰμωγῇ τε καὶ στόνῳ πάντες δυσανασχετοῦντες τὰ γιγνόμενα, οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς παρεβοήθουν, οἱ δὲ πρὸς τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦ τείχους ἐς φυλακήν, ἄλλοι δὲ καὶ οἱ πλεῖστοι ἤδη περὶ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ ὅπῃ σωθήσονται διεσκόπουν.

7 ἦν τε ἐν τῷ παραυτίκα οὐδεμιᾶς δὴ τῶν ξυμπασῶν ἐλάσσων ἔκπληξις. παραπλήσιά τε ἐπεπόνθεσαν καὶ ἔδρασαν αὐτοὶ ἐν Πύλῳ· διαφθαρεισῶν γὰρ τῶν νεῶν τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις προσαπώλλυντο αὐτοῖς καὶ οἱ ἐν τῇ νήσῳ ἄνδρες διαβεβηκότες, καὶ τότε τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἀνέλπιστον ἦν τὸ κατὰ γῆν σωθήσεσθαι, ἢν μή τι παρὰ λόγον γίγνηται.

Chapter 72

1 γενομένης δ’ ἰσχυρᾶς τῆς ναυμαχίας καὶ πολλῶν νεῶν ἀμφοτέροις καὶ ἀνθρώπων ἀπολομένων οἱ Συρακόσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἐπικρατήσαντες τά τε ναυάγια καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς ἀνείλοντο, καὶ ἀποπλεύσαντες πρὸς τὴν πόλιν τροπαῖον ἔστησαν,

2 οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι ὑπὸ μεγέθους τῶν παρόντων κακῶν νεκρῶν μὲν πέρι ἢ ναυαγίων οὐδὲ ἐπενόουν αἰτῆσαι ἀναίρεσιν, τῆς δὲ νυκτὸς ἐβουλεύοντο εὐθὺς ἀναχωρεῖν.

3 Δημοσθένης δὲ Νικίᾳ προσελθὼν γνώμην ἐποιεῖτο πληρώσαντας ἔτι τὰς λοιπὰς τῶν νεῶν βιάσασθαι, ἢν δύνωνται, ἅμα ἕῳ τὸν ἔκπλουν, λέγων ὅτι πλείους ἔτι αἱ λοιπαί εἰσι νῆες χρήσιμαι σφίσιν ἢ τοῖς πολεμίοις· ἦσαν γὰρ τοῖς μὲν Ἀθηναίοις περίλοιποι ὡς ἑξήκοντα, τοῖς δ’ ἐναντίοις ἐλάσσους ἢ πεντήκοντα.

4 καὶ ξυγχωροῦντος Νικίου τῇ γνώμῃ καὶ βουλομένων πληροῦν αὐτῶν οἱ ναῦται οὐκ ἤθελον ἐσβαίνειν διὰ τὸ καταπεπλῆχθαί τε τῇ ἥσσῃ καὶ μὴ ἂν ἔτι οἴεσθαι κρατῆσαι.

Chapter 73

1 καὶ οἱ μὲν ὡς κατὰ γῆν ἀναχωρήσοντες ἤδη ξύμπαντες τὴν γνώμην εἶχον, Ἑρμοκράτης δὲ ὁ Συρακόσιος ὑπονοήσας αὐτῶν τὴν διάνοιαν καὶ νομίσας δεινὸν εἶναι εἰ τοσαύτη στρατιὰ κατὰ γῆν ὑποχωρήσασα καὶ καθεζομένη ποι τῆς Σικελίας βουλήσεται αὖθις σφίσι τὸν πόλεμον ποιεῖσθαι, ἐσηγεῖται ἐλθὼν τοῖς ἐν τέλει οὖσιν ὡς οὐ χρεὼν ἀποχωρῆσαι τῆς νυκτὸς αὐτοὺς περιιδεῖν, λέγων ταῦτα ἃ καὶ αὐτῷ ἐδόκει, ἀλλὰ ἐξελθόντας ἤδη πάντας Συρακοσίους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους τάς τε ὁδοὺς ἀποικοδομῆσαι καὶ τὰ στενόπορα τῶν χωρίων προδιαλαβόντας φυλάσσειν.

2 οἱ δὲ ξυνεγίγνωσκον μὲν καὶ αὐτοὶ οὐχ ἧσσον ταῦτα ἐκείνου, καὶ ἐδόκει ποιητέα εἶναι, τοὺς δὲ ἀνθρώπους ἄρτι ἀσμένους ἀπὸ ναυμαχίας τε μεγάλης ἀναπεπαυμένους καὶ ἅμα ἑορτῆς οὔσης (ἔτυχε γὰρ αὐτοῖς Ἡρακλεῖ ταύτην τὴν ἡμέραν θυσία οὖσα) οὐ δοκεῖν ἂν ῥᾳδίως ἐθελῆσαι ὑπακοῦσαι· ὑπὸ γὰρ τοῦ περιχαροῦς τῆς νίκης πρὸς πόσιν τετράφθαι τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐν τῇ ἑορτῇ, καὶ πάντα μᾶλλον ἐλπίζειν ἂν σφῶν πείθεσθαι αὐτοὺς ἢ ὅπλα λαβόντας ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἐξελθεῖν.

3 ὡς δὲ τοῖς ἄρχουσι ταῦτα λογιζομένοις ἐφαίνετο ἄπορα καὶ οὐκέτι ἔπειθεν αὐτοὺς ὁ Ἑρμοκράτης, αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τούτοις τάδε μηχανᾶται, δεδιὼς μὴ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καθ’ ἡσυχίαν προφθάσωσιν ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ διελθόντες τὰ χαλεπώτατα τῶν χωρίων. πέμπει τῶν ἑταίρων τινὰς τῶν ἑαυτοῦ μετὰ ἱππέων πρὸς τὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατόπεδον, ἡνίκα ξυνεσκόταζεν· οἳ προσελάσαντες ἐξ ὅσου τις ἔμελλεν ἀκούσεσθαι καὶ ἀνακαλεσάμενοί τινας ὡς ὄντες τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐπιτήδειοι (ἦσαν γάρ τινες τῷ Νικίᾳ διάγγελοι τῶν ἔνδοθεν) ἐκέλευον φράζειν Νικίᾳ μὴ ἀπάγειν τῆς νυκτὸς τὸ στράτευμα ὡς Συρακοσίων τὰς ὁδοὺς φυλασσόντων, ἀλλὰ καθ’ ἡσυχίαν τῆς ἡμέρας παρασκευασάμενον ἀποχωρεῖν.

4 καὶ οἱ μὲν εἰπόντες ἀπῆλθον, καὶ οἱ ἀκούσαντες διήγγειλαν τοῖς στρατηγοῖς τῶν Ἀθηναίων·

Chapter 74

1 οἱ δὲ πρὸς τὸ ἄγγελμα ἐπέσχον τὴν νύκτα, νομίσαντες οὐκ ἀπάτην εἶναι. καὶ ἐπειδὴ καὶ ὣς οὐκ εὐθὺς ὥρμησαν, ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν περιμεῖναι, ὅπως ξυσκευάσαιντο ὡς ἐκ τῶν δυνατῶν οἱ στρατιῶται ὅτι χρησιμώτατα, καὶ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα πάντα καταλιπεῖν, ἀναλαβόντες δὲ αὐτὰ ὅσα περὶ τὸ σῶμα ἐς δίαιταν ὑπῆρχεν ἐπιτήδεια ἀφορμᾶσθαι.

2 Συρακόσιοι δὲ καὶ Γύλιππος τῷ μὲν πεζῷ προεξελθόντες τάς τε ὁδοὺς τὰς κατὰ τὴν χώραν, ᾗ εἰκὸς ἦν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἰέναι, ἀπεφάργνυσαν καὶ τῶν ῥείθρων καὶ [τῶν] ποταμῶν τὰς διαβάσεις ἐφύλασσον καὶ ἐς ὑποδοχὴν τοῦ στρατεύματος ὡς κωλύσοντες ᾗ ἐδόκει ἐτάσσοντο· ταῖς δὲ ναυσὶ προσπλεύσαντες τὰς ναῦς τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀπὸ τοῦ αἰγιαλοῦ ἀφεῖλκον (ἐνέπρησαν δέ τινας ὀλίγας, ὥσπερ διενοήθησαν, αὐτοὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι), τὰς δ’ ἄλλας καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν οὐδενὸς κωλύοντος ὡς ἑκάστην ποι ἐκπεπτωκυῖαν ἀναδησάμενοι ἐκόμιζον ἐς τὴν πόλιν.

Chapter 75

1 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο, ἐπειδὴ ἐδόκει τῷ Νικίᾳ καὶ τῷ Δημοσθένει ἱκανῶς παρεσκευάσθαι, καὶ ἡ ἀνάστασις ἤδη τοῦ στρατεύματος τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἀπὸ τῆς ναυμαχίας ἐγίγνετο.

2 δεινὸν οὖν ἦν οὐ καθ’ ἓν μόνον τῶν πραγμάτων, ὅτι τάς τε ναῦς ἀπολωλεκότες πάσας ἀπεχώρουν καὶ ἀντὶ μεγάλης ἐλπίδος καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ ἡ πόλις κινδυνεύοντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τῇ ἀπολείψει τοῦ στρατοπέδου ξυνέβαινε τῇ τε ὄψει ἑκάστῳ ἀλγεινὰ καὶ τῇ γνώμῃ αἰσθέσθαι.

3 τῶν τε γὰρ νεκρῶν ἀτάφων ὄντων, ὁπότε τις ἴδοι τινὰ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων κείμενον, ἐς λύπην μετὰ φόβου καθίστατο, καὶ οἱ ζῶντες καταλειπόμενοι τραυματίαι τε καὶ ἀσθενεῖς πολὺ τῶν τεθνεώτων τοῖς ζῶσι λυπηρότεροι ἦσαν καὶ τῶν ἀπολωλότων ἀθλιώτεροι.

4 πρὸς γὰρ ἀντιβολίαν καὶ ὀλοφυρμὸν τραπόμενοι ἐς ἀπορίαν καθίστασαν, ἄγειν τε σφᾶς ἀξιοῦντες καὶ ἕνα ἕκαστον ἐπιβοώμενοι, εἴ τινά πού τις ἴδοι ἢ ἑταίρων ἢ οἰκείων, τῶν τε ξυσκήνων ἤδη ἀπιόντων ἐκκρεμαννύμενοι καὶ ἐπακολουθοῦντες ἐς ὅσον δύναιντο, εἴ τῳ δὲ προλίποι ἡ ῥώμη καὶ τὸ σῶμα, οὐκ ἄνευ ὀλίγων ἐπιθειασμῶν καὶ οἰμωγῆς ὑπολειπόμενοι, ὥστε δάκρυσι πᾶν τὸ στράτευμα πλησθὲν καὶ ἀπορίᾳ τοιαύτῃ μὴ ῥᾳδίως ἀφορμᾶσθαι, καίπερ ἐκ πολεμίας τε καὶ μείζω ἢ κατὰ δάκρυα τὰ μὲν πεπονθότας ἤδη, τὰ δὲ περὶ τῶν ἐν ἀφανεῖ δεδιότας μὴ πάθωσιν.

5 κατήφειά τέ τις ἅμα καὶ κατάμεμψις σφῶν αὐτῶν πολλὴ ἦν. οὐδὲν γὰρ ἄλλο ἢ πόλει ἐκπεπολιορκημένῃ ἐῴκεσαν ὑποφευγούσῃ, καὶ ταύτῃ οὐ σμικρᾷ· μυριάδες γὰρ τοῦ ξύμπαντος ὄχλου οὐκ ἐλάσσους τεσσάρων ἅμα ἐπορεύοντο. καὶ τούτων οἵ τε ἄλλοι πάντες ἔφερον ὅτι τις ἐδύνατο ἕκαστος χρήσιμον, καὶ οἱ ὁπλῖται καὶ οἱ ἱππῆς παρὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς αὐτοὶ τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν σιτία ὑπὸ τοῖς ὅπλοις, οἱ μὲν ἀπορίᾳ ἀκολούθων, οἱ δὲ ἀπιστίᾳ· ἀπηυτομολήκεσαν γὰρ πάλαι τε καὶ οἱ πλεῖστοι παραχρῆμα. ἔφερον δὲ οὐδὲ ταῦτα ἱκανά· σῖτος γὰρ οὐκέτι ἦν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ.

6 καὶ μὴν ἡ ἄλλη αἰκία καὶ ἡ ἰσομοιρία τῶν κακῶν, ἔχουσά τινα ὅμως τὸ μετὰ πολλῶν κούφισιν, οὐδ’ ὣς ῥᾳδία ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἐδοξάζετο, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἀπὸ οἵας λαμπρότητος καὶ αὐχήματος τοῦ πρώτου ἐς οἵαν τελευτὴν καὶ ταπεινότητα ἀφῖκτο.

7 μέγιστον γὰρ δὴ τὸ διάφορον τοῦτο [τῷ] Ἑλληνικῷ στρατεύματι ἐγένετο, οἷς ἀντὶ μὲν τοῦ ἄλλους δουλωσομένους ἥκειν αὐτοὺς τοῦτο μᾶλλον δεδιότας μὴ πάθωσι ξυνέβη ἀπιέναι, ἀντὶ δ’ εὐχῆς τε καὶ παιάνων, μεθ’ ὧν ἐξέπλεον, πάλιν τούτων τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἐπιφημίσμασιν ἀφορμᾶσθαι,πεζούς τε ἀντὶ ναυβατῶν πορευομένους καὶ ὁπλιτικῷ προσέχοντας μᾶλλον ἢ ναυτικῷ. ὅμως δὲ ὑπὸ μεγέθους τοῦ ἐπικρεμαμένου ἔτι κινδύνου πάντα ταῦτα αὐτοῖς οἰστὰ ἐφαίνετο.

Chapter 76

1 ὁρῶν δὲ ὁ Νικίας τὸ στράτευμα ἀθυμοῦν καὶ ἐν μεγάλῃ μεταβολῇ ὄν, ἐπιπαριὼν ὡς ἐκ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἐθάρσυνέ τε καὶ παρεμυθεῖτο, βοῇ τε χρώμενος ἔτι μᾶλλον ἑκάστοις καθ’ οὓς γίγνοιτο ὑπὸ προθυμίας καὶ βουλόμενος ὡς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον γεγωνίσκων ὠφελεῖν τι.

Chapter 77

1 ‘καὶ ἐκ τῶν παρόντων, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ ξύμμαχοι, ἐλπίδα χρὴ ἔχειν (ἤδη τινὲς καὶ ἐκ δεινοτέρων ἢ τοιῶνδε ἐσώθησαν), μηδὲ καταμέμφεσθαι ὑμᾶς ἄγαν αὐτοὺς μήτε ταῖς ξυμφοραῖς μήτε ταῖς παρὰ τὴν ἀξίαν νῦν κακοπαθίαις.

2 κἀγώ τοι οὐδενὸς ὑμῶν οὔτε ῥώμῃ προφέρων (ἀλλ’ ὁρᾶτε δὴ ὡς διάκειμαι ὑπὸ τῆς νόσου) οὔτ’ εὐτυχίᾳ δοκῶν που ὕστερός του εἶναι κατά τε τὸν ἴδιον βίον καὶ ἐς τὰ ἄλλα, νῦν ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ κινδύνῳ τοῖς φαυλοτάτοις αἰωροῦμαι· καίτοι πολλὰ μὲν ἐς θεοὺς νόμιμα δεδιῄτημαι, πολλὰ δὲ ἐς ἀνθρώπους δίκαια καὶ ἀνεπίφθονα.

3 ἀνθ’ ὧν ἡ μὲν ἐλπὶς ὅμως θρασεῖα τοῦ μέλλοντος, αἱ δὲ ξυμφοραὶ οὐ κατ’ ἀξίαν δὴ φοβοῦσιν. τάχα δὲ ἂν καὶ λωφήσειαν· ἱκανὰ γὰρ τοῖς τε πολεμίοις ηὐτύχηται, καὶ εἴ τῳ θεῶν ἐπίφθονοι ἐστρατεύσαμεν, ἀποχρώντως ἤδη τετιμωρήμεθα.

4 ἦλθον γάρ που καὶ ἄλλοι τινὲς ἤδη ἐφ’ ἑτέρους, καὶ ἀνθρώπεια δράσαντες ἀνεκτὰ ἔπαθον. καὶ ἡμᾶς εἰκὸς νῦν τά τε ἀπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ ἐλπίζειν ἠπιώτερα ἕξειν (οἴκτου γὰρ ἀπ’ αὐτῶν ἀξιώτεροι ἤδη ἐσμὲν ἢ φθόνοθυ), καὶ ὁρῶντες ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς οἷοι ὁπλῖται ἅμα καὶ ὅσοι ξυντεταγμένοι χωρεῖτε μὴ καταπέπληχθε ἄγαν, λογίζεσθε δὲ ὅτι αὐτοί τε πόλις εὐθύς ἐστε ὅποι ἂν καθέζησθε καὶ ἄλλη οὐδεμία ὑμᾶς τῶν ἐν Σικελίᾳ οὔτ’ ἂν ἐπιόντας δέξαιτο ῥᾳδίως οὔτ’ ἂν ἱδρυθέντας που ἐξαναστήσειεν.

5 τὴν δὲ πορείαν ὥστ’ ἀσφαλῆ καὶ εὔτακτον εἶναι αὐτοὶ φυλάξατε, μὴ ἄλλο τι ἡγησάμενος ἕκαστος ἢ ἐν ᾧ ἂν ἀναγκασθῇ χωρίῳ μάχεσθαι, τοῦτο καὶ πατρίδα καὶ τεῖχος κρατήσας ἕξειν.

6 σπουδὴ δὲ ὁμοίως καὶ νύκτα καὶ ἡμέραν ἔσται τῆς ὁδοῦ· τὰ γὰρ ἐπιτήδεια βραχέα ἔχομεν, καὶ ἢν ἀντιλαβώμεθά του φιλίου χωρίου τῶν Σικελῶν (οὗτοι γὰρ ἡμῖν διὰ τὸ Συρακοσίων δέος ἔτι βέβαιοι εἰσίν), ἤδη νομίζετε ἐν τῷ ἐχυρῷ εἶναι. προπέπεμπται δ’ ὡς αὐτούς, καὶ ἀπαντᾶν εἰρημένον καὶ σιτία ἄλλα κομίζειν.

7 ‘τό τε ξύμπαν γνῶτε, ὦ ἄνδρες στρατιῶται, ἀναγκαῖόν τε ὂν ὑμῖν ἀνδράσιν ἀγαθοῖς γίγνεσθαι ὡς μὴ ὄντος χωρίου ἐγγὺς ὅποι ἂν μαλακισθέντες σωθείητε καί, ἢν νῦν διαφύγητε τοὺς πολεμίους, οἵ τε ἄλλοι τευξόμενοι ὧν ἐπιθυμεῖτέ που ἐπιδεῖν καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὴν μεγάλην δύναμιν τῆς πόλεως καίπερ πεπτωκυῖαν ἐπανορθώσοντες· ἄνδρες γὰρ πόλις, καὶ οὐ τείχη οὐδὲ νῆες ἀνδρῶν κεναί.’

Chapter 78

1 ὁ μὲν Νικίας τοιάδε παρακελευόμενος ἅμα ἐπῄει τὸ στράτευμα, καὶ εἴ πῃ ὁρῴη διεσπασμένον καὶ μὴ ἐν τάξει χωροῦν ξυνάγων καὶ καθιστάς, καὶ ὁ Δημοσθένης οὐδὲν ἧσσον τοῖς καθ’ ἑαυτὸν τοιαῦτά τε καὶ παραπλήσια λέγων.

2 τὸ δὲ ἐχώρει ἐν πλαισίῳ τεταγμένον, πρῶτον μὲν ἡγούμενον τὸ Νικίου, ἐφεπόμενον δὲ τὸ Δημοσθένους· τοὺς δὲ σκευοφόρους καὶ τὸν πλεῖστον ὄχλον ἐντὸς εἶχον οἱ ὁπλῖται.

3 καὶ ἐπειδή [τε] ἐγένοντο ἐπὶ τῇ διαβάσει τοῦ Ἀνάπου ποταμοῦ, ηὗρον ἐπ’ αὐτῷ παρατεταγμένους τῶν Συρακοσίων καὶ ξυμμάχων, καὶ τρεψάμενοι αὐτοὺς καὶ κρατήσαντες τοῦ πόρου ἐχώρουν ἐς τὸ πρόσθεν· οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι παριππεύοντές τε προσέκειντο καὶ ἐσακοντίζοντες οἱ ψιλοί.

4 καὶ ταύτῃ μὲν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ προελθόντες σταδίους ὡς τεσσαράκοντα ηὐλίσαντο πρὸς λόφῳ τινὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι· τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ πρῲ ἐπορεύοντο καὶ προῆλθον ὡς εἴκοσι σταδίους, καὶ κατέβησαν ἐς χωρίον ἄπεδόν τι καὶ αὐτοῦ ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο, βουλόμενοι ἔκ τε τῶν οἰκιῶν λαβεῖν τι ἐδώδιμον (ᾠκεῖτο γὰρ ὁ χῶρος) καὶ ὕδωρ μετὰ σφῶν αὐτῶν φέρεσθαι αὐτόθεν· ἐν γὰρ τῷ πρόσθεν ἐπὶ πολλὰ στάδια, ᾗ ἔμελλον ἰέναι, οὐκ ἄφθονον ἦν.

5 οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι ἐν τούτῳ προελθόντες τὴν δίοδον τὴν ἐν τῷ πρόσθεν ἀπετείχιζον· ἦν δὲ λόφος καρτερὸς καὶ ἑκατέρωθεν αὐτοῦ χαράδρα κρημνώδης, ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ Ἀκραῖον λέπας.

6 τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι προῇσαν, καὶ οἱ τῶν Συρακοσίων καὶ ξυμμάχων αὐτοὺς ἱππῆς καὶ ἀκοντισταὶ ὄντες πολλοὶ ἑκατέρωθεν ἐκώλυον καὶ ἐσηκόντιζόν τε καὶ παρίππευον. καὶ χρόνον μὲν πολὺν ἐμάχοντο οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἔπειτα ἀνεχώρησαν πάλιν ἐς τὸ αὐτὸ στρατόπεδον. καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια οὐκέτι ὁμοίως εἶχον· οὐ γὰρ ἔτι ἀποχωρεῖν οἷόν τ’ ἦν ὑπὸ τῶν ἱππέων.

Chapter 79

1 πρῲ δὲ ἄραντες ἐπορεύοντο αὖθις, καὶ ἐβιάσαντο πρὸς τὸν λόφον ἐλθεῖν τὸν ἀποτετειχισμένον, καὶ ηὗρον πρὸ ἑαυτῶν ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἀποτειχίσματος τὴν πεζὴν στρατιὰν παρατεταγμένην οὐκ ἐπ’ ὀλίγων ἀσπίδων· στενὸν γὰρ ἦν τὸ χωρίον.

2 καὶ προσβαλόντες οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐτειχομάχουν, καὶ βαλλόμενοι ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ λόφου ἐπάντους ὄντος (διικνοῦντο γὰρ ῥᾷον οἱ ἄνωθεν) καὶ οὐ δυνάμενοι βιάσασθαι ἀνεχώρουν πάλιν καὶ ἀνεπαύοντο.

3 ἔτυχον δὲ καὶ βρονταί τινες ἅμα γενόμεναι καὶ ὕδωρ, οἷα τοῦ ἔτους πρὸς μετόπωρον ἤδη ὄντος φιλεῖ γίγνεσθαι· ἀφ’ ὧν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι μᾶλλον ἔτι ἠθύμουν καὶ ἐνόμιζον ἐπὶ τῷ σφετέρῳ ὀλέθρῳ καὶ ταῦτα πάντα γίγνεσθαι.

4 ἀναπαυομένων δ’ αὐτῶν ὁ Γύλιππος καὶ οἱ Συρακόσιοι πέμπουσι μέρος τι τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀποτειχιοῦντας αὖ ἐκ τοῦ ὄπισθεν αὐτοὺς ᾗ προεληλύθεσαν· ἀντιπέμψαντες δὲ κἀκεῖνοι σφῶν αὐτῶν τινὰς διεκώλυσαν.

5 καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα πάσῃ τῇ στρατιᾷ ἀναχωρήσαντες πρὸς τὸ πεδίον μᾶλλον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ηὐλίσαντο. τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ προυχώρουν, καὶ οἱ Συρακόσιοι προσέβαλλόν τε πανταχῇ αὐτοῖς κύκλῳ καὶ πολλοὺς κατετραυμάτιζον, καὶ εἰ μὲν ἐπίοιεν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ὑπεχώρουν, εἰ δ᾽ ἀναχωροῖεν, ἐπέκειντο, καὶ μάλιστα τοῖς ὑστάτοις προσπίπτοντες, εἴ πως κατὰ βραχὺ τρεψάμενοι πᾶν τὸ στράτευμα φοβήσειαν.

6 καὶ ἐπὶ πολὺ μὲν τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ ἀντεῖχον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἔπειτα προελθόντες πέντε ἢ ἓξ σταδίους ἀνεπαύοντο ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ· ἀνεχώρησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ Συρακόσιοι ἀπ’ αὐτῶν ἐς τὸ ἑαυτῶν στρατόπεδον.

Chapter 80

1 τῆς δὲ νυκτὸς τῷ Νικίᾳ καὶ Δημοσθένει ἐδόκει, ἐπειδὴ κακῶς σφίσι τὸ στράτευμα εἶχε τῶν τε ἐπιτηδείων πάντων ἀπορίᾳ ἤδη, καὶ κατατετραυματισμένοι ἦσαν πολλοὶ ἐν πολλαῖς προσβολαῖς τῶν πολεμίων γεγενημέναις, πυρὰ καύσαντας ὡς πλεῖστα ἀπάγειν τὴν στρατιάν, μηκέτι τὴν αὐτὴν ὁδὸν ᾗ διενοήθησαν, ἀλλὰ τοὐναντίον ἢ οἱ Συρακόσιοι ἐτήρουν, πρὸς τὴν θάλασσαν.

2 ἦν δὲ ἡ ξύμπασα ὁδὸς αὕτη οὐκ ἐπὶ Κατάνης τῷ στρατεύματι, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὸ ἕτερον μέρος τῆς Σικελίας τὸ πρὸς Καμάριναν καὶ Γέλαν καὶ τὰς ταύτῃ πόλεις καὶ Ἑλληνίδας καὶ βαρβάρους.

3 καύσαντες οὖν πυρὰ πολλὰ ἐχώρουν ἐν τῇ νυκτί. καὶ αὐτοῖς, οἷον φιλεῖ καὶ πᾶσι στρατοπέδοις, μάλιστα δὲ τοῖς μεγίστοις, φόβοι καὶ δείματα ἐγγίγνεσθαι, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἐν νυκτί τε καὶ διὰ πολεμίας καὶ ἀπὸ πολεμίων οὐ πολὺ ἀπεχόντων ἰοῦσιν, ἐμπίπτει ταραχή·

4 καὶ τὸ μὲν Νικίου στράτευμα,ὥσπερ ἡγεῖτο, ξυνέμενέ τε καὶ προύλαβε πολλῷ, τὸ δὲ Δημοσθένους, τὸ ἥμισυ μάλιστα καὶ πλέον, ἀπεσπάσθη τε καὶ ἀτακτότερον ἐχώρει.

5 ἅμα δὲ τῇ ἕῳ ἀφικνοῦνται ὅμως πρὸς τὴν θάλασσαν, καὶ ἐσβάντες ἐς τὴν ὁδὸν τὴν Ἑλωρίνην καλουμένην ἐπορεύοντο, ὅπως, ἐπειδὴ γένοιντο ἐπὶ τῷ ποταμῷ τῷ Κακυπάρει, παρὰ τὸν ποταμὸν ἴοιεν ἄνω διὰ μεσογείας· ἤλπιζον γὰρ καὶ τοὺς Σικελοὺς ταύτῃ οὓς μετεπέμψαντο ἀπαντήσεσθαι.

6 ἐπειδὴ δ’ ἐγένοντο ἐπὶ τῷ ποταμῷ, ηὗρον καὶ ἐνταῦθα φυλακήν τινα τῶν Συρακοσίων ἀποτειχίζουσάν τε καὶ ἀποσταυροῦσαν τὸν πόρον. καὶ βιασάμενοι αὐτὴν διέβησάν τε τὸν ποταμὸν καὶ ἐχώρουν αὖθις πρὸς ἄλλον ποταμὸν τὸν Ἐρινεόν· ταύτῃ γὰρ οἱ ἡγεμόνες ἐκέλευον.

Chapter 81

1 ἐν τούτῳ δ’ οἱ Συρακόσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι, ὡς ἥ τε ἡμέρα ἐγένετο καὶ ἔγνωσαν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἀπεληλυθότας, ἐν αἰτίᾳ τε οἱ πολλοὶ τὸν Γύλιππον εἶχον ἑκόντα ἀφεῖναι τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, καὶ κατὰ τάχος διώκοντες, ᾗ οὐ χαλεπῶς ᾐσθάνοντο κεχωρηκότας, καταλαμβάνουσι περὶ ἀρίστου ὥραν.

2 καὶ ὡς προσέμειξαν τοῖς μετὰ τοῦ Δημοσθένους ὑστέροις τ’ οὖσι καὶ σχολαίτερον καὶ ἀτακτότερον χωροῦσιν, ὡς τῆς νυκτὸς τότε ξυνεταράχθησαν, εὐθὺς προσπεσόντες ἐμάχοντο, καὶ οἱ ἱππῆς τῶν Συρακοσίων ἐκυκλοῦντό τε ῥᾷον αὐτοὺς δίχα δὴ ὄντας καὶ ξυνῆγον ἐς ταὐτό.

3 τὸ δὲ Νικίου στράτευμα ἀπεῖχεν ἐν τῷ πρόσθεν καὶ πεντήκοντα σταδίους· θᾶσσόν τε γὰρ ὁ Νικίας ἦγε, νομίζων οὐ τὸ ὑπομένειν ἐν τῷ τοιούτῳ ἑκόντας εἶναι καὶ μάχεσθαι σωτηρίαν, ἀλλὰ τὸ ὡς τάχιστα ὑποχωρεῖν, τοσαῦτα μαχομένους ὅσα ἀναγκάζονται.

4 ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης ἐτύγχανέ τε τὰ πλείω ἐν πόνῳ ξυνεχεστέρῳ ὢν διὰ τὸ ὑστέρῳ ἀναχωροῦντι αὐτῷ πρώτῳ ἐπικεῖσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ τότε γνοὺς τοὺς Συρακοσίους διώκοντας οὐ προυχώρει μᾶλλον ἢ ἐς μάχην ξυνετάσσετο, ἕως ἐνδιατρίβων κυκλοῦταί τε ὑπ’ αὐτῶν καὶ ἐν πολλῷ θορύβῳ αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ μετ’ αὐτοῦ Ἀθηναῖοι ἦσαν· ἀνειληθέντες γὰρ ἔς τι χωρίον ᾧ κύκλῳ μὲν τειχίον περιῆν, ὁδὸς δὲ ἔνθεν [τε] καὶ ἔνθεν, ἐλάας δὲ οὐκ ὀλίγας εἶχεν, ἐβάλλοντο περισταδόν.

5 τοιαύταις δὲ προσβολαῖς καὶ οὐ ξυσταδὸν μάχαις οἱ Συρακόσιοι εἰκότως ἐχρῶντο· τὸ γὰρ ἀποκινδυνεύειν πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ἀπονενοημένους οὐ πρὸς ἐκείνων μᾶλλον ἦν ἔτι ἢ πρὸς τῶν Ἀθηναίων, καὶ ἅμα φειδώ τέ τις ἐγίγνετο ἐπ’ εὐπραγίᾳ ἤδη σαφεῖ μὴ προαναλωθῆναί τῳ, καὶ ἐνόμιζον καὶ ὣς ταύτῃ τῇ ἰδέᾳ καταδαμασάμενοι λήψεσθαι αὐτούς.

Chapter 82

1 ἐπειδὴ δ’ οὖν δι’ ἡμέρας βάλλοντες πανταχόθεν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους καὶ ξυμμάχους ἑώρων ἤδη τεταλαιπωρημένους τοῖς τε τραύμασι καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ κακώσει, κήρυγμα ποιοῦνται Γύλιππος καὶ Συρακόσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι πρῶτον μὲν τῶν νησιωτῶν εἴ τις βούλεται ἐπ’ ἐλευθερίᾳ ὡς σφᾶς ἀπιέναι· καὶ ἀπεχώρησάν τινες πόλεις οὐ πολλαί.

2 ἔπειτα δ’ ὕστερον καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας τοὺς μετὰ Δημοσθένους ὁμολογία γίγνεται ὥστε ὅπλα τε παραδοῦναι καὶ μὴ ἀποθανεῖν μηδένα μήτε βιαίως μήτε δεσμοῖς μήτε τῆς ἀναγκαιοτάτης ἐνδείᾳ διαίτης.

3 καὶ παρέδοσαν οἱ πάντες σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἑξακισχίλιοι, καὶ τὸ ἀργύριον ὃ εἶχον ἅπαν κατέθεσαν ἐσβαλόντες ἐς ἀσπίδας ὑπτίας, καὶ ἐνέπλησαν ἀσπίδας τέσσαρας. καὶ τούτους μὲν εὐθὺς ἀπεκόμιζον ἐς τὴν πόλιν· Νικίας δὲ καὶ οἱ μετ’ αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἀφικνοῦνται ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν τὸν Ἐρινεόν, καὶ διαβὰς πρὸς μετέωρόν τι καθῖσε τὴν στρατιάν.

Chapter 83

1 οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ καταλαβόντες αὐτὸν ἔλεγον ὅτι οἱ μετὰ Δημοσθένους παραδεδώκοιεν σφᾶς αὐτούς, κελεύοντες κἀκεῖνον τὸ αὐτὸ δρᾶν· ὁ δ’ ἀπιστῶν σπένδεται ἱππέα πέμψαι σκεψόμενον.

2 ὡς δ’ οἰχόμενος ἀπήγγειλε πάλιν παραδεδωκότας, ἐπικηρυκεύεται Γυλίππῳ καὶ Συρακοσίοις εἶναι ἑτοῖμος ὑπὲρ Ἀθηναίων ξυμβῆναι, ὅσα ἀνήλωσαν χρήματα Συρακόσιοι ἐς τὸν πόλεμον, ταῦτα ἀποδοῦναι, ὥστε τὴν μετ’ αὐτοῦ στρατιὰν ἀφεῖναι αὐτούς· μέχρι οὗ δ’ ἂν τὰ χρήματα ἀποδοθῇ, ἄνδρας δώσειν Ἀθηναίων ὁμήρους, ἕνα κατὰ τάλαντον.

3 οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι καὶ Γύλιππος οὐ προσεδέχοντο τοὺς λόγους, ἀλλὰ προσπεσόντες καὶ περιστάντες πανταχόθεν ἔβαλλον καὶ τούτους μέχρι ὀψέ.

4 εἶχον δὲ καὶ οὗτοι πονηρῶς σίτου τε καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἀπορίᾳ. ὅμως δὲ τῆς νυκτὸς φυλάξαντες τὸ ἡσυχάζον ἔμελλον πορεύσεσθαι. καὶ ἀναλαμβάνουσί τε τὰ ὅπλα καὶ οἱ Συρακόσιοι αἰσθάνονται καὶ ἐπαιάνισαν.

5 γνόντες δὲ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ὅτι οὐ λανθάνουσι, κατέθεντο πάλιν πλὴν τριακοσίων μάλιστα ἀνδρῶν· οὗτοι δὲ διὰ τῶν φυλάκων βιασάμενοι ἐχώρουν τῆς νυκτὸς ᾗ ἐδύναντο.

Chapter 84

1 Νικίας δ’ ἐπειδὴ ἡμέρα ἐγένετο ἦγε τὴν στρατιάν· οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι προσέκειντο τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον πανταχόθεν βάλλοντές τε καὶ κατακοντίζοντες.

2 καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἠπείγοντο πρὸς τὸν Ἀσσίναρον ποταμόν, ἅμα μὲν βιαζόμενοι ὑπὸ τῆς πανταχόθεν προσβολῆς ἱππέων τε πολλῶν καὶ τοῦ ἄλλου ὄχλου, οἰόμενοι ῥᾷόν τι σφίσιν ἔσεσθαι, ἢν διαβῶσι τὸν ποταμόν, ἅμα δ’ ὑπὸ τῆς ταλαιπωρίας καὶ τοῦ πιεῖν ἐπιθυμίᾳ.

3 ὡς δὲ γίγνονται ἐπ’ αὐτῷ, ἐσπίπτουσιν οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ ἔτι, ἀλλὰ πᾶς τέ τις διαβῆναι αὐτὸς πρῶτος βουλόμενος καὶ οἱ πολέμιοι ἐπικείμενοι χαλεπὴν ἤδη τὴν διάβασιν ἐποίουν· ἁθρόοι γὰρ ἀναγκαζόμενοι χωρεῖν ἐπέπιπτόν τε ἀλλήλοις καὶ κατεπάτουν, περί τε τοῖς δορατίοις καὶ σκεύεσιν οἱ μὲν εὐθὺς διεφθείροντο, οἱ δὲ ἐμπαλασσόμενοι κατέρρεον.

4 ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ θάτερά τε τοῦ ποταμοῦ παραστάντες οἱ Συρακόσιοι (ἦν δὲ κρημνῶδες) ἔβαλλον ἄνωθεν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, πίνοντάς τε τοὺς πολλοὺς ἀσμένους καὶ ἐν κοίλῳ ὄντι τῷ ποταμῷ ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ταρασσομένους.

5 οἵ τε Πελοποννήσιοι ἐπικαταβάντες τοὺς ἐν τῷ ποταμῷ μάλιστα ἔσφαζον. καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ εὐθὺς διέφθαρτο, ἀλλ’ οὐδὲν ἧσσον ἐπίνετό τε ὁμοῦ τῷ πηλῷ ᾑματωμένον καὶ περιμάχητον ἦν τοῖς πολλοῖς.

Chapter 85

1 τέλος δὲ νεκρῶν τε πολλῶν ἐπ’ ἀλλήλοις ἤδη κειμένων ἐν τῷ ποταμῷ καὶ διεφθαρμένου τοῦ στρατεύματος τοῦ μὲν κατὰ τὸν ποταμόν, τοῦ δὲ καί, εἴ τι διαφύγοι, ὑπὸ τῶν ἱππέων, Νικίας Γυλίππῳ ἑαυτὸν παραδίδωσι, πιστεύσας μᾶλλον αὐτῷ ἢ τοῖς Συρακοσίοις· καὶ ἑαυτῷ μὲν χρήσασθαι ἐκέλευεν ἐκεῖνόν τε καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους ὅτι βούλονται, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους στρατιώτας παύσασθαι φονεύοντας.

2 καὶ ὁ Γύλιππος μετὰ τοῦτο ζωγρεῖν ἤδη ἐκέλευεν· καὶ τούς τε λοιποὺς ὅσους μὴ ἀπεκρύψαντο (πολλοὶ δὲ οὗτοι ἐγένοντο) ξυνεκόμισαν ζῶντας, καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς τριακοσίους, οἳ τὴν φυλακὴν διεξῆλθον τῆς νυκτός, πέμψαντες τοὺς διωξομένους ξυνέλαβον.

3 τὸ μὲν οὖν ἁθροισθὲν τοῦ στρατεύματος ἐς τὸ κοινὸν οὐ πολὺ ἐγένετο, τὸ δὲ διακλαπὲν πολύ, καὶ διεπλήσθη πᾶσα Σικελία αὐτῶν, ἅτε οὐκ ἀπὸ ξυμβάσεως ὥσπερ τῶν μετὰ Δημοσθένους ληφθέντων.

4 μέρος δέ τι οὐκ ὀλίγον καὶ ἀπέθανεν· πλεῖστος γὰρ δὴ φόνος οὗτος καὶ οὐδενὸς ἐλάσσων τῶν ἐν τῷ [Σικελικῷ] πολέμῳ τούτῳ ἐγένετο. καὶ ἐν ταῖς ἄλλαις προσβολαῖς ταῖς κατὰ τὴν πορείαν συχναῖς γενομέναις οὐκ ὀλίγοι ἐτεθνήκεσαν. πολλοὶ δὲ ὅμως καὶ διέφυγον, οἱ μὲν καὶ παραυτίκα, οἱ δὲ καὶ δουλεύσαντες καὶ διαδιδράσκοντες ὕστερον· τούτοις δ’ ἦν ἀναχώρησις ἐς Κατάνην.

Chapter 86

1 ξυναθροισθέντες δὲ οἱ Συρακόσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι, τῶν τε αἰχμαλώτων ὅσους ἐδύναντο πλείστους καὶ τὰ σκῦλα ἀναλαβόντες, ἀνεχώρησαν ἐς τὴν πόλιν.

2 καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους Ἀθηναίων καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων ὁπόσους ἔλαβον κατεβίβασαν ἐς τὰς λιθοτομίας, ἀσφαλεστάτην εἶναι νομίσαντες τήρησιν, Νικίαν δὲ καὶ Δημοσθένη ἄκοντος τοῦ Γυλίππου ἀπέσφαξαν. ὁ γὰρ Γύλιππος καλὸν τὸ ἀγώνισμα ἐνόμιζέν οἱ εἶναι ἐπὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις καὶ τοὺς ἀντιστρατήγους κομίσαι Λακεδαιμονίοις.

3 ξυνέβαινε δὲ τὸν μὲν πολεμιώτατον αὐτοῖς εἶναι, Δημοσθένη, διὰ τὰ ἐν τῇ νήσῳ καὶ Πύλῳ, τὸν δὲ διὰ τὰ αὐτὰ ἐπιτηδειότατον· τοὺς γὰρ ἐκ τῆς νήσου ἄνδρας τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ὁ Νικίας προυθυμήθη, σπονδὰς πείσας τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ποιήσασθαι, ὥστε ἀφεθῆναι.

4 ἀνθ’ ὧν οἵ τε Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἦσαν αὐτῷ προσφιλεῖς κἀκεῖνος οὐχ ἥκιστα διὰ τοῦτο πιστεύσας ἑαυτὸν τῷ Γυλίππῳ παρέδωκεν. ἀλλὰ τῶν Συρακοσίων τινές, ὡς ἐλέγετο, οἱ μὲν δείσαντες, ὅτι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκεκοινολόγηντο, μὴ βασανιζόμενος διὰ τὸ τοιοῦτο ταραχὴν σφίσιν ἐν εὐπραγίᾳ ποιήσῃ, ἄλλοι δέ, καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα οἱ Κορίνθιοι, μὴ χρήμασι δὴ πείσας τινάς, ὅτι πλούσιος ἦν, ἀποδρᾷ καὶ αὖθις σφίσι νεώτερόν τι ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ γένηται, πείσαντες τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἀπέκτειναν αὐτόν.

5 καὶ ὁ μὲν τοιαύτῃ ἢ ὅτι ἐγγύτατα τούτων αἰτίᾳ ἐτεθνήκει, ἥκιστα δὴ ἄξιος ὢν τῶν γε ἐπ’ ἐμοῦ Ἑλλήνων ἐς τοῦτο δυστυχίας ἀφικέσθαι διὰ τὴν πᾶσαν ἐς ἀρετὴν νενομισμένην ἐπιτήδευσιν.

Chapter 87

1 τοὺς δ’ ἐν ταῖς λιθοτομίαις οἱ Συρακόσιοι χαλεπῶς τοὺς πρώτους χρόνους μετεχείρισαν. ἐν γὰρ κοίλῳ χωρίῳ ὄντας καὶ ὀλίγῳ πολλοὺς οἵ τε ἥλιοι τὸ πρῶτον καὶ τὸ πνῖγος ἔτι ἐλύπει διὰ τὸ ἀστέγαστον καὶ αἱ νύκτες ἐπιγιγνόμεναι τοὐναντίον μετοπωριναὶ καὶ ψυχραὶ τῇ μεταβολῇ ἐς ἀσθένειαν ἐνεωτέριζον,

2 πάντα τε ποιούντων αὐτῶν διὰ στενοχωρίαν ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ καὶ προσέτι τῶν νεκρῶν ὁμοῦ ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλοις ξυννενημένων, οἳ ἔκ τε τῶν τραυμάτων καὶ διὰ τὴν μεταβολὴν καὶ τὸ τοιοῦτον ἀπέθνῃσκον, καὶ ὀσμαὶ ἦσαν οὐκ ἀνεκτοί, καὶ λιμῷ ἅμα καὶ δίψῃ ἐπιέζοντο (ἐδίδοσαν γὰρ αὐτῶν ἑκάστῳ ἐπὶ ὀκτὼ μῆνας κοτύλην ὕδατος καὶ δύο κοτύλας σίτου), ἄλλα τε ὅσα εἰκὸς ἐν τῷ τοιούτῳ χωρίῳ ἐμπεπτωκότας κακοπαθῆσαι, οὐδὲν ὅτι οὐκ ἐπεγένετο αὐτοῖς·

3 καὶ ἡμέρας μὲν ἑβδομήκοντά τινας οὕτω διῃτήθησαν ἁθρόοι· ἔπειτα πλὴν Ἀθηναίων καὶ εἴ τινες Σικελιωτῶν ἢ Ἰταλιωτῶν ξυνεστράτευσαν, τοὺς ἄλλους ἀπέδοντο.

4 ἐλήφθησαν δὲ οἱ ξύμπαντες, ἀκριβείᾳ μὲν χαλεπὸν ἐξειπεῖν, ὅμως δὲ οὐκ ἐλάσσους ἑπτακισχιλίων.

5 ξυνέβη τε ἔργον τοῦτο [Ἑλληνικὸν] τῶν κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον τόνδε μέγιστον γενέσθαι, δοκεῖν δ’ ἔμοιγε καὶ ὧν ἀκοῇ Ἑλληνικῶν ἴσμεν, καὶ τοῖς τε κρατήσασι λαμπρότατον καὶ τοῖς διαφθαρεῖσι δυστυχέστατον·

6 κατὰ πάντα γὰρ πάντως νικηθέντες καὶ οὐδὲν ὀλίγον ἐς οὐδὲν κακοπαθήσαντες πανωλεθρίᾳ δὴ τὸ λεγόμενον καὶ πεζὸς καὶ νῆες καὶ οὐδὲν ὅτι οὐκ ἀπώλετο, καὶ ὀλίγοι ἀπὸ πολλῶν ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀπενόστησαν. ταῦτα μὲν τὰ περὶ Σικελίαν γενόμενα.

Chapter 1

1 After repairing their ships, Gylippus and Pythen sailed along the coast from Tarentum to Epizephyrian Locri. They now learned more definitely that Syracuse was not yet completely walled off. An army could still enter by way of Epipolae. They considered two options. They could keep Sicily on their right and risk sailing into Syracuse. Or they could keep it on their left, sail first to Himera, recruit the people there and any other troops they could persuade to join them, and travel overland.

2 They decided to sail to Himera. One further reason was that the four Athenian ships had not yet reached Rhegium. Nicias had nevertheless sent these when he learned that they were at Locri. Getting ahead of this patrol, they passed through the strait. They stopped at Rhegium and Messene and reached Himera.

3 There they persuaded the Himeraeans to join the war, march with them in person, and provide weapons for any sailors from their ships who had none. They had hauled their ships ashore at Himera. They also sent a message telling the Selinuntians to meet them at a certain place with their whole army.

4 The people of Gela and some of the Sicels also promised to send them a small force. The Sicels were now much more willing to join them. Archonides had recently died. He had ruled some of the Sicels in that region, had considerable power, and was friendly to the Athenians. Gylippus also seemed to have come from Lacedaemon with a strong commitment to helping them.

5 Gylippus set out for Syracuse with about seven hundred armed men from his own sailors and marines. He also took a thousand Himeraean hoplites and light-armed troops in all, and a hundred cavalry. There were also some light-armed troops and cavalry from Selinus, a few men from Gela, and about a thousand Sicels altogether.

Chapter 2

1 Meanwhile, the Corinthians were hurrying from Leucas to bring help with the rest of their ships. Gongylus, one of the Corinthian commanders, had been the last to set out, with a single ship, but reached Syracuse first, shortly before Gylippus. He found the Syracusans about to hold an assembly to discuss ending the war. He stopped them and encouraged them by saying that more ships were still on their way, and that the Lacedaemonians had sent Gylippus son of Cleandridas as commander.

2 The Syracusans gained confidence. They immediately marched out with their whole army to meet Gylippus, since they had already learned that he was nearby.

3 Gylippus had meanwhile captured Ietae, a Sicel fort on his route. He arranged his men for battle and reached Epipolae. He climbed up by Euryelus, the same way the Athenians had first come, and advanced with the Syracusans toward the Athenian fortifications.

4 He happened to arrive at the following stage of the work. The Athenians had already completed a double wall extending seven or eight stades to the Great Harbor. Only a short stretch near the sea remained, and they were still building it. For most of the rest of their circuit, toward Trogilus and the sea on the other side, stones had already been laid out. Some stretches of wall had been left half finished, and others were complete. This was how close Syracuse had come to disaster.

Chapter 3

1 The Athenians were alarmed at first by the sudden approach of Gylippus and the Syracusans, but they drew up for battle. Gylippus halted his troops nearby and sent them a herald. His message was that he was ready to make a truce if they were willing to take their own belongings and leave Sicily within five days.

2 They treated the offer with contempt and sent the herald away without an answer. After this, both sides prepared to fight each other.

3 Gylippus saw that the Syracusans were in confusion and had trouble getting into formation. He moved the army back onto more open ground. Nicias did not lead the Athenians forward, but stayed by their own wall. When Gylippus realized that they were not coming toward him, he led his army away to the high ground called Temenites. They camped there.

4 The next day he led out most of his army and drew it up facing the Athenian walls, to stop the Athenians from sending help elsewhere. He sent a detachment against the fort at Labdalum and captured it. He killed everyone he caught inside. The Athenians could not see this position from where they were.

5 On the same day, the Syracusans also captured an Athenian trireme that was keeping watch off the harbor.

Chapter 4

1 After this, the Syracusans and their allies began building a single wall from the city up across Epipolae toward the cross-wall. Unless the Athenians could stop them, this would make it impossible for the Athenians to complete the encirclement.

2 The Athenians had now finished their wall down to the sea and had moved up to the higher ground. There was a weak point in their wall, and Gylippus took his army toward it at night.

3 The Athenians happened to be camping outside. When they noticed his approach, they moved out to meet him. Gylippus saw this and quickly led his men back. The Athenians built this part of the wall higher and guarded it themselves. They now assigned the other allies their separate posts along the rest of the fortifications.

4 Nicias decided to fortify the place called Plemmyrium. This is a headland opposite the city. It projects into the Great Harbor and narrows its entrance. He thought that fortifying it would make bringing in supplies easier. They would be able to keep watch closer to the Syracusan harbor. If the enemy made a move with their fleet, they would no longer have to put out from the innermost part of the harbor, as they did now. He was already paying more attention to the war at sea. He saw that, since Gylippus had arrived, their prospects on land were less promising.

5 He therefore moved troops and the ships across and built three forts. Most of the equipment was stored in them. The large transport ships and the fast warships were now moored there too.

6 This was when the ships' crews first began to suffer serious losses. Water was scarce and had to be fetched from a distance. When the sailors went out for it or to collect firewood, the Syracusan cavalry, who controlled the countryside, killed them. The Syracusans had stationed a third of their cavalry at the small settlement by the Olympieum to prevent the men at Plemmyrium from coming out to damage the countryside.

7 Nicias also learned that the rest of the Corinthian ships were approaching. He sent twenty ships to intercept them, with orders to lie in wait around Locri and Rhegium and at the approach to Sicily.

Chapter 5

1 Gylippus continued building the wall across Epipolae, using the stones the Athenians had previously laid out for themselves. At the same time, he regularly led the Syracusans and their allies out in front of the fortifications and drew them up for battle. The Athenians drew up opposite them.

2 When Gylippus thought the moment was right, he led the attack. They met and fought at close quarters between the walls, where the Syracusan cavalry could be of no use.

3 The Syracusans and their allies were defeated. They recovered their dead under a truce, and the Athenians set up a victory marker. Gylippus called his army together and said the fault had been his, not theirs. By placing their battle line too far inside the space between the walls, he had deprived them of the help of their cavalry and javelin throwers. Now he would lead them into battle again.

4 He told them to keep this in mind: their equipment would be no worse than the enemy's. As for their determination, it would be intolerable if they, as Peloponnesians and Dorians, did not think it their duty to defeat Ionians, islanders, and a mixed crowd of men, and drive them out of the country.

Chapter 6

1 After this, when the moment was right, he led them forward again. Nicias and the Athenians believed that, even if the enemy did not want to start a battle, they themselves had to stop the wall being built past their own. The enemy's wall had already almost passed the end of the Athenian wall. If it went any farther, winning every battle from then on would do them no more good than not fighting at all. So they advanced to meet the Syracusans.

2 Gylippus brought his hoplites farther out from the walls than before and engaged the Athenians. He had placed his cavalry and javelin throwers on the Athenians' flank, on the open ground where construction of both walls ended.

3 During the battle, the cavalry attacked the Athenian left wing, which was opposite them, and put it to flight. As a result, the rest of the Athenian army was also defeated by the Syracusans and driven back in confusion into the fortifications.

4 During the following night, the Syracusans managed to extend their wall beyond the Athenian construction before they could be stopped. The Athenians could no longer obstruct them. Even if the Athenians won in battle, they had now completely lost the chance to wall the Syracusans in.

Chapter 7

1 After this, the twelve remaining ships from Corinth, Ambracia, and Leucas sailed in without being noticed by the Athenian patrol. Their commander was Erasinides, a Corinthian. Their men helped the Syracusans finish the rest of the wall as far as the cross-wall.

2 Gylippus went to the rest of Sicily to gather forces for both land and sea. He also meant to bring over any cities that were reluctant to help or had so far stayed out of the war altogether.

3 Other Syracusan and Corinthian envoys were sent to Lacedaemon and Corinth to arrange for more troops to cross over. They were to come in merchant ships, smaller vessels, or whatever other means could be found, since the Athenians were also sending for reinforcements.

4 The Syracusans manned a fleet and practiced with it, intending to attempt an attack by sea as well. Their confidence also grew greatly in other areas.

Chapter 8

1 Nicias learned of this and saw the enemy's strength growing day by day while his own difficulties increased. He too sent reports to Athens. He had often sent reports before about each development, but now he did so with particular urgency. He thought they were in serious danger. Unless the Athenians recalled them as quickly as possible or sent a substantial new force, there was no chance of survival.

2 He was afraid the messengers might not report the facts as they were. They might lack the ability to explain them, forget something, or say something to please the crowd. So he wrote a letter. He thought this was the best way for the Athenians to learn his views without anything being lost through the messenger, and to make their decision on the basis of the truth.

3 The men he sent left with the letter and instructions about what they needed to say. Nicias attended to matters in camp, now concentrating on keeping it secure rather than taking risks of his own choice.

Chapter 9

1 At the end of the same summer, the Athenian general Euetion campaigned against Amphipolis with Perdiccas and many Thracians. He failed to capture the city. But he brought triremes around into the Strymon and conducted a siege from the river, using Himeraeum as his base. The summer ended.

Chapter 10

1 During the following winter, Nicias' messengers arrived in Athens. They delivered the oral message they had been given, answered any questions put to them, and handed over the letter. The city's secretary came forward and read it to the Athenians. It said the following.

Chapter 11

1 “Athenians, you know what happened earlier from my many previous letters. Now it is just as important for you to learn our present situation and decide what to do.

2 “We had defeated the Syracusans, whom you sent us to fight, in most of our battles. We had also built the walls within which we are now stationed. Then Gylippus the Lacedaemonian arrived with an army from the Peloponnese and some of the cities in Sicily. We defeated him in the first battle. But in the next battle, large numbers of cavalry and javelin throwers overpowered us, and we withdrew inside our walls.

3 “So now we have stopped building the encircling wall because of the enemy's numbers, and we are taking no action. We cannot even use our whole army, since guarding the walls takes up part of our hoplite force. The enemy have built a single wall past ours. We can no longer wall them in unless someone attacks and captures this blocking wall with a large army.

4 “We are supposed to be besieging others. Instead, at least on land, we are more like the ones under siege. Their cavalry prevents us from going far into the countryside.

Chapter 12

1 “They have also sent envoys to the Peloponnese for another army. Gylippus has gone to the cities in Sicily. He means to persuade those that are now inactive to join the war. From the others he will bring more land troops and, if he can, resources for a fleet.

2 “From what I hear, they intend to attack our walls with their army and at the same time attack us at sea with their ships.

3 “None of you should be surprised that they mean to attack at sea too. Our fleet was at its best at the start, with dry ships and crews at full strength, as the enemy also know from reports. Now the ships are waterlogged after being at sea for so long, and the crews have been depleted.

4 “We cannot haul our ships ashore to dry them out. The enemy's ships are equal to ours in number, or even more numerous, so we must constantly expect them to attack.

5 “We can see them practicing. They can choose when to attack, and they have more opportunity to dry out their own ships. They are not keeping up a naval blockade against anyone else.

Chapter 13

1 “We could scarcely do that even with a large surplus of ships, and if we were not forced, as we are now, to use all of them on guard duty. If we relax our watch even a little, we will have no supplies. Even now, we have trouble bringing them in past the enemy's city.

2 “These are the reasons our crews have been losing men and are still losing them. Some sailors are killed by the cavalry while gathering firewood, raiding for supplies, or fetching water from far away. The slaves are deserting now that we are no stronger than the enemy. Among the foreigners, those who were forced aboard leave for the various cities at the first opportunity. Others were originally attracted by high pay and expected to make money rather than fight. Now, against their expectations, they see the enemy holding out with a fleet as well as in other ways. Some leave under the pretense of going over to the enemy; others get away however they can. Sicily is a large place. Some have even gone into trade themselves and persuaded the trireme captains to put slaves from Hyccara aboard in their places. This has destroyed the fleet's efficiency.

Chapter 14

1 “You know already what I am writing: a crew stays at its best for only a short time. Few sailors have the skill to get a ship moving and keep the rowing together.

2 “The worst difficulties of all are these. As general, I cannot prevent these things, since your people are hard to command. And we have no source of replacement crews, whereas the enemy have many. We must meet both our current needs and our losses from the men we brought with us. Our present allied cities, Naxos and Catana, cannot help us.

3 “The enemy may gain one further advantage. The places in Italy that feed us may see our condition, and see that you are not coming to help, and go over to them. If that happens, they will have won [the war] without a fight, by starving us into surrender.

4 “I could have written you other things that would be more pleasant to hear. But they would not be more useful, if you are to decide what to do with a clear knowledge of the situation here. I also know your character. You want to hear the most pleasing reports, but later you make accusations if the results do not match them. So I thought it safer to tell you the truth.

Chapter 15

1 “Be assured that neither your soldiers nor your commanders deserve blame for their handling of the task we originally came to carry out. But now all Sicily is joining forces against us, and the enemy expect another army from the Peloponnese. You must make your decision knowing that our men here are not strong enough even for the forces already facing them. You must either recall them or send another force at least as large as this one, both an army and a fleet, with a large amount of money. You must also send someone to replace me. I have a kidney disease and cannot stay on.

2 “I ask you to allow me this. When I was healthy, I did you much good in my commands. Whatever you intend to do, do it as soon as spring begins, without delay. The enemy can obtain their reinforcements in Sicily quickly. Those from the Peloponnese will take longer. Even so, unless you pay attention, some will arrive without your noticing, as they did before, and others will get here before you can act.”

Chapter 16

1 This was what Nicias' letter said. After hearing it, the Athenians did not release him from command. Instead, until the new joint commanders could be elected and arrive, they chose two men who were already there, Menander and Euthydemus, to assist him. They did not want him to struggle alone while ill. They also voted to send another force, both ships and land troops, made up of Athenians called up from the military rolls and men from the allies.

2 They elected Demosthenes son of Alcisthenes and Eurymedon son of Thucles to share his command. They sent Eurymedon to Sicily immediately, around the winter solstice, with ten ships and a hundred and twenty talents of silver. He was also to tell the men there that help would come and that their needs would be attended to.

Chapter 17

1 Demosthenes stayed behind and prepared to sail as soon as spring began. He sent orders to the allies for troops and got money, ships, and hoplites ready in Athens.

2 The Athenians also sent twenty ships around the Peloponnese to keep watch and prevent anyone from crossing to Sicily from Corinth or the Peloponnese.

3 The Corinthians had received their envoys, who reported that things were going better in Sicily. They felt that their earlier decision to send the ships had been well timed, and this greatly increased their confidence. They were preparing to send hoplites to Sicily in merchant ships. The Lacedaemonians were preparing to send men from the rest of the Peloponnese in the same way.

4 The Corinthians also manned twenty-five ships. They intended to try a sea battle against the squadron on guard at Naupactus. The Athenian ships at Naupactus would then be less able to stop the merchant ships from leaving, since they would have to keep watch against the triremes facing them.

Chapter 18

1 The Lacedaemonians were also preparing to invade Attica, as they had previously decided. The Syracusans and Corinthians urged them to do so. They had learned that reinforcements were coming from Athens to Sicily and wanted an invasion to prevent their departure. Alcibiades also kept pressing the Lacedaemonians to fortify Decelea and not let up in the war.

2 Two things especially encouraged the Lacedaemonians. They thought the Athenians would be easier to defeat now that they were fighting two wars, against themselves and the Sicilian Greeks. They also believed the Athenians had been the first to break the treaty. In the previous war, they thought the fault had been more their own. The Thebans had entered Plataea during the truce. Also, the earlier agreement said that neither side should take up arms if the other was willing to submit to arbitration. Yet they themselves had refused when the Athenians challenged them to arbitrate. For this reason they thought their misfortunes had been deserved. They recalled the disaster at Pylos and any other disasters they had suffered.

3 But the Athenians had now used their thirty ships based at Argos to devastate parts of Epidaurus and Prasiae and other places. They were also making raids from Pylos. Whenever a disagreement arose over a disputed point under the treaty, the Lacedaemonians challenged them to arbitrate, but they refused to submit the matter. The Lacedaemonians now thought that the Athenians had taken on the same wrongdoing that they themselves had committed before. So they were eager for war.

4 During this winter they sent orders to their allies for iron and prepared the other tools needed to build the fort in enemy territory. At the same time, they gathered reinforcements to send to the men in Sicily in merchant ships and pressed the other Peloponnesians to do the same. The winter ended, and the eighteenth year of this war, which Thucydides wrote, came to an end.

Chapter 19

1 At the very start of the following spring, as early as possible, the Lacedaemonians and their allies invaded Attica. Agis son of Archidamus, king of the Lacedaemonians, led them. First they devastated the countryside around the plain. Then they began fortifying Decelea, dividing the work among the cities.

2 Decelea is about a hundred and twenty stades from Athens. Its distance from Boeotia is much the same, or not much greater. The fort was being built in a position overlooking the plain and the best land, so that the invaders could damage them. It was visible all the way to Athens.

3 While the Peloponnesians and their allies in Attica were building the fort, those in the Peloponnese were sending the hoplites to Sicily in cargo ships at about the same time. The Lacedaemonians selected their best men from the Helots and the newly enfranchised men, about six hundred hoplites from the two groups together. Eccritus, a Spartan, commanded them. The Boeotians sent three hundred hoplites under Xenon and Nicon, both Thebans, and Hegesander of Thespiae.

4 These troops were among the first to set out. They put out to open sea from Taenarum in Laconia. Not long afterward, the Corinthians sent five hundred hoplites. Some came from Corinth itself, and they hired the rest from Arcadia. They appointed Alexarchus, a Corinthian, to command them. The Sicyonians also sent two hundred hoplites along with the Corinthians, under Sargeus of Sicyon.

5 The twenty-five Corinthian ships that had been crewed during the winter remained stationed opposite the twenty Athenian ships at Naupactus until these hoplites had sailed from the Peloponnese in their cargo ships. That was why the Corinthians had crewed their ships in the first place: to keep the Athenians' attention on the triremes rather than the cargo ships.

Chapter 20

1 Meanwhile, just as spring began and Decelea was being fortified, the Athenians sent thirty ships around the Peloponnese under Charicles son of Apollodorus. He had orders to go to Argos and invoke the alliance to ask the Argives to send hoplites aboard the ships.

2 They were also sending Demosthenes to Sicily, as they had planned, with sixty Athenian ships and five Chian ships. He had twelve hundred Athenian hoplites drawn from the muster roll, and as many islanders as they could get from each island. They had also collected anything useful for the war that their other subject allies could provide. He had orders first to sail around with Charicles and join his campaign along the Laconian coast.

3 Demosthenes sailed to Aegina. There he waited for any part of his force that had not yet arrived, and for Charicles to pick up the Argives.

Chapter 21

1 In Sicily, at about the same time that spring, Gylippus reached Syracuse. He brought as many troops as he could get from each of the cities he had persuaded to help.

2 He called the Syracusans together and said they should crew as many ships as possible and try fighting a naval battle. He hoped this would achieve something in the war that would justify the risk.

3 Hermocrates also did a great deal to persuade them not to lose heart about taking on the Athenians at sea. He said that the Athenians' skill at sea was neither inherited from their ancestors nor something they had always possessed. They had been even more of a land-based people than the Syracusans, and the Persians had forced them to become sailors. Bold men like the Athenians would find the toughest opponents [for them] in men who dared to match their boldness. Sometimes the Athenians attacked their neighbors without having greater strength, and frightened them simply by their daring. The Syracusans could do exactly the same thing to their opponents.

4 He said the Syracusans should be sure of this: if they unexpectedly dared to stand up to the Athenian fleet, the shock would give them a greater advantage than Athenian skill could gain from the Syracusans' lack of experience. So he urged them to try their strength at sea and not hold back.

5 Persuaded by Gylippus, Hermocrates, and anyone else who spoke in support, the Syracusans became eager for a naval battle and began crewing their ships.

Chapter 22

1 Once Gylippus had the fleet ready, he led the entire land army out at night. He himself intended to attack the forts at Plemmyrium by land. At the same time, on an agreed signal, thirty-five Syracusan triremes sailed out from the Great Harbor. The other forty-five sailed out from the smaller harbor, where their shipyard was, and headed around the coast. They wanted to join the ships inside the Great Harbor and approach Plemmyrium together, so that the Athenians would face confusion from both directions.

2 The Athenians quickly crewed sixty ships to oppose them. With twenty-five they fought the thirty-five Syracusan ships in the Great Harbor. With the rest they went to meet those sailing around from the shipyard. They immediately began fighting in front of the Great Harbor's entrance. Both sides held their ground for a long time. The Syracusans wanted to force their way in, and the Athenians wanted to stop them.

Chapter 23

1 Meanwhile, the Athenians at Plemmyrium had gone down to the sea and were concentrating on the naval battle. Gylippus took the opportunity to launch a surprise attack on the forts at dawn. He captured the largest one first, then the two smaller ones. Their guards did not stand their ground once they saw how easily the largest had been taken.

2 The men from the first fort to fall who escaped to the boats and a cargo ship had great difficulty getting back to the camp. The Syracusans were winning the naval battle with their ships in the Great Harbor, and a single fast trireme pursued the fugitives. But by the time the two smaller forts were taken, the Syracusans were already losing. The men escaping from those forts sailed past more easily.

3 The Syracusan ships fighting in front of the entrance had forced their way past the Athenian ships, but they entered the harbor in no order. They got in one another's way and handed the victory to the Athenians. The Athenians routed both these ships and those that had initially been beating them inside the harbor.

4 The Athenians sank eleven Syracusan ships and killed most of the men, except those from three ships whom they took alive. Three of their own ships were destroyed. They hauled the Syracusan wrecks ashore and set up a victory monument on the little island in front of Plemmyrium. Then they returned to their own camp.

Chapter 24

1 That was how the Syracusans had fared in the naval battle. But they held the forts at Plemmyrium and put up three victory monuments for their capture. They demolished one of the two forts taken last. They repaired the other two and stationed guards in them.

2 Many men were killed or captured when the forts fell, and a large amount of property was taken altogether. The Athenians had used the forts as storehouses. There were large stocks of merchants' goods and grain inside, as well as much property belonging to the trireme commanders. The captures included sails and other equipment for forty triremes, and three triremes that had been hauled ashore.

3 The loss of Plemmyrium was one of the first and most damaging blows to the Athenian army. Even the passage into the harbor for supply ships was no longer safe. The Syracusans stationed ships there to block them, and supplies now had to be fought through. The loss also left the army frightened and discouraged in other ways.

Chapter 25

1 After this, the Syracusans sent out twelve ships under Agatharchus, a Syracusan. One went to the Peloponnese carrying envoys. They were to report that the Syracusans were hopeful about their situation and to urge that the war there be pursued even harder. The other eleven ships sailed toward Italy. They had heard that ships loaded with supplies were on their way to the Athenians.

2 They came across these ships and destroyed most of them. In the territory of Caulonia they also burned timber that was ready for the Athenians to use in shipbuilding.

3 Next they went to Locri. While they were at anchor there, one of the cargo ships from the Peloponnese arrived, carrying hoplites from Thespiae.

4 The Syracusans took these men aboard their own ships and sailed along the coast toward home. The Athenians waited for them near Megara with twenty ships and captured one ship with all its men. They could not catch the others, which escaped to Syracuse.

5 There was also a skirmish in the harbor over the stakes that the Syracusans had driven into the sea in front of their old ship sheds. They had put them there so that their ships could anchor behind them, out of reach of Athenian ramming attacks.

6 The Athenians brought up a cargo ship with a capacity of ten thousand talents, fitted with wooden towers and protective screens. Working from small boats, they fastened ropes to the stakes, winched them up, and broke them off. Divers also sawed them through underwater. The Syracusans shot at them from the ship sheds, and the men on the cargo ship shot back. In the end the Athenians removed most of the stakes.

7 The most troublesome part of this barrier was the hidden stakes. Some had been driven in without sticking up above the water. This made it dangerous to approach: a sailor might not see one in time and run his ship onto it as if it were a reef. But divers were paid to go underwater and saw these through as well. Even so, the Syracusans drove in more stakes.

8 The two sides also devised many other ways to attack each other, as was natural with their camps close together and facing each other. They carried out skirmishes and tried every kind of attack.

9 The Syracusans also sent envoys from among the Corinthians, Ambraciots, and Lacedaemonians to the cities. They were to announce the capture of Plemmyrium and explain that the naval defeat had been due more to their own confusion than to the enemy's strength. They were [also] to make clear that the general situation gave them hope, and ask for help from both ships and land troops. More Athenian troops were expected. If they could first destroy the Athenian force already there, the war would be over. That was what the two sides were doing in Sicily.

Chapter 26

1 Once Demosthenes had assembled the force he needed to take to Sicily as reinforcements, he sailed from Aegina toward the Peloponnese. He joined Charicles and the thirty Athenian ships. They took Argive hoplites aboard their ships and sailed to Laconia.

2 First they devastated part of the territory of Epidaurus Limera. Then they landed on the Laconian coast opposite Cythera, where the sanctuary of Apollo stands. They devastated some of the land and fortified a place shaped like an isthmus. The aim was to give the Lacedaemonians' Helots a place to desert to, and also to provide a base for raiders to go out and plunder, as they did from Pylos.

3 As soon as Demosthenes had helped secure the site, he sailed along the coast toward Corcyra. He wanted to pick up allies there too and make the voyage to Sicily as quickly as possible. Charicles stayed until he had finished fortifying the site and left a garrison there. Later he too sailed home with the thirty ships, and the Argives went with him.

Chapter 27

1 During that same summer, thirteen hundred light-armed troops carrying small shields arrived in Athens. They were sword-carrying Thracians of the tribe of the Dii. They were supposed to sail to Sicily with Demosthenes.

2 Since they had arrived too late, the Athenians planned to send them back to Thrace, where they had come from. Keeping them for the fighting against Decelea seemed too expensive: each man was paid a drachma a day.

3 Decelea had first been fortified that summer by the whole enemy army. Afterward, garrisons from the different cities took turns occupying it and attacking the countryside. It did the Athenians a great deal of harm. The losses of property and men that it caused were among the main reasons their position became so much worse.

4 Earlier invasions had been brief and had not stopped them using their land the rest of the time. Now the enemy stayed there continuously. Sometimes larger forces joined them. At other times the regular garrison had to do the work of overrunning and plundering the countryside. Agis, the Lacedaemonian king, was there in person and treated the war as his main business. So the Athenians suffered heavy losses.

5 They were cut off from all their land. More than twenty thousand slaves had deserted, most of them skilled workers. All their sheep and other livestock, as well as their pack animals, had been lost. The cavalry rode out every day to raid Decelea and patrol the countryside. Some of their horses went lame from constant hard work on rough ground, while others were wounded.

Chapter 28

1 Supplies from Euboea had previously traveled more quickly by land from Oropus through Decelea. Now they had to come by sea around Sunium, at great expense. The city also had to import everything it needed. It had become a fortress instead of a city.

2 The Athenians took turns guarding the battlements by day. At night they all served except the cavalry, some resting under arms and others on the wall. Summer and winter, this wore them down.

3 Their greatest burden was having two wars on their hands at once. They had become so determined to win that, before it happened, no one would have believed it possible. The Peloponnesians were besieging them from a fort in their own territory. Yet even then they did not withdraw from Sicily. Instead, they went on besieging Syracuse there in the same way, a city which, considered on its own, was no smaller than Athens. They surprised the Greeks by showing far more strength and daring than anyone had expected. At the start of the war, some thought they would last one year if the Peloponnesians invaded their land, others two, but no one more than three. Yet in the seventeenth year after the first invasion, already worn down in every way by the war, they went to Sicily. They took on another war no smaller than the one they already had against the Peloponnesians.

4 For these reasons, with Decelea causing so much damage and other heavy expenses piling up, they now ran short of money. Around this time they replaced their subjects' tribute with a five-percent duty on goods carried by sea. They thought this would bring in more money. Their expenses were no longer what they had been, but far greater, in proportion to the increase in the war. Meanwhile, their revenues were disappearing.

Chapter 29

1 Because they were so short of money, they did not want to spend it on the Thracians who had arrived too late for Demosthenes. They immediately sent them back and put Diitrephes in charge of taking them home. They also told him to use them to do whatever damage he could to the enemy on the voyage along the coast. Their route took them through the Euripus.

2 He landed them in the territory of Tanagra and quickly carried out a raid for plunder. Then, setting out in the evening from Chalcis in Euboea, he crossed the Euripus, landed in Boeotia, and led them toward Mycalessus.

3 He camped unnoticed for the night near the Hermaeum, about sixteen stades from Mycalessus. At daybreak he attacked the town, which was not large, and captured it. The people were off guard. They had never expected anyone to come so far inland from the sea to attack them. The wall was weak, had fallen down in places, and was low where it still stood. The gates were open too, because the people felt safe.

4 The Thracians burst into Mycalessus, looted the houses and sanctuaries, and murdered the people. They spared neither old nor young, but killed everyone they came across, children and women included. They also killed the pack animals and any other living creatures they saw. For the Thracian people, like the most bloodthirsty of the non-Greek peoples, are extremely murderous whenever they feel confident.

5 There was widespread confusion and destruction of every kind. They broke into the largest school for children in the town, where the children had just come in, and hacked them all to death. The disaster that struck the whole town was as unexpected and terrible as any.

Chapter 30

1 When the Thebans heard what had happened, they came to help. They caught up with the Thracians before they had gone far, took away their plunder, and put them to flight. They pursued them toward the Euripus and the sea, where the ships that had brought them were anchored.

2 They killed the largest number as the Thracians tried to board the ships. The Thracians could not swim, and the men aboard, seeing what was happening on land, had moved the ships out beyond bowshot. During the rest of the retreat, the Thracians had defended themselves quite well against the Theban cavalry, which had attacked them first. They rushed out to attack and then gathered into tight groups in their own customary formation. Few of them were killed during that stage. Some were also caught in the town itself while looting and were killed. Altogether, two hundred and fifty of the thirteen hundred Thracians died.

3 They also killed about twenty of the Thebans and the others who had come to help, counting cavalry and hoplites together. They also killed Scirphondas, one of the Theban Boeotarchs. Some of the people of Mycalessus were killed. Such was what happened at Mycalessus. In proportion to the town's size, its suffering deserved as much pity as any disaster in this war.

Chapter 31

1 At this time Demosthenes was sailing toward Corcyra after building the fort in Laconia. He found a cargo ship at anchor at Pheia in Elis. The Corinthian hoplites intended to cross to Sicily in it. He destroyed the ship, but the men escaped. Later they got another ship and sailed on.

2 After this Demosthenes reached Zacynthus and Cephallenia, where he picked up hoplites. He also sent for some of the Messenians at Naupactus. Then he crossed to the mainland of Acarnania opposite, to Alyzia and Anactorium, which the Athenians held.

3 While he was in this area, Eurymedon met him on his return voyage from Sicily. He was the man who had been sent out during the winter with money for the army. Along with his other news, he reported that he had learned after starting his voyage that the Syracusans had captured Plemmyrium.

4 Conon, the commander at Naupactus, also came to meet them. He reported that the twenty-five Corinthian ships stationed opposite his force were not giving up the fighting and were about to fight a naval battle. He asked them to send ships: his own eighteen were not enough to fight the Corinthians' twenty-five.

5 Demosthenes and Eurymedon therefore sent ten of their fastest ships with Conon to join the fleet at Naupactus. They themselves worked on assembling their army. Eurymedon sailed to Corcyra, told the people there to crew fifteen ships, and enrolled hoplites. He had now turned back and was sharing the command with Demosthenes, as he had originally been appointed to do. Demosthenes collected slingers and javelin throwers from the places around Acarnania.

Chapter 32

1 The envoys who had left Syracuse for the cities after the capture of Plemmyrium had now persuaded them to help, assembled an army, and were about to bring it back. Nicias learned of this in advance. He sent to the Sicels who were Athenian allies and controlled the route, including the Centoripans, the Halicyaeans, and others. He asked them not to let the enemy through, but to join forces and block their passage. The enemy would not even try another route, since the people of Acragas would not allow them through their territory.

2 When the Sicilian Greeks were already on the march, the Sicels did as the Athenians had asked. They set an ambush in three places, caught them off guard in a surprise attack, and killed about eight hundred. They also killed all the envoys except the Corinthian. He brought the men who escaped, about fifteen hundred, to Syracuse.

Chapter 33

1 Around the same time, the Camarinaeans also arrived to help them, with five hundred hoplites, three hundred javelin throwers, and three hundred archers. The people of Gela also sent crews for five ships, four hundred javelin throwers, and two hundred cavalry.

2 By now almost all Sicily had joined together to help the Syracusans against the Athenians. Even those who had previously stood aside were now helping. The only exception was Acragas, which supported neither side.

3 After the disaster among the Sicels, the Syracusans put off their immediate attack on the Athenians. Meanwhile, the troops from Corcyra and the mainland were now ready. Demosthenes and Eurymedon took the whole force across the Ionian Sea to the Iapygian headland.

4 From there they sailed to the Choerades islands off Iapygia. They took aboard a hundred and fifty Iapygian javelin throwers from the Messapian people. They also renewed an old friendship with Artas, the local ruler who had supplied these men. Then they reached Metapontium in Italy.

5 They persuaded the people of Metapontium to send three hundred javelin throwers and two triremes with them under the terms of their alliance. After taking these reinforcements aboard, they sailed along the coast to Thurii. There they found that the opponents of Athens had recently been driven out in civil strife.

6 They wanted to bring all their troops together there, including any who had fallen behind, and review them. They also wanted to persuade the Thurians to join their expedition with all possible enthusiasm and, given their present turn of fortune, to regard the same people as friends and enemies as the Athenians did. So they stayed at Thurii and worked on these matters.

Chapter 34

1 At about this same time, the Peloponnesians in the twenty-five ships prepared for a sea battle. They had been stationed opposite the ships at Naupactus to protect the transport ships on their voyage to Sicily. They now manned more ships, bringing their number to just below that of the Athenian ships. They anchored off Erineus in the territory of Rhypes in Achaea.

2 Their anchorage was shaped like a crescent. Infantry from Corinth and the local allies had come to support them and were drawn up on the projecting headlands on either side. The ships filled the space between them, blocking it off. Polyanthes of Corinth commanded the fleet.

3 The Athenians sailed out against them from Naupactus with thirty-three ships, commanded by Diphilus.

4 At first the Corinthians held their position. Then, when they thought the time was right and the signal was raised, they advanced against the Athenians and began the sea battle. The two sides held out against each other for a long time.

5 Three Corinthian ships were destroyed. No Athenian ship was actually sunk, but about seven were put out of action. They were rammed head-on and had their projecting oar frames torn open by the Corinthian ships. These had been fitted with thicker bow timbers for this very purpose.

6 The battle was evenly matched, and each side claimed victory. The Athenians did, however, gain control of the wrecks, because the wind carried them out to sea and the Corinthians did not come out again. The fleets separated without a chase, and neither side took any prisoners. The Corinthians and Peloponnesians had fought close to land and could easily get to safety. On the Athenian side, no ship had sunk.

7 Once the Athenians had sailed away to Naupactus, the Corinthians immediately set up a trophy to claim victory. They had put more of the enemy's ships out of action. They also judged that they had not lost for the very reason that the other side had not won. The Corinthians considered themselves the winners unless they had suffered a heavy defeat. The Athenians thought they had lost because they had not won a major victory.

8 After the Peloponnesians sailed away and the infantry dispersed, the Athenians also set up a trophy in Achaea to claim victory. It was about twenty stades from Erineus, where the Corinthians had anchored. This was how the sea battle ended.

Chapter 35

1 The Thurians now had seven hundred hoplites and three hundred javelin throwers ready to join Demosthenes and Eurymedon. The two commanders ordered the ships to sail along the coast toward the territory of Croton. They themselves first reviewed all the infantry at the river Sybaris, then led them through Thurian territory.

2 When they reached the river Hylias, the people of Croton sent messengers to say that they did not want the army passing through their land. So the commanders went down toward the sea and camped at the mouth of the Hylias. Their ships met them there. The next day they took the troops aboard and sailed along the coast. They stopped at the cities along the way, except Locri, until they reached Petra in the territory of Rhegium.

Chapter 36

1 Meanwhile, the Syracusans learned that they were approaching by sea. They wanted to try another attack with their ships and with the rest of their land forces. They had been assembling these forces for this very purpose, because they wanted to strike before the reinforcements arrived.

2 They had also made other preparations for their fleet, using what they had learned in the previous sea battle to gain an advantage. They also shortened their ships' bows to make them stronger. They fitted thick timbers to the bows and ran braces from these to the ships' sides for about six cubits, both inside and outside. This was the same way the Corinthians had strengthened their ships' bows for their battle against the fleet at Naupactus.

3 The Syracusans thought this would put them at no disadvantage against the Athenian ships. Those ships were not built to match theirs in this respect. Their bows were lightly built, because the Athenians preferred to sail around an enemy ship and ram it rather than ram it head-on. The Syracusans also thought that fighting in the Great Harbor would favor them, since many ships would be fighting in a small space. By ramming head-on, they would smash the Athenian bows. Their solid, heavy rams would strike against hollow, weak structures.

4 In the cramped space, the Athenians would be unable either to sail around the Syracusan ships or to break through their line. These were the maneuvers in which they trusted their skill most. The Syracusans would do all they could to stop them from breaking through, and the lack of space would stop them from sailing around.

5 They would make the most use of head-on collisions, a tactic previously thought to show a helmsman's lack of skill. This would give them their greatest advantage. When the Athenians were forced back, they would have nowhere to back water except toward the shore, only a short distance away, and into the small space directly in front of their own camp. The Syracusans would control the rest of the harbor. If the Athenians came under pressure anywhere, they would all be forced together

6 into the same small space. They would collide with each other and fall into confusion. This was, in fact, what hurt the Athenians most in all the sea battles. They could not back water freely throughout the harbor as the Syracusans could. Nor would they be able to sail around into open water, since the Syracusans would control the approaches from the sea and the room for backing water. This would be especially difficult because Plemmyrium was now in enemy hands and the harbor entrance was narrow.

Chapter 37

1 The Syracusans worked out these plans to suit their own skills and strength. They also felt more confident now because of the previous sea battle. They began an attack by land and sea at the same time.

2 A little earlier, Gylippus had led the infantry out of the city and brought them up to the part of the Athenian wall facing the city. From the Olympieum, all the hoplites stationed there, together with the Syracusan cavalry and light infantry, approached the wall from the other side. Immediately afterward, the ships of the Syracusans and their allies sailed out.

3 At first the Athenians thought the enemy would attack only by land. When they suddenly saw the ships coming at them too, they were thrown into confusion. Some took up positions on the walls and in front of them to face the advancing troops. Others went out to meet the large force of cavalry and javelin throwers moving quickly from the Olympieum and the area outside the city. Others manned the ships while also rushing to help along the beach. When the crews were aboard, they put out to meet the enemy with seventy-five ships. The Syracusans had about eighty.

Chapter 38

1 For much of the day the fleets advanced and backed water, testing each other. Neither could achieve anything important, except that the Syracusans sank one or two Athenian ships. Then they separated, and the infantry withdrew from the walls at the same time.

2 The next day the Syracusans stayed quiet and gave no sign of what they would do next. Nicias saw that the sea battle had been evenly matched and expected them to attack again. He made the trireme captains repair any damage to their ships. He also anchored merchant ships in front of the Athenian line of stakes. The stakes had been fixed in the sea in front of their warships to serve as an enclosed harbor.

3 He placed the merchant ships about two plethra apart. This would give any warship under pressure a safe refuge and allow it to sail out again without difficulty. The Athenians spent the entire day making these preparations, right up to nightfall.

Chapter 39

1 The following day the Syracusans attacked the Athenians earlier in the morning, but with the same combined assault by land and sea.

2 The ships faced each other again in the same way and spent much of the day testing each other. Then Ariston son of Pyrrhichus, a Corinthian and the best helmsman on the Syracusan side, persuaded his naval commanders to send orders to the officials in the city. They were to move the market and its goods down to the sea as quickly as possible. They were to make everyone bring whatever food they had there and sell it. The commanders could then land their sailors and have them eat their midday meal immediately beside the ships. After a short break they could attack again that same day, taking the Athenians by surprise.

Chapter 40

1 The commanders agreed and sent a messenger, and the market was made ready. The Syracusans suddenly backed water and sailed back toward the city. They immediately went ashore and ate their midday meal on the spot.

2 The Athenians thought the Syracusans had pulled back toward the city because they had been beaten. They went ashore without hurrying and attended to their other business and their midday meal. They did not expect to fight another sea battle that day.

3 Suddenly the Syracusans manned their ships and sailed at them again. In great confusion, and with most of them still without food, the Athenians boarded in no order at all. Only with difficulty did they finally put out to meet them.

4 For a while the two fleets kept their distance, each on its guard against the other. Then the Athenians decided not to let their own delay leave them exhausted and beaten. Instead they would attack as quickly as possible. With shouts of encouragement they advanced and began the battle.

5 The Syracusans met the attack head-on, as they had planned. Their specially fitted rams tore open long stretches of the Athenian ships' projecting oar frames. Men throwing javelins from their decks also did heavy damage to the Athenians. Still more damage was done by the Syracusans who moved around in small boats. They slipped underneath the oars of the enemy ships and came alongside, throwing javelins from their boats at the sailors.

Chapter 41

1 By fighting in this way, the Syracusans finally won a decisive sea victory. The Athenians turned and fled between the merchant ships into their own anchorage.

2 The Syracusan ships pursued them as far as the merchant ships. Then they were stopped by the beams projecting from the merchant ships over the entrances, with heavy dolphin-shaped weights hanging from them.

3 Two Syracusan ships, carried away by their victory, came close to these defenses and were destroyed. One of them was captured with its entire crew.

4 The Syracusans had sunk seven Athenian ships and badly damaged many others. They had captured most of the men and killed the others. They withdrew and set up trophies for both sea battles. They now felt firmly confident that they were far stronger at sea, and they thought they would also defeat the land army.

Chapter 42

1 They were preparing to attack again by land and sea when Demosthenes and Eurymedon arrived with the reinforcements from Athens. They had about seventy-three ships, including the foreign ships, and about five thousand hoplites from Athens and its allies. They also had a large number of Greek and non-Greek javelin throwers, slingers, archers, and plenty of other equipment.

2 At first the Syracusans and their allies were badly shaken. They wondered whether they would ever escape from danger. Despite the fortification of Decelea, a fresh army as large and much like the first had arrived. Athenian power seemed great everywhere. The original Athenian army, meanwhile, recovered some strength after its troubles.

3 Demosthenes saw the situation and decided that he could not waste time or repeat what had happened to Nicias. When Nicias first arrived, he had inspired fear. But he did not immediately attack Syracuse. Instead he spent the winter at Catana, and the Syracusans came to look down on him. Gylippus had time to arrive before he acted, bringing an army from the Peloponnese. The Syracusans would not even have sent for that army if Nicias had attacked at once. They would have thought they were strong enough on their own. By the time they discovered they were weaker, they would already have been walled in. Even if they had then sent for help, it could no longer have been of the same use to them. Demosthenes considered all this. He knew that he too was most frightening to the enemy now, on the first day. So he wanted to make use of the shock caused by his army as quickly as possible.

4 He saw that the Syracusan cross-wall, which had stopped the Athenians from walling them in, was only a single wall. If they gained control of the way up to Epipolae and then of the camp on the heights, they could easily capture it. He thought no one would even stand against them.

5 So he was eager to make the attempt. He thought it was the quickest way to settle the war. Either he would succeed and take Syracuse, or he would lead the army away. He would not let the Athenians serving on the expedition, or the city as a whole, wear themselves out for nothing.

6 First the Athenians went out and laid waste to Syracusan land around the Anapus. Their forces had the upper hand again, as at the beginning, both on land and at sea. The Syracusans did not come out against them in either field, except with cavalry and javelin throwers from the Olympieum.

Chapter 43

1 Then Demosthenes decided to try the siege engines against the cross-wall first. But when he brought them up, the enemy defending the wall burned them. His other troops attacked at many points but were driven back. He decided to delay no longer. After winning over Nicias and the other commanders, he made the attack on Epipolae that he had been planning.

2 He thought it would be impossible to approach and climb up unnoticed in daylight. He ordered the men to take five days' food. He took all the stoneworkers and carpenters, along with a supply of arrows and everything else they would need for building fortifications if they won. After the first sleep of the night, he set out for Epipolae with Eurymedon and Menander, taking the whole army. Nicias had been left behind inside the walls.

3 They reached the heights by way of Euryelus, where the original army had first climbed up. They got past the Syracusan guards unnoticed, attacked the Syracusan fort there, and captured it. They killed some of its guards.

4 Most of the guards escaped straight to the camps and reported the attack. There were three camps in fortified enclosures on Epipolae: one for the Syracusans, one for the other Sicilian Greeks, and one for the allies. The fugitives also warned the six hundred Syracusans who formed the forward guard on this part of Epipolae.

5 These immediately came to help. Demosthenes and the Athenians met them and put them to flight, despite their determined resistance. The Athenians pressed straight ahead. They wanted to use their present momentum to carry out the task they had come for without delay. Other troops had begun capturing the Syracusan cross-wall at the start of the attack, as its guards did not stand their ground, and were tearing down its battlements.

6 The Syracusans and their allies, along with Gylippus and his men, came to help from the fortified enclosures. This daring night attack had caught them by surprise. They were shaken when they attacked the Athenians, and at first they were forced back and retreated.

7 The Athenians were now advancing in increasing disorder, as if they had already won. They wanted to get through all the enemy troops who had not yet fought as quickly as possible. They did not want to ease their attack and give the enemy time to rally. But the Boeotians were the first to stand firm against them. They attacked, routed the Athenians, and put them to flight.

Chapter 44

1 The Athenians now fell into great confusion and did not know what to do. It was hard even to find out from either side how each event had happened. In daylight things are clearer. Even then, those who are present can scarcely know everything beyond what happens to each of them personally. So how could anyone know anything clearly in a night battle, the only one fought by large armies in this war?

2 The moon was bright, but they could see each other only as well as people can by moonlight. They could make out the shape of a body ahead of them, but could not be sure whether it belonged to a friend. Large numbers of hoplites from both sides were moving about in a confined space.

3 Some Athenians were already being defeated, while others were still advancing, unbeaten since their first attack. A large part of the rest of their army had only just reached the top or was still coming up. These men did not know where to go. Once the rout had begun, everything in front was already in confusion, and the shouting made it hard to tell what was happening.

4 The Syracusans and their allies, confident that they were winning, shouted loudly to encourage each other. At night they had no other way to signal. At the same time they met the troops coming at them. The Athenians were looking for their own men. They took everyone coming toward them for an enemy, even friends who had already turned and were running back. They kept asking for the password, since they had no other way to recognize each other. With everyone asking at once, they created great confusion among themselves and also made the password clear to the enemy.

5 The Athenians did not know the enemy's password in the same way. The enemy were winning and had not broken up, so they had less trouble recognizing one another. As a result, when Athenians met a weaker group of the enemy, the enemy could escape because they knew the Athenian password. But when Athenians themselves could not answer a challenge, they were killed.

6 The battle songs also did enormous damage, as much as anything else. The songs on both sides sounded much alike and caused uncertainty. Whenever the Argives, the Corcyraeans, or any of the other Dorians serving with Athens sang their battle song, it frightened the Athenians, just as the enemy's song did.

7 In the end, once confusion had set in, they collided with their own men in many parts of the army. Friends met friends and fellow citizens met fellow citizens. They not only frightened each other but even came to blows, and could hardly pull apart.

8 As they were pursued, many threw themselves over the cliffs and died, because the path back down from Epipolae was narrow. When the survivors reached the level ground below, most of them escaped to the camp. So did all those from the original army, who knew the country better. But some of the recent arrivals missed the paths and wandered through the countryside. At daybreak the Syracusan cavalry surrounded them and killed them.

Chapter 45

1 The next day the Syracusans set up two victory monuments. One was on Epipolae at the point where the Athenians had climbed up. The other was where the Boeotians had first stood against them. The Athenians recovered their dead under a truce.

2 Many Athenians and allies had died. But more sets of arms were captured than the number of men killed. Men had been forced to jump down the cliffs without their equipment [without their shields]. Some died, but others survived.

Chapter 46

1 After this unexpected success, the Syracusans felt a fresh surge of confidence, as they had before. They sent Sicanus with fifteen ships to Acragas, where there was civil strife. He was to bring the city over to their side if he could. Gylippus again went overland to the rest of Sicily to bring in more troops. After what had happened on Epipolae, he hoped to take even the Athenian walls by force.

Chapter 47

1 Meanwhile the Athenian generals discussed their recent defeat and the weakness that now affected every part of the army. They could see that their attacks were failing and that the soldiers resented staying where they were.

2 Disease was wearing the soldiers down for two reasons. It was the season when people were most likely to fall sick, and their camp was also in a marshy, unhealthy place. In every other way, too, their situation seemed hopeless to them.

3 Demosthenes therefore thought they should stay no longer. His proposal was the one he had had in mind when he risked the attack on Epipolae: now that it had failed, they should leave without delay. They could still make the sea crossing, and the ships that had recently arrived, at least, gave their forces the upper hand at sea.

4 He said it would be more useful to Athens to fight the enemy who were building a fortified position in Athenian territory than to fight the Syracusans, who would no longer be easy to defeat. Nor was it reasonable to go on with the siege, spending large sums for nothing.

Chapter 48

1 That was Demosthenes' opinion. Nicias too thought their situation was bad. But he did not want to admit their weakness openly in discussion. Nor did he want them to vote openly for withdrawal before a large gathering and have the news reach the enemy. That would make it much harder to leave undetected whenever they chose.

2 He also knew more than the others about the enemy's affairs. What he knew gave him some hope that, if they kept up the siege, the enemy's position would become worse than their own. They would wear the enemy down through lack of money, especially now that the ships at their disposal gave the Athenians greater control of the sea. There was also a group in Syracuse that wanted to hand the city over to the Athenians. Its members kept sending messages to Nicias and urging him not to leave.

3 With this knowledge, he was in fact still considering both alternatives and holding back while he examined them. But in the discussion at that time he openly said he would not take the army away. He knew very well that the Athenians would not accept their leaving without a vote authorizing it. The men who would pass judgment on the generals [themselves] would not have seen the situation as the generals had. Their knowledge would come from hearing other people's accusations. They would be persuaded by whatever accusations a skillful speaker brought against the generals.

4 He said that many of the soldiers there—indeed, most of them—were now shouting about their terrible situation. But once back in Athens they would shout the opposite: that the generals had taken bribes, betrayed the army, and left. He himself knew the Athenian character. He would rather risk his life at the enemy's hands and die, if he had to, on his own responsibility than be unjustly put to death by the Athenians on a disgraceful charge.

5 He said the Syracusans were still in a worse position than they were. They had to pay mercenaries, spend money on garrison posts as well, and support a large fleet, which they had now maintained for a year. They were already short of some things and would soon have no way of getting others. They had already spent two thousand talents and still owed a great deal more. If failure to pay for its support forced them to give up even a small part of their present force, their position would collapse. Their force depended more on hired troops, whereas the Athenians' own men served because they had to.

6 So, he said, they should stay and wear the enemy down. They should not leave because they had been beaten financially, when they had far more money.

Chapter 49

1 Nicias argued strongly for this position. He had accurate information about conditions in Syracuse, its shortage of money, and the large group there that wanted control to pass to the Athenians and kept sending him messages urging him not to leave. At the same time, he was now more confident than before that they would win, at least with their fleet.

2 Demosthenes would not agree to continue the siege on any terms. If they must not take the army home without an Athenian vote but must spend more time in Sicily, he said they should move to Thapsus or Catana and wait there. From there their infantry could raid wide stretches of the countryside, feeding themselves by ravaging the enemy's land and hurting the enemy at the same time. Their ships could fight on the open sea, not in confined waters that favored the enemy. In open water their skill would be useful. They could withdraw or attack without having to set out from, or return to, a small and restricted area.

3 In short, he said, he was completely against staying any longer in the same place. They should move out as quickly as possible, without delay. Eurymedon supported this view.

4 But Nicias opposed them, and this caused hesitation and delay. There was also a suspicion that he might be insisting because he knew something more. So the Athenians kept putting off a decision and stayed where they were.

Chapter 50

1 Meanwhile Gylippus and Sicanus returned to Syracuse. Sicanus had failed at Acragas: while he was still at Gela, the faction friendly to Syracuse had been driven out. Gylippus brought many more troops from Sicily. He also brought the hoplites sent from the Peloponnese in merchant ships that spring, who had reached Selinus from Libya.

2 They had been driven off course to Libya. The Cyrenaeans had given them two triremes and guides for the voyage. As they sailed along the coast, they helped the people of Euesperides, who were under siege by the Libyans, and defeated the Libyans. From there they sailed along the coast to Neapolis, a Carthaginian trading port. This was the shortest crossing to Sicily, a voyage of two days and a night. They then crossed from there to Selinus.

3 As soon as these troops arrived, the Syracusans prepared to attack the Athenians again with both their ships and their land army. The Athenian generals saw that another army had reinforced the enemy. Their own situation, meanwhile, was not improving. Every aspect of it grew worse each day, and the men's sickness was their greatest burden. They regretted not having left earlier. Nicias no longer opposed them as strongly as before. He only insisted that they should not vote openly on the decision. So they gave everyone in the camp orders, as secretly as they could, to prepare to sail out when the signal was given.

4 Everything was ready and they were about to sail when there was an eclipse of the moon, which was full at the time. Most of the Athenians took this to heart and urged the generals to wait. Nicias, who was somewhat too devoted to divination and such things, said he would not even discuss setting out until they had waited three times nine days, as the diviners instructed. This was why the Athenians delayed and stayed where they were.

Chapter 51

1 When the Syracusans too learned of this, they were much more determined not to ease their pressure on the Athenians. They thought the Athenians themselves had now admitted that they were no longer superior either at sea or on land. Otherwise they would not have planned to sail away. The Syracusans also did not want them to settle somewhere else in Sicily and become harder to fight. Instead they wanted to force them into a sea battle as soon as possible, right where they were, in a place that favored the Syracusans.

2 So they manned their ships and trained for as many days as they thought necessary. When the time came, they attacked the Athenian walls on the first day. A small force of hoplites and cavalry came out against them through one of the gates. The Syracusans cut off some of the hoplites, routed them, and pursued them. The entrance was narrow, and the Athenians lost seventy horses and a few hoplites.

Chapter 52

1 The Syracusan army withdrew for that day. The next day they sailed out with seventy-six ships, while their infantry advanced against the walls. The Athenians sailed out to meet them with eighty-six ships. The fleets came together and fought.

2 Eurymedon commanded the Athenian right wing. He wanted to surround the enemy ships and extended his line farther toward the shore. But the Syracusans and their allies first defeated the Athenian center. Then they cut him off too, in the inner recess of the harbor, and killed him and destroyed the ships that had followed him. After that they pursued the whole Athenian fleet and drove it ashore.

Chapter 53

1 Gylippus saw the enemy ships being defeated and driven ashore outside their stockades and camp. He wanted to kill the men as they came ashore and make it easier for the Syracusans to tow off the ships by bringing the shore under friendly control. So he hurried along to the harbor mole with part of his army.

2 The Tyrrhenians were guarding this part of the shore for the Athenians. When they saw the troops approaching in disorder, they rushed out and attacked the men in front. They routed them and drove them into the lake called Lysimeleia.

3 Later, more Syracusan and allied troops arrived. The Athenians also came to help, fearing for their ships. They fought the enemy, defeated and pursued them, and killed a few hoplites. They saved most of their ships and brought them together by the camp. But the Syracusans and their allies captured eighteen of them and killed all the men aboard.

4 They also wanted to burn the remaining ships. They filled an old merchant ship with vine cuttings and pinewood, set it on fire, and let [the ship] go. The wind was blowing toward the Athenians. Fearing for their ships, the Athenians devised ways to put out the fire and keep the burning ship away. They stopped the flames and prevented the merchant ship from coming close, and so escaped the danger.

Chapter 54

1 After this the Syracusans set up victory monuments for the sea battle and for cutting off the hoplites inland by the wall, where they had also captured the horses. The Athenians set up monuments for the Tyrrhenians' rout of the infantry into the lake and for their own victory with the rest of their army.

Chapter 55

1 The Syracusans had now won a clear victory with their fleet as well, although before this they had feared the ships that had arrived with Demosthenes. The Athenians were completely discouraged. Their shock at this unexpected result was great, and their regret at having made the expedition was greater still.

2 These were the only cities they had yet attacked that were like their own. They too were democracies, and they were large cities with fleets and cavalry. The Athenians could not create political divisions by changing their governments and so win them over. Nor could they bring a vastly superior force against them. Most of their efforts failed. They had already been at a loss before this, and now they had been defeated even at sea, which they had thought impossible. This left them far more at a loss than before.

Chapter 56

1 The Syracusans immediately began sailing around the harbor without fear. They planned to close its mouth so that the Athenians could no longer slip out to sea undetected, even if they wanted to.

2 They were no longer concerned only with saving themselves. They also wanted to prevent the Athenians from escaping. They believed, correctly, that in the present circumstances they had a great advantage. If they could defeat the Athenians and their allies both on land and at sea, their achievement would win honor among the Greeks. Some of the other Greeks would immediately gain their freedom, and the rest would be freed from fear. What remained of Athenian power would not be strong enough to withstand the war that would be brought against it afterward. The Syracusans would get the credit for this and be greatly admired, both by the rest of the world and by future generations.

3 Their struggle did deserve recognition for these reasons. They were also overcoming not only the Athenians but their many allies, and they were not doing it alone but with the allies who had come to their aid. They had taken the lead alongside the Corinthians and Lacedaemonians. They had put their own city forward to face the danger first and had made great progress in naval warfare.

4 More peoples came together at this one city than at any other, except for the total number that joined the sides of Athens and Lacedaemon in this war.

Chapter 57

1 The following peoples on each side fought at Syracuse, coming to Sicily or fighting over it. Some came to help conquer the country, others to help save it. They took sides not so much because of justice or kinship as because circumstances brought each of them there through self-interest or compulsion.

2 The Athenians themselves were Ionians and willingly attacked the Dorian Syracusans. They were joined by the Lemnians, Imbrians, and Aeginetans—the people who then held Aegina—and by the Hestiaeans living at Hestiaea in Euboea. These were Athenian colonists who still shared the Athenians' language and customs.

3 Of the others who joined the expedition, some were subjects, some were independent allies, and some were mercenaries.

4 From among the subject and tribute-paying peoples came the Eretrians, Chalcidians, Styrians, and Carystians from Euboea; the Ceans, Andrians, and Tenians from the islands; and the Milesians, Samians, and Chians from Ionia. The Chians, however, paid no tribute. They joined as independent allies who supplied ships. Nearly all these peoples were Ionians of Athenian origin. The exception was the Carystians, who were Dryopes. Although they followed as subjects under compulsion, they were at least Ionians fighting Dorians.

5 There were Aeolians too. The Methymnaeans were subjects who supplied ships rather than tribute; the Tenedians and Aenianians paid tribute. These Aeolians were forced to fight the Boeotians, who were also Aeolians and had founded their settlements but were now on the Syracusan side. The Plataeans, by contrast, were the only Boeotians fighting other Boeotians. Their hostility made that natural.

6 The Rhodians and Cytherians were both Dorians. The Cytherians were colonists of the Lacedaemonians, yet fought on the Athenian side against the Lacedaemonians with Gylippus. The Rhodians were of Argive descent. They were forced to fight the Syracusans, who were Dorians, and the people of Gela, who were their own colonists and were serving with the Syracusans.

7 Among the islanders around the Peloponnese, the Cephallenians and Zacynthians were independent. But as islanders they were more exposed to pressure, since the Athenians controlled the sea, and so they joined them. The Corcyraeans were not only Dorians but specifically Corinthians. They followed against the Corinthians, whose colonists they were, and the Syracusans, who were their relatives. Their stated reason was compulsion, but their hatred of the Corinthians gave them no less reason to join willingly.

8 The people now called Messenians were brought into the war from Naupactus and from Pylos, which the Athenians then held. There were also a few Megarian exiles. Circumstances had brought them into a war against the Selinuntians, who were Megarians themselves.

9 The remaining peoples took part more willingly. The Argives were Dorians who followed the Ionian Athenians against Dorians. Their alliance was no greater reason for this than their hatred of the Lacedaemonians and the immediate personal benefit each man gained. The Mantineans and other Arcadians were mercenaries, accustomed to fight whoever was designated as their enemy. On this occasion the prospect of profit made them treat the Arcadians who had come with the Corinthians as enemies just as much as anyone else. The Cretans and Aetolians too were persuaded by pay. The Cretans had helped the Rhodians found Gela. Yet now they willingly came for pay, not to join their colonists but to fight against them.

10 Some Acarnanians also came to help as allies. Profit played a part, but their main reasons were friendship with Demosthenes and goodwill toward the Athenians.

11 The peoples listed so far came from this side of the Ionian Gulf. Among the Greeks of Italy, the Thurians and Metapontians joined the expedition because periods of civil strife had then placed them under such pressures. Among the Greeks of Sicily, the Naxians and Catanaeans joined. The non-Greeks included the Egestaeans, who had brought the Athenians over in the first place, and most of the Sicels. From outside Sicily came some Tyrrhenians, because of a quarrel with the Syracusans, and Iapygian mercenaries. These were the peoples who fought with the Athenians.

Chapter 58

1 The Camarinaeans, who were neighbors of the Syracusans, came to help them against the Athenians. So did the people of Gela, who lived next along the coast. The people of Acragas stayed out of the war, but beyond them the Selinuntians also joined.

2 These peoples lived on the side of Sicily facing Libya. The Himeraeans came from the side facing the Tyrrhenian Sea. They were the only Greeks living in that region and the only people from it to send help.

3 These were the Greek peoples of Sicily who joined the Syracusans. They were all Dorians and independent. Of the non-Greeks, only those Sicels who had not gone over to the Athenians joined them. Among the Greeks from outside Sicily, the Lacedaemonians supplied a Spartan commander; the rest of their men were newly enfranchised men and Helots [newly enfranchised means already free]. The Corinthians were the only ones to come with both ships and infantry. The Leucadians and Ambraciots came because of kinship. From Arcadia came mercenaries sent by the Corinthians, and the Sicyonians were forced to serve. From outside the Peloponnese came the Boeotians.

4 Compared with these troops from abroad, the Greeks of Sicily themselves supplied greater numbers in every category, since they lived in large cities. They assembled many hoplites, ships, and cavalry, and a large number of other troops. The Syracusans themselves, in turn, provided more than practically all the others combined, because of the size of their city and because they faced the greatest danger.

Chapter 59

1 These were the forces gathered to support each side. By this time all of them had arrived, and no further reinforcements came to either side.

2 The Syracusans and their allies naturally thought it would be a fine achievement to follow their victory at sea by capturing the whole Athenian army, large as it was, and allowing none of it to escape by either sea or land.

3 So they immediately began closing the Great Harbor, whose mouth was about eight stades wide. They anchored triremes broadside across it, together with merchant vessels and small boats. They also made their other preparations in case the Athenians dared to fight another sea battle. All their plans, in every area, were ambitious.

Chapter 60

1 The Athenians saw the harbor being blocked and realized what else the enemy intended. They decided they needed to discuss what to do.

2 The generals and the infantry commanders met to consider their present difficulties. Besides their other problems, they had no provisions left for immediate use: when they had expected to sail away, they had sent word ahead to Catana not to bring any more. Nor would they have provisions in the future unless they won control of the sea. They decided to abandon the upper walls. Right beside the ships, they would build a crosswall to enclose as small an area as possible, just enough for their equipment and the sick, and guard it. They would use the rest of the infantry to man every ship they had, both the seaworthy ones and those less fit to sail, putting everyone aboard. Then they would fight their way out. If they won, they would go to Catana. If not, they would burn the ships, form up for a march, and retreat by whatever route would bring them soonest to a friendly place, whether non-Greek or Greek.

3 Once they had decided on this plan, they carried it out. They came down from the upper walls and manned all their ships. They forced everyone aboard who seemed even remotely fit for service and of an age to take part.

4 They manned about a hundred and ten ships in all. They put many archers and javelin throwers aboard, drawn from the Acarnanians and the other foreign troops. They made the rest of their preparations as well as they could under the pressure of necessity and with this plan in mind.

5 When most of the preparations were complete, Nicias saw that the soldiers were discouraged by their naval defeat, so different from what they were used to. Their shortage of provisions also made them want to risk a battle as soon as possible. He called them all together and first encouraged them with the following speech.

Chapter 61

1 “Athenian soldiers and soldiers from our other allies, the coming battle concerns all of us alike. Each of us will be fighting for survival and for his homeland, no less than our enemies will. If we win with our ships now, each man has a chance to see his own city again, wherever it is.

2 “We must not lose heart. We must not act like people with no experience, who fail in their first battles and then always expect the disasters they fear to match those they have already suffered.

3 “Those of you here who are Athenians have experience of many wars already. Those who are allies have always fought alongside us. Remember how unpredictable war can be. Hope that luck may take our side too. Get ready to fight back in a way that does justice to this great force, whose size you can see for yourselves.

Chapter 62

1 “We have considered, together with the helmsmen, everything that could help us in the narrow harbor, with the crowd of ships that will be there, and against the enemy's equipment on deck. These things harmed us before. Now we too have made all the preparations our resources allow.

2 “Many archers and javelin throwers will board the ships, along with a large number of other men. We would not use such a crowd in a sea battle out in open water. Their weight would make the ships heavy and prevent us from using our skill. But here we are forced to fight what amounts to a land battle from our ships, and these men will be useful.

3 “We have also worked out the changes we need to make to our ships. To counter the enemy's thick projecting bow timbers, which did us the most damage, we will throw iron grappling hooks onto their ships. These will stop a ship that has struck us from backing away, if the marines do their part after that.

4 “We have been forced into this position: we must fight a land battle from our ships. It seems best neither to back away ourselves nor to let the enemy do so. This is especially true because the land is hostile, except for the stretch our army holds.

Chapter 63

1 “Remember this and fight with all your strength. Do not let yourselves be driven onto that land. When your ship meets another, do not agree to separate until you have swept the hoplites off the enemy's deck.

2 “I am urging this on the hoplites no less than on the sailors, since this task is more the responsibility of the men on deck. Even now our army is still stronger in most respects.

3 “At the same time I advise the sailors, and appeal to them, not to be too frightened by our setbacks. We now have better equipment on deck and more ships. Remember too the pleasure of the position you have enjoyed, and how well worth keeping it is. Until now, although you were not Athenians, people thought you were. Your knowledge of our language and your imitation of our ways won you admiration throughout Hellas. You had no smaller share in the benefits of our empire. In fact, you had a much greater share in the fear you inspired in its subjects and in protection from mistreatment.

4 “So you alone share our empire with us as free men. It is only right that you should not betray it now. Look down on the Corinthians, whom you have beaten so often, and on the Greeks of Sicily. None of them thought they could even stand up to us while our navy was at its height. Fight them off. Show that even with weakness and setbacks, your skill is stronger than someone else's strength backed by good luck.

Chapter 64

1 “Now I remind the Athenians among you once again of this. You have not left behind other ships in the dockyards to match these, or a reserve of men of hoplite age. If the result is anything other than victory for you, our enemies here will sail straight for Athens. Our people left there will be unable to fight off both the enemies already there and the new arrivals. You here would immediately fall under the power of the Syracusans. You know for yourselves what your intentions were when you attacked them. Our people at home would fall under the power of the Lacedaemonians.

2 “So this one battle will decide the fate of both groups. Stand firm now as never before. Each of you, and all of you together, must keep this in mind: those of you who are about to go aboard are Athens' army, its fleet, what is left of its city, and its great name. If any man has more skill or courage than another, he could never show it at a better time. By doing so he will help himself and save us all.”

Chapter 65

1 After giving this encouragement, Nicias immediately ordered the men to crew the ships. Gylippus and the Syracusans could see the preparations themselves and recognize that the Athenians were going to fight at sea. They had also been told in advance about the use of iron grappling hooks.

2 They made preparations to meet each of the other measures, and this one too. They covered the bows and much of the upper part of their ships with hides. This would make a grappling hook slide off when it was thrown aboard, instead of finding a hold.

3 When everything was ready, the generals and Gylippus encouraged their men with these words.

Chapter 66

1 “Syracusans and allies, we think most of you know that what you have already achieved is a fine thing, and that the battle ahead will be fought for fine rewards. Otherwise you would not have taken it on so eagerly. If anyone has not understood this fully, we will explain it.

2 “The Athenians came to this country intending first to enslave Sicily. Then, if they succeeded, they meant to enslave the Peloponnese and the rest of Hellas too. They already held the greatest empire any Greeks have ever possessed, in the past or in our own time. You were the first people to stand up to their navy, the force they used to gain all this. You have already won sea battles against them, and you are likely to win the one ahead.

3 “When men suffer a setback in the thing in which they claim to excel, what remains of their confidence is weaker than it would have been if they had never had that opinion of themselves. Their pride meets an unexpected defeat, and they give way more than the actual strength of their forces would require. The Athenians have probably suffered this now.

Chapter 67

1 “Our original courage, which made us dare to fight even when we still lacked skill, is now more firmly established. Added to it is the belief that we must be the best if we have beaten the best. So each man's confidence has doubled. In most undertakings, the greatest confidence also produces the greatest enthusiasm.

2 “They have copied our equipment. But we are used to that way of fighting, and we will be able to deal with each of their measures. They, on the other hand, will have many hoplites on deck, contrary to their usual practice. They will also have many javelin throwers aboard, Acarnanians and others who are, so to speak, men of the land rather than the sea. These men will not even know how to throw a javelin while sitting down. How can they fail to make the ships unsteady? And how can they avoid getting in each other's way, when none of them is moving as he is used to?

3 “Their greater number of ships will not help them either, in case any of you is also frightened at the thought of fighting an unequal number. Many ships in a small space will be slower to do what they intend, and very easy to damage with the equipment we have prepared.

4 “Learn the real truth from information that we believe is reliable. Their troubles have become overwhelming, and their present lack of a way out has driven them to desperation. They are relying less on their preparations than on taking a chance with luck, any way they can. They hope either to force their way out to sea or to retreat by land afterward. They believe that nothing they do could make their position worse than it is now.

Chapter 68

1 “So let us angrily attack our bitterest enemies, whose ranks are in such disorder and whose fate is now in our hands. Let us consider it entirely right to satisfy our anger against our opponents when we mean to punish them for attacking us. And let us remember that we will have the chance to pay back our enemies, which, as people say, is the greatest pleasure.

2 “You all know that they are enemies, and the bitterest enemies. They came to our country to enslave us. If they had succeeded, they would have inflicted the worst suffering on our men, the worst indignities on our children and women, and the most shameful name on our whole city.

3 “In return for this, no one should weaken or think it a gain just to let them get away safely. They will do that anyway if they win. But if we achieve what we want, as we probably will, we will punish these men and give all Sicily a firmer hold on the freedom it already enjoys. That is a fine goal to fight for. There are very few risks like this, where failure causes so little harm and success brings such great benefits.”

Chapter 69

1 After the Syracusan generals and Gylippus had encouraged their own soldiers in this way, they too began to crew their ships, as soon as they saw the Athenians doing so.

2 Nicias was shaken by the situation. He saw how great the danger was, and how close it already [was], since the ships were just about to set out. As often happens to people facing a great struggle, he thought that everything they had done was still inadequate, and that he had not yet said enough to the men. He called each trireme captain back again, addressing him by his father's name, his own name, and his tribe. If a man had any personal distinction, Nicias urged him not to betray it. He urged them not to wipe out the record of their fathers' courage, which had made their ancestors famous. He reminded them that their homeland was the freest of all, and that everyone there could live as he chose, without anyone ordering him about. He also said all the other things people say when they reach such a moment. They do not worry that someone may think they are repeating old phrases. They make much the same appeals on behalf of all that matters to them, bringing up wives, children, and ancestral gods. In the terror of the moment, they shout these things out because they think they will help.

3 He felt that his words of advice were necessary, even if they were not enough. He then withdrew, led the land army to the sea, and spread it out along as wide a front as he could. He wanted it to give the men in the ships as much encouragement as possible.

4 Demosthenes, Menander, and Euthydemus were the Athenian generals who went aboard the ships. They put out from their own camp and sailed straight for the barrier across the harbor and the opening left for sailing through it. They intended to force their way out.

Chapter 70

1 The Syracusans and their allies had already put out, with about as many ships as before. They used part of their fleet to guard the exit, and the rest to guard positions around the harbor. This would let them attack the Athenians from every side at once. Their land army also came to help wherever the ships came in to shore. Sicanus and Agatharchus commanded the Syracusan fleet, each holding one wing of the whole force. Pythen and the Corinthians held the center.

2 When the rest of the Athenians approached the barrier, the first rush of their attack overcame the ships stationed there, and they tried to open the blocked passage. Then the Syracusans and their allies attacked them from every side. The battle was no longer being fought only at the barrier, but throughout the harbor. It was fierce, and unlike any of the earlier battles.

3 The sailors on both sides put all their energy into driving their ships forward whenever they were ordered. The helmsmen competed intensely, each trying to outdo the others in skill. Whenever ship met ship, the marines worked to make sure that the fighting on deck lived up to the skill shown elsewhere. Every man hurried to show that he was the best at his assigned task.

4 Many ships were crowded together in a small space. No greater number had ever fought in so little room: the two fleets together came to just under two hundred ships. There were few ramming attacks, since the ships could not back away or sail through the enemy's line. But accidental collisions were more frequent, as one ship struck another while fleeing or sailing to attack a different ship.

5 While a ship was approaching, the men on deck showered it with javelins, arrows, and stones. When the ships came together, the marines fought hand to hand and tried to board each other's ships.

6 Because of the lack of space, it often happened that ships struck others on one side while being struck themselves on another. Two ships, and sometimes more, were forced into a tangled group around one. The helmsmen had to defend against some and plan attacks on others, not one at a time, but against many threats from every direction. The great crash of so many ships colliding was terrifying in itself. It also made it impossible to hear the orders shouted by the men directing the rowers.

7 These men on both sides shouted many orders and appeals, both to direct the work and to spur the men on in the immediate struggle to win. They called on the Athenians to force their way out and to make an eager effort, now if ever, to get home safely once more. They told the Syracusans and their allies that it would be a fine thing to stop the enemy from escaping, and by victory to make each man's homeland greater.

8 The generals on either side also called out whenever they saw a ship backing away without being forced to. They addressed its captain by name. The Athenian generals asked whether the men were retreating because they now thought the bitterly hostile land was more their own than the sea they had won at such great cost. The Syracusan generals asked whether they were themselves fleeing from the fleeing Athenians, when they knew perfectly well that the Athenians were trying every means of escape.

Chapter 71

1 As the sea battle remained evenly balanced, the armies of both sides on land were under great strain, their minds locked on the struggle. The local army was eager to win an even greater success. The invaders were afraid of ending up worse off than they already were.

2 Everything the Athenians had was at stake in their ships, so their fear for the future was unlike anything else. Because the sea battle was going differently in different places, the men watching from shore also saw different things.

3 They were watching from close by, and not everyone was looking at the same place at once. Whenever some saw their own side winning somewhere, they would take courage and turn to calling on the gods not to deny them safety. Others, looking at a place where their side was losing, would cry out and weep. What they saw happening broke their spirits even more than those of the men actually fighting. Others were watching a part of the sea battle where the sides were evenly matched. As the contest went on without a decision, they anxiously moved their own bodies this way and that in time with their fears. Their distress was extreme. At every moment they were only a little way from either escaping or being destroyed.

4 As long as the sea battle was closely balanced, all these sounds could be heard together within the same Athenian army: weeping, shouting, cries of victory and defeat, and all the other different sounds that a great army in great danger is forced to make.

5 The Athenians aboard the ships felt much the same way. Finally, after the battle had held out for a long time, the Syracusans and their allies put the Athenians to flight. They pressed their attack hard, shouting loudly and urging one another on, and chased them toward the land.

6 Then the men of the fleet who had not been captured out on the water were driven ashore at different points and rushed out into the camp. The land army no longer reacted in different ways. All now shared the same impulse, wailing and groaning at what was happening. Some hurried to help at the ships. Others went to guard what remained of the wall. Others, now the largest group, were looking out for themselves and trying to work out how to escape.

7 The shock at that moment was as great as any they had ever suffered. They were now experiencing something like what they themselves had done at Pylos. When the Lacedaemonians' ships were destroyed, they also lost the men who had crossed to the island. Now the Athenians had no hope of escaping by land unless something unexpected happened.

Chapter 72

1 The sea battle had been fierce, and both sides had lost many ships and men. The victorious Syracusans and their allies collected the wrecks and the dead, sailed back to the city, and set up a victory trophy.

2 The Athenians were so overwhelmed by their present troubles that they did not even think of asking permission to recover their dead or their wrecks. Instead they planned to retreat at once during the night.

3 Demosthenes went to Nicias and proposed that they should crew the remaining ships and try to force their way out at dawn, if they could. He said they still had more usable ships left than the enemy. The Athenians had about sixty remaining, while their opponents had fewer than fifty.

4 Nicias agreed to the plan, and they wanted to crew the ships. But the sailors refused to board. The defeat had terrified them, and they no longer believed they could win.

Chapter 73

1 By now all the Athenians had made up their minds to retreat by land. But Hermocrates the Syracusan guessed what they intended. He thought it would be dangerous if so large an army retreated inland, established itself somewhere in Sicily, and wanted to renew the war against them. He went to the authorities and urged them not to stand by and let the Athenians withdraw that night. He explained his concerns and proposed that all the Syracusans and their allies should march out at once, block the roads with walls, and take up positions in advance to guard the narrow passes.

2 The authorities understood this just as well as he did, and agreed that it ought to be done. But they thought the men would not readily obey. They had only just come to rest after a great sea battle and were enjoying their relief. There was also a festival: a sacrifice to Heracles happened to fall on that day. In their delight at the victory, most of the men had turned to drinking at the festival. The authorities expected them to do anything they were told rather than take up their weapons and march out at that moment.

3 The authorities thought these difficulties could not be overcome, and Hermocrates could no longer persuade them. So he came up with the following plan. He was afraid that the Athenians might get a head start in the night and pass quietly through the most difficult ground. As darkness was falling, he sent some of his own companions with horsemen to the Athenian camp. They rode up to within earshot and called for some of the men, pretending to be friends of the Athenians. Nicias did in fact have people inside the city who sent him messages. They told the men to warn Nicias not to lead his army away that night, because the Syracusans were guarding the roads. Instead, he should take his time preparing and withdraw by day.

4 After saying this, they left. Those who had heard them passed the message to the Athenian generals.

Chapter 74

1 In response to the message, the generals stayed where they were that night, believing it was not a trick. Since they had not set out at once after all, they decided to wait through the next day too. This would let the soldiers pack the most useful things they could from what was available. They were to leave everything else behind and set out with only the supplies they could carry to keep themselves alive.

2 The Syracusans and Gylippus marched out ahead of them with the land army. They blocked the roads through the country that the Athenians were likely to take, guarded the crossings over streams and rivers, and took up positions wherever they thought best to meet and stop the army. Meanwhile they sailed up to the Athenian ships and towed them off the beach. The Athenians themselves burned a few, as they had planned. The Syracusans fastened towlines to the rest wherever each had been driven ashore, and brought them back to the city at their leisure, with no one stopping them.

Chapter 75

1 After this, when Nicias and Demosthenes thought their preparations were complete, the army finally broke camp. It was the third day after the sea battle.

2 Their situation was terrible in more ways than one. They were retreating after losing all their ships. Their great hopes had given way to danger for both themselves and their city. But leaving the camp also brought each man painful sights and painful thoughts.

3 The dead were still unburied. Whenever a man saw one of his friends lying there, he felt grief mixed with fear. But the living men left behind, the wounded and sick, caused the survivors much more distress than the dead did. Their own condition was even more miserable than that of the men who had died.

4 They begged and cried out, leaving the others at a loss about what to do. They demanded to be taken along and called out to anyone they saw among their friends or relatives, one man after another. As their tentmates left, they clung to them and followed as far as they could. When their strength and bodies failed them, they were left behind with some cries to the gods and groans. The whole army was full of tears and this feeling of helplessness. They found it hard to start, even though they were leaving enemy territory. They had already suffered things too great for tears, and feared still more such suffering in the unknown future.

5 At the same time, they were deeply dejected and bitterly blamed themselves. They looked like nothing so much as the population of a city fleeing after its capture in a siege—and not a small city, either. The whole crowd marching together numbered at least forty thousand. Everyone else carried whatever useful things he could. The hoplites and cavalrymen, contrary to their usual practice, carried their own food along with their weapons. Some had no servants; others did not trust them. Servants had been deserting for a long time, and most had left just now. Even the food they carried was not enough, since there was no longer any grain in the camp.

6 Everyone had an equal share in their other suffering. Sharing troubles with so many others did offer some relief. Even so, their suffering seemed hard to bear in their present situation. This was especially true when they thought of the splendor and pride of their departure and the humiliating end they had now reached.

7 No Greek army had ever experienced a greater reversal. They had come to enslave others, but were leaving in greater fear of being enslaved themselves. They had sailed out with prayers and songs of victory; now they were setting out to cries that meant the opposite. They were traveling on foot instead of aboard ships, and depended on hoplites rather than a fleet. Yet the enormous danger still hanging over them made all this seem bearable.

Chapter 76

1 Nicias saw how discouraged the army was and how great a reversal it had suffered. He went along the ranks, encouraging and comforting the men as best he could in the circumstances. As he reached each group, his eagerness made him raise his voice still higher. He wanted to be heard as far away as possible and do some good.

Chapter 77

1 “Athenians and allies, even in our present situation we must have hope. Others have escaped from dangers worse than these. Do not blame yourselves too much for our misfortunes or for the suffering you now endure, which you do not deserve.

2 “I am no stronger than any of you. You can see what my illness has done to me. And although I was thought to be as fortunate as anyone, both in my private life and in other ways, I now face the same uncertain danger as the least fortunate among you. Yet throughout my life I have carefully observed my duties to the gods and treated people justly, without giving them grounds for resentment.

3 “That is why I still have strong hopes for the future, and why our misfortunes do not frighten me as much as their scale might suggest. They may even ease soon. Our enemies have already had enough good fortune. And if our expedition made any god resent us, we have already been punished enough.

4 “Others have invaded foreign countries before. They acted as humans do, and what they suffered was bearable. We too now have reason to hope for gentler treatment from the gods. We deserve their pity now more than their resentment. Look at yourselves: think how good you are as hoplites, and how many of you are marching together in formation. Do not be too alarmed. Remember that wherever you settle, you immediately form a city yourselves. No other city in Sicily could easily withstand your attack or drive you out once you had established yourselves somewhere.

5 “Make sure yourselves that the march is safe and orderly. Each man should keep this one thought in mind: wherever he is forced to fight, if he wins, that place will be his country and his protecting wall.

6 “We will have to hurry on our way by night as well as by day, since we have little food. If we reach some friendly territory belonging to the Sicels, you can consider yourselves safe. They are still loyal to us because they fear the Syracusans. We have already sent ahead to them, telling them to meet us and bring more food.

7 “In short, soldiers, understand that you must be brave. There is nowhere nearby where you can find safety if you lose your courage. If you escape the enemy now, those of you from other cities will see the things you long to see again. And you Athenians will restore your city's great power, even though it has fallen. A city is its men, not walls or ships with no men in them.”

Chapter 78

1 Nicias went along the army giving encouragement of this kind. Wherever he saw men scattered and marching out of formation, he brought them together and put them in order. Demosthenes was doing just as much for his own troops, speaking to them in the same or similar terms.

2 The army marched in a hollow square, with Nicias' force leading and Demosthenes' following. The hoplites kept the baggage carriers and most of the crowd inside their formation.

3 When they reached the crossing of the river Anapus, they found a force of Syracusans and allies drawn up there. They routed them, gained control of the crossing, and moved forward. The Syracusan cavalry rode alongside and kept attacking them, while the light troops threw javelins at them.

4 That day the Athenians advanced about forty stades and camped by a hill. The next day they set out early and went about twenty stades. They came down to a level area and camped there. There were people living in the district, so they wanted to get some food from the houses. They also wanted to take water with them from there, since water was scarce for many stades ahead along their intended route.

5 Meanwhile, the Syracusans went ahead and were building a wall across the pass farther along the route. The position was a strong hill with a steep-sided ravine on either side. It was called Acraeum Lepas.

6 The next day the Athenians moved forward. Large numbers of Syracusan and allied cavalry and javelin throwers blocked them on both sides, throwing javelins and riding alongside them. The Athenians fought for a long time, then withdrew to the same camp. They no longer had the same supply of food, since the cavalry now prevented them from going out to get it.

Chapter 79

1 They set out early and marched again. They forced their way to the hill where the wall had been built. There they found the enemy infantry drawn up ahead of them above the wall. The ranks were many shields deep, since the ground was narrow.

2 The Athenians attacked the wall. Many men on the steep hill above threw missiles down at them, and those above could reach them more easily. Unable to force their way through, the Athenians withdrew again and rested.

3 There also happened to be some thunder and rain, as is usual when the year is already approaching autumn. This discouraged the Athenians still more. They thought that all these things too were happening to bring about their destruction.

4 While they were resting, Gylippus and the Syracusans sent part of their army to build another wall behind them, across the route by which they had advanced. The Athenians sent some of their own men against them and prevented this.

5 After this, the Athenians withdrew with their whole army closer to the plain and camped for the night. The next day they moved forward. The Syracusans attacked them on every side and wounded many of them. When the Athenians advanced against them, they fell back; when the Athenians withdrew, they pressed forward. They attacked the men at the rear in particular. They hoped that by routing a few at a time they might panic the whole army.

6 The Athenians held out against these tactics for a long time. Then, after advancing five or six stades, they stopped to rest on the plain. The Syracusans also left them and returned to their own camp.

Chapter 80

1 That night Nicias and Demosthenes decided to light as many fires as possible and lead the army away. It was in bad condition, now short of every kind of supply, and many men had been wounded in the enemy's repeated attacks. They would no longer take their intended route. Instead, they would go toward the sea, in the opposite direction from the route the Syracusans were guarding.

2 This route as a whole led the army not toward Catana, but toward the other side of Sicily, in the direction of Camarina, Gela, and the other cities in that region, both Greek and non-Greek.

3 So they lit many fires and marched away in the night. But confusion broke out among them. Fear and panic can affect any army, especially a very large one, and all the more when it is marching by night through enemy territory with the enemy close by.

4 Nicias' force, which was in the lead, stayed together and got a long way ahead. But Demosthenes' force, which made up about half the army or more, became separated and marched in greater disorder.

5 Nevertheless, at dawn they reached the sea. They took the road called the Helorine Road and marched along it. Their plan was to turn inland when they reached the river Cacyparis, following it upstream. They also hoped to meet the Sicels there whom they had sent for.

6 When they reached the river, they found a Syracusan guard force there too, building a wall and a line of stakes across the crossing. They forced their way past the guards, crossed the river, and moved on toward another river, the Erineus. That was the way their guides told them to go.

Chapter 81

1 Meanwhile, when day came and the Syracusans and their allies learned that the Athenians had gone, most blamed Gylippus for deliberately letting them escape. They quickly set off in pursuit. It was easy to find out which way the Athenians had gone, and they caught up with them around the time of the morning meal.

2 They came up with Demosthenes' troops, who were in the rear and marching more slowly and in greater disorder because of the confusion during the night. They immediately attacked and began fighting. The Syracusan cavalry found it easier to surround them now that they were separated from the other force, and crowded them into one place.

3 Nicias' force was as much as fifty stades ahead. He was moving faster because he thought that in such a situation safety did not lie in choosing to stand and fight. It lay in retreating as fast as possible and fighting only as much as they had to.

4 Demosthenes had generally faced more continuous hardship. Since his force was retreating in the rear, it was the first to be attacked by the enemy. Now, when he realized that the Syracusans were pursuing them, he concentrated on drawing up his men for battle rather than moving forward. As he delayed, the enemy surrounded him, and he and the Athenians with him fell into great confusion. They were trapped in a place enclosed by a low wall, with a road on either side and many olive trees inside. The enemy surrounded them and threw missiles at them.

5 The Syracusans had good reason to use attacks like these instead of close combat. By now, risking a fight with desperate men was no more in their interest than in the Athenians'. With success already certain, each man was anxious not to throw his life away before it came. They also thought that even without close combat they could wear the Athenians down in this way and capture them.

Chapter 82

1 They spent the day attacking the Athenians and their allies with missiles from all sides. When they saw that the men were worn down by wounds and their other suffering, Gylippus, the Syracusans, and their allies first made a proclamation to the islanders. Any of them who wanted could come over to their side and keep their freedom. The men from a few cities did leave.

2 Later, they also made an agreement with all the rest of Demosthenes' men. They were to hand over their weapons, and none of them was to die by violence, from imprisonment, or from a lack of the most basic necessities of life.

3 All six thousand men surrendered. They handed over all the money they had, putting it into shields laid face up. They filled four shields. These prisoners were taken to the city at once. That same day, Nicias and his men reached the river Erineus. After crossing it, he settled the army on some high ground.

Chapter 83

1 The next day the Syracusans caught up with him. They said that Demosthenes' men had surrendered and told him to do the same. He did not believe them and agreed on a truce so that he could send a cavalryman to find out.

2 The man went and returned with the news that they had surrendered. Nicias then sent a herald to Gylippus and the Syracusans. He was ready to agree on behalf of the Athenians to repay all the money the Syracusans had spent on the war, if they would let his army go. Until the money was paid, he would give Athenians as hostages, one man for each talent.

3 The Syracusans and Gylippus refused these terms. Instead, they attacked, surrounded these troops too on all sides, and threw missiles at them until late in the day.

4 These men too were in a bad condition from lack of grain and other supplies. Even so, they planned to wait for the quiet part of the night and then march away. But just as they were picking up their weapons, the Syracusans noticed and sang their battle song.

5 Realizing that they had been detected, the Athenians put down their weapons again, except for about three hundred men. These forced their way through the guards and went on through the night wherever they could.

Chapter 84

1 At daybreak Nicias led the army on. The Syracusans and their allies kept attacking in the same way, throwing missiles from all sides and striking men down with javelins.

2 The Athenians hurried toward the river Assinarus. The attacks from all sides by large numbers of cavalry and the rest of the enemy force were driving them on. They thought things would be easier if they crossed the river. Their exhaustion and their longing for a drink also drove them forward.

3 When they reached it, they rushed in without any order at all. Every man wanted to get across first, and the enemy's continued attacks were making the crossing very difficult. Forced to move in a mass, they fell over one another and trampled each other. Some were killed at once on their own spears and equipment. Others got tangled in them and fell.

4 The Syracusans took positions on the far bank, which was steep, and threw missiles down at the Athenians. Most of the Athenians were eagerly drinking and jostling one another in confusion down in the riverbed.

5 The Peloponnesians came down after them and slaughtered the men, especially those in the river. The water was immediately fouled, but the men kept drinking it, muddy and bloody as it was. The crowd even fought over it.

Chapter 85

1 At last, many bodies were already piled on one another in the river. The army was being destroyed: some died in the river, and any who escaped were killed by the cavalry. Nicias surrendered to Gylippus, whom he trusted more than the Syracusans. He told him that he and the Lacedaemonians could do whatever they wanted with him, but asked them to stop killing the other soldiers.

2 After this, Gylippus ordered his men to take prisoners alive. They gathered up the survivors, except those whom individual captors had kept hidden—and there were many of these. They also sent men in pursuit of the three hundred who had broken through the guards during the night, and captured them.

3 The number of troops collected as public prisoners was therefore not large, but very many were secretly taken by individuals. They were scattered throughout Sicily, since, unlike Demosthenes' men, they had not been captured under an agreement.

4 A considerable number also died. This was the greatest slaughter, as great as any in this [Sicilian] war. Many had also died in the numerous other attacks during the retreat. Yet many escaped, some immediately, and others later, after they had been enslaved and then run away. These men found refuge in Catana.

Chapter 86

1 The Syracusans and their allies gathered together, took as many prisoners as they could and the captured equipment, and returned to the city.

2 They put all the other Athenians and allies they had captured down in the stone quarries, which they thought were the most secure place to keep them. But they executed Nicias and Demosthenes against Gylippus' wishes. In addition to his other achievements, Gylippus thought it would be a fine success to bring the enemy generals back to the Lacedaemonians.

3 Of the two, Demosthenes happened to be their bitterest enemy because of what had happened on the island and at Pylos. Nicias was their closest friend for the same reason. He had worked hard to get the Lacedaemonian prisoners from the island released, persuading the Athenians to make a treaty.

4 The Lacedaemonians were friendly toward him because of this. It was also a major reason why he had trusted Gylippus and surrendered to him. But some of the Syracusans, it was said, had been in secret communication with Nicias. They feared that under torture he might disclose this and cause them trouble just when they were doing well. Others, especially the Corinthians, feared that, since he was rich, he might bribe someone and escape, and then cause them more trouble. They persuaded their allies and had him killed.

5 He died for this reason, or something very close to it. Of all the Greeks of my time, he least deserved to come to such a miserable end, because he had devoted his whole life to following accepted standards of goodness.

Chapter 87

1 At first the Syracusans treated the men in the quarries harshly. There were many of them crowded into a small, deep hollow without shelter. Initially they suffered from the sun and the heat, which was still stifling. Then the autumn nights came on cold instead, and the change made them ill.

2 Because they were so cramped, they had to do everything in the same place. The bodies of men who died from wounds, the change in temperature, and similar causes were piled on one another there too. The smells were unbearable. They were also tormented by hunger and thirst. For eight months each man was given a cotyle of water and two cotyles of grain a day. Every other hardship that people trapped in such a place could be expected to suffer also fell on them.

3 They lived like this, all crowded together, for about seventy days. Then the Syracusans sold the others, except the Athenians and any Greeks from Sicily or Italy who had taken part in the expedition.

4 It is hard to give an exact total for the prisoners, but there were at least seven thousand.

5 This proved to be the greatest [Greek] event of this war, and in my opinion the greatest of all Greek events we know of by report. It brought the greatest glory to the victors and the greatest misery to the defeated.

6 They were completely beaten in every way, and their suffering was extreme in every respect. It was, as the saying goes, total destruction: land forces, ships, everything was lost. Out of so many, few returned home. These were the events in Sicily.

Book 8

Chapter 1

1 ἐς δὲ τὰς Ἀθήνας ἐπειδὴ ἠγγέλθη, ἐπὶ πολὺ μὲν ἠπίστουν καὶ τοῖς πάνυ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἔργου διαπεφευγόσι καὶ σαφῶς ἀγγέλλουσι, μὴ οὕτω γε ἄγαν πανσυδὶ διεφθάρθαι· ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἔγνωσαν, χαλεποὶ μὲν ἦσαν τοῖς ξυμπροθυμηθεῖσι τῶν ῥητόρων τὸν ἔκπλουν, ὥσπερ οὐκ αὐτοὶ ψηφισάμενοι, ὠργίζοντο δὲ καὶ τοῖς χρησμολόγοις τε καὶ μάντεσι καὶ ὁπόσοι τι τότε αὐτοὺς θειάσαντες ἐπήλπισαν ὡς λήψονται Σικελίαν.

2 πάντα δὲ πανταχόθεν αὐτοὺς ἐλύπει τε καὶ περιειστήκει ἐπὶ τῷ γεγενημένῳ φόβος τε καὶ κατάπληξις μεγίστη δή. ἅμα μὲν γὰρ στερόμενοι καὶ ἰδίᾳ ἕκαστος καὶ ἡ πόλις ὁπλιτῶν τε πολλῶν καὶ ἱππέων καὶ ἡλικίας οἵαν οὐχ ἑτέραν ἑώρων ὑπάρχουσαν ἐβαρύνοντο· ἅμα δὲ ναῦς οὐχ ὁρῶντες ἐν τοῖς νεωσοίκοις ἱκανὰς οὐδὲ χρήματα ἐν τῷ κοινῷ οὐδ’ ὑπηρεσίας ταῖς ναυσὶν ἀνέλπιστοι ἦσαν ἐν τῷ παρόντι σωθήσεσθαι, τούς τε ἀπὸ τῆς Σικελίας πολεμίους εὐθὺς σφίσιν ἐνόμιζον τῷ ναυτικῷ ἐπὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ πλευσεῖσθαι, ἄλλως τε καὶ τοσοῦτον κρατήσαντας, καὶ τοὺς αὐτόθεν πολεμίους τότε δὴ καὶ διπλασίως πάντα παρεσκευασμένους κατὰ κράτος ἤδη καὶ ἐκ γῆς καὶ ἐκ θαλάσσης ἐπικείσεσθαι, καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους σφῶν μετ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀποστάντας.

3 ὅμως δὲ ὡς ἐκ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἐδόκει χρῆναι μὴ ἐνδιδόναι, ἀλλὰ παρασκευάζεσθαι καὶ ναυτικόν, ὅθεν ἂν δύνωνται ξύλα ξυμπορισαμένους, καὶ χρήματα, καὶ τὰ τῶν ξυμμάχων ἐς ἀσφάλειαν ποιεῖσθαι, καὶ μάλιστα τὴν Εὔβοιαν, τῶν τε κατὰ τὴν πόλιν τι ἐς εὐτέλειαν σωφρονίσαι, καὶ ἀρχήν τινα πρεσβυτέρων ἀνδρῶν ἑλέσθαι, οἵτινες περὶ τῶν παρόντων ὡς ἂν καιρὸς ᾖ προβουλεύσουσιν.

4 πάντα τε πρὸς τὸ παραχρῆμα περιδεές, ὅπερ φιλεῖ δῆμος ποιεῖν, ἑτοῖμοι ἦσαν εὐτακτεῖν. καὶ ὡς ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς, καὶ ἐποίουν ταῦτα, καὶ τὸ θέρος ἐτελεύτα.

Chapter 2

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος πρὸς τὴν ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας τῶν Ἀθηναίων μεγάλην κακοπραγίαν εὐθὺς οἱ Ἕλληνες πάντες ἐπηρμένοι ἦσαν, οἱ μὲν μηδετέρων ὄντες ξύμμαχοι, ὡς, ἤν τις καὶ μὴ παρακαλῇ σφᾶς, οὐκ ἀποστατέον ἔτι τοῦ πολέμου εἴη, ἀλλ’ ἐθελοντὶ ἰτέον ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, νομίσαντες κἂν ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἕκαστοι ἐλθεῖν αὐτούς, εἰ τὰ ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ κατώρθωσαν, καὶ ἅμα βραχὺν ἔσεσθαι τὸν λοιπὸν πόλεμον, οὗ μετασχεῖν καλὸν εἶναι, οἱ δ’ αὖ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ξύμμαχοι ξυμπροθυμηθέντες ἐπὶ πλέον ἢ πρὶν ἀπαλλάξεσθαι διὰ τάχους πολλῆς ταλαιπωρίας.

2 μάλιστα δὲ οἱ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ὑπήκοοι ἑτοῖμοι ἦσαν καὶ παρὰ δύναμιν αὐτῶν ἀφίστασθαι διὰ τὸ ὀργῶντες κρίνειν τὰ πράγματα καὶ μηδ’ ὑπολείπειν λόγον αὐτοῖς ὡς τό γ’ ἐπιὸν θέρος οἷοί τ’ ἔσονται περιγενέσθαι.

3 ἡ δὲ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων πόλις πᾶσί τε τούτοις ἐθάρσει καὶ μάλιστα ὅτι οἱ ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας αὐτοῖς ξύμμαχοι πολλῇ δυνάμει, κατ’ ἀνάγκην ἤδη τοῦ ναυτικοῦ προσγεγενημένου, ἅμα τῷ ἦρι ὡς εἰκὸς παρέσεσθαι ἔμελλον.

4 πανταχόθεν τε εὐέλπιδες ὄντες ἀπροφασίστως ἅπτεσθαι διενοοῦντο τοῦ πολέμου, λογιζόμενοι καλῶς τελευτήσαντος αὐτοῦ κινδύνων τε τοιούτων ἀπηλλάχθαι ἂν τὸ λοιπὸν οἷος καὶ ὁ ἀπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων περιέστη ἂν αὐτούς, εἰ τὸ Σικελικὸν προσέλαβον, καὶ καθελόντες ἐκείνους αὐτοὶ τῆς πάσης Ἑλλάδος ἤδη ἀσφαλῶς ἡγήσεσθαι.

Chapter 3

1 εὐθὺς οὖν Ἆγις μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν ἐν τῷ χειμῶνι τούτῳ ὁρμηθεὶς στρατῷ τινὶ ἐκ Δεκελείας τά τε τῶν ξυμμάχων ἠργυρολόγησεν ἐς τὸ ναυτικὸν καὶ τραπόμενος ἐπὶ τοῦ Μηλιῶς κόλπου Οἰταίων τε κατὰ τὴν παλαιὰν ἔχθραν τῆς λείας τὴν πολλὴν ἀπολαβὼν χρήματα ἐπράξατο, καὶ Ἀχαιοὺς τοὺς Φθιώτας καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς ταύτῃ Θεσσαλῶν ὑπηκόους μεμφομένων καὶ ἀκόντων τῶν Θεσσαλῶν ὁμήρους τέ τινας ἠνάγκασε δοῦναι καὶ χρήματα, καὶ κατέθετο τοὺς ὁμήρους ἐς Κόρινθον, ἔς τε τὴν ξυμμαχίαν ἐπειρᾶτο προσάγειν.

2 Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ τὴν πρόσταξιν ταῖς πόλεσιν ἑκατὸν νεῶν τῆς ναυπηγίας ἐποιοῦντο, καὶ ἑαυτοῖς μὲν καὶ Βοιωτοῖς πέντε καὶ εἴκοσιν ἑκατέροις ἔταξαν, Φωκεῦσι δὲ καὶ Λοκροῖς πέντε καὶ δέκα, καὶ Κορινθίοις πέντε καὶ δέκα, Ἀρκάσι δὲ καὶ Πελληνεῦσι καὶ Σικυωνίοις δέκα, Μεγαρεῦσι δὲ καὶ Τροιζηνίοις καὶ Ἐπιδαυρίοις καὶ Ἑρμιονεῦσι δέκα· τά τε ἄλλα παρεσκευάζοντο ὡς εὐθὺς πρὸς τὸ ἔαρ ἑξόμενοι τοῦ πολέμου.

Chapter 4

1 παρεσκευάζοντο δὲ καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι, ὥσπερ διενοήθησαν, ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ χειμῶνι τούτῳ τήν τε ναυπηγίαν, ξύλα ξυμπορισάμενοι, καὶ Σούνιον τειχίσαντες, ὅπως αὐτοῖς ἀσφάλεια ταῖς σιταγωγοῖς ναυσὶν εἴη τοῦ περίπλου, καὶ τό τε ἐν τῇ Λακωνικῇ τείχισμα ἐκλιπόντες ὃ ἐνῳκοδόμησαν παραπλέοντες ἐς Σικελίαν, καὶ τἆλλα, εἴ πού τι ἐδόκει ἀχρεῖον ἀναλίσκεσθαι, ξυστελλόμενοι ἐς εὐτέλειαν, μάλιστα δὲ τὰ τῶν ξυμμάχων διασκοποῦντες ὅπως μὴ σφῶν ἀποστήσονται.

Chapter 5

1 πρασσόντων δὲ ταῦτα ἀμφοτέρων καὶ ὄντων οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ ὥσπερ ἀρχομένων ἐν κατασκευῇ τοῦ πολέμου, πρῶτοι Εὐβοῆς ὡς Ἆγιν περὶ ἀποστάσεως τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐπρεσβεύσαντο ἐν τῷ χειμῶνι τούτῳ. ὁ δὲ προσδεξάμενος τοὺς λόγους αὐτῶν μεταπέμπεται ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος Ἀλκαμένη τὸν Σθενελαΐδου καὶ Μέλανθον ἄρχοντας ὡς ἐς τὴν Εὔβοιαν· οἱ δ’ ἦλθον ἔχοντες τῶν νεοδαμωδῶν ὡς τριακοσίους, καὶ παρεσκεύαζεν αὐτοῖς τὴν διάβασιν.

2 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ Λέσβιοι ἦλθον βουλόμενοι καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀποστῆναι· καὶ ξυμπρασσόντων αὐτοῖς τῶν Βοιωτῶν ἀναπείθεται Ἆγις ὥστε Εὐβοίας μὲν πέρι ἐπισχεῖν, τοῖς δὲ Λεσβίοις παρεσκεύαζε τὴν ἀπόστασιν, Ἀλκαμένη τε ἁρμοστὴν διδούς, ὃς ἐς Εὔβοιαν πλεῖν ἔμελλε, καὶ δέκα μὲν Βοιωτοὶ ναῦς ὑπέσχοντο, δέκα δὲ Ἆγις.

3 καὶ ταῦτα ἄνευ τῆς Λακεδαιμονίων πόλεως ἐπράσσετο· ὁ γὰρ Ἆγις, ὅσον χρόνον ἦν περὶ Δεκέλειαν ἔχων τὴν μεθ’ ἑαυτοῦ δύναμιν, κύριος ἦν καὶ ἀποστέλλειν εἴ ποί τινα ἐβούλετο στρατιὰν καὶ ξυναγείρειν καὶ χρήματα πράσσειν. καὶ πολὺ μᾶλλον ὡς εἰπεῖν κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν αὐτοῦ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ὑπήκουον [ἢ] τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει Λακεδαιμονίων· δύναμιν γὰρ ἔχων αὐτὸς εὐθὺς ἑκασταχόσε δεινὸς παρῆν.

4 καὶ ὁ μὲν τοῖς Λεσβίοις ἔπρασσε, Χῖοι δὲ καὶ Ἐρυθραῖοι ἀποστῆναι καὶ αὐτοὶ ἑτοῖμοι ὄντες πρὸς μὲν Ἆγιν οὐκ ἐτράποντο, ἐς δὲ τὴν Λακεδαίμονα. καὶ παρὰ Τισσαφέρνους, ὃς βασιλεῖ Δαρείῳ τῷ Ἀρταξέρξου στρατηγὸς ἦν τῶν κάτω, πρεσβευτὴς ἅμα μετ’ αὐτῶν παρῆν.

5 ἐπήγετο γὰρ καὶ ὁ Τισσαφέρνης τοὺς Πελοποννησίους καὶ ὑπισχνεῖτο τροφὴν παρέξειν. ὑπὸ βασιλέως γὰρ νεωστὶ ἐτύγχανε πεπραγμένος τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ἀρχῆς φόρους, οὓς δι’ Ἀθηναίους ἀπὸ τῶν Ἑλληνίδων πόλεων οὐ δυνάμενος πράσσεσθαι ἐπωφείλησεν· τούς τε οὖν φόρους μᾶλλον ἐνόμιζε κομιεῖσθαι κακώσας τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, καὶ ἅμα βασιλεῖ ξυμμάχους Λακεδαιμονίους ποιήσειν, καὶ Ἀμόργην τὸν Πισσούθνου υἱὸν νόθον, ἀφεστῶτα περὶ Καρίαν, ὥσπερ αὐτῷ προσέταξε βασιλεύς, ἢ ζῶντα ἄξειν ἢ ἀποκτενεῖν.

Chapter 6

1 οἱ μὲν οὖν Χῖοι καὶ Τισσαφέρνης κοινῇ κατὰ τὸ αὐτὸ ἔπρασσον, Καλλίγειτος δὲ ὁ Λαοφῶντος Μεγαρεὺς καὶ Τιμαγόρας ὁ Ἀθηναγόρου Κυζικηνός, φυγάδες τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἀμφότεροι παρὰ Φαρναβάζῳ τῷ Φαρνάκου κατοικοῦντες, ἀφικνοῦνται περὶ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα πέμψαντος Φαρναβάζου, ὅπως ναῦς κομίσειαν ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον, καὶ αὐτός, εἰ δύναιτο, ἅπερ ὁ Τισσαφέρνης προυθυμεῖτο, τάς τε ἐν τῇ ἑαυτοῦ ἀρχῇ πόλεις ἀποστήσειε τῶν Ἀθηναίων διὰ τοὺς φόρους καὶ ἀφ’ ἑαυτοῦ βασιλεῖ τὴν ξυμμαχίαν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ποιήσειεν.

2 πρασσόντων δὲ ταῦτα χωρὶς ἑκατέρων, τῶν τε ἀπὸ τοῦ Φαρναβάζου καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ Τισσαφέρνους, πολλὴ ἅμιλλα ἐγίγνετο τῶν ἐν τῇ Λακεδαίμονι, ὅπως οἱ μὲν ἐς τὴν Ἰωνίαν καὶ Χίον, οἱ δ’ ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον πρότερον ναῦς καὶ στρατιὰν πείσουσι πέμπειν.

3 οἱ μέντοι Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὰ τῶν Χίων καὶ Τισσαφέρνους παρὰ πολὺ προσεδέξαντο μᾶλλον· ξυνέπρασσε γὰρ αὐτοῖς καὶ Ἀλκιβιάδης, Ἐνδίῳ ἐφορεύοντι πατρικὸς ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ξένος ὤν, ὅθεν καὶ τοὔνομα Λακωνικὸν ἡ οἰκία αὐτῶν κατὰ τὴν ξενίαν ἔσχεν· Ἔνδιος γὰρ Ἀλκιβιάδου ἐκαλεῖτο.

4 ὅμως δ’ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πρῶτον κατάσκοπον ἐς τὴν Χίον πέμψαντες Φρῦνιν ἄνδρα περίοικον, εἰ αἵ τε νῆες αὐτοῖς εἰσὶν ὅσασπερ ἔλεγον καὶ τἆλλα εἰ ἡ πόλις ἱκανή ἐστι πρὸς τὴν λεγομένην δόξαν, ἀπαγγείλαντος αὐτοῖς ὡς εἴη ταῦτα ἀληθῆ ἅπερ ἤκουον, τούς τε Χίους καὶ τοὺς Ἐρυθραίους εὐθὺς ξυμμάχους ἐποιήσαντο καὶ τεσσαράκοντα ναῦς ἐψηφίσαντο αὐτοῖς πέμπειν, ὡς ἐκεῖ οὐκ ἔλασσον ἢ ἑξήκοντα ἀφ’ ὧν οἱ Χῖοι ἔλεγον ὑπαρχουσῶν.

5 καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον δέκα τούτων αὐτοὶ ἔμελλον πέμψειν, καὶ Μελαγχρίδαν, ὃς αὐτοῖς ναύαρχος ἦν· ἔπειτα σεισμοῦ γενομένου ἀντὶ τοῦ Μελαγχρίδου Χαλκιδέα ἔπεμπον καὶ ἀντὶ τῶν δέκα νεῶν πέντε παρεσκευάζοντο ἐν τῇ Λακωνικῇ. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἐτελεύτα καὶ ἑνὸς δέον εἰκοστὸν ἔτος τῷ πολέμῳ ἐτελεύτα τῷδε ὃν Θουκυδίδης ξυνέγραψεν.

Chapter 7

1 ἅμα δὲ τῷ ἦρι τοῦ ἐπιγιγνομένου θέρους εὐθὺς ἐπειγομένων τῶν Χίων ἀποστεῖλαι τὰς ναῦς καὶ δεδιότων μὴ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὰ πρασσόμενα αἴσθωνται (πάντες γὰρ κρύφα αὐτῶν ἐπρεσβεύοντο), ἀποπέμπουσιν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐς Κόρινθον ἄνδρας Σπαρτιάτας τρεῖς, ὅπως ἀπὸ τῆς ἑτέρας θαλάσσης ὡς τάχιστα ἐπὶ τὴν πρὸς Ἀθήνας ὑπερενεγκόντες τὰς ναῦς τὸν Ἰσθμὸν κελεύσωσι πλεῖν ἐς Χίον πάσας, καὶ ἃς ὁ Ἆγις παρεσκεύαζεν ἐς τὴν Λέσβον καὶ τὰς ἄλλας· ἦσαν δὲ αἱ ξύμπασαι τῶν ξυμμαχίδων νῆες αὐτόθι μιᾶς δέουσαι τεσσαράκοντα.

Chapter 8

1 ὁ μὲν οὖν Καλλίγειτος καὶ Τιμαγόρας ὑπὲρ τοῦ Φαρναβάζου οὐκ ἐκοινοῦντο τὸν στόλον ἐς τὴν Χίον, οὐδὲ τὰ χρήματα ἐδίδοσαν ἃ ἦλθον ἔχοντες ἐς τὴν ἀποστολὴν πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι τάλαντα, ἀλλ’ ὕστερον ἐφ’ ἑαυτῶν διενοοῦντο ἄλλῳ στόλῳ πλεῖν·

2 ὁ δὲ Ἆγις ἐπειδὴ ἑώρα τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐς τὴν Χίον πρῶτον ὡρμημένους, οὐδ’ αὐτὸς ἄλλο τι ἐγίγνωσκεν, ἀλλὰ ξυνελθόντες ἐς Κόρινθον οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἐβουλεύοντο, καὶ ἔδοξε πρῶτον ἐς Χίον αὐτοῖς πλεῖν ἄρχοντα ἔχοντας Χαλκιδέα, ὃς ἐν τῇ Λακωνικῇ τὰς πέντε ναῦς παρεσκεύαζεν, ἔπειτα ἐς Λέσβον καὶ Ἀλκαμένη ἄρχοντα, ὅνπερ καὶ Ἆγις διενοεῖτο, τὸ τελευταῖον δὲ ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἀφικέσθαι (προσετέτακτο δὲ ἐς αὐτὸν ἄρχων Κλέαρχος ὁ Ῥαμφίου),

3 διαφέρειν δὲ τὸν Ἰσθμὸν τὰς ἡμισείας τῶν νεῶν πρῶτον, καὶ εὐθὺς ταύτας ἀποπλεῖν, ὅπως μὴ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι πρὸς τὰς ἀφορμωμένας μᾶλλον τὸν νοῦν ἔχωσιν ἢ τὰς ὕστερον ἐπιδιαφερομένας.

4 καὶ γὰρ τὸν πλοῦν ταύτῃ ἐκ τοῦ προφανοῦς ἐποιοῦντο, καταφρονήσαντες τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀδυνασίαν, ὅτι ναυτικὸν οὐδὲν αὐτῶν πολύ πω ἐφαίνετο. ὡς δὲ ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς, καὶ διεκόμισαν εὐθὺς μίαν καὶ εἴκοσι ναῦς.

Chapter 9

1 οἱ δὲ Κορίνθιοι, ἐπειγομένων αὐτῶν τὸν πλοῦν, οὐ προυθυμήθησαν ξυμπλεῖν πρὶν τὰ Ἴσθμια, ἃ τότε ἦν, διεορτάσωσιν. Ἆγις δὲ αὐτοῖς ἑτοῖμος ἦν ἐκείνους μὲν μὴ λύειν δὴ τὰς Ἰσθμιάδας σπονδάς, ἑαυτοῦ δὲ τὸν στόλον ἴδιον ποιήσασθαι.

2 οὐ ξυγχωρούντων δὲ τῶν Κορινθίων, ἀλλὰ διατριβῆς ἐγγιγνομένης, οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ᾐσθάνοντο τὰ τῶν Χίων μᾶλλον, καὶ πέμψαντες ἕνα τῶν στρατηγῶν Ἀριστοκράτη ἐπῃτιῶντο αὐτούς, καὶ ἀρνουμένων τῶν Χίων τὸ πιστὸν ναῦς σφίσι ξυμπέμπειν ἐκέλευον ἐς τὸ ξυμμαχικόν· οἱ δ᾽ ἔπεμψαν ἑπτά.

3 αἴτιον δ’ ἐγένετο τῆς ἀποστολῆς τῶν νεῶν οἱ μὲν πολλοὶ τῶν Χίων οὐκ εἰδότες τὰ πρασσόμενα, οἱ δὲ ὀλίγοι καὶ ξυνειδότες τό τε πλῆθος οὐ βουλόμενοί πω πολέμιον ἔχειν, πρίν τι καὶ ἰσχυρὸν λάβωσι, καὶ τοὺς Πελοποννησίους οὐκέτι προσδεχόμενοι ἥξειν, ὅτι διέτριβον.

Chapter 10

1 ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τὰ Ἴσθμια ἐγίγνετο, καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι (ἐπηγγέλθησαν γάρ) ἐθεώρουν ἐς αὐτά, καὶ κατάδηλα μᾶλλον αὐτοῖς τὰ τῶν Χίων ἐφάνη. καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἀνεχώρησαν, παρεσκευάζοντο εὐθὺς ὅπως μὴ λήσουσιν αὐτοὺς αἱ νῆες ἐκ τῶν Κεγχρειῶν ἀφορμηθεῖσαι.

2 οἱ δὲ μετὰ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἀνήγοντο μιᾷ καὶ εἴκοσι ναυσὶν ἐς τὴν Χίον, ἄρχοντα Ἀλκαμένη ἔχοντες. καὶ αὐτοῖς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὸ πρῶτον ἴσαις ναυσὶ προσπλεύσαντες ὑπῆγον ἐς τὸ πέλαγος. ὡς δ’ ἐπὶ πολὺ οὐκ ἐπηκολούθησαν οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι, ἀλλ’ ἀπετράποντο, ἐπανεχώρησαν καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι· τὰς γὰρ τῶν Χίων ἑπτὰ ναῦς ἐν τῷ ἀριθμῷ μετὰ σφῶν ἔχοντες οὐ πιστὰς ἐνόμιζον,

3 ἀλλ’ ὕστερον ἄλλας προσπληρώσαντες ἐς ἑπτὰ καὶ τριάκοντα παραπλέοντας αὐτοὺς καταδιώκουσιν ἐς Σπείραιον τῆς Κορινθίας· ἔστι δὲ λιμὴν ἐρῆμος καὶ ἔσχατος πρὸς τὰ μεθόρια τῆς Ἐπιδαυρίας. καὶ μίαν μὲν ναῦν ἀπολλύασι μετέωρον οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι, τὰς δὲ ἄλλας ξυναγαγόντες ὁρμίζουσιν.

4 καὶ προσβαλόντων τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν ταῖς ναυσὶ καὶ ἐς τὴν γῆν ἀποβάντων θόρυβός τε ἐγένετο πολὺς καὶ ἄτακτος, καὶ τῶν τε νεῶν τὰς πλείους κατατραυματίζουσιν ἐν τῇ γῇ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ τὸν ἄρχοντα Ἀλκαμένη ἀποκτείνουσιν· καὶ αὐτῶν τινὲς ἀπέθανον.

Chapter 11

1 διακριθέντες δὲ πρὸς μὲν τὰς πολεμίας ναῦς ἐπέταξαν ἐφορμεῖν ἱκανάς, ταῖς δὲ λοιπαῖς ἐς τὸ νησίδιον ὁρμίζονται ἐν ᾧ οὐ πολὺ ἀπέχοντι ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο, καὶ ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας ἐπὶ βοήθειαν ἔπεμπον.

2 παρῆσαν γὰρ καὶ τοῖς Πελοποννησίοις τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ οἵ τε Κορίνθιοι βοηθοῦντες ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς καὶ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι πρόσχωροι. καὶ ὁρῶντες τὴν φυλακὴν ἐν χωρίῳ ἐρήμῳ ἐπίπονον οὖσαν ἠπόρουν, καὶ ἐπενόησαν μὲν κατακαῦσαι τὰς ναῦς, ἔπειτα δὲ ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς ἀνελκύσαι καὶ τῷ πεζῷ προσκαθημένους φυλακὴν ἔχειν, ἕως ἄν τις παρατύχῃ διαφυγὴ ἐπιτηδεία. ἔπεμψε δ’ αὐτοῖς καὶ Ἆγις αἰσθόμενος ταῦτα ἄνδρα Σπαρτιάτην Θέρμωνα.

3 τοῖς δὲ Λακεδαιμονίοις πρῶτον μὲν ἠγγέλθη ὅτι αἱ νῆες ἀνηγμέναι εἰσὶν ἐκ τοῦ Ἰσθμοῦ (εἴρητο γάρ, ὅταν γένηται τοῦτο, Ἀλκαμένει ὑπὸ τῶν ἐφόρων ἱππέα πέμψαι), καὶ εὐθὺς τὰς παρὰ σφῶν πέντε ναῦς καὶ Χαλκιδέα ἄρχοντα καὶ Ἀλκιβιάδην μετ’ αὐτοῦ ἐβούλοντο πέμπειν· ἔπειτα ὡρμημένων αὐτῶν τὰ περὶ τὴν ἐν τῷ Σπειραίῳ τῶν νεῶν καταφυγὴν ἠγγέλθη, καὶ ἀθυμήσαντες, ὅτι πρῶτον ἁπτόμενοι τοῦ Ἰωνικοῦ πολέμου ἔπταισαν, τὰς ναῦς τὰς ἐκ τῆς ἑαυτῶν οὐκέτι διενοοῦντο πέμπειν, ἀλλὰ καί τινας προανηγμένας μετακαλεῖν.

Chapter 12

1 γνοὺς δὲ ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης πείθει αὖθις Ἔνδιον καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐφόρους μὴ ἀποκνῆσαι τὸν πλοῦν, λέγων ὅτι φθήσονταί τε πλεύσαντες πρὶν τὴν τῶν νεῶν ξυμφορὰν Χίους αἰσθέσθαι, καὶ αὐτὸς ὅταν προσβάλῃ Ἰωνίᾳ, ῥᾳδίως πείσειν τὰς πόλεις ἀφίστασθαι τήν τε τῶν Ἀθηναίων λέγων ἀσθένειαν καὶ τὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων προθυμίαν· πιστότερος γὰρ ἄλλων φανεῖσθαι.

2 Ἐνδίῳ τε αὐτῷ ἰδίᾳ ἔλεγε καλὸν εἶναι δι’ ἐκείνου ἀποστῆσαί τε Ἰωνίαν καὶ βασιλέα ξύμμαχον ποιῆσαι Λακεδαιμονίοις, καὶ μὴ Ἄγιδος τὸ ἀγώνισμα τοῦτο γενέσθαι· ἐτύγχανε γὰρ τῷ Ἄγιδι αὐτὸς διάφορος ὤν.

3 καὶ ὁ μὲν πείσας τούς τε ἄλλους ἐφόρους καὶ Ἔνδιον ἀνήγετο ταῖς πέντε ναυσὶ μετὰ Χαλκιδέως τοῦ Λακεδαιμονίου, καὶ διὰ τάχους τὸν πλοῦν ἐποιοῦντο.

Chapter 13

1 ἀνεκομίζοντο δὲ ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον τοῦτον καὶ αἱ ἀπὸ τῆς Σικελίας Πελοποννησίων ἑκκαίδεκα νῆες αἱ μετὰ Γυλίππου ξυνδιαπολεμήσασαι· καὶ περὶ τὴν Λευκάδα ἀποληφθεῖσαι καὶ κοπεῖσαι ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀττικῶν ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι νεῶν, ὧν ἦρχεν Ἱπποκλῆς Μενίππου φυλακὴν ἔχων τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς Σικελίας νεῶν, αἱ λοιπαὶ πλὴν μιᾶς διαφυγοῦσαι τοὺς Ἀθηναίους κατέπλευσαν ἐς τὴν Κόρινθον.

Chapter 14

1 ὁ δὲ Χαλκιδεὺς καὶ ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης πλέοντες ὅσοις τε ἐπιτύχοιεν ξυνελάμβανον τοῦ μὴ ἐξάγγελτοι γενέσθαι, καὶ προσβαλόντες πρῶτον Κωρύκῳ τῆς ἠπείρου καὶ ἀφέντες ἐνταῦθα αὐτοὺς αὐτοὶ μὲν προξυγγενόμενοι τῶν ξυμπρασσόντων Χίων τισὶ καὶ κελευόντων καταπλεῖν μὴ προειπόντας ἐς τὴν πόλιν, ἀφικνοῦνται αἰφνίδιοι τοῖς Χίοις.

2 καὶ οἱ μὲν πολλοὶ ἐν θαύματι ἦσαν καὶ ἐκπλήξει· τοῖς δ’ ὀλίγοις παρεσκεύαστο ὥστε βουλήν [τε] τυχεῖν ξυλλεγομένην, καὶ γενομένων λόγων ἀπό τε τοῦ Χαλκιδέως καὶ Ἀλκιβιάδου ὡς ἄλλαι [τε] νῆες πολλαὶ προσπλέουσι καὶ τὰ περὶ τῆς πολιορκίας τῶν ἐν τῷ Σπειραίῳ νεῶν οὐ δηλωσάντων, ἀφίστανται Χῖοι καὶ αὖθις Ἐρυθραῖοι Ἀθηναίων.

3 καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα τρισὶ ναυσὶ πλεύσαντες καὶ Κλαζομενὰς ἀφιστᾶσιν. διαβάντες τε εὐθὺς οἱ Κλαζομένιοι ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον τὴν Πολίχναν ἐτείχιζον, εἴ τι δέοι, σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῆς νησῖδος ἐν ᾗ οἰκοῦσι πρὸς ἀναχώρησιν. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀφεστῶτες ἐν τειχισμῷ τε πάντες ἦσαν καὶ παρασκευῇ πολέμου·

Chapter 15

1 ἐς δὲ τὰς Ἀθήνας ταχὺ ἀγγελία τῆς Χίου ἀφικνεῖται· καὶ νομίσαντες μέγαν ἤδη καὶ σαφῆ τὸν κίνδυνον σφᾶς περιεστάναι, καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς ξυμμάχους οὐκ ἐθελήσειν τῆς μεγίστης πόλεως μεθεστηκυίας ἡσυχάζειν, τά τε χίλια τάλαντα, ὧν διὰ παντὸς τοῦ πολέμου ἐγλίχοντο μὴ ἅψασθαι, εὐθὺς ἔλυσαν τὰς ἐπικειμένας ζημίας τῷ εἰπόντι ἢ ἐπιψηφίσαντι ὑπὸ τῆς παρούσης ἐκπλήξεως, καὶ ἐψηφίσαντο κινεῖν καὶ ναῦς πληροῦν οὐκ ὀλίγας, τῶν τε ἐν τῷ Σπειραίῳ ἐφορμουσῶν τὰς μὲν ὀκτὼ ἤδη πέμπειν, αἳ ἀπολιποῦσαι τὴν φυλακὴν τὰς μετὰ Χαλκιδέως διώξασαι καὶ οὐ καταλαβοῦσαι ἀνεκεχωρήκεσαν (ἦρχε δὲ αὐτῶν Στρομβιχίδης Διοτίμου), ἄλλας δὲ οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον βοηθεῖν δώδεκα μετὰ Θρασυκλέους, ἀπολιπούσας καὶ ταύτας τὴν ἐφόρμησιν.

2 τάς τε τῶν Χίων ἑπτὰ ναῦς, αἳ αὐτοῖς ξυνεπολιόρκουν τὰς ἐν τῷ Σπειραίῳ, ἀπαγαγόντες τοὺς μὲν δούλους ἐξ αὐτῶν ἠλευθέρωσαν, τοὺς δ’ ἐλευθέρους κατέδησαν. ἑτέρας δὲ 〈δέκα〉 ἀντὶ πασῶν τῶν ἀπελθουσῶν νεῶν ἐς τὴν ἐφόρμησιν τῶν Πελοποννησίων διὰ τάχους πληρώσαντες ἀντέπεμψαν καὶ ἄλλας διενοοῦντο τριάκοντα πληροῦν. καὶ πολλὴ ἦν ἡ προθυμία καὶ ὀλίγον ἐπράσσετο οὐδὲν ἐς τὴν βοήθειαν τὴν ἐπὶ τὴν Χίον.

Chapter 16

1 ἐν δὲ τούτῳ Στρομβιχίδης ταῖς ὀκτὼ ναυσὶν ἀφικνεῖται ἐς Σάμον, καὶ προσλαβὼν Σαμίαν μίαν ἔπλευσεν ἐς Τέων καὶ ἡσυχάζειν ἠξίου αὐτούς. ἐκ δὲ τῆς Χίου ἐς τὴν Τέων καὶ ὁ Χαλκιδεὺς μετὰ τριῶν καὶ εἴκοσι νεῶν ἐπέπλει καὶ ὁ πεζὸς ἅμα ὁ τῶν Κλαζομενίων καὶ Ἐρυθραίων παρῄει.

2 προαισθόμενος δὲ ὁ Στρομβιχίδης ἐξανήγετο καὶ μετεωρισθεὶς ἐν τῷ πελάγει ὡς ἑώρα τὰς ναῦς πολλὰς τὰς ἀπὸ τῆς Χίου, φυγὴν ἐποιεῖτο ἐπὶ τῆς Σάμου· αἱ δὲ ἐδίωκον.

3 τὸν δὲ πεζὸν οἱ Τήιοι τὸ πρῶτον οὐκ ἐσδεχόμενοι, ὡς ἔφυγον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἐσηγάγοντο. καὶ ἐπέσχον μὲν οἱ πεζοὶ καὶ Χαλκιδέα ἐκ τῆς διώξεως περιμένοντες· ὡς δὲ ἐχρόνιζε, καθῄρουν αὐτοί τε τὸ τεῖχος ὃ ἀνῳκοδόμησαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τῆς Τηίων πόλεως τὸ πρὸς ἤπειρον, ξυγκαθῄρουν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων ἐπελθόντες οὐ πολλοί, ὧν ἦρχε Στάγης ὕπαρχος Τισσαφέρνους.

Chapter 17

1 Χαλκιδεὺς δὲ καὶ Ἀλκιβιάδης ὡς κατεδίωξαν ἐς Σάμον Στρομβιχίδην, ἐκ μὲν τῶν ἐκ Πελοποννήσου νεῶν τοὺς ναύτας ὁπλίσαντες ἐν Χίῳ καταλιμπάνουσιν, ἀντιπληρώσαντες δὲ ταύτας τε ἐκ Χίου καὶ ἄλλας εἴκοσιν ἔπλεον ἐς Μίλητον ὡς ἀποστήσοντες·

2 ἐβούλετο γὰρ ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης, ὢν ἐπιτήδειος τοῖς προεστῶσι τῶν Μιλησίων, φθάσαι τάς τε ἀπὸ τῆς Πελοποννήσου ναῦς προσαγαγόμενος αὐτοὺς καὶ τοῖς Χίοις καὶ ἑαυτῷ καὶ Χαλκιδεῖ καὶ τῷ ἀποστείλαντι Ἐνδίῳ, ὥσπερ ὑπέσχετο, τὸ ἀγώνισμα προσθεῖναι, ὅτι πλείστας τῶν πόλεων μετὰ τῆς Χίων δυνάμεως καὶ Χαλκιδέως ἀποστήσας.

3 λαθόντες οὖν τὸ πλεῖστον τοῦ πλοῦ καὶ φθάσαντες οὐ πολὺ τόν τε Στρομβιχίδην καὶ τὸν Θρασυκλέα, ὃς ἔτυχεν ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν δώδεκα ναυσὶν ἄρτι παρὼν καὶ ξυνδιώκων, ἀφιστᾶσι τὴν Μίλητον. καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι κατὰ πόδας μιᾶς δεούσαις εἴκοσι ναυσὶν ἐπιπλεύσαντες, ὡς αὐτοὺς οὐκ ἐδέχοντο οἱ Μιλήσιοι, ἐν Λάδῃ τῇ ἐπικειμένῃ νήσῳ ἐφώρμουν.

4 καὶ ἡ πρὸς βασιλέα ξυμμαχία Λακεδαιμονίοις ἡ πρώτη Μιλησίων εὐθὺς ἀποστάντων διὰ Τισσαφέρνους καὶ Χαλκιδέως ἐγένετο ἥδε.

Chapter 18

1 ‘ἐπὶ τοῖσδε ξυμμαχίαν ἐποιήσαντο πρὸς βασιλέα καὶ Τισσαφέρνην Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι. ὁπόσην χώραν καὶ πόλεις βασιλεὺς ἔχει καὶ οἱ πατέρες οἱ βασιλέως εἶχον, βασιλέως ἔστω· καὶ ἐκ τούτων τῶν πόλεων ὁπόσα Ἀθηναίοις ἐφοίτα χρήματα ἢ ἄλλο τι, κωλυόντων κοινῇ βασιλεὺς καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ὅπως μήτε χρήματα λαμβάνωσιν Ἀθηναῖοι μήτε ἄλλο μηδέν.

2 καὶ τὸν πόλεμον τὸν πρὸς Ἀθηναίους κοινῇ πολεμούντων βασιλεὺς καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι· καὶ κατάλυσιν τοῦ πολέμου πρὸς Ἀθηναίους μὴ ἐξέστω ποιεῖσθαι, ἢν μὴ ἀμφοτέροις δοκῇ, βασιλεῖ καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ τοῖς ξυμμάχοις.

3 ἢν δέ τινες ἀφιστῶνται ἀπὸ βασιλέως, πολέμιοι ὄντων καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ τοῖς ξυμμάχοις· καὶ ἤν τινες ἀφιστῶνται ἀπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων, πολέμιοι ὄντων βασιλεῖ κατὰ ταὐτά.’

Chapter 19

1 ἡ μὲν ξυμμαχία αὕτη ἐγένετο· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα οἱ Χῖοι εὐθὺς δέκα ἑτέρας πληρώσαντες ναῦς ἔπλευσαν ἐς Ἄναια, βουλόμενοι περί τε τῶν ἐν Μιλήτῳ πυθέσθαι καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἅμα ἀφιστάναι.

2 καὶ ἐλθούσης παρὰ Χαλκιδέως ἀγγελίας αὐτοῖς ἀποπλεῖν πάλιν, καὶ ὅτι Ἀμόργης παρέσται κατὰ γῆν στρατιᾷ, ἔπλευσαν ἐς Διὸς ἱερόν· καὶ καθορῶσιν ἑκκαίδεκα ναῦς, ἃς ὕστερον ἔτι Θρασυκλέους Διομέδων ἔχων ἀπ’ Ἀθηνῶν προσέπλει.

3 καὶ ὡς εἶδον, ἔφευγον μιᾷ μὲν νηὶ ἐς Ἔφεσον, αἱ δὲ λοιπαὶ ἐπὶ τῆς Τέω. καὶ τέσσαρας μὲν κενὰς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι λαμβάνουσι τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐς τὴν γῆν φθασάντων· αἱ δ’ ἄλλαι ἐς τὴν Τηίων πόλιν καταφεύγουσιν.

4 καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι ἐπὶ τῆς Σάμου ἀπέπλευσαν, οἱ δὲ Χῖοι ταῖς λοιπαῖς ναυσὶν ἀναγαγόμενοι καὶ ὁ πεζὸς μετ’ αὐτῶν Λέβεδον ἀπέστησαν καὶ αὖθις Αἱράς. καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο ἕκαστοι ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀπεκομίσθησαν, καὶ ὁ πεζὸς καὶ αἱ νῆες.

Chapter 20

1 ὑπὸ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους αἱ ἐν τῷ Σπειραίῳ εἴκοσι νῆες τῶν Πελοποννησίων, καταδιωχθεῖσαι τότε καὶ ἐφορμούμεναι ἴσῳ ἀριθμῷ ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων, ἐπέκπλουν ποιησάμεναι αἰφνίδιον καὶ κρατήσασαι ναυμαχίᾳ τέσσαράς τε ναῦς λαμβάνουσι τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ ἀποπλεύσασαι ἐς Κεγχρειὰς τὸν ἐς τὴν Χίον καὶ τὴν Ἰωνίαν πλοῦν αὖθις παρεσκευάζοντο. καὶ ναύαρχος αὐτοῖς ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος Ἀστύοχος ἐπῆλθεν, ᾧπερ ἐγίγνετο ἤδη πᾶσα ἡ ναυαρχία.

2 ἀναχωρήσαντος δὲ τοῦ ἐκ τῆς Τέω πεζοῦ καὶ Τισσαφέρνης αὐτὸς στρατιᾷ παραγενόμενος καὶ ἐπικαθελὼν τὸ ἐν τῇ Τέῳ τεῖχος, εἴ τι ὑπελείφθη, ἀνεχώρησεν. καὶ Διομέδων ἀπελθόντος αὐτοῦ οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον δέκα ναυσὶν Ἀθηναίων ἀφικόμενος ἐσπείσατο Τηίοις ὥστε δέχεσθαι καὶ σφᾶς. καὶ παραπλεύσας ἐπὶ Αἱρὰς καὶ προσβαλών, ὡς οὐκ ἐλάμβανε τὴν πόλιν, ἀπέπλευσεν.

Chapter 21

1 ἐγένετο δὲ κατὰ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον καὶ ἡ ἐν Σάμῳ ἐπανάστασις ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου τοῖς δυνατοῖς μετὰ Ἀθηναίων, οἳ ἔτυχον ἐν τρισὶ ναυσὶ παρόντες. καὶ ὁ δῆμος ὁ Σαμίων ἐς διακοσίους μέν τινας τοὺς πάντας τῶν δυνατωτάτων ἀπέκτεινε, τετρακοσίους δὲ φυγῇ ζημιώσαντες καὶ αὐτοὶ τὴν γῆν αὐτῶν καὶ οἰκίας νειμάμενοι, Ἀθηναίων τε σφίσιν αὐτονομίαν μετὰ ταῦτα ὡς βεβαίοις ἤδη ψηφισαμένων, τὰ λοιπὰ διῴκουν τὴν πόλιν, καὶ τοῖς γεωμόροις μετεδίδοσαν οὔτε ἄλλου οὐδενὸς οὔτε ἐκδοῦναι οὐδ’ ἀγαγέσθαι παρ’ ἐκείνων οὐδ’ ἐς ἐκείνους οὐδενὶ ἔτι τοῦ δήμου ἐξῆν.

Chapter 22

1 μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοῦ αὐτοῦ θέρους οἱ Χῖοι, ὥσπερ ἤρξαντο, οὐδὲν ἀπολείποντες προθυμίας, ἄνευ τε Πελοποννησίων πλήθει παρόντες ἀποστῆσαι τὰς πόλεις καὶ βουλόμενοι ἅμα ὡς πλείστους σφίσι ξυγκινδυνεύειν, στρατεύονται αὐτοί τε τρισκαίδεκα ναυσὶν ἐπὶ τὴν Λέσβον, ὥσπερ εἴρητο ὑπὸ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων δεύτερον ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν ἰέναι καὶ ἐκεῖθεν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον, καὶ ὁ πεζὸς ἅμα Πελοποννησίων τε τῶν παρόντων καὶ τῶν αὐτόθεν ξυμμάχων παρῄει ἐπὶ Κλαζομενῶν τε καὶ Κύμης· ἦρχε δ’ αὐτοῦ Εὐάλας Σπαρτιάτης, τῶν δὲ νεῶν Δεινιάδας περίοικος.

2 καὶ αἱ μὲν νῆες καταπλεύσασαι Μήθυμναν πρῶτον ἀφιστᾶσι, καὶ καταλείπονται τέσσαρες νῆες ἐν αὐτῇ· καὶ αὖθις αἱ λοιπαὶ Μυτιλήνην ἀφιστᾶσιν.

Chapter 23

1 Ἀστύοχος δὲ ὁ Λακεδαιμόνιος ναύαρχος τέσσαρσι ναυσίν, ὥσπερ ὥρμητο, πλέων ἐκ τῶν Κεγχρειῶν ἀφικνεῖται ἐς Χίον. καὶ τρίτην ἡμέραν αὐτοῦ ἥκοντος αἱ Ἀττικαὶ νῆες πέντε καὶ εἴκοσιν ἔπλεον ἐς Λέσβον, ὧν ἦρχε Λέων καὶ Διομέδων· Λέων γὰρ ὕστερον δέκα ναυσὶ προσεβοήθησεν ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν.

2 ἀναγαγόμενος δὲ καὶ ὁ Ἀστύοχος τῇ αὐτῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἐς ὀψὲ καὶ προσλαβὼν Χίαν ναῦν μίαν ἔπλει ἐς τὴν Λέσβον, ὅπως ὠφελοίη, εἴ τι δύναιτο. καὶ ἀφικνεῖται ἐς τὴν Πύρραν, ἐκεῖθεν δὲ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἐς Ἔρεσον, ἔνθα πυνθάνεται ὅτι ἡ Μυτιλήνη ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων αὐτοβοεὶ ἑάλωκεν·

3 οἱ γὰρ Ἀθηναῖοι ὥσπερ ἔπλεον ἀπροσδόκητοι κατασχόντες ἐς τὸν λιμένα τῶν τε Χίων νεῶν ἐκράτησαν καὶ ἀποβάντες τοὺς ἀντιστάντας μάχῃ νικήσαντες τὴν πόλιν ἔσχον.

4 ἃ πυνθανόμενος ὁ Ἀστύοχος τῶν τε Ἐρεσίων καὶ τῶν ἐκ τῆς Μηθύμνης μετ’ Εὐβούλου Χίων νεῶν, αἳ τότε καταλειφθεῖσαι καὶ ὡς ἡ Μυτιλήνη ἑάλω φεύγουσαι περιέτυχον αὐτῷ τρεῖς (μία γὰρ ἑάλω ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων), οὐκέτι ἐπὶ τὴν Μυτιλήνην ὥρμησεν, ἀλλὰ τὴν Ἔρεσον ἀποστήσας καὶ ὁπλίσας, καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ νεῶν ὁπλίτας πεζῇ παραπέμπει ἐπὶ τὴν Ἄντισσαν καὶ Μήθυμναν ἄρχοντα Ἐτεόνικον προστάξας· καὶ αὐτὸς ταῖς τε μεθ’ ἑαυτοῦ ναυσὶ καὶ ταῖς τρισὶ ταῖς Χίαις παρέπλει, ἐλπίζων τοὺς Μηθυμναίους θαρσήσειν τε ἰδόντας σφᾶς καὶ ἐμμενεῖν τῇ ἀποστάσει.

5 ὡς δὲ αὐτῷ τὰ ἐν τῇ Λέσβῳ πάντα ἠναντιοῦτο, ἀπέπλευσε τὸν ἑαυτοῦ στρατὸν πεζὸν ἀναλαβὼν ἐς τὴν Χίον. ἀπεκομίσθη δὲ πάλιν κατὰ πόλεις καὶ ὁ τῶν ξυμμάχων πεζός, ὃς ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἐμέλλησεν ἰέναι. καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν Κεγχρειᾷ ξυμμαχίδων Πελοποννησίων νεῶν ἀφικνοῦνται αὐτοῖς ἓξ μετὰ ταῦτα ἐς τὴν Χίον.

6 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι τά τ’ ἐν τῇ Λέσβῳ πάλιν κατεστήσαντο καὶ πλεύσαντες ἐξ αὐτῆς Κλαζομενίων τὴν ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ Πολίχναν τειχιζομένην ἑλόντες διεκόμισαν πάλιν αὐτοὺς ἐς τὴν ἐν τῇ νήσῳ πόλιν, πλὴν τῶν αἰτίων τῆς ἀποστάσεως· οὗτοι δὲ ἐς Δαφνοῦντα ἀπῆλθον. καὶ αὖθις Κλαζομεναὶ προσεχώρησαν Ἀθηναίοις.

Chapter 24

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ θέρους οἵ τ’ ἐπὶ Μιλήτῳ Ἀθηναῖοι ταῖς εἴκοσι ναυσὶν ἐν τῇ Λάδῃ ἐφορμοῦντες ἀπόβασιν ποιησάμενοι ἐς Πάνορμον τῆς Μιλησίας Χαλκιδέα τε τὸν Λακεδαιμόνιον ἄρχοντα μετ’ ὀλίγων παραβοηθήσαντα ἀποκτείνουσι καὶ τροπαῖον τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ ὕστερον διαπλεύσαντες ἔστησαν, ὃ οἱ Μιλήσιοι ὡς οὐ μετὰ κράτους τῆς γῆς σταθὲν ἀνεῖλον·

2 καὶ Λέων καὶ Διομέδων ἔχοντες τὰς ἐκ Λέσβου Ἀθηναίων ναῦς, ἔκ τε Οἰνουσσῶν τῶν πρὸ Χίου νήσων καὶ ἐκ Σιδούσσης καὶ ἐκ Πτελεοῦ, ἃ ἐν τῇ Ἐρυθραίᾳ εἶχον τείχη, καὶ ἐκ τῆς Λέσβου ὁρμώμενοι τὸν πρὸς τοὺς Χίους πόλεμον ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν ἐποιοῦντο· εἶχον δ’ ἐπιβάτας τῶν ὁπλιτῶν ἐκ καταλόγου ἀναγκαστούς.

3 καὶ ἔν τε Καρδαμύλῃ ἀποβάντες καὶ ἐν Βολίσκῳ τοὺς προσβοηθήσαντας τῶν Χίων μάχῃ νικήσαντες καὶ πολλοὺς διαφθείραντες ἀνάστατα ἐποίησαν τὰ ταύτῃ χωρία, καὶ ἐν Φάναις αὖθις ἄλλῃ μάχῃ ἐνίκησαν καὶ τρίτῃ ἐν Λευκωνίῳ. καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο οἱ μὲν Χῖοι ἤδη οὐκέτι ἐπεξῇσαν, οἱ δὲ τὴν χώραν καλῶς κατεσκευασμένην καὶ ἀπαθῆ οὖσαν ἀπὸ τῶν Μηδικῶν μέχρι τότε διεπόρθησαν.

4 Χῖοι γὰρ μόνοι μετὰ Λακεδαιμονίους ὧν ἐγὼ ᾐσθόμην ηὐδαιμόνησάν τε ἅμα καὶ ἐσωφρόνησαν, καὶ ὅσῳ ἐπεδίδου ἡ πόλις αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τὸ μεῖζον, τόσῳ δὲ καὶ ἐκοσμοῦντο ἐχυρώτερον.

5 καὶ οὐδ’ αὐτὴν τὴν ἀπόστασιν, εἰ τοῦτο δοκοῦσι παρὰ τὸ ἀσφαλέστερον πρᾶξαι, πρότερον ἐτόλμησαν ποιήσασθαι ἢ μετὰ πολλῶν τε καὶ ἀγαθῶν ξυμμάχων ἔμελλον ξυγκινδυνεύσειν καὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ᾐσθάνοντο οὐδ’ αὐτοὺς ἀντιλέγοντας ἔτι μετὰ τὴν Σικελικὴν ξυμφορὰν ὡς οὐ πάνυ πονηρά σφῶν [βεβαίως] τὰ πράγματα εἴη· εἰ δέ τι ἐν τοῖς ἀνθρωπείοις τοῦ βίου παραλόγοις ἐσφάλησαν, μετὰ πολλῶν οἷς ταὐτὰ ἔδοξε, τὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ταχὺ ξυναναιρεθήσεσθαι, τὴν ἁμαρτίαν ξυνέγνωσαν.

6 εἰργομένοις οὖν αὐτοῖς τῆς θαλάσσης καὶ κατὰ γῆν πορθουμένοις ἐνεχείρησάν τινες πρὸς Ἀθηναίους ἀγαγεῖν τὴν πόλιν· οὓς αἰσθόμενοι οἱ ἄρχοντες αὐτοὶ μὲν ἡσύχασαν, Ἀστύοχον δὲ ἐξ Ἐρυθρῶν τὸν ναύαρχον μετὰ τεσσάρων νεῶν, αἳ παρῆσαν αὐτῷ, κομίσαντες ἐσκόπουν ὅπως μετριώτατα ἢ ὁμήρων λήψει ἢ ἄλλῳ τῳ τρόπῳ καταπαύσουσι τὴν ἐπιβουλήν. καὶ οἱ μὲν ταῦτα ἔπρασσον.

Chapter 25

1 ἐκ δὲ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν τοῦ αὐτοῦ θέρους τελευτῶντος χίλιοι ὁπλῖται Ἀθηναίων καὶ πεντακόσιοι καὶ χίλιοι Ἀργείων (τοὺς γὰρ πεντακοσίους τῶν Ἀργείων ψιλοὺς ὄντας ὥπλισαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι) καὶ χίλιοι τῶν ξυμμάχων ναυσὶ δυοῖν δεούσαις πεντήκοντα, ὧν ἦσαν καὶ ὁπλιταγωγοί, Φρυνίχου καὶ Ὀνομακλέους καὶ Σκιρωνίδου στρατηγούντων κατέπλευσαν ἐς Σάμον, καὶ διαβάντες ἐς Μίλητον ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο.

2 Μιλήσιοι δὲ ἐξελθόντες αὐτοί τε, ὀκτακόσιοι ὁπλῖται, καὶ οἱ μετὰ Χαλκιδέως ἐλθόντες Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ Τισσαφέρνους τι [ξενικὸν] ἐπικουρικόν, καὶ αὐτὸς Τισσαφέρνης παρὼν καὶ ἡ ἵππος αὐτοῦ, ξυνέβαλον τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις καὶ τοῖς ξυμμάχοις.

3 καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἀργεῖοι τῷ σφετέρῳ αὐτῶν κέρᾳ προεξᾴξαντες καὶ καταφρονήσαντες, ὡς ἐπ᾽ Ἴωνάς τε καὶ οὐ δεξομένους ἀτακτότερον χωροῦντες, νικῶνται ὑπὸ τῶν Μιλησίων καὶ διαφθείρονται αὐτῶν ὀλίγῳ ἐλάσσους τριακοσίων ἀνδρῶν·

4 Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ τούς τε Πελοποννησίους πρώτους νικήσαντες καὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους καὶ τὸν ἄλλον ὄχλον ὠσάμενοι, τοῖς Μιλησίοις οὐ ξυμμείξαντες, ἀλλ’ ὑποχωρησάντων αὐτῶν ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν Ἀργείων τροπῆς ἐς τὴν πόλιν ὡς ἑώρων τὸ ἄλλο σφῶν ἡσσώμενον, πρὸς αὐτὴν τὴν πόλιν τῶν Μιλησίων κρατοῦντες ἤδη τὰ ὅπλα τίθενται.

5 καὶ ξυνέβη ἐν τῇ μάχῃ ταύτῃ τοὺς Ἴωνας ἀμφοτέρωθεν τῶν Δωριῶν κρατῆσαι· τούς τε γὰρ κατὰ σφᾶς Πελοποννησίους οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐνίκων καὶ τοὺς Ἀργείους οἱ Μιλήσιοι. στήσαντες δὲ τροπαῖον τὸν περιτειχισμὸν ἰσθμώδους ὄντος τοῦ χωρίου οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι παρεσκευάζοντο, νομίζοντες, εἰ προσαγάγοιντο Μίλητον, ῥᾳδίως ἂν σφίσι καὶ τἆλλα προσχωρῆσαι.

Chapter 26

1 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ περὶ δείλην ἤδη ὀψίαν ἀγγέλλεται αὐτοῖς τὰς ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου καὶ Σικελίας πέντε καὶ πεντήκοντα ναῦς ὅσον οὐ παρεῖναι. τῶν τε γὰρ Σικελιωτῶν, Ἑρμοκράτους τοῦ Συρακοσίου μάλιστα ἐνάγοντος ξυνεπιλαβέσθαι καὶ τῆς ὑπολοίπου Ἀθηναίων καταλύσεως, εἴκοσι νῆες Συρακοσίων ἦλθον καὶ Σελινούντιαι δύο, αἵ τε ἐκ Πελοποννήσου, ἃς παρεσκευάζοντο, ἑτοῖμαι ἤδη οὖσαι· καὶ Θηριμένει τῷ Λακεδαιμονίῳ ξυναμφότεραι ὡς Ἀστύοχον τὸν ναύαρχον προσταχθεῖσαι κομίσαι, κατέπλευσαν ἐς Λέρον πρῶτον τὴν πρὸ Μιλήτου νῆσον·

2 ἔπειτα ἐκεῖθεν αἰσθόμενοι ἐπὶ Μιλήτῳ ὄντας Ἀθηναίους ἐς τὸν Ἰασικὸν κόλπον πρότερον πλεύσαντες ἐβούλοντο εἰδέναι τὰ περὶ τῆς Μιλήτου.

3 ἐλθόντος δὲ Ἀλκιβιάδου ἵππῳ ἐς Τειχιοῦσσαν τῆς Μιλησίας, οἷπερ τοῦ κόλπου πλεύσαντες ηὐλίσαντο, πυνθάνονται τὰ περὶ τῆς μάχης (παρῆν γὰρ ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης καὶ ξυνεμάχετο τοῖς Μιλησίοις καὶ Τισσαφέρνει), καὶ αὐτοῖς παρῄνει, εἰ μὴ βούλονται τά τε ἐν Ἰωνίᾳ καὶ τὰ ξύμπαντα πράγματα διολέσαι, ὡς τάχιστα βοηθεῖν Μιλήτῳ καὶ μὴ περιιδεῖν ἀποτειχισθεῖσαν.

Chapter 27

1 καὶ οἱ μὲν ἅμα τῇ ἕῳ ἔμελλον βοηθήσειν· Φρύνιχος δὲ ὁ τῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατηγός, ὡς ἀπὸ τῆς Λέρου ἐπύθετο τὰ τῶν νεῶν σαφῶς, βουλομένων τῶν ξυναρχόντων ὑπομείναντας διαναυμαχεῖν, οὐκ ἔφη οὔτ’ αὐτὸς ποιήσειν τοῦτο οὔτ’ ἐκείνοις οὐδ’ ἄλλῳ οὐδενὶ ἐς δύναμιν ἐπιτρέψειν.

2 ὅπου γὰρ [ἔξεστιν] ἐν ὑστέρῳ σαφῶς εἰδότας πρὸς ὁπόσας τε ναῦς πολεμίας καὶ ὅσαις πρὸς αὐτὰς ταῖς σφετέραις ἱκανῶς καὶ καθ’ ἡσυχίαν παρασκευασαμένοις ἔσται ἀγωνίσασθαι, οὐδέποτε τῷ αἰσχρῷ ὀνείδει εἴξας ἀλόγως διακινδυνεύσειν.

3 οὐ γὰρ αἰσχρὸν εἶναι Ἀθηναίους ναυτικῷ μετὰ καιροῦ ὑποχωρῆσαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ ὁτουοῦν τρόπου αἴσχιον ξυμβήσεσθαι ἢν ἡσσηθῶσιν· καὶ τὴν πόλιν οὐ μόνον τῷ αἰσχρῷ, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ μεγίστῳ κινδύνῳ περιπίπτειν, ᾗ μόλις ἐπὶ ταῖς γεγενημέναις ξυμφοραῖς ἐνδέχεσθαι μετὰ βεβαίου παρασκευῆς καθ’ ἑκουσίαν, ἢ πάνυ γε ἀνάγκῃ, προτέρᾳ ποι ἐπιχειρεῖν, ἦ που δὴ μὴ βιαζομένῃ γε πρὸς αὐθαιρέτους κινδύνους ἰέναι.

4 ὡς τάχιστα δὲ ἐκέλευε τούς τε τραυματίας ἀναλαβόντας καὶ τὸν πεζὸν καὶ τῶν σκευῶν ὅσα ἦλθον ἔχοντες, ἃ δ’ ἐκ τῆς πολεμίας εἰλήφασι καταλιπόντας ὅπως κοῦφαι ὦσιν αἱ νῆες, ἀποπλεῖν ἐς Σάμον, κἀκεῖθεν ἤδη ξυναγαγόντας πάσας τὰς ναῦς τοὺς ἐπίπλους, ἤν που καιρὸς ᾖ, ποιεῖσθαι.

5 ὡς δὲ ἔπεισε, καὶ ἔδρασε ταῦτα· καὶ ἔδοξεν οὐκ ἐν τῷ αὐτίκα μᾶλλον ἢ ὕστερον, οὐκ ἐς τοῦτο μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐς ὅσα ἄλλα Φρύνιχος κατέστη, οὐκ ἀξύνετος εἶναι.

6 καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι ἀφ’ ἑσπέρας εὐθὺς τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ ἀτελεῖ τῇ νίκῃ ἀπὸ τῆς Μιλήτου ἀνέστησαν, καὶ οἱ Ἀργεῖοι κατὰ τάχος καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν τῆς ξυμφορᾶς ἀπέπλευσαν ἐκ τῆς Σάμου ἐπ’ οἴκου·

Chapter 28

1 οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι ἅμα τῇ ἕῳ ἐκ τῆς Τειχιούσσης ἄραντες ἐπικατάγονται, καὶ μείναντες ἡμέραν μίαν τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ καὶ τὰς Χίας ναῦς προσλαβόντες τὰς μετὰ Χαλκιδέως τὸ πρῶτον ξυγκαταδιωχθείσας ἐβούλοντο πλεῦσαι ἐπὶ τὰ σκεύη ἃ ἐξείλοντο ἐς Τειχιοῦσσαν πάλιν.

2 καὶ ὡς ἦλθον, Τισσαφέρνης τῷ πεζῷ παρελθὼν πείθει αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ Ἴασον, ἐν ᾗ Ἀμόργης πολέμιος ὢν κατεῖχε, πλεῦσαι. καὶ προσβαλόντες τῇ Ἰάσῳ αἰφνίδιοι καὶ οὐ προσδεχομένων ἀλλ’ ἢ Ἀττικὰς τὰς ναῦς εἶναι αἱροῦσιν· καὶ μάλιστα ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ οἱ Συρακόσιοι ἐπῃνέθησαν.

3 καὶ τόν τε Ἀμόργην ζῶντα λαβόντες, Πισσούθνου νόθον υἱόν, ἀφεστῶτα δὲ βασιλέως, παραδιδόασιν οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι Τισσαφέρνει ἀπαγαγεῖν, εἰ βούλεται, βασιλεῖ, ὥσπερ αὐτῷ προσέταξε, καὶ τὴν Ἴασον διεπόρθησαν καὶ χρήματα πάνυ πολλὰ ἡ στρατιὰ ἔλαβεν· παλαιόπλουτον γὰρ ἦν τὸ χωρίον.

4 τούς τ’ ἐπικούρους τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἀμόργην παρὰ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς κομίσαντες καὶ οὐκ ἀδικήσαντες ξυνέταξαν, ὅτι ἦσαν οἱ πλεῖστοι ἐκ Πελοποννήσου· τό τε πόλισμα Τισσαφέρνει παραδόντες καὶ τὰ ἀνδράποδα πάντα καὶ δοῦλα καὶ ἐλεύθερα, ὧν καθ’ ἕκαστον στατῆρα Δαρεικὸν παρ’ αὐτοῦ ξυνέβησαν λαβεῖν, ἔπειτα ἀνεχώρησαν ἐς τὴν Μίλητον.

5 καὶ Πεδάριτόν τε τὸν Λέοντος ἐς τὴν Χίον ἄρχοντα Λακεδαιμονίων πεμψάντων ἀποστέλλουσι πεζῇ μέχρι Ἐρυθρῶν ἔχοντα τὸ παρὰ Ἀμόργου ἐπικουρικόν, καὶ ἐς τὴν Μίλητον αὐτοῦ Φίλιππον καθιστᾶσιν. καὶ τὸ θέρος ἐτελεύτα.

Chapter 29

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος, ἐπειδὴ τὴν Ἴασον κατεστήσατο ὁ Τισσαφέρνης ἐς φυλακήν, παρῆλθεν ἐς τὴν Μίλητον, καὶ μηνὸς μὲν τροφήν, ὥσπερ ὑπέστη ἐν τῇ Λακεδαίμονι, ἐς δραχμὴν Ἀττικὴν ἑκάστῳ πάσαις ταῖς ναυσὶ διέδωκε, τοῦ δὲ λοιποῦ χρόνου ἐβούλετο τριώβολον διδόναι, ἕως ἂν βασιλέα ἐπέρηται· ἢν δὲ κελεύῃ, δώσειν ἔφη ἐντελῆ τὴν δραχμήν.

2 Ἑρμοκράτους δὲ ἀντειπόντος τοῦ Συρακοσίου στρατηγοῦ (ὁ γὰρ Θηριμένης οὐ ναύαρχος ὤν, ἀλλ’ Ἀστυόχῳ παραδοῦναι τὰς ναῦς ξυμπλέων μαλακὸς ἦν περὶ τοῦ μισθοῦ) ὅμως δὲ παρὰ πέντε ναῦς πλέον ἀνδρὶ ἑκάστῳ ἢ τρεῖς ὀβολοὶ ὡμολογήθησαν. ἐς γὰρ πέντε ναῦς καὶ πεντήκοντα τριάκοντα τάλαντα ἐδίδου τοῦ μηνός· καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις, ὅσῳ πλείους νῆες ἦσαν τούτου τοῦ ἀριθμοῦ, κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν λόγον τοῦτον ἐδίδοτο.

Chapter 30

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος τοῖς ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ Ἀθηναίοις προσαφιγμέναι γὰρ ἦσαν καὶ οἴκοθεν ἄλλαι νῆες πέντε καὶ τριάκοντα καὶ στρατηγοὶ Χαρμῖνος καὶ Στρομβιχίδης καὶ Εὐκτήμων, καὶ τὰς ἀπὸ Χίου καὶ τὰς ἄλλας πάσας ξυναγαγόντες ἐβούλοντο διακληρωσάμενοι ἐπὶ μὲν τῇ Μιλήτῳ τῷ ναυτικῷ ἐφορμεῖν, πρὸς δὲ τὴν Χίον καὶ ναυτικὸν καὶ πεζὸν πέμψαι.

2 καὶ ἐποίησαν οὕτως· Στρομβιχίδης μὲν γὰρ καὶ Ὀνομακλῆς καὶ Εὐκτήμων τριάκοντα ναῦς ἔχοντες καὶ τῶν ἐς Μίλητον ἐλθόντων χιλίων ὁπλιτῶν μέρος ἄγοντες ἐν ναυσὶν ὁπλιταγωγοῖς ἐπὶ Χίον λαχόντες ἔπλεον, οἱ δ’ ἄλλοι ἐν Σάμῳ μένοντες τέσσαρσι καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα ναυσὶν ἐθαλασσοκράτουν καὶ ἐπίπλους τῇ Μιλήτῳ ἐποιοῦντο.

Chapter 31

1 ὁ δ’ Ἀστύοχος ὡς τότε ἐν τῇ Χίῳ ἔτυχε διὰ τὴν προδοσίαν τοὺς ὁμήρους καταλεγόμενος τούτου μὲν ἐπέσχεν,ἐπειδὴ ᾔσθετο τάς τε μετὰ Θηριμένους ναῦς ἡκούσας καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν ξυμμαχίαν βελτίω ὄντα, λαβὼν δὲ ναῦς τάς τε Πελοποννησίων δέκα καὶ Χίας δέκα ἀνάγεται,

2 καὶ προσβαλὼν Πτελεῷ καὶ οὐχ ἑλὼν παρέπλευσεν ἐπὶ Κλαζομενὰς καὶ ἐκέλευεν αὐτῶν τοὺς τὰ Ἀθηναίων φρονοῦντας ἀνοικίζεσθαι ἐς τὸν Δαφνοῦντα καὶ προσχωρεῖν σφίσιν· ξυνεκέλευε δὲ καὶ Τάμως Ἰωνίας ὕπαρχος ὤν.

3 ὡς δ’ οὐκ ἐσήκουον, προσβολὴν ποιησάμενος τῇ πόλει οὔσῃ ἀτειχίστῳ καὶ οὐ δυνάμενος ἑλεῖν, ἀπέπλευσεν ἀνέμῳ μεγάλῳ αὐτὸς μὲν ἐς Φώκαιαν καὶ Κύμην, αἱ δὲ ἄλλαι νῆες κατῆραν ἐς τὰς ἐπικειμένας ταῖς Κλαζομεναῖς νήσους, Μαραθοῦσσαν καὶ Πήλην καὶ Δρυμοῦσσαν.

4 καὶ ὅσα ὑπεξέκειτο αὐτόθι τῶν Κλαζομενίων, ἡμέρας ἐμμείναντες διὰ τοὺς ἀνέμους ὀκτὼ τὰ μὲν διήρπασαν καὶ ἀνήλωσαν, τὰ δὲ ἐσβαλόμενοι ἀπέπλευσαν ἐς Φώκαιαν καὶ Κύμην ὡς Ἀστύοχον.

Chapter 32

1 ὄντος δ’ αὐτοῦ ἐνταῦθα Λεσβίων ἀφικνοῦνται πρέσβεις βουλόμενοι αὖθις ἀποστῆναι· καὶ αὐτὸν μὲν πείθουσιν, ὡς δ’ οἵ τε Κορίνθιοι καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι ξύμμαχοι ἀπρόθυμοι ἦσαν διὰ τὸ πρότερον σφάλμα, ἄρας ἔπλει ἐπὶ τῆς Χίου. καὶ χειμασθεισῶν τῶν νεῶν ὕστερον ἀφικνοῦνται ἄλλαι ἄλλοθεν ἐς τὴν Χίον.

2 καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο Πεδάριτος, τότε παριὼν πεζῇ ἐκ τῆς Μιλήτου, γενόμενος ἐν Ἐρυθραῖς διαπεραιοῦται αὐτός τε καὶ ἡ στρατιὰ ἐς Χίον· ὑπῆρχον δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ ἐκ τῶν πέντε νεῶν στρατιῶται ὑπὸ Χαλκιδέως ἐς πεντακοσίους ξὺν ὅπλοις καταλειφθέντες.

3 ἐπαγγελλομένων δέ τινων Λεσβίων τὴν ἀπόστασιν, προσφέρει τῷ τε Πεδαρίτῳ καὶ τοῖς Χίοις ὁ Ἀστύοχος τὸν λόγον ὡς χρὴ παραγενομένους ταῖς ναυσὶν ἀποστῆσαι τὴν λέσβον· ἢ γὰρ ξυμμάχους πλείους σφᾶς ἕξειν, ἢ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, ἤν τι σφάλλωνται,κακώσειν. οἱ δ᾽ οὐκ ἐσήκουον, οὐδὲ τὰς ναῦς ὁ Πεδάριτος ἔφη τῶν Χίων αὐτῷ προήσειν.

Chapter 33

1 κἀκεῖνος λαβὼν τάς τε τῶν Κορινθίων πέντε καὶ ἕκτην Μεγαρίδα καὶ μίαν Ἑρμιονίδα καὶ ἃς αὐτὸς Λακωνικὰς ἔχων ἦλθεν, ἔπλει ἐπὶ τῆς Μιλήτου πρὸς τὴν ναυαρχίαν, πολλὰ ἀπειλήσας τοῖς Χίοις ἦ μὴν μὴ ἐπιβοηθήσειν, ἤν τι δέωνται.

2 καὶ προσβαλὼν Κωρύκῳ τῆς Ἐρυθραίας ἐνηυλίσατο. οἱ δ’ ἀπὸ τῆς Σάμου Ἀθηναῖοι ἐπὶ τὴν Χίον πλέοντες τῇ στρατιᾷ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ θάτερα λόφου διείργοντο καὶ καθωρμίσαντο καὶ ἐλελήθεσαν ἀλλήλους.

3 ἐλθούσης δὲ παρὰ Πεδαρίτου ὑπὸ νύκτα ἐπιστολῆς ὡς Ἐρυθραίων ἄνδρες αἰχμάλωτοι ἐκ Σάμου ἐπὶ προδοσίᾳ ἐς Ἐρυθρὰς ἥκουσιν ἀφειμένοι, ἀνάγεται ὁ Ἀστύοχος εὐθὺς ἐς τὰς Ἐρυθρὰς πάλιν, καὶ παρὰ τοσοῦτον ἐγένετο αὐτῷ μὴ περιπεσεῖν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις.

4 διαπλεύσας δὲ καὶ ὁ Πεδάριτος πρὸς αὐτόν, καὶ ἀναζητήσαντες τὰ περὶ τῶν δοκούντων προδιδόναι, ὡς ηὗρον ἅπαν ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐκ τῆς Σάμου προφασισθέν, ἀπολύσαντες τῆς αἰτίας ἀπέπλευσαν ὁ μὲν ἐς τὴν Χίον, ὁ δὲ ἐς τὴν Μίλητον ἐκομίσθη, ὥσπερ διενοεῖτο.

Chapter 34

1 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ ἡ τῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατιὰ ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐκ τοῦ Κωρύκου περιπλέουσα κατ’ Ἀργῖνον ἐπιτυγχάνει τρισὶ ναυσὶ τῶν Χίων μακραῖς, καὶ ὡς εἶδον, ἐδίωκον· καὶ χειμών τε μέγας ἐπιγίγνεται καὶ αἱ μὲν τῶν Χίων μόλις καταφεύγουσιν ἐς τὸν λιμένα, αἱ δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων αἱ μὲν μάλιστα ὁρμήσασαι τρεῖς διαφθείρονται καὶ ἐκπίπτουσι πρὸς τὴν πόλιν τῶν Χίων, καὶ ἄνδρες οἱ μὲν ἁλίσκονται, οἱ δ’ ἀποθνῄσκουσιν, αἱ δ’ ἄλλαι καταφεύγουσιν ἐς τὸν ὑπὸ τῷ Μίμαντι λιμένα Φοινικοῦντα καλούμενον. ἐντεῦθεν δ’ ὕστερον ἐς τὴν Λέσβον καθορμισάμενοι παρεσκευάζοντο ἐς τὸν τειχισμόν.

Chapter 35

1 ἐκ δὲ τῆς Πελοποννήσου τοῦ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος Ἱπποκράτης ὁ Λακεδαιμόνιος ἐκπλεύσας δέκα μὲν Θουρίαις ναυσίν, ὧν ἦρχε Δωριεὺς ὁ Διαγόρου τρίτος αὐτός, μιᾷ δὲ Λακωνικῇ, μιᾷ δὲ Συρακοσίᾳ, καταπλεῖ ἐς Κνίδον· ἡ δ’ ἀφειστήκει ἤδη ὑπὸ Τισσαφέρνους.

2 καὶ αὐτοὺς οἱ ἐν τῇ Μιλήτῳ, ὡς ᾔσθοντο, ἐκέλευον ταῖς μὲν ἡμισείαις τῶν νεῶν Κνίδον φυλάσσειν, ταῖς δὲ περὶ Τριόπιον οὔσαις τὰς ἀπ’ Αἰγύπτου ὁλκάδας προσβαλλούσας ξυλλαμβάνειν· ἔστι δὲ τὸ Τριόπιον ἄκρα τῆς Κνιδίας προύχουσα, Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερόν.

3 πυθόμενοι δὲ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ πλεύσαντες ἐκ τῆς Σάμου λαμβάνουσι τὰς ἐπὶ τῷ Τριοπίῳ φρουρούσας ἓξ ναῦς· οἱ δ’ ἄνδρες ἀποφεύγουσιν ἐξ αὐτῶν. καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο ἐς τὴν Κνίδον καταπλεύσαντες καὶ προσβαλόντες τῇ πόλει ἀτειχίστῳ οὔσῃ ὀλίγου εἷλον.

4 τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ αὖθις προσέβαλλον, καὶ ὡς ἄμεινον φαρξαμένων αὐτῶν ὑπὸ νύκτα καὶ ἐπεσελθόντων αὐτοῖς τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ Τριοπίου ἐκ τῶν νεῶν διαφυγόντων οὐκέθ’ ὁμοίως ἔβλαπτον, ἀπελθόντες καὶ δῃώσαντες τὴν τῶν Κνιδίων γῆν ἐς τὴν Σάμον ἀπέπλευσαν.

Chapter 36

1 ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον Ἀστυόχου ἥκοντος ἐς τὴν Μίλητον ἐπὶ τὸ ναυτικὸν οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι εὐπόρως ἔτι εἶχον ἅπαντα τὰ κατὰ τὸ στρατόπεδον· καὶ γὰρ μισθὸς ἐδίδοτο ἀρκούντως καὶ τὰ ἐκ τῆς Ἰάσου μεγάλα χρήματα διαρπασθέντα ὑπῆν τοῖς στρατιώταις, οἵ τε Μιλήσιοι προθύμως τὰ τοῦ πολέμου ἔφερον.

2 πρὸς δὲ τὸν Τισσαφέρνην ἐδόκουν ὅμως τοῖς Πελοποννησίοις αἱ πρῶται ξυνθῆκαι αἱ πρὸς Χαλκιδέα γενόμεναι ἐνδεεῖς εἶναι καὶ οὐ πρὸς σφῶν μᾶλλον, καὶ ἄλλας ἔτι Θηριμένους παρόντος ἐποίουν· καὶ εἰσὶν αἵδε.

Chapter 37

1 ‘ξυνθῆκαι Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων πρὸς βασιλέα Δαρεῖον καὶ τοὺς παῖδας τοὺς βασιλέως καὶ Τισσαφέρνην, σπονδὰς εἶναι καὶ φιλίαν κατὰ τάδε.

2 ὁπόση χώρα καὶ πόλεις βασιλέως εἰσὶ Δαρείου ἢ τοῦ πατρὸς ἦσαν ἢ τῶν προγόνων, ἐπὶ ταύτας μὴ ἰέναι ἐπὶ πολέμῳ μηδὲ κακῷ μηδενὶ μήτε Λακεδαιμονίους μήτε τοὺς ξυμμάχους τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίων, μηδὲ φόρους πράσσεσθαι ἐκ τῶν πόλεων τούτων μήτε Λακεδαιμονίους μήτε τοὺς ξυμμάχους τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίων· μηδὲ Δαρεῖον βασιλέα μηδὲ ὧν βασιλεὺς ἄρχει ἐπὶ Λακεδαιμονίους μηδὲ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἰέναι ἐπὶ πολέμῳ μηδὲ κακῷ μηδενί.

3 ἢν δέ τι δέωνται Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἢ οἱ ξύμμαχοι βασιλέως ἢ βασιλεὺς Λακεδαιμονίων ἢ τῶν ξυμμάχων, ὅτι ἂν πείθωσιν ἀλλήλους, τοῦτο ποιοῦσι καλῶς ἔχειν.

4 τὸν δὲ πόλεμον τὸν πρὸς Ἀθηναίους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους κοινῇ ἀμφοτέρους πολεμεῖν· ἢν δὲ κατάλυσιν ποιῶνται, κοινῇ ἀμφοτέρους ποιεῖσθαι. ὁπόση δ’ ἂν στρατιὰ ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ τῇ βασιλέως ᾖ μεταπεμψαμένου βασιλέως, τὴν δαπάνην βασιλέα παρέχειν.

5 ἢν δέ τις τῶν πόλεων ὁπόσαι ξυνέθεντο βασιλεῖ ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλέως ἴῃ χώραν, τοὺς ἄλλους κωλύειν καὶ ἀμύνειν βασιλεῖ κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν· καὶ ἤν τις τῶν ἐν τῇ βασιλέως χώρᾳ ἢ ὅσης βασιλεὺς ἄρχει ἐπὶ τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων ἴῃ ἢ τῶν ξυμμάχων, βασιλεὺς κωλυέτω καὶ ἀμυνέτω κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν.’

Chapter 38

1 μετὰ δὲ ταύτας τὰς ξυνθήκας Θηριμένης μὲν παραδοὺς Ἀστυόχῳ τὰς ναῦς ἀποπλέων ἐν κέλητι ἀφανίζεται,

2 οἱ δ’ ἐκ τῆς Λέσβου Ἀθηναῖοι ἤδη διαβεβηκότες ἐς τὴν Χίον τῇ στρατιᾷ καὶ κρατοῦντες καὶ γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης Δελφίνιον ἐτείχιζον, χωρίον ἄλλως τε ἐκ γῆς καρτερὸν καὶ λιμένας ἔχον καὶ τῆς τῶν Χίων πόλεως οὐ πολὺ ἀπέχον.

3 οἱ δὲ Χῖοι ἐν πολλαῖς ταῖς πρὶν μάχαις πεπληγμένοι, καὶ ἄλλως ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς οὐ πάνυ εὖ διακείμενοι, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν μετὰ Τυδέως τοῦ Ἴωνος ἤδη ὑπὸ Πεδαρίτου ἐπ᾽ ἀττικισμῷ τεθνεώτων καὶ τῆς ἄλλης πόλεως κατ’ ἀνάγκην ἐς ὀλίγους κατεχομένης ὑπόπτως διακείμενοι ἀλλήλοις ἡσύχαζον, καὶ οὔτ’ αὐτοὶ διὰ ταῦτα οὔθ’ οἱ μετὰ Πεδαρίτου ἐπίκουροι ἀξιόμαχοι αὐτοῖς ἐφαίνοντο.

4 ἐς μέντοι τὴν Μίλητον ἔπεμπον κελεύοντες σφίσι τὸν Ἀστύοχον βοηθεῖν· ὡς δ’ οὐκ ἐσήκουεν, ἐπιστέλλει περὶ αὐτοῦ ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα ὁ Πεδάριτος ὡς ἀδικοῦντος.

5 καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐν τῇ Χίῳ ἐς τοῦτο καθειστήκει τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις· αἱ δ’ ἐκ τῆς Σάμου νῆες αὐτοῖς ἐπίπλους μὲν ἐποιοῦντο ταῖς ἐν τῇ Μιλήτῳ, ἐπεὶ δὲ μὴ ἀντανάγοιεν, ἀναχωροῦντες πάλιν ἐς τὴν Σάμον ἡσύχαζον.

Chapter 39

1 ἐκ δὲ τῆς Πελοποννήσου ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ χειμῶνι αἱ τῷ Φαρναβάζῳ [ὑπὸ] Καλλιγείτου τοῦ Μεγαρέως καὶ Τιμαγόρου τοῦ Κυζικηνοῦ πρασσόντων παρασκευασθεῖσαι ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι νῆες ἄρασαι ἔπλεον ἐπὶ Ἰωνίας περὶ ἡλίου τροπάς, καὶ ἄρχων ἐπέπλει αὐτῶν Ἀντισθένης Σπαρτιάτης.

2 ξυνέπεμψαν δὲ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ ἕνδεκα ἄνδρας Σπαρτιατῶν ξυμβούλους Ἀστυόχῳ, ὧν εἷς ἦν Λίχας ὁ Ἀρκεσιλάου· καὶ εἴρητο αὐτοῖς ἐς Μίλητον ἀφικομένους τῶν τε ἄλλων ξυνεπιμέλεσθαι ᾗ μέλλει ἄριστα ἕξειν, καὶ τὰς ναῦς ταύτας ἢ αὐτὰς ἢ πλείους ἢ καὶ ἐλάσσους ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ὡς Φαρνάβαζον, ἢν δοκῇ, ἀποπέμπειν, Κλέαρχον τὸν Ῥαμφίου, ὃς ξυνέπλει, ἄρχοντα προστάξαντας, καὶ Ἀστύοχον, ἢν δοκῇ τοῖς ἕνδεκα ἀνδράσι, παύειν τῆς ναυαρχίας, Ἀντισθένη δὲ καθιστάναι· πρὸς γὰρ τὰς τοῦ Πεδαρίτου ἐπιστολὰς ὑπώπτευον αὐτόν.

3 πλέουσαι οὖν αἱ νῆες ἀπὸ Μαλέας πελάγιαι Μήλῳ προσέβαλον, καὶ περιτυχόντες ναυσὶ δέκα Ἀθηναίων τὰς τρεῖς λαμβάνουσι κενὰς καὶ κατακαίουσιν. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο δεδιότες μὴ αἱ διαφυγοῦσαι τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐκ τῆς Μήλου νῆες, ὅπερ ἐγένετο, μηνύσωσι τοῖς ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ τὸν ἐπίπλουν αὐτῶν, πρὸς τὴν Κρήτην πλεύσαντες καὶ πλείω τὸν πλοῦν διὰ φυλακῆς ποιησάμενοι ἐς τὴν Καῦνον τῆς Ἀσίας κατῆραν.

4 ἐντεῦθεν δὴ ὡς ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ ὄντες ἀγγελίαν ἔπεμπον ἐπὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ Μιλήτῳ ναῦς τοῦ ξυμπαρακομισθῆναι.

Chapter 40

1 οἱ δὲ Χῖοι καὶ Πεδάριτος κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον οὐδὲν ἧσσον, καίπερ διαμέλλοντα, τὸν Ἀστύοχον πέμποντες ἀγγέλους ἠξίουν σφίσι πολιορκουμένοις βοηθῆσαι ἁπάσαις ταῖς ναυσὶ καὶ μὴ περιιδεῖν τὴν μεγίστην τῶν ἐν Ἰωνίᾳ ξυμμαχίδων πόλεων ἔκ τε θαλάσσης εἰργομένην καὶ κατὰ γῆν λῃστείαις πορθουμένην.

2 οἱ γὰρ οἰκέται τοῖς Χίοις πολλοὶ ὄντες καὶ μιᾷ γε πόλει πλὴν Λακεδαιμονίων πλεῖστοι γενόμενοι καὶ ἅμα διὰ τὸ πλῆθος χαλεπωτέρως ἐν ταῖς ἀδικίαις κολαζόμενοι, ὡς ἡ στρατιὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων βεβαίως ἔδοξε μετὰ τείχους ἱδρῦσθαι, εὐθὺς αὐτομολίᾳ τε ἐχώρησαν οἱ πολλοὶ πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα κακὰ ἐπιστάμενοι τὴν χώραν οὗτοι ἔδρασαν.

3 ἔφασαν οὖν χρῆναι οἱ Χῖοι, ἕως ἔτι ἐλπὶς καὶ δυνατὸν κωλῦσαι, τειχιζομένου τοῦ Δελφινίου καὶ ἀτελοῦς ὄντος καὶ στρατοπέδῳ καὶ ναυσὶν ἐρύματος μείζονος προσπεριβαλλομένου, βοηθῆσαι σφίσιν. ὁ δὲ Ἀστύοχος καίπερ οὐ διανοούμενος διὰ τὴν τότε ἀπειλήν, ὡς ἑώρα καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους προθύμους ὄντας, ὥρμητο ἐς τὸ βοηθεῖν.

Chapter 41

1 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ἐκ τῆς Καύνου παραγίγνεται ἀγγελία ὅτι αἱ ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι νῆες καὶ οἱ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ξύμβουλοι πάρεισιν· καὶ νομίσας πάντα ὕστερα εἶναι τἆλλα πρὸς τὸ ναῦς τε, ὅπως θαλασσοκρατοῖεν μᾶλλον, τοσαύτας ξυμπαρακομίσαι, καὶ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, οἳ ἧκον κατάσκοποι αὐτοῦ, ἀσφαλῶς περαιωθῆναι, εὐθὺς ἀφεὶς τὸ ἐς τὴν Χίον ἔπλει ἐς τὴν Καῦνον.

2 καὶ ἐς Κῶν τὴν Μεροπίδα ἐν τῷ παράπλῳ ἀποβὰς τήν τε πόλιν ἀτείχιστον οὖσαν καὶ ὑπὸ σεισμοῦ, ὃς αὐτοῖς ἔτυχε μέγιστός γε δὴ ὧν μεμνήμεθα γενόμενος, ξυμπεπτωκυῖαν ἐκπορθεῖ, τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐς τὰ ὄρη πεφευγότων, καὶ τὴν χώραν καταδρομαῖς λείαν ἐποιεῖτο, πλὴν τῶν ἐλευθέρων· τούτους δὲ ἀφίει.

3 ἐκ δὲ τῆς Κῶ ἀφικόμενος ἐς τὴν Κνίδον νυκτὸς ἀναγκάζεται ὑπὸ τῶν Κνιδίων παραινούντων μὴ ἐκβιβάσαι τοὺς ναύτας, ἀλλ’ ὥσπερ εἶχε πλεῖν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὰς τῶν Ἀθηναίων ναῦς εἴκοσιν, ἃς ἔχων Χαρμῖνος εἷς τῶν ἐκ Σάμου στρατηγῶν ἐφύλασσε ταύτας τὰς ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι ναῦς ἐκ τῆς Πελοποννήσου προσπλεούσας, ἐφ’ ἅσπερ καὶ ὁ Ἀστύοχος παρέπλει.

4 ἐπύθοντο δὲ οἱ ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ ἐκ τῆς Μήλου τὸν ἐπίπλουν αὐτῶν, καὶ ἡ φυλακὴ τῷ Χαρμίνῳ περὶ τὴν Σύμην καὶ Χάλκην καὶ Ῥόδον καὶ περὶ τὴν Λυκίαν ἦν· ἤδη γὰρ ᾐσθάνετο καὶ ἐν τῇ Καύνῳ οὔσας αὐτάς.

Chapter 42

1 ἐπέπλει οὖν ὥσπερ εἶχε πρὸς τὴν Σύμην ὁ Ἀστύοχος πρὶν ἔκπυστος γενέσθαι, εἴ πως περιλάβοι που μετεώρους τὰς ναῦς. καὶ αὐτῷ ὑετός τε καὶ τὰ ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ξυννέφελα ὄντα πλάνησιν τῶν νεῶν ἐν τῷ σκότει καὶ ταραχὴν παρέσχεν.

2 καὶ ἅμα τῇ ἕῳ διεσπασμένου τοῦ ναυτικοῦ καὶ τοῦ μὲν φανεροῦ ἤδη ὄντος τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις τοῦ εὐωνύμου κέρως, τοῦ δὲ ἄλλου περὶ τὴν νῆσον ἔτι πλανωμένου, ἐπανάγονται κατὰ τάχος ὁ Χαρμῖνος καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐλάσσοσιν ἢ ταῖς εἴκοσι ναυσί, νομίσαντες ἅσπερ ἐφύλασσον ναῦς τὰς ἀπὸ τῆς Καύνου ταύτας εἶναι.

3 καὶ προσπεσόντες εὐθὺς κατέδυσάν τε τρεῖς καὶ κατετραυμάτισαν ἄλλας, καὶ ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ ἐπεκράτουν, μέχρι οὗ ἐπεφάνησαν αὐτοῖς παρὰ δόξαν αἱ πλείους τῶν νεῶν καὶ πανταχόθεν ἀπεκλῄοντο.

4 ἔπειτα δὲ ἐς φυγὴν καταστάντες ἓξ μὲν ναῦς ἀπολλύασι, ταῖς δὲ λοιπαῖς καταφεύγουσιν ἐς τὴν Τευτλοῦσσαν νῆσον, ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἐς Ἁλικαρνασσόν. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο οἱ μὲν Πελοποννήσιοι ἐς Κνίδον κατάραντες καὶ ξυμμιγεισῶν τῶν ἐκ τῆς Καύνου ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι νεῶν αὐτοῖς ξυμπάσαις πλεύσαντες καὶ τροπαῖον ἐν τῇ Σύμῃ στήσαντες πάλιν ἐς τὴν Κνίδον καθωρμίσαντο·

Chapter 43

1 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι ταῖς ἐκ τῆς Σάμου ναυσὶ πάσαις, ὡς ᾔσθοντο τὰ τῆς ναυμαχίας, πλεύσαντες ἐς τὴν Σύμην καὶ ἐπὶ μὲν τὸ ἐν τῇ Κνίδῳ ναυτικὸν οὐχ ὁρμήσαντες, οὐδ᾽ ἐκεῖνοι ἐπ’ ἐκείνους, λαβόντες δὲ τὰ ἐν τῇ Σύμῃ σκεύη τῶν νεῶν καὶ Λωρύμοις τοῖς ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ προσβαλόντες ἀπέπλευσαν ἐς τὴν Σάμον.

2 ἅπασαι δ’ ἤδη οὖσαι ἅμα ἐν τῇ Κνίδῳ αἱ τῶν Πελοποννησίων νῆες ἐπεσκευάζοντό τε εἴ τι ἔδει καὶ πρὸς τὸν Τισσαφέρνην (παρεγένετο γάρ) λόγους ἐποιοῦντο οἱ ἕνδεκα ἄνδρες τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων περί τε τῶν ἤδη πεπραγμένων, εἴ τι μὴ ἤρεσκεν αὐτοῖς, καὶ περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος πολέμου, ὅτῳ τρόπῳ ἄριστα καὶ ξυμφορώτατα ἀμφοτέροις πολεμήσεται.

3 μάλιστα δὲ ὁ Λίχας ἐσκόπει τὰ ποιούμενα, καὶ τὰς σπονδὰς οὐδετέρας, οὔτε τὰς Χαλκιδέως οὔτε τὰς Θηριμένους, ἔφη καλῶς ξυγκεῖσθαι, ἀλλὰ δεινὸν εἶναι εἰ χώρας ὅσης βασιλεὺς καὶ οἱ πρόγονοι ἦρξαν πρότερον, ταύτης καὶ νῦν ἀξιώσει κρατεῖν· ἐνεῖναι γὰρ καὶ νήσους ἁπάσας πάλιν δουλεύειν καὶ Θεσσαλίαν καὶ Λοκροὺς καὶ τὰ μέχρι Βοιωτῶν, καὶ ἀντ’ ἐλευθερίας ἂν Μηδικὴν ἀρχὴν τοῖς Ἕλλησι τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους περιθεῖναι.

4 ἑτέρας οὖν ἐκέλευε βελτίους σπένδεσθαι, ἢ ταύταις γε οὐ χρήσεσθαι, οὐδὲ τῆς τροφῆς ἐπὶ τούτοις δεῖσθαι οὐδέν. ἀγανακτῶν δὲ ὁ μὲν Τισσαφέρνης ἀπεχώρησεν ἀπ’ αὐτῶν δι’ ὀργῆς καὶ ἄπρακτος,

Chapter 44

1 οἱ δ’ ἐς τὴν Ῥόδον ἐπικηρυκευομένων ἀπὸ τῶν δυνατωτάτων ἀνδρῶν τὴν γνώμην εἶχον πλεῖν, ἐλπίζοντες νῆσόν τε οὐκ ἀδύνατον καὶ ναυβατῶν πλήθει καὶ πεζῷ προσάξεσθαι, καὶ ἅμα ἡγούμενοι αὐτοὶ ἀπὸ τῆς ὑπαρχούσης ξυμμαχίας δυνατοὶ ἔσεσθαι Τισσαφέρνην μὴ αἰτοῦντες χρήματα τρέφειν τὰς ναῦς.

2 πλεύσαντες οὖν εὐθὺς ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ χειμῶνι ἐκ τῆς Κνίδου καὶ προσβαλόντες Καμείρῳ τῆς Ῥοδίας πρῶτον ναυσὶ τέσσαρσι καὶ ἐνενήκοντα ἐξεφόβησαν μὲν τοὺς πολλοὺς οὐκ εἰδότας τὰ πρασσόμενα, καὶ ἔφευγον, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἀτειχίστου οὔσης τῆς πόλεως· εἶτα ξυγκαλέσαντες οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τούτους τε καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τοῖν δυοῖν πολέοιν, Λίνδου καὶ Ἰηλυσοῦ, Ῥοδίους ἔπεισαν ἀποστῆναι Ἀθηναίων· καὶ προσεχώρησε Ῥόδος Πελοποννησίοις.

3 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ταῖς ἐκ τῆς Σάμου ναυσὶν αἰσθόμενοι ἔπλευσαν μὲν βουλόμενοι φθάσαι καὶ ἐπεφάνησαν πελάγιοι, ὑστερήσαντες δὲ οὐ πολλῷ τὸ μὲν παραχρῆμα ἀπέπλευσαν ἐς Χάλκην, ἐντεῦθεν δ’ ἐς Σάμον, ὕστερον δὲ ἐκ τῆς Χάλκης καὶ ἐκ τῆς Κῶ [καὶ ἐκ τῆς Σάμου] τοὺς ἐπίπλους ποιούμενοι ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥόδον ἐπολέμουν.

4 οἱ δὲ χρήματα μὲν ἐξέλεξαν ἐς δύο καὶ τριάκοντα τάλαντα οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι παρὰ τῶν Ῥοδίων, τὰ δ’ ἄλλα ἡσύχαζον ἡμέρας ὀγδοήκοντα, ἀνελκύσαντες τὰς ναῦς.

Chapter 45

1 ἐν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ ἔτι πρότερον, πρὶν ἐς τὴν Ῥόδον αὐτοὺς ἀναστῆναι, τάδε ἐπράσσετο. Ἀλκιβιάδης μετὰ τὸν Χαλκιδέως θάνατον καὶ τὴν ἐν Μιλήτῳ μάχην τοῖς Πελοποννησίοις ὕποπτος ὤν, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτῶν ἀφικομένης ἐπιστολῆς πρὸς Ἀστύοχον ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος ὥστ’ ἀποκτεῖναι (ἦν γὰρ καὶ τῷ Ἄγιδι ἐχθρὸς καὶ ἄλλως ἄπιστος ἐφαίνετο), πρῶτον μὲν ὑποχωρεῖ δείσας παρὰ Τισσαφέρνην, ἔπειτα ἐκάκου πρὸς αὐτὸν ὅσον ἐδύνατο μάλιστα τῶν Πελοποννησίων τὰ πράγματα,

2 καὶ διδάσκαλος πάντων γιγνόμενος τήν τε μισθοφορὰν ξυνέτεμεν, ἀντὶ δραχμῆς Ἀττικῆς ὥστε τριώβολον καὶ τοῦτο μὴ ξυνεχῶς δίδοσθαι, λέγειν κελεύων τὸν Τισσαφέρνην πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὡς Ἀθηναῖοι ἐκ πλέονος χρόνου ἐπιστήμονες ὄντες τοῦ ναυτικοῦ τριώβολον τοῖς ἑαυτῶν διδόασιν, οὐ τοσοῦτον πενίᾳ ὅσον ἵνα αὐτῶν μὴ οἱ ναῦται ἐκ περιουσίας ὑβρίζοντες οἱ μὲν τὰ σώματα χείρω ἔχωσι δαπανῶντες ἐς τοιαῦτα ἀφ’ ὧν ἡ ἀσθένεια ξυμβαίνει, οἱ δὲ τὰς ναῦς ἀπολείπωσιν οὐχ ὑπολιπόντες ἐς ὁμηρείαν τὸν προσοφειλόμενον μισθόν·

3 καὶ τοὺς τριηράρχους καὶ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς τῶν πόλεων ἐδίδασκεν [ὥστε] δόντα χρήματα αὐτὸν πεῖσαι, ὥστε ξυγχωρῆσαι ταῦτα ἑαυτῷ πλὴν τῶν Συρακοσίων· τούτων δὲ Ἑρμοκράτης ἠναντιοῦτο μόνος ὑπὲρ τοῦ παντὸς ξυμμαχικοῦ.

4 τάς τε πόλεις δεομένας χρημάτων ἀπήλασεν αὐτὸς ἀντιλέγων ὑπὲρ τοῦ Τισσαφέρνους ὡς οἱ μὲν Χῖοι ἀναίσχυντοι εἶεν πλουσιώτατοι ὄντες τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ἐπικουρίᾳ δ’ ὅμως σῳζόμενοι ἀξιοῦσι καὶ τοῖς σώμασι καὶ τοῖς χρήμασιν ἄλλους ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐκείνων ἐλευθερίας κινδυνεύειν·

5 τὰς δ’ ἄλλας πόλεις ἔφη ἀδικεῖν, αἳ ἐς Ἀθηναίους πρότερον ἢ ἀποστῆναι ἀνήλουν, εἰ μὴ καὶ νῦν καὶ τοσαῦτα καὶ ἔτι πλείω ὑπὲρ σφῶν αὐτῶν ἐθελήσουσιν ἐσφέρειν.

6 τόν τε Τισσαφέρνην ἀπέφαινε νῦν μέν, τοῖς ἰδίοις χρήμασι πολεμοῦντα, εἰκότως φειδόμενον, ἢν δέ ποτε τροφὴ καταβῇ παρὰ βασιλέως, ἐντελῆ αὐτοῖς ἀποδώσειν τὸν μισθὸν καὶ τὰς πόλεις τὰ εἰκότα ὠφελήσειν.

Chapter 46

1 παρῄνει δὲ καὶ τῷ Τισσαφέρνει μὴ ἄγαν ἐπείγεσθαι τὸν πόλεμον διαλῦσαι, μηδὲ βουληθῆναι κομίσαντα ἢ ναῦς Φοινίσσας ἅσπερ παρεσκευάζετο ἢ Ἕλλησι πλέοσι μισθὸν πορίζοντα τοῖς αὐτοῖς τῆς τε γῆς καὶ τῆς θαλάσσης τὸ κράτος δοῦναι, ἔχειν δ᾽ ἀμφοτέρους ἐᾶν δίχα τὴν ἀρχήν, καὶ βασιλεῖ ἐξεῖναι αἰεὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς αὐτῷ λυπηροὺς τοὺς ἑτέρους ἐπάγειν.

2 γενομένης δ’ ἂν καθ’ ἓν τῆς ἐς γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν ἀρχῆς ἀπορεῖν ἂν αὐτὸν οἷς τοὺς κρατοῦντας ξυγκαθαιρήσει, ἢν μὴ αὐτὸς βούληται μεγάλῃ δαπάνῃ καὶ κινδύνῳ ἀναστάς ποτε διαγωνίσασθαι. εὐτελέστερα δὲ τάδ’ εἶναι, βραχεῖ μορίῳ τῆς δαπάνης καὶ ἅμα μετὰ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ἀσφαλείας αὐτοὺς περὶ ἑαυτοὺς τοὺς Ἕλληνας κατατρῖψαι.

3 ἐπιτηδειοτέρους τε ἔφη τοὺς Ἀθηναίους εἶναι κοινωνοὺς αὐτῷ τῆς ἀρχῆς· ἧσσον γὰρ τῶν κατὰ γῆν ἐφίεσθαι, τὸν λόγον τε ξυμφορώτατον καὶ τὸ ἔργον ἔχοντας πολεμεῖν· τοὺς μὲν γὰρ ξυγκαταδουλοῦν ἂν σφίσι τε αὐτοῖς τὸ τῆς θαλάσσης μέρος καὶ ἐκείνῳ ὅσοι ἐν τῇ βασιλέως Ἕλληνες οἰκοῦσι, τοὺς δὲ τοὐναντίον ἐλευθερώσοντας ἥκειν, καὶ οὐκ εἰκὸς εἶναι Λακεδαιμονίους ἀπὸ μὲν σφῶν τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθεροῦν νῦν τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ἀπὸ δ’ ἐκείνων [τῶν βαρβάρων], ἢν μή ποτε αὐτοὺς μὴ ἐξέλωσι, μὴ ἐλευθερῶσαι.

4 τρίβειν οὖν ἐκέλευε πρῶτον ἀμφοτέρους, καὶ ἀποτεμόμενον ὡς μέγιστα ἀπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἔπειτ’ ἤδη τοὺς Πελοποννησίους ἀπαλλάξαι ἐκ τῆς χώρας.

5 καὶ διενοεῖτο τὸ πλέον οὕτως ὁ Τισσαφέρνης, ὅσα γε ἀπὸ τῶν ποιουμένων ἦν εἰκάσαι. τῷ γὰρ Ἀλκιβιάδῃ διὰ ταῦτα ὡς εὖ περὶ τούτων παραινοῦντι προσθεὶς ἑαυτὸν ἐς πίστιν τήν τε τροφὴν κακῶς ἐπόριζε τοῖς Πελοποννησίοις καὶ ναυμαχεῖν οὐκ εἴα, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς Φοινίσσας φάσκων ναῦς ἥξειν καὶ ἐκ περιόντος ἀγωνιεῖσθαι ἔφθειρε τὰ πράγματα καὶ τὴν ἀκμὴν τοῦ ναυτικοῦ αὐτῶν ἀφείλετο γενομένην καὶ πάνυ ἰσχυράν, τά τε ἄλλα καταφανέστερον ἢ ὥστε λανθάνειν οὐ προθύμως ξυνεπολέμει.

Chapter 47

1 ὁ δὲ Ἀλκιβιάδης ταῦτα ἅμα μὲν τῷ Τισσαφέρνει καὶ [τῷ] βασιλεῖ, ὢν παρ’ ἐκείνοις, ἄριστα εἶναι νομίζων παρῄνει, ἅμα δὲ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ κάθοδον ἐς τὴν πατρίδα ἐπιθεραπεύων, εἰδώς, εἰ μὴ διαφθερεῖ αὐτήν, ὅτι ἔσται ποτὲ αὐτῷ πείσαντι κατελθεῖν· πεῖσαι δ’ ἂν ἐνόμιζε μάλιστα ἐκ τοῦ τοιούτου, εἰ Τισσαφέρνης φαίνοιτο αὐτῷ ἐπιτήδειος ὤν· ὅπερ καὶ ἐγένετο.

2 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ᾔσθοντο αὐτὸν ἰσχύοντα παρ’ αὐτῷ οἱ ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ Ἀθηναίων στρατιῶται, τὰ μὲν καὶ Ἀλκιβιάδου προσπέμψαντος λόγους ἐς τοὺς δυνατωτάτους αὐτῶν ἄνδρας ὥστε μνησθῆναι περὶ αὐτοῦ ἐς τοὺς βελτίστους τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὅτι ἐπ’ ὀλιγαρχίᾳ βούλεται καὶ οὐ πονηρίᾳ οὐδὲ δημοκρατίᾳ τῇ αὐτὸν ἐκβαλούσῃ κατελθὼν καὶ παρασχὼν Τισσαφέρνην φίλον αὐτοῖς ξυμπολιτεύειν, τὸ δὲ πλέον καὶ ἀπὸ σφῶν αὐτῶν οἱ ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ τριήραρχοί τε τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ δυνατώτατοι ὥρμηντο ἐς τὸ καταλῦσαι τὴν δημοκρατίαν.

Chapter 48

1 καὶ ἐκινήθη πρότερον ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τοῦτο καὶ ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐντεῦθεν ὕστερον ἦλθεν. τῷ τε Ἀλκιβιάδῃ διαβάντες τινὲς ἐκ τῆς Σάμου ἐς λόγους ἦλθον, καὶ ὑποτείνοντος αὐτοῦ Τισσαφέρνην μὲν πρῶτον, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ βασιλέα φίλον ποιήσειν, εἰ μὴ δημοκρατοῖντο (οὕτω γὰρ ἂν πιστεῦσαι μᾶλλον βασιλέα), πολλὰς ἐλπίδας εἶχον αὐτοί θ’ ἑαυτοῖς οἱ δυνατώτατοι τῶν πολιτῶν τὰ πράγματα, οἵπερ καὶ ταλαιπωροῦνται μάλιστα, ἐς ἑαυτοὺς περιποιήσειν καὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἐπικρατήσειν.

2 ἔς τε τὴν Σάμον ἐλθόντες ξυνίστασάν τε τῶν ἀνθρώπων τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους ἐς ξυνωμοσίαν καὶ ἐς τοὺς πολλοὺς φανερῶς ἔλεγον ὅτι βασιλεὺς σφίσι φίλος ἔσοιτο καὶ χρήματα παρέξοι Ἀλκιβιάδου τε κατελθόντος καὶ μὴ δημοκρατουμένων.

3 καὶ ὁ μὲν ὄχλος, εἰ καί τι παραυτίκα ἤχθετο τοῖς πρασσομένοις, διὰ τὸ εὔπορον τῆς ἐλπίδος τοῦ παρὰ βασιλέως μισθοῦ ἡσύχαζεν· οἱ δὲ ξυνιστάντες τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν, ἐπειδὴ τῷ πλήθει ἐκοίνωσαν, αὖθις κἀν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς καὶ τοῦ ἑταιρικοῦ τῷ πλέονι τὰ ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου ἐσκόπουν.

4 καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἐφαίνετο εὔπορα καὶ πιστά, Φρυνίχῳ δὲ στρατηγῷ ἔτι ὄντι οὐδὲν ἤρεσκεν, ἀλλ’ ὅ τε Ἀλκιβιάδης, ὅπερ καὶ ἦν, οὐδὲν μᾶλλον ὀλιγαρχίας ἢ δημοκρατίας δεῖσθαι ἐδόκει αὐτῷ οὐδ’ ἄλλο τι σκοπεῖσθαι ἢ ὅτῳ τρόπῳ ἐκ τοῦ παρόντος κόσμου τὴν πόλιν μεταστήσας ὑπὸ τῶν ἑταίρων παρακληθεὶς κάτεισι, σφίσι δὲ περιοπτέον εἶναι τοῦτο μάλιστα, ὅπως μὴ στασιάσωσιν· [τῷ] βασιλεῖ τε οὐκ εὔπορον εἶναι καὶ Πελοποννησίων ἤδη ὁμοίως ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ ὄντων καὶ πόλεις ἐχόντων ἐν τῇ αὐτοῦ ἀρχῇ οὐ τὰς ἐλαχίστας, Ἀθηναίοις προσθέμενον, οἷς οὐ πιστεύει, πράγματα ἔχειν, ἐξὸν Πελοποννησίους, ὑφ’ ὧν κακὸν οὐδέν πω πέπονθε, φίλους ποιήσασθαι.

5 τάς τε ξυμμαχίδας πόλεις, αἷς ὑπεσχῆσθαι δὴ σφᾶς ὀλιγαρχίαν, ὅτι δὴ καὶ αὐτοὶ οὐ δημοκρατήσονται, εὖ εἰδέναι ἔφη ὅτι οὐδὲν μᾶλλον σφίσιν οὔθ’ αἱ ἀφεστηκυῖαι προσχωρήσονται οὔθ’ αἱ ὑπάρχουσαι βεβαιότεραι ἔσονται· οὐ γὰρ βουλήσεσθαι αὐτοὺς μετ᾽ ὀλιγαρχίας ἢ δημοκρατίας δουλεύειν μᾶλλον ἢ μεθ’ ὁποτέρου ἂν τύχωσι τούτων ἐλευθέρους εἶναι·

6 τούς τε καλοὺς κἀγαθοὺς ὀνομαζομένους οὐκ ἐλάσσω αὐτοὺς νομίζειν σφίσι πράγματα παρέξειν τοῦ δήμου, ποριστὰς ὄντας καὶ ἐσηγητὰς τῶν κακῶν τῷ δήμῳ, ἐξ ὧν τὰ πλείω αὐτοὺς ὠφελεῖσθαι· καὶ τὸ μὲν ἐπ’ ἐκείνοις εἶναι καὶ ἄκριτοι ἂν καὶ βιαιότερον ἀποθνῄσκειν, τὸν δὲ δῆμον σφῶν τε καταφυγὴν εἶναι καὶ ἐκείνων σωφρονιστήν.

7 καὶ ταῦτα παρ’ αὐτῶν τῶν ἔργων ἐπισταμένας τὰς πόλεις σαφῶς αὐτὸς εἰδέναι ὅτι οὕτω νομίζουσιν. οὔκουν ἑαυτῷ γε τῶν ἀπ’ Ἀλκιβιάδου καὶ ἐν τῷ παρόντι πρασσομένων ἀρέσκειν οὐδέν.

Chapter 49

1 οἱ δὲ ξυλλεγέντες τῶν ἐν τῇ ξυνωμοσίᾳ, ὥσπερ καὶ τὸ πρῶτον αὐτοῖς ἐδόκει, τά τε παρόντα ἐδέχοντο καὶ ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας πρέσβεις Πείσανδρον καὶ ἄλλους παρεσκευάζοντο πέμπειν, ὅπως περί τε τῆς τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου καθόδου πράσσοιεν καὶ τῆς τοῦ ἐκεῖ δήμου καταλύσεως καὶ τὸν Τισσαφέρνην φίλον τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ποιήσειαν.

Chapter 50

1 γνοὺς δὲ ὁ Φρύνιχος ὅτι ἔσοιτο περὶ τῆς τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου καθόδου λόγος καὶ ὅτι Ἀθηναῖοι ἐνδέξονται αὐτήν, δείσας πρὸς τὴν ἐναντίωσιν τῶν ὑφ’ αὑτοῦ λεχθέντων μή, ἢν κατέλθῃ, ὡς κωλυτὴν ὄντα κακῶς δρᾷ, τρέπεται ἐπὶ τοιόνδε τι.

2 πέμπει ὡς τὸν Ἀστύοχον τὸν Λακεδαιμονίων ναύαρχον ἔτι ὄντα τότε περὶ τὴν Μίλητον κρύφα ἐπιστείλας ὅτι Ἀλκιβιάδης αὐτῶν τὰ πράγματα φθείρει Τισσαφέρνην Ἀθηναίοις φίλον ποιῶν, καὶ τἆλλα πάντα σαφῶς ἐγγράψας· ξυγγνώμην δὲ εἶναι ἑαυτῷ περὶ ἀνδρὸς πολεμίου καὶ μετὰ τοῦ τῆς πόλεως ἀξυμφόρου κακόν τι βουλεύειν.

3 ὁ δὲ Ἀστύοχος τὸν μὲν Ἀλκιβιάδην ἄλλως τε καὶ οὐκέτι ὁμοίως ἐς χεῖρας ἰόντα οὐδὲ διενοεῖτο τιμωρεῖσθαι, ἀνελθὼν δὲ παρ’ αὐτὸν ἐς Μαγνησίαν καὶ παρὰ Τισσαφέρνην ἅμα λέγει τε αὐτοῖς τὰ ἐπισταλέντα ἐκ τῆς Σάμου καὶ γίγνεται αὐτὸς μηνυτής, προσέθηκέ τε, ὡς ἐλέγετο, ἐπὶ ἰδίοις κέρδεσι Τισσαφέρνει ἑαυτὸν καὶ περὶ τούτων καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων κοινοῦσθαι· διόπερ καὶ [περὶ] τῆς μισθοφορᾶς οὐκ ἐντελοῦς οὔσης μαλακωτέρως ἀνθήπτετο.

4 ὁ δὲ Ἀλκιβιάδης εὐθὺς πέμπει κατὰ Φρυνίχου γράμματα ἐς τὴν Σάμον πρὸς τοὺς ἐν τέλει ὄντας οἷα δέδρακε, καὶ ἀξιῶν αὐτὸν ἀποθνῄσκειν.

5 θορυβούμενος δὲ ὁ Φρύνιχος καὶ πάνυ ἐν τῷ μεγίστῳ κινδύνῳ ὢν διὰ τὸ μήνυμα ἀποστέλλει αὖθις πρὸς τὸν Ἀστύοχον, τά τε πρότερα μεμφόμενος ὅτι οὐ καλῶς ἐκρύφθη καὶ νῦν ὅτι ὅλον τὸ στράτευμα τὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἑτοῖμος εἴη τὸ ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ παρασχεῖν αὐτοῖς διαφθεῖραι, γράψας καθ’ ἕκαστα, ἀτειχίστου οὔσης Σάμου, ᾧ ἂν τρόπῳ αὐτὰ πράξειε, καὶ ὅτι ἀνεπίφθονόν οἱ ἤδη εἴη περὶ τῆς ψυχῆς δι’ ἐκείνους κινδυνεύοντι καὶ τοῦτο καὶ ἄλλο πᾶν δρᾶσαι μᾶλλον ἢ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθίστων αὐτὸν διαφθαρῆναι. ὁ δὲ Ἀστύοχος μηνύει καὶ ταῦτα τῷ Ἀλκιβιάδῃ.

Chapter 51

1 καὶ ὡς προῄσθετο αὐτὸν ὁ Φρύνιχος ἀδικοῦντα καὶ ὅσον οὐ παροῦσαν ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου περὶ τούτων ἐπιστολήν, αὐτὸς προφθάσας τῷ στρατεύματι ἐξάγγελος γίγνεται ὡς οἱ πολέμιοι μέλλουσιν ἀτειχίστου οὔσης τῆς Σάμου καὶ ἅμα τῶν νεῶν οὐ πασῶν ἔνδον ὁρμουσῶν ἐπιθήσεσθαι τῷ στρατοπέδῳ, καὶ ταῦτα σαφῶς πεπυσμένος εἴη, καὶ χρῆναι τειχίζειν τε Σάμον ὡς τάχιστα καὶ τἆλλα ἐν φυλακῇ ἔχειν· ἐστρατήγει δὲ καὶ κύριος ἦν αὐτὸς πράσσων ταῦτα.

2 καὶ οἱ μὲν τὸν τειχισμόν τε παρεσκευάζοντο καὶ ἐκ τοῦ τοιούτου, καὶ ὣς μέλλουσα, Σάμος θᾶσσον ἐτειχίσθη· αἱ δὲ παρὰ τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου ἐπιστολαὶ οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον ἧκον ὅτι προδίδοταί τε τὸ στράτευμα ὑπὸ Φρυνίχου καὶ οἱ πολέμιοι μέλλουσιν ἐπιθήσεσθαι.

3 δόξας δὲ ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης οὐ πιστὸς εἶναι, ἀλλὰ τὰ ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων προειδὼς τῷ Φρυνίχῳ ὡς ξυνειδότι κατ’ ἔχθραν ἀνατιθέναι, οὐδὲν ἔβλαψεν αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ξυνεμαρτύρησε μᾶλλον ταὐτὰ ἐσαγγείλας.

Chapter 52

1 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο Ἀλκιβιάδης μὲν Τισσαφέρνην παρεσκεύαζε καὶ ἀνέπειθεν ὅπως φίλος ἔσται τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, δεδιότα μὲν τοὺς Πελοποννησίους, ὅτι πλέοσι ναυσὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων παρῆσαν, βουλόμενον δὲ ὅμως, εἰ δύναιτό πως, πεισθῆναι, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἐπειδὴ τὴν ἐν τῇ Κνίδῳ διαφορὰν περὶ τῶν Θηριμένους σπονδῶν ᾔσθετο τῶν Πελοποννησίων̔ ἤδη γὰρ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ἐν τῇ Ῥόδῳ ὄντων αὐτῶν ἐγεγένητὀ· ἐν ᾗ τὸν τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου λόγον πρότερον εἰρημένον περὶ τοῦ ἐλευθεροῦν τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους τὰς ἁπάσας πόλεις ἐπηλήθευσεν ὁ Λίχας, οὐ φάσκων ἀνεκτὸν εἶναι ξυγκεῖσθαι κρατεῖν βασιλέα τῶν πόλεων ὧν ποτὲ καὶ πρότερον ἢ αὐτὸς ἢ οἱ πατέρες ἦρχον. καὶ ὁ μὲν Ἀλκιβιάδης, ἅτε περὶ μεγάλων ἀγωνιζόμενος, προθύμως τὸν Τισσαφέρνην θεραπεύων προσέκειτο·

Chapter 53

1 οἱ δὲ μετὰ τοῦ Πεισάνδρου πρέσβεις τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀποσταλέντες ἐκ τῆς Σάμου ἀφικόμενοι ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας λόγους ἐποιοῦντο ἐν τῷ δήμῳ κεφαλαιοῦντες ἐκ πολλῶν, μάλιστα δὲ ὡς ἐξείη αὐτοῖς Ἀλκιβιάδην καταγαγοῦσι καὶ μὴ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον δημοκρατουμένοις βασιλέα τε ξύμμαχον ἔχειν καὶ Πελοποννησίων περιγενέσθαι.

2 ἀντιλεγόντων δὲ πολλῶν καὶ ἄλλων περὶ τῆς δημοκρατίας καὶ τῶν Ἀλκιβιάδου ἅμα ἐχθρῶν διαβοώντων ὡς δεινὸν εἴη εἰ τοὺς νόμους βιασάμενος κάτεισι, καὶ Εὐμολπιδῶν καὶ Κηρύκων περὶ τῶν μυστικῶν δι’ ἅπερ ἔφυγε μαρτυρομένων καὶ ἐπιθειαζόντων μὴ κατάγειν, ὁ Πείσανδρος παρελθὼν πρὸς πολλὴν ἀντιλογίαν καὶ σχετλιασμὸν ἠρώτα ἕνα ἕκαστον παράγων τῶν ἀντιλεγόντων, εἴ τινα ἐλπίδα ἔχει σωτηρίας τῇ πόλει, Πελοποννησίων ναῦς τε οὐκ ἐλάσσους σφῶν ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ ἀντιπρῴρους ἐχόντων καὶ πόλεις ξυμμαχίδας πλείους, βασιλέως τε αὐτοῖς καὶ Τισσαφέρνους χρήματα παρεχόντων, σφίσι τε οὐκέτι ὄντων, εἰ μή τις πείσει βασιλέα μεταστῆναι παρὰ σφᾶς.

3 ὁπότε δὲ μὴ φαῖεν ἐρωτώμενοι, ἐνταῦθα δὴ σαφῶς ἔλεγεν αὐτοῖς ὅτι ‘τοῦτο τοίνυν οὐκ ἔστιν ἡμῖν γενέσθαι, εἰ μὴ πολιτεύσομεν τε σωφρονέστερον καὶ ἐς ὀλίγους μᾶλλον τὰς ἀρχὰς ποιήσομεν, ἵνα πιστεύῃ ἡμῖν βασιλεύς, καὶ μὴ περὶ πολιτείας τὸ πλέον βουλεύσομεν ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἢ περὶ σωτηρίας (ὕστερον γὰρ ἐξέσται ἡμῖν καὶ μεταθέσθαι, ἢν μή τι ἀρέσκῃ), Ἀλκιβιάδην τε κατάξομεν, ὃς μόνος τῶν νῦν οἷός τε τοῦτο κατεργάσασθαι.’

Chapter 54

1 ὁ δὲ δῆμος τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀκούων χαλεπῶς ἔφερε τὸ περὶ τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας· σαφῶς δὲ διδασκόμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ Πεισάνδρου μὴ εἶναι ἄλλην σωτηρίαν, δείσας καὶ ἅμα ἐπελπίζων ὡς καὶ μεταβαλεῖται, ἐνέδωκεν.

2 καὶ ἐψηφίσαντο πλεύσαντα τὸν Πείσανδρον καὶ δέκα ἄνδρας μετ’ αὐτοῦ πράσσειν ὅπῃ [ἂν] αὐτοῖς δοκοίη ἄριστα ἕξειν τά τε πρὸς τὸν Τισσαφέρνην καὶ τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην.

3 ἅμα τε διαβαλόντος καὶ Φρύνιχον τοῦ Πεισάνδρου παρέλυσεν ὁ δῆμος τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ τὸν ξυνάρχοντα Σκιρωνίδην, ἀντέπεμψαν δὲ στρατηγοὺς ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς Διομέδοντα καὶ Λέοντα. τὸν δὲ Φρύνιχον ὁ Πείσανδρος φάσκων Ἴασον προδοῦναι καὶ Ἀμόργην διέβαλεν, οὐ νομίζων ἐπιτήδειον εἶναι τοῖς πρὸς τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην πρασσομένοις.

4 καὶ ὁ μὲν Πείσανδρος τάς τε ξυνωμοσίας, αἵπερ ἐτύγχανον πρότερον ἐν τῇ πόλει οὖσαι ἐπὶ δίκαις καὶ ἀρχαῖς, ἁπάσας ἐπελθὼν καὶ παρακελευσάμενος ὅπως ξυστραφέντες καὶ κοινῇ βουλευσάμενοι καταλύσουσι τὸν δῆμον, καὶ τἆλλα παρασκευάσας ἐπὶ τοῖς παροῦσιν ὥστε μηκέτι διαμέλλεσθαι, αὐτὸς μετὰ τῶν δέκα ἀνδρῶν τὸν πλοῦν ὡς τὸν Τισσαφέρνην ποιεῖται.

Chapter 55

1 ὁ δὲ Λέων καὶ ὁ Διομέδων ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ χειμῶνι ἀφιγμένοι ἤδη ἐπὶ τὰς τῶν Ἀθηναίων ναῦς ἐπίπλουν τῇ Ῥόδῳ ἐποιήσαντο. καὶ τὰς μὲν ναῦς καταλαμβάνουσιν ἀνειλκυσμένας τῶν Πελοποννησίων, ἐς δὲ τὴν γῆν ἀπόβασίν τινα ποιησάμενοι καὶ τοὺς προσβοηθήσαντας Ῥοδίων νικήσαντες μάχῃ ἀπεχώρησαν ἐς τὴν Χάλκην, καὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἐντεῦθεν μᾶλλον 〈ἢ〉 ἐκ τῆς Κῶ ἐποιοῦντο· εὐφυλακτότερα γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐγίγνετο, εἴ ποι ἀπαίροι τὸ τῶν Πελοποννησίων ναυτικόν.

2 ἦλθε δ’ ἐς τὴν Ῥόδον καὶ Ξενοφαντίδας Λάκων παρὰ Πεδαρίτου ἐκ Χίου, λέγων ὅτι τὸ τεῖχος τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἤδη ἐπιτετέλεσται, καὶ εἰ μὴ βοηθήσουσι πάσαις ταῖς ναυσίν, ἀπολεῖται τὰ ἐν Χίῳ πράγματα. οἱ δὲ διενοοῦντο βοηθήσειν.

3 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ὁ Πεδάριτος αὐτός τε καὶ τὸ περὶ αὑτὸν ἐπικουρικὸν ἔχων καὶ τοὺς Χίους πανστρατιᾷ προσβαλὼν τῶν Ἀθηναίων τῷ περὶ τὰς ναῦς ἐρύματι αἱρεῖ τέ τι αὐτοῦ καὶ νεῶν τινῶν ἀνειλκυσμένων ἐκράτησεν· ἐπεκβοηθησάντων δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ τρεψαμένων τοὺς Χίους πρώτους νικᾶται καὶ τὸ ἄλλο τὸ περὶ τὸν Πεδάριτον, καὶ αὐτὸς ἀποθνῄσκει καὶ τῶν Χίων πολλοὶ καὶ ὅπλα ἐλήφθη πολλά.

Chapter 56

1 μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα οἱ μὲν Χῖοι ἔκ τε γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης ἔτι μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον ἐπολιορκοῦντο καὶ ὁ λιμὸς αὐτόθι ἦν μέγας· οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Πείσανδρον Ἀθηναίων πρέσβεις ἀφικόμενοι ὡς τὸν Τισσαφέρνην λόγους ποιοῦνται περὶ τῆς ὁμολογίας.

2 Ἀλκιβιάδης δέ (οὐ γὰρ αὐτῷ πάνυ τὰ ἀπὸ Τισσαφέρνους βέβαια ἦν, φοβουμένου τοὺς Πελοποννησίους μᾶλλον καὶ ἔτι βουλομένου, καθάπερ καὶ ὑπ’ ἐκείνου ἐδιδάσκετο, τρίβειν ἀμφοτέρους) τρέπεται ἐπὶ τοιόνδε εἶδος ὥστε τὸν Τισσαφέρνην ὡς μέγιστα αἰτοῦντα παρὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων μὴ ξυμβῆναι.

3 δοκεῖ δέ μοι καὶ ὁ Τισσαφέρνης τὸ αὐτὸ βουληθῆναι, αὐτὸς μὲν διὰ τὸ δέος, ὁ δὲ Ἀλκιβιάδης, ἐπειδὴ ἑώρα ἐκεῖνον καὶ ὣς οὐ ξυμβησείοντα, δοκεῖν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐβούλετο μὴ ἀδύνατος εἶναι πεῖσαι, ἀλλ’ ὡς πεπεισμένῳ Τισσαφέρνει καὶ βουλομένῳ προσχωρῆσαι τοὺς Ἀθηναίους μὴ ἱκανὰ διδόναι.

4 ᾔτει γὰρ τοσαῦτα ὑπερβάλλων ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης, λέγων αὐτὸς ὑπὲρ παρόντος τοῦ Τισσαφέρνους, ὥστε τὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων, καίπερ ἐπὶ πολὺ ὅτι αἰτοίη ξυγχωρούντων, ὅμως αἴτιον γενέσθαι· Ἰωνίαν τε γὰρ πᾶσαν ἠξίου δίδοσθαι καὶ αὖθις νήσους τε τὰς ἐπικειμένας καὶ ἄλλα, οἷς οὐκ ἐναντιουμένων τῶν Ἀθηναίων τέλος ἐν τῇ τρίτῃ ἤδη ξυνόδῳ, δείσας μὴ πάνυ φωραθῇ ἀδύνατος ὤν, ναῦς ἠξίου ἐᾶν βασιλέα ποιεῖσθαι καὶ παραπλεῖν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ γῆν ὅπῃ ἂν καὶ ὅσαις ἂν βούληται. ἐνταῦθα δὴ οὐκέτι... ἀλλ’ ἄπορα νομίσαντες οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου ἐξηπατῆσθαι, δι’ ὀργῆς ἀπελθόντες κομίζονται ἐς τὴν Σάμον.

Chapter 57

1 Τισσαφέρνης δὲ εὐθὺς μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ χειμῶνι παρέρχεται ἐς τὴν Καῦνον, βουλόμενος τοὺς Πελοποννησίους πάλιν τε κομίσαι ἐς τὴν Μίλητον καὶ ξυνθήκας ἔτι ἄλλας ποιησάμενος, ἃς ἂν δύνηται, τροφήν τε παρέχειν καὶ μὴ παντάπασιν ἐκπεπολεμῶσθαι, δεδιὼς μή, ἢν ἀπορῶσι πολλαῖς ναυσὶ τῆς τροφῆς, ἢ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἀναγκασθέντες ναυμαχεῖν ἡσσηθῶσιν ἢ κενωθεισῶν τῶν νεῶν ἄνευ ἑαυτοῦ γένηται τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἃ βούλονται. ἔτι δὲ ἐφοβεῖτο μάλιστα μὴ τῆς τροφῆς ζητήσει πορθήσωσι τὴν ἤπειρον.

2 πάντων οὖν τούτων λογισμῷ καὶ προνοίᾳ, ὥσπερ ἐβούλετο ἐπανισοῦν τοὺς Ἕλληνας πρὸς ἀλλήλους, μεταπεμψάμενος οὖν τοὺς Πελοποννησίους τροφήν τε αὐτοῖς δίδωσι καὶ σπονδὰς τρίτας τάσδε σπένδεται.

Chapter 58

1 ‘τρίτῳ καὶ δεκάτῳ ἔτει Δαρείου βασιλεύοντος, ἐφορεύοντος δὲ Ἀλεξιππίδα ἐν Λακεδαίμονι, ξυνθῆκαι ἐγένοντο ἐν Μαιάνδρου πεδίῳ Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων πρὸς Τισσαφέρνην καὶ Ἱεραμένη καὶ τοὺς Φαρνάκου παῖδας περὶ τῶν βασιλέως πραγμάτων καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων.

2 χώραν τὴν βασιλέως, ὅση τῆς Ἀσίας ἐστί, βασιλέως εἶναι· καὶ περὶ τῆς χώρας τῆς ἑαυτοῦ βουλευέτω βασιλεὺς ὅπως βούλεται.

3 Λακεδαιμονίους δὲ καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους μὴ ἰέναι ἐπὶ χώραν τὴν βασιλέως ἐπὶ κακῷ μηδενί, μηδὲ βασιλέα ἐπὶ τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων χώραν μηδὲ τῶν ξυμμάχων ἐπὶ κακῷ μηδενί.

4 ἢν δέ τις Λακεδαιμονίων ἢ τῶν ξυμμάχων ἐπὶ κακῷ ἴῃ ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλέως χώραν, Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους κωλύειν· καὶ ἤν τις ἐκ τῆς βασιλέως ἴῃ ἐπὶ κακῷ ἐπὶ Λακεδαιμονίους ἢ τοὺς ξυμμάχους, βασιλεὺς κωλυέτω.

5 τροφὴν δὲ ταῖς ναυσὶ ταῖς νῦν παρούσαις Τισσαφέρνην παρέχειν κατὰ τὰ ξυγκείμενα μέχρι ἂν αἱ νῆες αἱ βασιλέως ἔλθωσιν·

6 Λακεδαιμονίους δὲ καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους, ἐπὴν αἱ βασιλέως νῆες ἀφίκωνται, τὰς ἑαυτῶν ναῦς, ἢν βούλωνται, τρέφειν ἐφ’ ἑαυτοῖς εἶναι. ἢν δὲ παρὰ Τισσαφέρνους λαμβάνειν ἐθέλωσι τὴν τροφήν, Τισσαφέρνην παρέχειν, Λακεδαιμονίους δὲ καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους τελευτῶντος τοῦ πολέμου τὰ χρήματα Τισσαφέρνει ἀποδοῦναι ὁπόσα ἂν λάβωσιν.

7 ἐπὴν δὲ αἱ βασιλέως νῆες ἀφίκωνται, αἵ τε Λακεδαιμονίων νῆες καὶ αἱ τῶν ξυμμάχων καὶ αἱ βασιλέως κοινῇ τὸν πόλεμον πολεμούντων καθ’ ὅτι ἂν Τισσαφέρνει δοκῇ καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ τοῖς ξυμμάχοις. ἢν δὲ καταλύειν βούλωνται πρὸς Ἀθηναίους, ἐν ὁμοίῳ καταλύεσθαι.’

Chapter 59

1 αἱ μὲν σπονδαὶ αὗται ἐγένοντο, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα παρεσκευάζετο Τισσαφέρνης τάς τε Φοινίσσας ναῦς ἄξων, ὥσπερ εἴρητο, καὶ τἆλλα ὅσαπερ ὑπέσχετο, καὶ ἐβούλετο παρασκευαζόμενος γοῦν δῆλος εἶναι·

Chapter 60

1 Βοιωτοὶ δὲ τελευτῶντος ἤδη τοῦ χειμῶνος Ὠρωπὸν εἷλον προδοσίᾳ, Ἀθηναίων ἐμφρουρούντων. ξυνέπραξαν δὲ Ἐρετριῶν τε ἄνδρες καὶ αὐτῶν Ὠρωπίων, ἐπιβουλεύοντες ἀπόστασιν τῆς Εὐβοίας· ἐπὶ γὰρ τῇ Ἐρετρίᾳ τὸ χωρίον ὂν ἀδύνατα ἦν Ἀθηναίων ἐχόντων μὴ οὐ μεγάλα βλάπτειν καὶ Ἐρέτριαν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην Εὔβοιαν.

2 ἔχοντες οὖν ἤδη τὸν Ὠρωπὸν ἀφικνοῦνται ἐς Ῥόδον οἱ Ἐρετριῆς, ἐπικαλούμενοι ἐς τὴν Εὔβοιαν τοὺς Πελοποννησίους. οἱ δὲ πρὸς τὴν τῆς Χίου κακουμένης βοήθειαν μᾶλλον ὥρμηντο, καὶ ἄραντες πάσαις ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐκ τῆς Ῥόδου ἔπλεον.

3 καὶ γενόμενοι περὶ τὸ Τριόπιον καθορῶσι τὰς τῶν Ἀθηναίων ναῦς πελαγίας ἀπὸ τῆς Χάλκης πλεούσας· καὶ ὡς οὐδέτεροι ἀλλήλοις ἐπέπλεον, ἀφικνοῦνται οἱ μὲν ἐς τὴν Σάμον, οἱ δὲ ἐς τὴν Μίλητον, καὶ ἑώρων οὐκέτι ἄνευ ναυμαχίας οἷόν τε εἶναι ἐς τὴν Χίον βοηθῆσαι. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἐτελεύτα οὗτος, καὶ εἰκοστὸν ἔτος τῷ πολέμῳ ἐτελεύτα τῷδε ὃν Θουκυδίδης ξυνέγραψεν.

Chapter 61

1 τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου θέρους ἅμα τῷ ἦρι εὐθὺς ἀρχομένῳ Δερκυλίδας τε ἀνὴρ Σπαρτιάτης στρατιὰν ἔχων οὐ πολλὴν παρεπέμφθη πεζῇ ἐφ’ Ἑλλησπόντου Ἄβυδον ἀποστήσων (εἰσὶ δὲ Μιλησίων ἄποικοι), καὶ οἱ Χῖοι, ἐν ὅσῳ αὐτοῖς ὁ Ἀστύοχος ἠπόρει ὅπως βοηθήσοι, ναυμαχῆσαι πιεζόμενοι τῇ πολιορκίᾳ ἠναγκάσθησαν.

2 ἔτυχον δὲ ἔτι ἐν Ῥόδῳ ὄντος Ἀστυόχου ἐκ τῆς Μιλήτου Λέοντά τε ἄνδρα Σπαρτιάτην, ὃς Ἀντισθένει ἐπιβάτης ξυνεξῆλθε, τοῦτον κεκομισμένοι μετὰ τὸν Πεδαρίτου θάνατον ἄρχοντα καὶ ναῦς δώδεκα, αἳ ἔτυχον φύλακες Μιλήτου οὖσαι, ὧν ἦσαν Θούριαι πέντε καὶ Συρακόσιαι τέσσαρες καὶ μία Ἀναιῖτις καὶ μία Μιλησία καὶ Λέοντος μία.

3 ἐπεξελθόντων δὲ τῶν Χίων πανδημεὶ καὶ καταλαβόντων τι ἐρυμνὸν χωρίον καὶ τῶν νεῶν αὐτοῖς ἅμα ἓξ καὶ τριάκοντα ἐπὶ τὰς τῶν Ἀθηναίων δύο καὶ τριάκοντα ἀναγαγομένων ἐναυμάχησαν· καὶ καρτερᾶς γενομένης ναυμαχίας οὐκ ἔλασσον ἔχοντες ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ οἱ Χῖοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι (ἤδη γὰρ καὶ ὀψὲ ἦν) ἀνεχώρησαν ἐς τὴν πόλιν.

Chapter 62

1 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο εὐθὺς τοῦ Δερκυλίδου πεζῇ ἐκ τῆς Μιλήτου παρεξελθόντος Ἄβυδος ἐν τῷ Ἑλλησπόντῳ ἀφίσταται πρὸς Δερκυλίδαν καὶ Φαρνάβαζον, καὶ Λάμψακος δυοῖν ἡμέραιν ὕστερον.

2 Στρομβιχίδης δὲ ἐκ τῆς Χίου πυθόμενος κατὰ τάχος βοηθήσας ναυσὶν Ἀθηναίων τέσσαρσι καὶ εἴκοσιν, ὧν καὶ στρατιώτιδες ἦσαν ὁπλίτας ἄγουσαι, ἐπεξελθόντων τῶν Λαμψακηνῶν μάχῃ κρατήσας καὶ αὐτοβοεὶ Λάμψακον ἀτείχιστον οὖσαν ἑλών, καὶ σκεύη μὲν καὶ ἀνδράποδα ἁρπαγὴν ποιησάμενος, τοὺς δ’ ἐλευθέρους πάλιν κατοικίσας, ἐπ’ Ἄβυδον ἦλθεν.

3 καὶ ὡς οὔτε προσεχώρουν οὔτε προσβάλλων ἐδύνατο ἑλεῖν, ἐς τὸ ἀντιπέρας τῆς Ἀβύδου ἀποπλεύσας Σηστὸν πόλιν τῆς Χερσονήσου, ἥν ποτε Μῆδοι εἶχον, καθίστατο φρούριον καὶ φυλακὴν τοῦ παντὸς Ἑλλησπόντου.

Chapter 63

1 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ οἱ Χῖοί τε θαλασσοκράτορες μᾶλλον ἐγένοντο καὶ οἱ ἐν τῇ Μιλήτῳ καὶ ὁ Ἀστύοχος πυθόμενος τὰ περὶ τῆς ναυμαχίας καὶ τὸν Στρομβιχίδην καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἀπεληλυθότα ἐθάρσησεν.

2 καὶ παραπλεύσας δυοῖν νεοῖν Ἀστύοχος ἐς Χίον κομίζει αὐτόθεν τὰς ναῦς καὶ ξυμπάσαις ἤδη ἐπίπλουν ποιεῖται ἐπὶ τὴν Σάμον· καὶ ὡς αὐτῷ διὰ τὸ ἀλλήλοις ὑπόπτως ἔχειν οὐκ ἀντανήγοντο, ἀπέπλευσε πάλιν ἐς τὴν Μίλητον.

3 ὑπὸ γὰρ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον καὶ ἔτι πρότερον ἡ ἐν ταῖς Ἀθήναις δημοκρατία κατελέλυτο. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ οἱ περὶ τὸν Πείσανδρον πρέσβεις παρὰ τοῦ Τισσαφέρνους ἐς τὴν Σάμον ἦλθον, τά τε ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ στρατεύματι ἔτι βεβαιότερον κατέλαβον καὶ αὐτῶν τῶν Σαμίων προυτρέψαντο τοὺς δυνατωτάτους ὥστε πειρᾶσθαι μετὰ σφῶν ὀλιγαρχηθῆναι, καίπερ ἐπαναστάντας αὐτοὺς ἀλλήλοις ἵνα μὴ ὀλιγαρχῶνται·

4 καὶ ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἅμα οἱ ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ τῶν Ἀθηναίων κοινολογούμενοι ἐσκέψαντο Ἀλκιβιάδην μέν, ἐπειδήπερ οὐ βούλεται, ἐᾶν (καὶ γὰρ οὐκ ἐπιτήδειον αὐτὸν εἶναι ἐς ὀλιγαρχίαν ἐλθεῖν), αὐτοὺς δὲ ἐπὶ σφῶν αὐτῶν, ὡς ἤδη καὶ κινδυνεύοντας, ὁρᾶν ὅτῳ τρόπῳ μὴ ἀνεθήσεται τὰ πράγματα, καὶ τὰ τοῦ πολέμου ἅμα ἀντέχειν καὶ ἐσφέρειν αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων οἴκων προθύμως χρήματα καὶ ἤν τι ἄλλο δέῃ, ὡς οὐκέτι ἄλλοις ἢ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ταλαιπωροῦντας.

Chapter 64

1 παρακελευσάμενοι οὖν τοιαῦτα τὸν μὲν Πείσανδρον εὐθὺς τότε καὶ τῶν πρέσβεων τοὺς ἡμίσεις ἀπέστελλον ἐπ’ οἴκου πράξοντας τἀκεῖ, καὶ εἴρητο αὐτοῖς τῶν ὑπηκόων πόλεων αἷς ἂν προσσχῶσιν ὀλιγαρχίαν καθιστάναι· τοὺς δ’ ἡμίσεις ἐς τἆλλα τὰ ὑπήκοα χωρία ἄλλους ἄλλῃ διέπεμπον,

2 καὶ Διειτρέφη ὄντα περὶ Χίον, ᾑρημένον δὲ ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης ἄρχειν, ἀπέστελλον ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχήν. καὶ ἀφικόμενος ἐς τὴν Θάσον τὸν δῆμον κατέλυσεν.

3 καὶ ἀπελθόντος αὐτοῦ οἱ Θάσιοι δευτέρῳ μηνὶ μάλιστα τὴν πόλιν ἐτείχιζον, ὡς τῆς μὲν μετ’ Ἀθηναίων ἀριστοκρατίας οὐδὲν ἔτι προσδεόμενοι, τὴν δ’ ἀπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων ἐλευθερίαν ὁσημέραι προσδεχόμενοι·

4 καὶ γὰρ καὶ φυγὴ αὐτῶν ἔξω ἦν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων παρὰ τοῖς Πελοποννησίοις, καὶ αὕτη μετὰ τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει ἐπιτηδείων κατὰ κράτος ἔπρασσε ναῦς τε κομίσαι καὶ τὴν Θάσον ἀποστῆσαι. ξυνέβη οὖν αὐτοῖς μάλιστα ἃ ἐβούλοντο, τὴν πόλιν τε ἀκινδύνως ὀρθοῦσθαι καὶ τὸν ἐναντιωσόμενον δῆμον καταλελύσθαι.

5 περὶ μὲν οὖν τὴν Θάσον τἀναντία τοῖς τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν καθιστᾶσι τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐγένετο, δοκεῖν δέ μοι καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις πολλοῖς τῶν ὑπηκόων· σωφροσύνην γὰρ λαβοῦσαι αἱ πόλεις καὶ ἄδειαν τῶν πρασσομένων ἐχώρησαν ἐπὶ τὴν ἄντικρυς ἐλευθερίαν τῆς ἀπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ὑπούλου εὐνομίας οὐ προτιμήσαντες.

Chapter 65

1 οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ τὸν Πείσανδρον παραπλέοντές τε, ὥσπερ ἐδέδοκτο, τοὺς δήμους ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι κατέλυον, καὶ ἅμα ἔστιν ἀφ’ ὧν χωρίων καὶ ὁπλίτας ἔχοντες σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ξυμμάχους ἦλθον ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας.

2 καὶ καταλαμβάνουσι τὰ πλεῖστα τοῖς ἑταίροις προειργασμένα. καὶ γὰρ Ἀνδροκλέα τέ τινα τοῦ δήμου μάλιστα προεστῶτα ξυστάντες τινὲς τῶν νεωτέρων κρύφα ἀποκτείνουσιν, ὅσπερ καὶ τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην οὐχ ἥκιστα ἐξήλασε, καὶ αὐτὸν κατ’ ἀμφότερα, τῆς τε δημαγωγίας ἕνεκα καὶ οἰόμενοι τῷ Ἀλκιβιάδῃ ὡς κατιόντι καὶ τὸν Τισσαφέρνην φίλον ποιήσοντι χαριεῖσθαι, μᾶλλόν τι διέφθειραν· καὶ ἄλλους τινὰς ἀνεπιτηδείους τῷ αὐτῷ τρόπῳ κρύφα ἀνήλωσαν.

3 λόγος τε ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ προείργαστο αὐτοῖς ὡς οὔτε μισθοφορητέον εἴη ἄλλους ἢ τοὺς στρατευομένους οὔτε μεθεκτέον τῶν πραγμάτων πλέοσιν ἢ πεντακισχιλίοις, καὶ τούτοις οἳ ἂν μάλιστα τοῖς τε χρήμασι καὶ τοῖς σώμασιν ὠφελεῖν οἷοί τε ὦσιν.

Chapter 66

1 ἦν δὲ τοῦτο εὐπρεπὲς πρὸς τοὺς πλείους, ἐπεὶ ἕξειν γε τὴν πόλιν οἵπερ καὶ μεθίστασαν ἔμελλον. δῆμος μέντοι ὅμως ἔτι καὶ βουλὴ ἡ ἀπὸ τοῦ κυάμου ξυνελέγετο· ἐβούλευον δὲ οὐδὲν ὅτι μὴ τοῖς ξυνεστῶσι δοκοίη, ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ λέγοντες ἐκ τούτων ἦσαν καὶ τὰ ῥηθησόμενα πρότερον αὐτοῖς προύσκεπτο.

2 ἀντέλεγέ τε οὐδεὶς ἔτι τῶν ἄλλων, δεδιὼς καὶ ὁρῶν πολὺ τὸ ξυνεστηκός· εἰ δέ τις καὶ ἀντείποι, εὐθὺς ἐκ τρόπου τινὸς ἐπιτηδείου ἐτεθνήκει, καὶ τῶν δρασάντων οὔτε ζήτησις οὔτ’ εἰ ὑποπτεύοιντο δικαίωσις ἐγίγνετο, ἀλλ’ ἡσυχίαν εἶχεν ὁ δῆμος καὶ κατάπληξιν τοιαύτην ὥστε κέρδος ὁ μὴ πάσχων τι βίαιον, εἰ καὶ σιγῴη, ἐνόμιζεν.

3 καὶ τὸ ξυνεστηκὸς πολὺ πλέον ἡγούμενοι εἶναι ἢ ὅσον ἐτύγχανεν ὂν ἡσσῶντο ταῖς γνώμαις, καὶ ἐξευρεῖν αὐτὸ ἀδύνατοι ὄντες διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς πόλεως καὶ διὰ τὴν ἀλλήλων ἀγνωσίαν οὐκ εἶχον [αὐτοὶ ἐξευρεῖν].

4 κατὰ δὲ ταὐτὸ τοῦτο καὶ προσολοφύρασθαί τινι ἀγανακτήσαντα, ὥστε ἀμύνασθαι ἐπιβουλεύσαντα, ἀδύνατον ἦν· ἢ γὰρ ἀγνῶτα ἂν ηὗρεν ᾧ ἐρεῖ ἢ γνώριμον ἄπιστον.

5 ἀλλήλοις γὰρ ἅπαντες ὑπόπτως προσῇσαν οἱ τοῦ δήμου, ὡς μετέχοντά τινα τῶν γιγνομένων. ἐνῆσαν γὰρ καὶ οὓς οὐκ ἄν ποτέ τις ᾤετο ἐς ὀλιγαρχίαν τραπέσθαι· καὶ τὸ ἄπιστον οὗτοι μέγιστον πρὸς τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐποίησαν καὶ πλεῖστα ἐς τὴν τῶν ὀλίγων ἀσφάλειαν ὠφέλησαν, βέβαιον τὴν ἀπιστίαν τῷ δήμῳ πρὸς ἑαυτὸν καταστήσαντες.

Chapter 67

1 ἐν τούτῳ οὖν τῷ καιρῷ οἱ περὶ τὸν Πείσανδρον ἐλθόντες εὐθὺς τῶν λοιπῶν εἴχοντο. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τὸν δῆμον ξυλλέξαντες εἶπον γνώμην δέκα ἄνδρας ἑλέσθαι ξυγγραφέας αὐτοκράτορας, τούτους δὲ ξυγγράψαντας γνώμην ἐσενεγκεῖν ἐς τὸν δῆμον ἐς ἡμέραν ῥητὴν καθ’ ὅτι ἄριστα ἡ πόλις οἰκήσεται·

2 ἔπειτα ἐπειδὴ ἡ ἡμέρα ἐφῆκε, ξυνέκλῃσαν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἐς τὸν Κολωνόν (ἔστι δὲ ἱερὸν Ποσειδῶνος ἔξω πόλεως ἀπέχον σταδίους μάλιστα δέκα), καὶ ἐσήνεγκαν οἱ ξυγγραφῆς ἄλλο μὲν οὐδέν, αὐτὸ δὲ τοῦτο, ἐξεῖναι μὲν Ἀθηναίων ἀνατεὶ εἰπεῖν γνώμην ἣν ἄν τις βούληται· ἢν δέ τις τὸν εἰπόντα ἢ γράψηται παρανόμων ἢ ἄλλῳ τῳ τρόπῳ βλάψῃ, μεγάλας ζημίας ἐπέθεσαν.

3 ἐνταῦθα δὴ λαμπρῶς ἐλέγετο ἤδη μήτε ἀρχὴν ἄρχειν μηδεμίαν ἔτι ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ κόσμου μήτε μισθοφορεῖν προέδρους τε ἑλέσθαι πέντε ἄνδρας, τούτους δὲ ἑλέσθαι ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας, καὶ τῶν ἑκατὸν ἕκαστον πρὸς ἑαυτὸν τρεῖς· ἐλθόντας δὲ αὐτοὺς τετρακοσίους ὄντας ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἄρχειν ὅπῃ ἂν ἄριστα γιγνώσκωσιν αὐτοκράτορας, καὶ τοὺς πεντακισχιλίους δὲ ξυλλέγειν ὁπόταν αὐτοῖς δοκῇ.

Chapter 68

1 ἦν δὲ ὁ μὲν τὴν γνώμην ταύτην εἰπὼν Πείσανδρος, καὶ τἆλλα ἐκ τοῦ προφανοῦς προθυμότατα ξυγκαταλύσας τὸν δῆμον· ὁ μέντοι ἅπαν τὸ πρᾶγμα ξυνθεὶς ὅτῳ τρόπῳ κατέστη ἐς τοῦτο καὶ ἐκ πλείστου ἐπιμεληθεὶς Ἀντιφῶν ἦν ἀνὴρ Ἀθηναίων τῶν καθ’ ἑαυτὸν ἀρετῇ τε οὐδενὸς ὕστερος καὶ κράτιστος ἐνθυμηθῆναι γενόμενος καὶ ἃ γνοίη εἰπεῖν, καὶ ἐς μὲν δῆμον οὐ παριὼν οὐδ’ ἐς ἄλλον ἀγῶνα ἑκούσιος οὐδένα, ἀλλ’ ὑπόπτως τῷ πλήθει διὰ δόξαν δεινότητος διακείμενος, τοὺς μέντοι ἀγωνιζομένους καὶ ἐν δικαστηρίῳ καὶ ἐν δήμῳ πλεῖστα εἷς ἀνήρ, ὅστις ξυμβουλεύσαιτό τι, δυνάμενος ὠφελεῖν.

2 καὶ αὐτός τε, ἐπειδὴ † μετέστη ἡ δημοκρατία καὶ ἐς ἀγῶνας κατέστη † τὰ τῶν τετρακοσίων ἐν ὑστέρῳ μεταπεσόντα ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου ἐκακοῦτο †, ἄριστα φαίνεται τῶν μέχρι ἐμοῦ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν τούτων αἰτιαθείς, ὡς ξυγκατέστησε, θανάτου δίκην ἀπολογησάμενος.

3 παρέσχε δὲ καὶ ὁ Φρύνιχος ἑαυτὸν πάντων διαφερόντως προθυμότατον ἐς τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν, δεδιὼς τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην καὶ ἐπιστάμενος εἰδότα αὐτὸν ὅσα ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ πρὸς τὸν Ἀστύοχον ἔπραξε, νομίζων οὐκ ἄν ποτε αὐτὸν κατὰ τὸ εἰκὸς ὑπ’ ὀλιγαρχίας κατελθεῖν· πολύ τε πρὸς τὰ δεινά, ἐπειδήπερ ὑπέστη, φερεγγυώτατος ἐφάνη.

4 καὶ Θηραμένης ὁ τοῦ Ἅγνωνος ἐν τοῖς ξυγκαταλύουσι τὸν δῆμον πρῶτος ἦν, ἀνὴρ οὔτε εἰπεῖν οὔτε γνῶναι ἀδύνατος. ὥστε ἀπ’ ἀνδρῶν πολλῶν καὶ ξυνετῶν πραχθὲν τὸ ἔργον οὐκ ἀπεικότως καίπερ μέγα ὂν προυχώρησεν· χαλεπὸν γὰρ ἦν τὸν Ἀθηναίων δῆμον ἐπ’ ἔτει ἑκατοστῷ μάλιστα ἐπειδὴ οἱ τύραννοι κατελύθησαν ἐλευθερίας παῦσαι, καὶ οὐ μόνον μὴ ὑπήκοον ὄντα, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὑπὲρ ἥμισυ τοῦ χρόνου τούτου αὐτὸν ἄλλων ἄρχειν εἰωθότα.

Chapter 69

1 ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἡ ἐκκλησία οὐδενὸς ἀντειπόντος, ἀλλὰ κυρώσασα ταῦτα διελύθη, τοὺς τετρακοσίους ἤδη ὕστερον τρόπῳ τοιῷδε ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἐσήγαγον. ἦσαν [δ᾽] Ἀθηναῖοι πάντες αἰεὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ τείχει, οἱ δ’ ἐν τάξει, τῶν ἐν Δεκελείᾳ πολεμίων ἕνεκα ἐφ’ ὅπλοις·

2 τῇ οὖν ἡμέρᾳ ἐκείνῃ τοὺς μὲν μὴ ξυνειδότας εἴασαν ὥσπερ εἰώθεσαν ἀπελθεῖν, τοῖς δ’ ἐν τῇ ξυνωμοσίᾳ εἴρητο ἡσυχῇ μὴ ἐπ’ αὐτοῖς τοῖς ὅπλοις, ἀλλ’ ἄπωθεν περιμένειν, καὶ ἤν τις ἐνιστῆται τοῖς ποιουμένοις, λαβόντας τὰ ὅπλα μὴ ἐπιτρέπειν.

3 ἦσαν δὲ καὶ Ἄνδριοι καὶ Τήνιοι καὶ Καρυστίων τριακόσιοι καὶ Αἰγινητῶν τῶν ἐποίκων, οὓς Ἀθηναῖοι ἔπεμψαν οἰκήσοντας, ἐπ’ αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἥκοντες ἐν τοῖς ἑαυτῶν ὅπλοις, οἷς ταὐτὰ προείρητο.

4 τούτων δὲ διατεταγμένων οὕτως ἐλθόντες οἱ τετρακόσιοι μετὰ ξιφιδίου ἀφανοῦς ἕκαστος, καὶ οἱ εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν μετ’ αὐτῶν [Ἕλληνες] νεανίσκοι, οἷς ἐχρῶντο εἴ τί που δέοι χειρουργεῖν, ἐπέστησαν τοῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ κυάμου βουλευταῖς οὖσιν ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ καὶ εἶπον αὐτοῖς ἐξιέναι λαβοῦσι τὸν μισθόν· ἔφερον δὲ αὐτοῖς τοῦ ὑπολοίπου χρόνου παντὸς αὐτοὶ καὶ ἐξιοῦσιν ἐδίδοσαν.

Chapter 70

1 ὡς δὲ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ ἥ τε βουλὴ οὐδὲν ἀντειποῦσα ὑπεξῆλθε καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι πολῖται οὐδὲν ἐνεωτέριζον, ἀλλ’ ἡσύχαζον, οἱ [δὲ] τετρακόσιοι ἐσελθόντες ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον τότε μὲν πρυτάνεις τε σφῶν αὐτῶν ἀπεκλήρωσαν καὶ ὅσα πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς εὐχαῖς καὶ θυσίαις καθιστάμενοι ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐχρήσαντο, ὕστερον δὲ πολὺ μεταλλάξαντες τῆς τοῦ δήμου διοικήσεως (πλὴν τοὺς φεύγοντας οὐ κατῆγον τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου ἕνεκα) τά τε ἄλλα ἔνεμον κατὰ κράτος τὴν πόλιν.

2 καὶ ἄνδρας τέ τινας ἀπέκτειναν οὐ πολλούς, οἳ ἐδόκουν ἐπιτήδειοι εἶναι ὑπεξαιρεθῆναι, καὶ ἄλλους ἔδησαν, τοὺς δὲ καὶ μετεστήσαντο· πρός τε Ἆγιν τὸν Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλέα ὄντα ἐν τῇ Δεκελείᾳ ἐπεκηρυκεύοντο, λέγοντες διαλλαγῆναι βούλεσθαι καὶ εἰκὸς εἶναι αὐτὸν σφίσι καὶ οὐκέτι τῷ ἀπίστῳ δήμῳ μᾶλλον ξυγχωρεῖν.

Chapter 71

1 ὁ δὲ νομίζων τὴν πόλιν οὐχ ἡσυχάζειν, οὐδ’ εὐθὺς οὕτω τὸν δῆμον τὴν παλαιὰν ἐλευθερίαν παραδώσειν, εἴ τε στρατιὰν πολλὴν ἴδοι σφῶν, οὐκ ἂν ἡσυχάζειν, οὐδ’ ἐν τῷ παρόντι πάνυ τι πιστεύων μὴ οὐκέτι ταράσσεσθαι αὐτούς, τοῖς μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν τετρακοσίων ἐλθοῦσιν οὐδὲν ξυμβατικὸν ἀπεκρίνατο, προσμεταπεμψάμενος δὲ ἐκ Πελοποννήσου στρατιὰν πολλὴν οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον καὶ αὐτὸς τῇ ἐκ τῆς Δεκελείας φρουρᾷ μετὰ τῶν ἐλθόντων κατέβη πρὸς αὐτὰ τὰ τείχη τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ἐλπίσας ἢ ταραχθέντας αὐτοὺς μᾶλλον ἂν χειρωθῆναι σφίσιν ᾗ βούλονται ἢ καὶ αὐτοβοεὶ ἂν διὰ τὸν ἔνδοθέν τε καὶ ἔξωθεν κατὰ τὸ εἰκὸς γενησόμενον θόρυβον· τῶν γὰρ μακρῶν τειχῶν διὰ τὴν κατ’ αὐτὰ ἐρημίαν λήψεως οὐκ ἂν ἁμαρτεῖν.

2 ὡς δὲ προσέμειξέ τε ἐγγὺς καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὰ μὲν ἔνδοθεν οὐδ’ ὁπωστιοῦν ἐκίνησαν, τοὺς δὲ ἱππέας ἐκπέμψαντες καὶ μέρος τι τῶν ὁπλιτῶν καὶ ψιλῶν καὶ τοξοτῶν ἄνδρας τε κατέβαλον αὐτῶν διὰ τὸ ἐγγὺς προσελθεῖν καὶ ὅπλων τινῶν καὶ νεκρῶν ἐκράτησαν, οὕτω δὴ γνοὺς ἀπήγαγε πάλιν τὴν στρατιάν.

3 καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν καὶ οἱ μετ’ αὐτοῦ κατὰ χώραν ἐν τῇ Δεκελείᾳ ἔμενον, τοὺς δ’ ἐπελθόντας ὀλίγας τινὰς ἡμέρας ἐν τῇ γῇ μείναντας ἀπέπεμψεν ἐπ’ οἴκου. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο παρά τε τὸν Ἆγιν ἐπρεσβεύοντο οἱ τετρακόσιοι οὐδὲν ἧσσον, κἀκείνου μᾶλλον ἤδη προσδεχομένου καὶ παραινοῦντος ἐκπέμπουσι καὶ ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα περὶ ξυμβάσεως πρέσβεις, βουλόμενοι διαλλαγῆναι.

Chapter 72

1 πέμπουσι δὲ καὶ ἐς τὴν Σάμον δέκα ἄνδρας παραμυθησομένους τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ διδάξοντας ὡς οὐκ ἐπὶ βλάβῃ τῆς πόλεως καὶ τῶν πολιτῶν ἡ ὀλιγαρχία κατέστη, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ τῶν ξυμπάντων πραγμάτων, πεντακισχίλιοί τε ὅτι εἶεν καὶ οὐ τετρακόσιοι μόνον οἱ πράσσοντες· καίτοι οὐ πώποτε Ἀθηναίους διὰ τὰς στρατείας καὶ τὴν ὑπερόριον ἀσχολίαν ἐς οὐδὲν πρᾶγμα οὕτω μέγα ἐλθεῖν βουλεύσοντας ἐν ᾧ πεντακισχιλίους ξυνελθεῖν.

2 ἄλλα τ’ ἐπιστείλαντες τὰ πρέποντα εἰπεῖν ἀπέπεμψαν αὐτοὺς εὐθὺς μετὰ τὴν ἑαυτῶν κατάστασιν, δείσαντες μή, ὅπερ ἐγένετο, ναυτικὸς ὄχλος οὔτ’ αὐτὸς μένειν ἐν τῷ ὀλιγαρχικῷ κόσμῳ ἐθέλῃ, σφᾶς τε μὴ ἐκεῖθεν ἀρξαμένου τοῦ κακοῦ μεταστήσωσιν.

Chapter 73

1 ἐν γὰρ τῇ Σάμῳ ἐνεωτερίζετο ἤδη τὰ περὶ τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν, καὶ ξυνέβη τοιάδε γενέσθαι ὑπ’ αὐτὸν τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον ὅνπερ οἱ τετρακόσιοι ξυνίσταντο.

2 οἱ γὰρ τότε τῶν Σαμίων ἐπαναστάντες τοῖς δυνατοῖς καὶ ὄντες δῆμος μεταβαλλόμενοι αὖθις καὶ πεισθέντες ὑπό τε τοῦ Πεισάνδρου, ὅτε ἦλθε, καὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ ξυνεστώτων Ἀθηναίων ἐγένοντό τε ἐς τριακοσίους ξυνωμόται καὶ ἔμελλον τοῖς ἄλλοις ὡς δήμῳ ὄντι ἐπιθήσεσθαι.

3 καὶ Ὑπέρβολόν τέ τινα τῶν Ἀθηναίων, μοχθηρὸν ἄνθρωπον, ὠστρακισμένον οὐ διὰ δυνάμεως καὶ ἀξιώματος φόβον, ἀλλὰ διὰ πονηρίαν καὶ αἰσχύνην τῆς πόλεως, ἀποκτείνουσι μετὰ Χαρμίνου τε ἑνὸς τῶν στρατηγῶν καί τινων τῶν παρὰ σφίσιν Ἀθηναίων, πίστιν διδόντες αὐτοῖς, καὶ ἄλλα μετ’ αὐτῶν τοιαῦτα ξυνέπραξαν, τοῖς τε πλέοσιν ὥρμηντο ἐπιτίθεσθαι.

4 οἱ δὲ αἰσθόμενοι τῶν τε στρατηγῶν Λέοντι καὶ Διομέδοντι (οὗτοι γὰρ οὐχ ἑκόντες διὰ τὸ τιμᾶσθαι ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου ἔφερον τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν) τὸ μέλλον σημαίνουσι καὶ Θρασυβούλῳ καὶ Θρασύλῳ, τῷ μὲν τριηραρχοῦντι, τῷ δὲ ὁπλιτεύοντι, καὶ ἄλλοις οἳ ἐδόκουν αἰεὶ μάλιστα ἐναντιοῦσθαι τοῖς ξυνεστῶσιν· καὶ οὐκ ἠξίουν περιιδεῖν αὐτοὺς σφᾶς τε διαφθαρέντας καὶ Σάμον Ἀθηναίοις ἀλλοτριωθεῖσαν, δι’ ἣν μόνον [μέχρι νῦν] ἡ ἀρχὴ αὐτοῖς ἐς τοῦτο ξυνέμεινεν.

5 οἱ δὲ ἀκούσαντες τῶν τε στρατιωτῶν ἕνα ἕκαστον μετῇσαν μὴ ἐπιτρέπειν, καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα τοὺς Παράλους, ἄνδρας Ἀθηναίους τε καὶ ἐλευθέρους πάντας ἐν τῇ νηὶ πλέοντας καὶ αἰεὶ δήποτε ὀλιγαρχίᾳ καὶ μὴ παρούσῃ ἐπικειμένους· ὅ τε Λέων καὶ ὁ Διομέδων αὐτοῖς ναῦς τινάς, ὁπότε ποι πλέοιεν, κατέλειπον φύλακας.

6 ὥστε ἐπειδὴ αὐτοῖς ἐπετίθεντο οἱ τριακόσιοι, βοηθησάντων πάντων τούτων, μάλιστα δὲ τῶν Παράλων, περιεγένοντο οἱ τῶν Σαμίων πλέονες, καὶ τριάκοντα μέν τινας ἀπέκτειναν τῶν τριακοσίων, τρεῖς δὲ τοὺς αἰτιωτάτους φυγῇ ἐζημίωσαν· τοῖς δ’ ἄλλοις οὐ μνησικακοῦντες δημοκρατούμενοι τὸ λοιπὸν ξυνεπολίτευον.

Chapter 74

1 τὴν δὲ Πάραλον ναῦν καὶ Χαιρέαν ἐπ’ αὐτῆς τὸν Ἀρχεστράτου, ἄνδρα Ἀθηναῖον, γενόμενον ἐς τὴν μετάστασιν πρόθυμον, ἀποπέμπουσιν οἵ τε Σάμιοι καὶ οἱ στρατιῶται κατὰ τάχος ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας ἀπαγγελοῦντα τὰ γεγενημένα· οὐ γὰρ ᾔδεσάν πω τοὺς τετρακοσίους ἄρχοντας.

2 καὶ καταπλευσάντων αὐτῶν εὐθέως τῶν μὲν Παράλων τινὰς οἱ τετρακόσιοι δύο ἢ τρεῖς ἔδησαν, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἀφελόμενοι τὴν ναῦν καὶ μετεμβιβάσαντες ἐς ἄλλην στρατιῶτιν ναῦν ἔταξαν φρουρεῖν περὶ Εὔβοιαν.

3 ὁ δὲ Χαιρέας εὐθὺς διαλαθών πως, ὡς εἶδε τὰ παρόντα, πάλιν ἐς τὴν Σάμον ἐλθὼν ἀγγέλλει τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐπὶ τὸ μεῖζον πάντα δεινώσας τὰ ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν, ὡς πληγαῖς τε πάντας ζημιοῦσι καὶ ἀντειπεῖν ἔστιν οὐδὲν πρὸς τοὺς ἔχοντας τὴν πολιτείαν, καὶ ὅτι αὐτῶν καὶ γυναῖκες καὶ παῖδες ὑβρίζονται, καὶ διανοοῦνται, ὁπόσοι ἐν Σάμῳ στρατεύονται μὴ ὄντες τῆς σφετέρας γνώμης, τούτων πάντων τοὺς προσήκοντας λαβόντες εἴρξειν, ἵνα, ἢν μὴ ὑπακούσωσι, τεθνήκωσιν· καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ ἐπικαταψευδόμενος ἔλεγεν.

Chapter 75

1 οἱ δὲ ἀκούοντες ἐπὶ τοὺς τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν μάλιστα ποιήσαντας καὶ ἔτι τῶν ἄλλων τοὺς μετασχόντας τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὥρμησαν βάλλειν, ἔπειτα μέντοι ὑπὸ τῶν διὰ μέσου κωλυθέντες καὶ διδαχθέντες μὴ τῶν πολεμίων ἀντιπρῴρων ἐγγὺς ἐφορμούντων ἀπολέσωσι τὰ πράγματα, ἐπαύσαντο.

2 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο λαμπρῶς ἤδη ἐς δημοκρατίαν βουλόμενοι μεταστῆσαι τὰ ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ ὅ τε Θρασύβουλος ὁ τοῦ Λύκου καὶ Θράσυλος (οὗτοι γὰρ μάλιστα προειστήκεσαν τῆς μεταβολῆς) ὥρκωσαν πάντας τοὺς στρατιώτας τοὺς μεγίστους ὅρκους, καὶ αὐτοὺς τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας μάλιστα, ἦ μὴν δημοκρατήσεσθαί τε καὶ ὁμονοήσειν καὶ τὸν πρὸς Πελοποννησίους πόλεμον προθύμως διοίσειν καὶ τοῖς τετρακοσίοις πολέμιοί τε ἔσεσθαι καὶ οὐδὲν ἐπικηρυκεύσεσθαι.

3 ξυνώμνυσαν δὲ καὶ Σαμίων πάντες τὸν αὐτὸν ὅρκον οἱ ἐν τῇ ἡλικίᾳ, καὶ τὰ πράγματα πάντα καὶ τὰ ἀποβησόμενα ἐκ τῶν κινδύνων ξυνεκοινώσαντο οἱ στρατιῶται τοῖς Σαμίοις, νομίζοντες οὔτε ἐκείνοις ἀποστροφὴν σωτηρίας οὔτε σφίσιν εἶναι, ἀλλ᾽, ἐάν τε οἱ τετρακόσιοι κρατήσωσιν ἐάν τε οἱ ἐκ Μιλήτου πολέμιοι, διαφθαρήσεσθαι.

Chapter 76

1 ἐς φιλονικίαν τε καθέστασαν τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον οἱ μὲν τὴν πόλιν ἀναγκάζοντες δημοκρατεῖσθαι, οἱ δὲ τὸ στρατόπεδον ὀλιγαρχεῖσθαι.

2 ἐποίησαν δὲ καὶ ἐκκλησίαν εὐθὺς οἱ στρατιῶται, ἐν ᾗ τοὺς μὲν προτέρους στρατηγούς, καὶ εἴ τινα τῶν τριηράρχων ὑπώπτευον, ἔπαυσαν, ἄλλους δὲ ἀνθείλοντο καὶ τριηράρχους καὶ στρατηγούς, ὧν Θρασύβουλός τε καὶ Θράσυλος ὑπῆρχον.

3 καὶ παραινέσεις ἄλλας τε ἐποιοῦντο ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἀνιστάμενοι καὶ ὡς οὐ δεῖ ἀθυμεῖν ὅτι ἡ πόλις αὐτῶν ἀφέστηκεν· τοὺς γὰρ ἐλάσσους ἀπὸ σφῶν τῶν πλεόνων καὶ ἐς πάντα ποριμωτέρων μεθεστάναι.

4 ἐχόντων γὰρ σφῶν τὸ πᾶν ναυτικόν, τάς τε ἄλλας πόλεις ὧν ἄρχουσιν ἀναγκάσειν τὰ χρήματα ὁμοίως διδόναι καὶ εἰ ἐκεῖθεν ὡρμῶντο (πόλιν τε γὰρ σφίσιν ὑπάρχειν Σάμον οὐκ ἀσθενῆ, ἀλλ’ ἣ παρ’ ἐλάχιστον δὴ ἦλθε τὸ Ἀθηναίων κράτος τῆς θαλάσσης, ὅτε ἐπολέμησεν, ἀφελέσθαι, τούς τε πολεμίους ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ χωρίου ἀμυνεῖσθαι οὗπερ καὶ πρότερον), καὶ δυνατώτεροι εἶναι σφεῖς ἔχοντες τὰς ναῦς πορίζεσθαι τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει.

5 καὶ δι’ ἑαυτοὺς δὲ ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ προκαθημένους καὶ πρότερον αὐτοὺς κρατεῖν τοῦ ἐς τὸν Πειραιᾶ ἔσπλου, καὶ νῦν ἐς τοιοῦτον καταστήσονται μὴ βουλομένων σφίσι πάλιν τὴν πολιτείαν ἀποδοῦναι, ὥστε αὐτοὶ δυνατώτεροι εἶναι εἴργειν ἐκείνους τῆς θαλάσσης ἢ ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων εἴργεσθαι.

6 βραχύ τέ τι εἶναι καὶ οὐδενὸς ἄξιον ὃ πρὸς τὸ περιγίγνεσθαι τῶν πολεμίων ἡ πόλις σφίσι χρήσιμος ἦν, καὶ οὐδὲν ἀπολωλεκέναι, οἵ γε μήτε ἀργύριον εἶχον ἔτι πέμπειν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοὶ ἐπορίζοντο οἱ στρατιῶται, μήτε βούλευμα χρηστόν, οὗπερ ἕνεκα πόλις στρατοπέδων κρατεῖ· ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τούτοις τοὺς μὲν ἡμαρτηκέναι τοὺς πατρίους νόμους καταλύσαντας, αὐτοὶ δὲ σῴζειν καὶ ἐκείνους πειράσεσθαι προσαναγκάζειν, ὥστε οὐδὲ τούτους, οἵπερ ἂν βουλεύοιέν τι χρηστόν, παρὰ σφίσι χείρους εἶναι.

7 Ἀλκιβιάδην τε, ἢν αὐτῷ ἄδειάν τε καὶ κάθοδον ποιήσωσιν, ἄσμενον τὴν παρὰ βασιλέως ξυμμαχίαν παρέξειν. τό τε μέγιστον, ἢν ἁπάντων σφάλλωνται, εἶναι αὐτοῖς τοσοῦτον ἔχουσι ναυτικὸν πολλὰς τὰς ἀποχωρήσεις ἐν αἷς καὶ πόλεις καὶ γῆν εὑρήσουσιν.

Chapter 77

1 τοιαῦτα ἐν ἀλλήλοις ἐκκλησιάσαντες καὶ παραθαρσύναντες σφᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ τὰ τοῦ πολέμου παρεσκευάζοντο οὐδὲν ἧσσον. οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν τετρακοσίων πεμφθέντες ἐς τὴν Σάμον [οἱ δέκα πρεσβευταὶ] ὡς ταῦτα ἐν τῇ Δήλῳ ἤδη ὄντες ᾐσθάνοντο, ἡσύχαζον αὐτοῦ.

Chapter 78

1 ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον καὶ οἱ ἐν τῇ Μιλήτῳ τῶν Πελοποννησίων ἐν τῷ ναυτικῷ στρατιῶται κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς διεβόων ὡς ὑπό τε Ἀστυόχου καὶ Τισσαφέρνους φθείρεται τὰ πράγματα, τοῦ μὲν οὐκ ἐθέλοντος οὔτε πρότερον ναυμαχεῖν, ἕως ἔτι αὐτοί τε ἔρρωντο μᾶλλον καὶ τὸ ναυτικὸν τῶν Ἀθηναίων ὀλίγον ἦν, οὔτε νῦν, ὅτε στασιάζειν τε λέγονται καὶ αἱ νῆες αὐτῶν οὐδέπω ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ εἰσίν, ἀλλὰ τὰς παρὰ Τισσαφέρνους Φοινίσσας ναῦς μένοντες, ἄλλως ὄνομα καὶ οὐκ ἔργον, κινδυνεύσειν διατριβῆναι· τὸν δ’ αὖ Τισσαφέρνην τάς τε ναῦς ταύτας οὐ κομίζειν, καὶ τροφὴν ὅτι οὐ ξυνεχῶς οὐδ’ ἐντελῆ διδοὺς κακοῖ τὸ ναυτικόν. οὔκουν ἔφασαν χρῆναι μέλλειν ἔτι, ἀλλὰ διαναυμαχεῖν.

Chapter 79

1 καὶ μάλιστα οἱ Συρακόσιοι ἐνῆγον. αἰσθόμενοι δὲ οἱ ξύμμαχοι καὶ ὁ Ἀστύοχος τὸν θροῦν, καὶ δόξαν αὐτοῖς ἀπὸ ξυνόδου ὥστε διαναυμαχεῖν, ἐπειδὴ καὶ ἐσηγγέλλετο αὐτοῖς ἡ ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ ταραχή, ἄραντες ταῖς ναυσὶ πάσαις οὔσαις δώδεκα καὶ ἑκατὸν καὶ τοὺς Μιλησίους πεζῇ κελεύσαντες ἐπὶ τῆς Μυκάλης παριέναι ἔπλεον ὡς πρὸς τὴν Μυκάλην.

2 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι ταῖς ἐκ Σάμου ναυσὶ δυοῖν καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα, αἳ ἔτυχον ἐν Γλαύκῃ τῆς Μυκάλης ὁρμοῦσαι (διέχει δὲ ὀλίγον ταύτῃ ἡ Σάμος τῆς ἠπείρου πρὸς τὴν Μυκάλην), ὡς εἶδον τὰς τῶν Πελοποννησίων ναῦς προσπλεούσας, ὑπεχώρησαν ἐς τὴν Σάμον, οὐ νομίσαντες τῷ πλήθει διακινδυνεῦσαι περὶ τοῦ παντὸς ἱκανοὶ εἶναι.

3 καὶ ἅμα (προῄσθοντο γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῆς Μιλήτου ναυμαχησείοντας) προσεδέχοντο καὶ τὸν Στρομβιχίδην ἐκ τοῦ Ἑλλησπόντου σφίσι ταῖς ἐκ τῆς Χίου ναυσὶν ἐπ’ Ἀβύδου ἀφικομέναις προσβοηθήσειν· προυπέπεμπτο γὰρ αὐτῷ ἄγγελος.

4 καὶ οἱ μὲν οὕτως ἐπὶ τῆς Σάμου ἀνεχώρησαν, οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι καταπλεύσαντες ἐπὶ τῆς Μυκάλης ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο, καὶ τῶν Μιλησίων καὶ τῶν πλησιοχώρων ὁ πεζός.

5 καὶ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ μελλόντων αὐτῶν ἐπιπλεῖν τῇ Σάμῳ ἀγγέλλεται ὁ Στρομβιχίδης ταῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἑλλησπόντου ναυσὶν ἀφιγμένος· καὶ εὐθὺς ἀπέπλεον πάλιν ἐπὶ τῆς Μιλήτου.

6 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι προσγενομένων σφίσι τῶν νεῶν ἐπίπλουν αὐτοὶ ποιοῦνται τῇ Μιλήτῳ ναυσὶν ὀκτὼ καὶ ἑκατὸν βουλόμενοι διαναυμαχῆσαι· καὶ ὡς οὐδεὶς αὐτοῖς ἀντανήγετο, ἀπέπλευσαν πάλιν ἐς τὴν Σάμον.

Chapter 80

1 ἐν δὲ τῷ αὐτῷ θέρει μετὰ τοῦτο εὐθὺς οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι, ἐπειδὴ ἁθρόαις ταῖς ναυσὶν οὐκ ἀξιόμαχοι νομίσαντες εἶναι οὐκ ἀντανήγοντο, ἀπορήσαντες ὁπόθεν τοσαύταις ναυσὶ χρήματα ἕξουσιν, ἄλλως τε καὶ Τισσαφέρνους κακῶς διδόντος, ἀποστέλλουσιν ὡς τὸν Φαρνάβαζον, ὥσπερ καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἐκ τῆς Πελοποννήσου προσετάχθη, Κλέαρχον τὸν Ῥαμφίου ἔχοντα ναῦς τεσσαράκοντα.

2 ἐπεκαλεῖτό τε γὰρ αὐτοὺς ὁ Φαρνάβαζος καὶ τροφὴν ἑτοῖμος ἦν παρέχειν, καὶ ἅμα καὶ τὸ Βυζάντιον ἐπεκηρυκεύετο αὐτοῖς ἀποστῆναι.

3 καὶ αἱ μὲν τῶν Πελοποννησίων αὗται νῆες ἀπάρασαι ἐς τὸ πέλαγος, ὅπως λάθοιεν ἐν τῷ πλῷ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, χειμασθεῖσαι, καὶ αἱ μὲν Δήλου λαβόμεναι αἱ πλείους μετὰ Κλεάρχου καὶ ὕστερον πάλιν ἐλθοῦσαι ἐς Μίλητον (Κλέαρχος δὲ κατὰ γῆν αὖθις ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον κομισθεὶς ἦρχεν), αἱ δὲ μετὰ Ἑλίξου τοῦ Μεγαρέως στρατηγοῦ δέκα ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον διασωθεῖσαι Βυζάντιον ἀφιστᾶσιν.

4 καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα οἱ ἐκ τῆς Σάμου πέμπουσιν αἰσθόμενοι νεῶν βοήθειαν καὶ φυλακὴν ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον, καί τις καὶ ναυμαχία βραχεῖα γίγνεται πρὸ τοῦ Βυζαντίου ναυσὶν ὀκτὼ πρὸς ὀκτώ.

Chapter 81

1 οἱ δὲ προεστῶτες ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ καὶ μάλιστα Θρασύβουλος, αἰεί γε τῆς αὐτῆς γνώμης ἐχόμενος, ἐπειδὴ μετέστησε τὰ πράγματα, ὥστε κατάγειν Ἀλκιβιάδην, [καὶ] τέλος ἀπ’ ἐκκλησίας ἔπεισε τὸ πλῆθος τῶν στρατιωτῶν, καὶ ψηφισαμένων αὐτῶν Ἀλκιβιάδῃ κάθοδον καὶ ἄδειαν πλεύσας ὡς τὸν Τισσαφέρνην κατῆγεν ἐς τὴν Σάμον τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην, νομίζων μόνην σωτηρίαν εἰ Τισσαφέρνην αὐτοῖς μεταστήσειεν ἀπὸ Πελοποννησίων.

2 γενομένης δὲ ἐκκλησίας τήν τε ἰδίαν ξυμφορὰν τῆς φυγῆς ἐπῃτιάσατο καὶ ἀνωλοφύρατο ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης, καὶ περὶ τῶν πολιτικῶν πολλὰ εἰπὼν ἐς ἐλπίδας τε αὐτοὺς οὐ σμικρὰς τῶν μελλόντων καθίστη, καὶ ὑπερβάλλων ἐμεγάλυνε τὴν ἑαυτοῦ δύναμιν παρὰ τῷ Τισσαφέρνει, ἵνα οἵ τε οἴκοι τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν ἔχοντες φοβοῖντο αὐτὸν καὶ μᾶλλον αἱ ξυνωμοσίαι διαλυθεῖεν καὶ οἱ ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ τιμιώτερόν τε αὐτὸν ἄγοιεν καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐπὶ πλέον θαρσοῖεν, οἵ τε πολέμιοι τῷ Τισσαφέρνει ὡς μάλιστα διαβάλλοιντο καὶ [ἀπὸ] τῶν ὑπαρχουσῶν ἐλπίδων ἐκπίπτοιεν.

3 ὑπισχνεῖτο δ’ οὖν τάδε μέγιστα ἐπικομπῶν ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης, ὡς Τισσαφέρνης αὐτῷ ὑπεδέξατο ἦ μήν, ἕως ἄν τι τῶν ἑαυτοῦ λείπηται, ἢν Ἀθηναίοις πιστεύσῃ, μὴ ἀπορήσειν αὐτοὺς τροφῆς, οὐδ’ ἢν δέῃ τελευτῶντα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ στρωμνὴν ἐξαργυρῶσαι, τάς τε ἐν Ἀσπένδῳ ἤδη οὔσας Φοινίκων ναῦς κομιεῖν Ἀθηναίοις καὶ οὐ Πελοποννησίοις· πιστεῦσαι δ’ ἂν μόνως Ἀθηναίοις, εἰ σῶς αὐτὸς κατελθὼν αὐτῷ ἀναδέξαιτο.

Chapter 82

1 οἱ δὲ ἀκούοντες ταῦτά τε καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ στρατηγόν τε αὐτὸν εὐθὺς εἵλοντο μετὰ τῶν προτέρων καὶ τὰ πράγματα πάντα ἀνετίθεσαν, τήν τε παραυτίκα ἐλπίδα ἕκαστος τῆς τε σωτηρίας καὶ τῆς τῶν τετρακοσίων τιμωρίας οὐδενὸς ἂν ἠλλάξαντο, καὶ ἑτοῖμοι ἤδη ἦσαν διὰ τὸ αὐτίκα τούς τε παρόντας πολεμίους ἐκ τῶν λεχθέντων καταφρονεῖν καὶ πλεῖν ἐπὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ.

2 ὁ δὲ τὸ μὲν ἐπὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ πλεῖν τοὺς ἐγγυτέρω πολεμίους ὑπολιπόντας καὶ πάνυ διεκώλυσε, πολλῶν ἐπειγομένων, τὰ δὲ τοῦ πολέμου πρῶτον ἔφη, ἐπειδὴ καὶ στρατηγὸς ᾕρητο, πλεύσας ὡς Τισσαφέρνην πράξειν.

3 καὶ ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς ἐκκλησίας εὐθὺς ᾤχετο, ἵνα δοκῇ πάντα μετ’ ἐκείνου κοινοῦσθαι, καὶ ἅμα βουλόμενος αὐτῷ τιμιώτερός τε εἶναι καὶ ἐνδείκνυσθαι ὅτι καὶ στρατηγὸς ἤδη ᾕρηται καὶ εὖ καὶ κακῶς οἷός τέ ἐστιν αὐτὸν [ἤδη] ποιεῖν. ξυνέβαινε δὲ τῷ Ἀλκιβιάδῃ τῷ μὲν Τισσαφέρνει τοὺς Ἀθηναίους φοβεῖν, ἐκείνοις δὲ τὸν Τισσαφέρνην.

Chapter 83

1 οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι ἐν τῇ Μιλήτῳ πυνθανόμενοι τὴν τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου κάθοδον, καὶ πρότερον τῷ Τισσαφέρνει ἀπιστοῦντες πολλῷ δὴ μᾶλλον ἔτι διεβέβληντο.

2 ξυνηνέχθη γὰρ αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὸν ἐπὶ τὴν Μίλητον τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐπίπλουν, ὡς οὐκ ἠθέλησαν ἀνταναγαγόντες ναυμαχῆσαι, πολλῷ ἐς τὴν μισθοδοσίαν τὸν Τισσαφέρνην ἀρρωστότερον γενόμενον καὶ ἐς τὸ μισεῖσθαι ὑπ’ αὐτῶν πρότερον ἔτι τούτων διὰ τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην ἐπιδεδωκέναι.

3 καὶ ξυνιστάμενοι κατ’ ἀλλήλους οἷάπερ καὶ πρότερον οἱ στρατιῶται ἀνελογίζοντο καί τινες καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν ἀξίων λόγου ἀνθρώπων καὶ οὐ μόνον τὸ στρατιωτικόν, ὡς οὔτε μισθὸν ἐντελῆ πώποτε λάβοιεν, τό τε διδόμενον βραχὺ καὶ οὐδὲ τοῦτο ξυνεχῶς· καὶ εἰ μή τις ἢ διαναυμαχήσει ἢ ἀπαλλάξεται ὅθεν τροφὴν ἕξει, ἀπολείψειν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους τὰς ναῦς· πάντων τε Ἀστύοχον εἶναι αἴτιον ἐπιφέροντα ὀργὰς Τισσαφέρνει διὰ ἴδια κέρδη.

Chapter 84

1 ὄντων δ’ αὐτῶν ἐν τοιούτῳ ἀναλογισμῷ ξυνηνέχθη καὶ τοιόσδε τις θόρυβος περὶ τὸν Ἀστύοχον.

2 τῶν γὰρ Συρακοσίων καὶ Θουρίων ὅσῳ μάλιστα καὶ ἐλεύθεροι ἦσαν τὸ πλῆθος οἱ ναῦται, τοσούτῳ καὶ θρασύτατα προσπεσόντες τὸν μισθὸν ἀπῄτουν. ὁ δὲ αὐθαδέστερόν τέ τι ἀπεκρίνατο καὶ ἠπείλησε καὶ τῷ γε Δωριεῖ ξυναγορεύοντι τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ ναύταις καὶ ἐπανήρατο τὴν βακτηρίαν.

3 τὸ δὲ πλῆθος τῶν στρατιωτῶν ὡς εἶδον, οἷα δὴ ναῦται, ὥρμησαν ἐκραγέντες ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀστύοχον ὥστε βάλλειν· ὁ δὲ προϊδὼν καταφεύγει ἐπὶ βωμόν τινα. οὐ μέντοι ἐβλήθη γε, ἀλλὰ διελύθησαν ἀπ’ ἀλλήλων.

4 ἔλαβον δὲ καὶ τὸ ἐν τῇ Μιλήτῳ ἐνῳκοδομημένον τοῦ Τισσαφέρνους φρούριον οἱ Μιλήσιοι λάθρᾳ ἐπιπεσόντες, καὶ τοὺς ἐνόντας φύλακας αὐτοῦ ἐκβάλλουσιν· ξυνεδόκει δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ξυμμάχοις ταῦτα καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα τοῖς Συρακοσίοις.

5 ὁ μέντοι Λίχας οὔτε ἠρέσκετο αὐτοῖς ἔφη τε χρῆναι Τισσαφέρνει καὶ δουλεύειν Μιλησίους καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς ἐν τῇ βασιλέως τὰ μέτρια καὶ ἐπιθεραπεύειν, ἕως ἂν τὸν πόλεμον εὖ θῶνται. οἱ δὲ Μιλήσιοι ὠργίζοντό τε αὐτῷ καὶ διὰ ταῦτα καὶ δι’ ἄλλα τοιουτότροπα καὶ νόσῳ ὕστερον ἀποθανόντα αὐτὸν οὐκ εἴασαν θάψαι οὗ ἐβούλοντο οἱ παρόντες τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων.

Chapter 85

1 κατὰ δὴ τοιαύτην διαφορὰν ὄντων αὐτοῖς τῶν πραγμάτων πρός τε τὸν Ἀστύοχον καὶ τὸν Τισσαφέρνην Μίνδαρος διάδοχος τῆς Ἀστυόχου ναυαρχίας ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος ἐπῆλθε καὶ παραλαμβάνει τὴν ἀρχήν· ὁ δὲ Ἀστύοχος ἀπέπλει.

2 ξυνέπεμψε δὲ καὶ Τισσαφέρνης αὐτῷ πρεσβευτὴν τῶν παρ’ ἑαυτοῦ, Γαυλίτην ὄνομα, Κᾶρα δίγλωσσον, κατηγορήσοντα τῶν τε Μιλησίων περὶ τοῦ φρουρίου καὶ περὶ αὐτοῦ ἅμα ἀπολογησόμενον, εἰδὼς τούς τε Μιλησίους πορευομένους ἐπὶ καταβοῇ τῇ αὑτοῦ μάλιστα καὶ τὸν Ἑρμοκράτη μετ’ αὐτῶν, ὃς ἔμελλε τὸν Τισσαφέρνην ἀποφαίνειν φθείροντα τῶν Πελοποννησίων τὰ πράγματα μετὰ Ἀλκιβιάδου καὶ ἐπαμφοτερίζοντα.

3 ἔχθρα δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἦν αὐτῷ αἰεί ποτε περὶ τοῦ μισθοῦ τῆς ἀποδόσεως· καὶ τὰ τελευταῖα φυγόντος ἐκ Συρακουσῶν τοῦ Ἑρμοκράτους καὶ ἑτέρων ἡκόντων ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς τῶν Συρακοσίων ἐς τὴν Μίλητον στρατηγῶν, Ποτάμιδος καὶ Μύσκωνος καὶ Δημάρχου, ἐνέκειτο ὁ Τισσαφέρνης φυγάδι ὄντι ἤδη τῷ Ἑρμοκράτει πολλῷ ἔτι μᾶλλον καὶ κατηγόρει ἄλλα τε καὶ ὡς χρήματά ποτε αἰτήσας αὑτὸν καὶ οὐ τυχὼν τὴν ἔχθραν οἱ προθοῖτο.

4 ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀστύοχος καὶ οἱ Μιλήσιοι καὶ ὁ Ἑρμοκράτης ἀπέπλευσαν ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα. ὁ δὲ Ἀλκιβιάδης διεβεβήκει πάλιν ἤδη παρὰ τοῦ Τισσαφέρνους ἐς τὴν Σάμον.

Chapter 86

1 καὶ οἱ ἐκ τῆς Δήλου ἀπὸ τῶν τετρακοσίων [πρεσβευταί], οὓς τότε ἔπεμψαν παραμυθησομένους καὶ ἀναδιδάξοντας τοὺς ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ, ἀφικνοῦνται παρόντος τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου, καὶ ἐκκλησίας γενομένης λέγειν ἐπεχείρουν.

2 οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οὐκ ἤθελον ἀκούειν, ἀλλ’ ἀποκτείνειν ἐβόων τοὺς τὸν δῆμον καταλύοντας, ἔπειτα μέντοι μόλις ἡσυχάσαντες ἤκουσαν.

3 οἱ δ’ ἀπήγγελλον ὡς οὔτε ἐπὶ διαφθορᾷ τῆς πόλεως ἡ μετάστασις γίγνοιτο, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ, οὔθ’ ἵνα τοῖς πολεμίοις παραδοθῇ (ἐξεῖναι γάρ, ὅτε ἐσέβαλον ἤδη σφῶν ἀρχόντων, τοῦτο ποιῆσαι), τῶν τε πεντακισχιλίων ὅτι πάντες ἐν τῷ μέρει μεθέξουσιν, οἵ τε οἰκεῖοι αὐτῶν οὔθ’ ὑβρίζονται, ὥσπερ Χαιρέας διαβάλλων ἀπήγγειλεν, οὔτε κακὸν ἔχουσιν οὐδέν, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ τοῖς σφετέροις αὐτῶν ἕκαστοι κατὰ χώραν μένουσιν.

4 ἄλλα τε πολλὰ εἰπόντων οὐδὲν μᾶλλον ἐσήκουον, ἀλλ’ ἐχαλέπαινον καὶ γνώμας ἄλλοι ἄλλας ἔλεγον, μάλιστα δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ πλεῖν. καὶ δοκεῖ Ἀλκιβιάδης πρῶτον τότε καὶ οὐδενὸς ἔλασσον τὴν πόλιν ὠφελῆσαι· ὡρμημένων γὰρ τῶν ἐν Σάμῳ Ἀθηναίων πλεῖν ἐπὶ σφᾶς αὐτούς, ἐν ᾧ σαφέστατα Ἰωνίαν καὶ Ἑλλήσποντον εὐθὺς εἶχον οἱ πολέμιοι, κωλυτὴς γενέσθαι.

5 καὶ ἐν τῷ τότε ἄλλος μὲν οὐδ’ ἂν εἷς ἱκανὸς ἐγένετο κατασχεῖν τὸν ὄχλον, ἐκεῖνος δὲ τοῦ τ’ ἐπίπλου ἔπαυσε καὶ τοὺς ἰδίᾳ τοῖς πρέσβεσιν ὀργιζομένους λοιδορῶν ἀπέτρεπεν.

6 αὐτὸς δὲ ἀποκρινάμενος αὐτοῖς ἀπέπεμπεν, ὅτι τοὺς μὲν πεντακισχιλίους οὐ κωλύοι ἄρχειν, τοὺς μέντοι τετρακοσίους ἀπαλλάσσειν ἐκέλευεν αὐτοὺς καὶ καθιστάναι τὴν βουλὴν ὥσπερ καὶ πρότερον, τοὺς πεντακοσίους· εἰ δὲ ἐς εὐτέλειάν τι ξυντέτμηται ὥστε τοὺς στρατευομένους μᾶλλον ἔχειν τροφήν, πάνυ ἐπαινεῖν.

7 καὶ τἆλλα ἐκέλευεν ἀντέχειν καὶ μηδὲν ἐνδιδόναι τοῖς πολεμίοις· πρὸς μὲν γὰρ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς σῳζομένης τῆς πόλεως πολλὴν ἐλπίδα εἶναι καὶ ξυμβῆναι, εἰ δὲ ἅπαξ τὸ ἕτερον σφαλήσεται, ἢ τὸ ἐν Σάμῳ ἢ ἐκεῖνοι, οὐδ’ ὅτῳ διαλλαγήσεταί τις ἔτι ἔσεσθαι.

8 παρῆσαν δὲ καὶ Ἀργείων πρέσβεις, ἐπαγγελλόμενοι τῷ ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ τῶν Ἀθηναίων δήμῳ ὥστε βοηθεῖν· ὁ δὲ Ἀλκιβιάδης ἐπαινέσας αὐτοὺς καὶ εἰπὼν ὅταν τις καλῇ παρεῖναι οὕτως ἀπέπεμπεν.

9 ἀφίκοντο δὲ οἱ Ἀργεῖοι μετὰ τῶν Παράλων, οἳ τότε ἐτάχθησαν ἐν τῇ στρατιώτιδι νηὶ ὑπὸ τῶν τετρακοσίων περιπλεῖν Εὔβοιαν, καὶ ἄγοντες Ἀθηναίων ἐς Λακεδαίμονα ἀπὸ τῶν τετρακοσίων [πεμπτοὺς] πρέσβεις, Λαισποδίαν καὶ Ἀριστοφῶντα καὶ Μελησίαν, [οἳ] ἐπειδὴ ἐγένοντο πλέοντες κατ’ Ἄργος, τοὺς μὲν πρέσβεις ξυλλαβόντες τοῖς Ἀργείοις παρέδοσαν ὡς τῶν οὐχ ἥκιστα καταλυσάντων τὸν δῆμον ὄντας, αὐτοὶ δὲ οὐκέτι ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας ἀφίκοντο, ἀλλ’ ἄγοντες ἐκ τοῦ Ἄργους ἐς τὴν Σάμον τοὺς πρέσβεις ἀφικνοῦνται ᾗπερ εἶχον τριήρει.

Chapter 87

1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ θέρους Τισσαφέρνης, κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἐν ᾧ μάλιστα διά τε τἆλλα καὶ διὰ τὴν Ἀλκιβιάδου κάθοδον ἤχθοντο αὐτῷ οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι ὡς φανερῶς ἤδη ἀττικίζοντι, βουλόμενος, ὡς ἐδόκει δή, ἀπολύεσθαι πρὸς αὐτοὺς τὰς διαβολάς, παρεσκευάζετο πορεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τὰς Φοινίσσας ναῦς ἐς Ἄσπενδον, καὶ τὸν Λίχαν ξυμπορεύεσθαι ἐκέλευεν· τῇ δὲ στρατιᾷ προστάξειν ἔφη Τάμων ἑαυτοῦ ὕπαρχον, ὥστε τροφὴν ἐν ὅσῳ ἂν αὐτὸς ἀπῇ διδόναι.

2 λέγεται δὲ οὐ κατὰ ταὐτό, οὐδὲ ῥᾴδιον εἰδέναι τίνι γνώμῃ παρῆλθεν ἐς τὴν Ἄσπενδον καὶ παρελθὼν οὐκ ἤγαγε τὰς ναῦς.

3 ὅτι μὲν γὰρ αἱ Φοίνισσαι νῆες ἑπτὰ καὶ τεσσαράκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν μέχρι Ἀσπένδου ἀφίκοντο σαφές ἐστι, διότι δὲ οὐκ ἦλθον πολλαχῇ εἰκάζεται. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἵνα διατρίβῃ ἀπελθών, ὥσπερ καὶ διενοήθη, τὰ τῶν Πελοποννησίων (τροφὴν γοῦν οὐδὲν βέλτιον, ἀλλὰ καὶ χεῖρον ὁ Τάμως, ᾧ προσετάχθη, παρεῖχεν), οἱ δὲ ἵνα τοὺς Φοίνικας προαγαγὼν ἐς τὴν Ἄσπενδον ἐκχρηματίσαιτο ἀφείς (καὶ γὰρ ὣς αὐτοῖς οὐδὲν ἔμελλε χρήσεσθαι), ἄλλοι δ’ ὡς καταβοῆς ἕνεκα τῆς ἐς Λακεδαίμονα, τοῦ λέγεσθαι ὡς οὐκ ἀδικεῖ, ἀλλὰ καὶ σαφῶς οἴχεται ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς ἀληθῶς πεπληρωμένας.

4 ἐμοὶ μέντοι δοκεῖ σαφέστατον εἶναι διατριβῆς ἕνεκα καὶ ἀνοκωχῆς τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν τὸ ναυτικὸν οὐκ ἀγαγεῖν, φθορᾶς μέν, ἐν ὅσῳ παρῄει ἐκεῖσε καὶ διέμελλεν, ἀνισώσεως δέ, ὅπως μηδετέροις προσθέμενος ἰσχυροτέρους ποιήσῃ, ἐπεί, εἴ γε ἐβουλήθη, διαπολεμῆσαι 〈ἂν〉 ἐπιφανεὶς δήπου οὐκ ἐνδοιαστῶς· κομίσας γὰρ ἂν Λακεδαιμονίοις τὴν νίκην κατὰ τὸ εἰκὸς ἔδωκεν, οἵ γε καὶ ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἀντιπάλως μᾶλλον ἢ ὑποδεεστέρως τῷ ναυτικῷ ἀνθώρμουν.

5 καταφωρᾷ δὲ μάλιστα καὶ ἣν εἶπε πρόφασιν οὐ κομίσας τὰς ναῦς. ἔφη γὰρ αὐτὰς ἐλάσσους ἢ ὅσας βασιλεὺς ἔταξε ξυλλεγῆναι· ὁ δὲ χάριν ἂν δήπου ἐν τούτῳ μείζω ἔτι ἔσχεν, οὔτ᾽ ἀναλώσας πολλὰ τῶν βασιλέως τά τε αὐτὰ ἀπ’ ἐλασσόνων πράξας.

6 ἐς δ’ οὖν τὴν Ἄσπενδον ᾑτινιδὴ γνώμῃ ὁ Τισσαφέρνης ἀφικνεῖται καὶ τοῖς Φοίνιξι ξυγγίγνεται· καὶ οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι ἔπεμψαν ὡς ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς κελεύσαντος αὐτοῦ Φίλιππον ἄνδρα Λακεδαιμόνιον δύο τριήρεσιν.

Chapter 88

1 Ἀλκιβιάδης δὲ ἐπειδὴ καὶ τὸν Τισσαφέρνην ᾔσθετο παριόντα ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσπένδου, ἔπλει καὶ αὐτὸς λαβὼν τρεῖς καὶ δέκα ναῦς, ὑποσχόμενος τοῖς ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ ἀσφαλῆ καὶ μεγάλην χάριν (ἢ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἄξειν Ἀθηναίοις τὰς Φοινίσσας ναῦς ἢ Πελοποννησίοις γε κωλύσειν ἐλθεῖν), εἰδώς, ὡς εἰκός, ἐκ πλέονος τὴν Τισσαφέρνους γνώμην ὅτι οὐκ ἄξειν ἔμελλε, καὶ βουλόμενος αὐτὸν τοῖς Πελοποννησίοις ἐς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ Ἀθηναίων φιλίαν ὡς μάλιστα διαβάλλειν, ὅπως μᾶλλον δι’ αὐτὸ σφίσιν ἀναγκάζοιτο προσχωρεῖν.καὶ ὁ μὲν ἄρας εὐθὺ τῆς Φασήλιδος καὶ Καύνου ἄνω τὸν πλοῦν ἐποιεῖτο.

Chapter 89

1 οἱ δ’ ἐκ τῆς Σάμου ἀπὸ τῶν τετρακοσίων πεμφθέντες πρέσβεις ἐπειδὴ ἀφικόμενοι ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας ἀπήγγειλαν τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου, ὡς κελεύει τε ἀντέχειν καὶ μηδὲν ἐνδιδόναι τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἐλπίδας τε ὅτι πολλὰς ἔχει κἀκείνοις τὸ στράτευμα διαλλάξειν καὶ Πελοποννησίων περιέσεσθαι, ἀχθομένους καὶ πρότερον τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν μετεχόντων τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας καὶ ἡδέως ἂν ἀπαλλαγέντας πῃ ἀσφαλῶς τοῦ πράγματος πολλῷ δὴ μᾶλλον ἐπέρρωσαν.

2 καὶ ξυνίσταντό τε ἤδη καὶ τὰ πράγματα διεμέμφοντο, ἔχοντες ἡγεμόνας τῶν πάνυ [στρατηγῶν] τῶν ἐν τῇ ὀλιγαρχίᾳ καὶ ἐν ἀρχαῖς ὄντων, οἷον Θηραμένη τε τὸν Ἅγνωνος καὶ Ἀριστοκράτη τὸν Σκελίου καὶ ἄλλους, οἳ μετέσχον μὲν ἐν τοῖς πρῶτοι τῶν πραγμάτων, φοβούμενοι δέ, ὡς ἔφασαν, τό τε ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ στράτευμα καὶ τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην σπουδῇ πάνυ, τούς τε ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα πρεσβευομένους [ἔπεμπον], μή τι ἄνευ τῶν πλεόνων κακὸν δράσωσι τὴν πόλιν, οὐ τὸ † ἀπαλλαξείειν τοῦ ἄγαν ἐς ὀλίγους ἐλθεῖν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς πεντακισχιλίους ἔργῳ καὶ μὴ ὀνόματι χρῆναι ἀποδεικνύναι καὶ τὴν πολιτείαν ἰσαιτέραν καθιστάναι.

3 ἦν δὲ τοῦτο μὲν σχῆμα πολιτικὸν τοῦ λόγου αὐτοῖς, κατ’ ἰδίας δὲ φιλοτιμίας οἱ πολλοὶ αὐτῶν τῷ τοιούτῳ προσέκειντο, ἐν ᾧπερ καὶ μάλιστα ὀλιγαρχία ἐκ δημοκρατίας γενομένη ἀπόλλυται· πάντες γὰρ αὐθημερὸν ἀξιοῦσιν οὐχ ὅπως ἴσοι, ἀλλὰ καὶ πολὺ πρῶτος αὐτὸς ἕκαστος εἶναι· ἐκ δὲ δημοκρατίας αἱρέσεως γιγνομένης ῥᾷον τὰ ἀποβαίνοντα ὡς οὐκ ἀπὸ τῶν ὁμοίων ἐλασσούμενός τις φέρει.

4 σαφέστατα δ’ αὐτοὺς ἐπῆρε τὰ ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου ἰσχυρὰ ὄντα καὶ ὅτι αὐτοῖς οὐκ ἐδόκει μόνιμον τὸ τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας ἔσεσθαι· ἠγωνίζετο οὖν εἷς ἕκαστος αὐτὸς πρῶτος προστάτης τοῦ δήμου γενέσθαι.

Chapter 90

1 οἱ δὲ τῶν τετρακοσίων μάλιστα ἐναντίοι ὄντες τῷ τοιούτῳ εἴδει καὶ προεστῶτες Φρύνιχός τε, ὃς καὶ στρατηγήσας ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ [ποτὲ] τῷ Ἀλκιβιάδῃ τότε διηνέχθη, καὶ Ἀρίσταρχος, ἀνὴρ ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα καὶ ἐκ πλείστου ἐναντίος τῷ δήμῳ, καὶ Πείσανδρος καὶ Ἀντιφῶν καὶ ἄλλοι οἱ δυνατώτατοι, πρότερόν τε, ἐπεὶ τάχιστα κατέστησαν καὶ ἐπειδὴ τὰ ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ σφῶν ἐς δημοκρατίαν ἀπέστη, πρέσβεις τε ἀπέστελλον σφῶν ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα καὶ τὴν ὁμολογίαν προυθυμοῦντο καὶ τὸ ἐν τῇ Ἠετιωνείᾳ καλουμένῃ τεῖχος ἐποιοῦντο, πολλῷ τε μᾶλλον ἔτι, ἐπειδὴ καὶ οἱ ἐκ τῆς Σάμου πρέσβεις σφῶν ἦλθον, ὁρῶντες τούς τε πολλοὺς καὶ σφῶν τοὺς δοκοῦντας πρότερον πιστοὺς εἶναι μεταβαλλομένους.

2 καὶ ἀπέστειλαν μὲν Ἀντιφῶντα καὶ Φρύνιχον καὶ ἄλλους δέκα κατὰ τάχος, φοβούμενοι καὶ τὰ αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰ ἐκ τῆς Σάμου, ἐπιστείλαντες παντὶ τρόπῳ ὅστις καὶ ὁπωσοῦν ἀνεκτὸς ξυναλλαγῆναι πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους,

3 ᾠκοδόμουν δὲ ἔτι προθυμότερον τὸ ἐν τῇ Ἠετιωνείᾳ τεῖχος. ἦν δὲ τοῦ τείχους ἡ γνώμη αὕτη, ὡς ἔφη Θηραμένης καὶ οἱ μετ’ αὐτοῦ, οὐχ ἵνα τοὺς ἐν Σάμῳ, ἢν βίᾳ ἐπιπλέωσι, μὴ δέξωνται ἐς τὸν Πειραιᾶ, ἀλλ’ ἵνα τοὺς πολεμίους μᾶλλον, ὅταν βούλωνται, καὶ ναυσὶ καὶ πεζῷ δέξωνται.

4 χηλὴ γάρ ἐστι τοῦ Πειραιῶς ἡ Ἠετιωνεία, καὶ παρ’ αὐτὴν εὐθὺς ὁ ἔσπλους ἐστίν. ἐτειχίζετο οὖν οὕτω ξὺν τῷ πρότερον πρὸς ἤπειρον ὑπάρχοντι τείχει, ὥστε καθεζομένων ἐς αὐτὸ ἀνθρώπων ὀλίγων ἄρχειν τοῦ ἔσπλου· ἐπ’ αὐτὸν γὰρ τὸν ἐπὶ τῷ στόματι τοῦ λιμένος στενοῦ ὄντος τὸν ἕτερον πύργον ἐτελεύτα τό τε παλαιὸν τὸ πρὸς ἤπειρον καὶ τὸ ἐντὸς τὸ καινὸν τεῖχος τειχιζόμενον πρὸς θάλασσαν.

5 διῳκοδόμησαν δὲ καὶ στοάν, ἥπερ ἦν μεγίστη καὶ ἐγγύτατα τούτου εὐθὺς ἐχομένη ἐν τῷ Πειραιεῖ, καὶ ἦρχον αὐτοὶ αὐτῆς, ἐς ἣν καὶ τὸν σῖτον ἠνάγκαζον πάντας τὸν ὑπάρχοντά τε καὶ τὸν ἐσπλέοντα ἐξαιρεῖσθαι καὶ ἐντεῦθεν προαιροῦντας πωλεῖν.

Chapter 91

1 ταῦτ’ οὖν ἐκ πλέονός τε ὁ Θηραμένης διεθρόει καὶ ἐπειδὴ οἱ ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος πρέσβεις οὐδὲν πράξαντες ἀνεχώρησαν τοῖς ξύμπασι ξυμβατικόν, φάσκων κινδυνεύσειν τὸ τεῖχος τοῦτο καὶ τὴν πόλιν διαφθεῖραι.

2 ἅμα γὰρ καὶ ἐκ τῆς Πελοποννήσου ἐτύγχανον Εὐβοέων ἐπικαλουμένων κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον τοῦτον δύο καὶ τεσσαράκοντα νῆες, ὧν ἦσαν καὶ ἐκ Τάραντος καὶ Λοκρῶν Ἰταλιώτιδες καὶ Σικελικαί τινες, ὁρμοῦσαι ἤδη ἐπὶ Λᾷ τῆς Λακωνικῆς καὶ παρασκευαζόμεναι τὸν ἐς τὴν Εὔβοιαν πλοῦν (ἦρχε δὲ αὐτῶν Ἀγησανδρίδας Ἀγησάνδρου Σπαρτιάτης)· ἃς ἔφη Θηραμένης οὐκ Εὐβοίᾳ μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς τειχίζουσι τὴν Ἠετιωνείαν προσπλεῖν, καὶ εἰ μή τις ἤδη φυλάξεται, λήσειν διαφθαρέντας.

3 ἦν δέ τι καὶ τοιοῦτον ἀπὸ τῶν τὴν κατηγορίαν ἐχόντων, καὶ οὐ πάνυ διαβολὴ μόνον τοῦ λόγου. ἐκεῖνοι γὰρ μάλιστα μὲν ἐβούλοντο ὀλιγαρχούμενοι ἄρχειν καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων, εἰ δὲ μή, τάς τε ναῦς καὶ τὰ τείχη ἔχοντες αὐτονομεῖσθαι, ἐξειργόμενοι δὲ καὶ τούτου μὴ οὖν ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου γε αὖθις γενομένου αὐτοὶ πρὸ τῶν ἄλλων μάλιστα διαφθαρῆναι, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐσαγαγόμενοι ἄνευ τειχῶν καὶ νεῶν ξυμβῆναι καὶ ὁπωσοῦν τὰ τῆς πόλεως ἔχειν, εἰ τοῖς γε σώμασι σφῶν ἄδεια ἔσται.

Chapter 92

1 διόπερ καὶ τὸ τεῖχος τοῦτο καὶ πυλίδας ἔχον καὶ ἐσόδους καὶ ἐπεσαγωγὰς τῶν πολεμίων ἐτείχιζόν τε προθύμως καὶ φθῆναι ἐβούλοντο ἐξεργασάμενοι.

2 πρότερον μὲν οὖν κατ’ ὀλίγους τε καὶ κρύφα μᾶλλον τὰ λεγόμενα ἦν· ἐπειδὴ δὲ ὁ Φρύνιχος ἥκων ἐκ τῆς ἐς Λακεδαίμονα πρεσβείας πληγεὶς ὑπ’ ἀνδρὸς τῶν περιπόλων τινὸς ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ πληθούσῃ καὶ οὐ πολὺ ἀπὸ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου ἀπελθὼν ἀπέθανε παραχρῆμα, καὶ ὁ μὲν πατάξας διέφυγεν, ὁ δὲ ξυνεργὸς Ἀργεῖος ἄνθρωπος ληφθεὶς καὶ βασανιζόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν τετρακοσίων οὐδενὸς ὄνομα τοῦ κελεύσαντος εἶπεν οὐδὲ ἄλλο τι ἢ ὅτι εἰδείη πολλοὺς ἀνθρώπους καὶ ἐς τοῦ περιπολάρχου καὶ ἄλλοσε κατ’ οἰκίας ξυνιόντας, τότε δὴ οὐδενὸς γεγενημένου ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ νεωτέρου καὶ ὁ Θηραμένης ἤδη θρασύτερον καὶ Ἀριστοκράτης καὶ ὅσοι ἄλλοι τῶν τετρακοσίων αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ἔξωθεν ἦσαν ὁμογνώμονες ᾖσαν ἐπὶ τὰ πράγματα.

3 ἅμα γὰρ καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς Λᾶς αἱ νῆες ἤδη περιπεπλευκυῖαι καὶ ὁρμισάμεναι ἐς τὴν Ἐπίδαυρον τὴν Αἴγιναν κατεδεδραμήκεσαν· καὶ οὐκ ἔφη ὁ Θηραμένης εἰκὸς εἶναι ἐπ’ Εὔβοιαν πλεούσας αὐτὰς ἐς Αἴγιναν κατακολπίσαι καὶ πάλιν ἐν Ἐπιδαύρῳ ὁρμεῖν, εἰ μὴ παρακληθεῖσαι ἥκοιεν ἐφ’ οἷσπερ καὶ αὐτὸς αἰεὶ κατηγόρει· οὐκέτι οὖν οἷόν τε εἶναι ἡσυχάζειν.

4 τέλος δὲ πολλῶν καὶ στασιωτικῶν λόγων καὶ ὑποψιῶν προσγενομένων καὶ ἔργῳ ἤδη ἥπτοντο τῶν πραγμάτων· οἱ γὰρ ἐν τῷ Πειραιεῖ τὸ τῆς Ἠετιωνείας τεῖχος ὁπλῖται οἰκοδομοῦντες, ἐν οἷς καὶ ὁ Ἀριστοκράτης ἦν ταξιαρχῶν καὶ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ φυλὴν ἔχων, ξυλλαμβάνουσιν Ἀλεξικλέα στρατηγὸν ὄντα ἐκ τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας καὶ μάλιστα πρὸς τοὺς ἑταίρους τετραμμένον, καὶ ἐς οἰκίαν ἀγαγόντες εἶρξαν.

5 ξυνεπελάβοντο δὲ αὐτοῖς ἅμα καὶ ἄλλοι καὶ Ἕρμων τις τῶν περιπόλων τῶν Μουνιχίασι τεταγμένων ἄρχων· τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, τῶν ὁπλιτῶν τὸ στῖφος ταῦτα ἐβούλετο.

6 ὡς δὲ ἐσηγγέλθη τοῖς τετρακοσίοις (ἔτυχον δὲ ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ ξυγκαθήμενοι), εὐθύς, πλὴν ὅσοις μὴ βουλομένοις ταῦτ’ ἦν, ἑτοῖμοι ἦσαν ἐς τὰ ὅπλα ἰέναι καὶ τῷ Θηραμένει καὶ τοῖς μετ’ αὐτοῦ ἠπείλουν. ὁ δὲ ἀπολογούμενος ἑτοῖμος ἔφη εἶναι ξυναφαιρησόμενος ἰέναι ἤδη. καὶ παραλαβὼν ἕνα τῶν στρατηγῶν ὃς ἦν αὐτῷ ὁμογνώμων ἐχώρει ἐς τὸν Πειραιᾶ· ἐβοήθει δὲ καὶ Ἀρίσταρχος καὶ τῶν ἱππέων νεανίσκοι.

7 ἦν δὲ θόρυβος πολὺς καὶ ἐκπληκτικός· οἵ τε γὰρ ἐν τῷ ἄστει ἤδη ᾤοντο τόν τε Πειραιᾶ κατειλῆφθαι καὶ τὸν ξυνειλημμένον τεθνάναι, οἵ τε ἐν τῷ Πειραιεῖ τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεως ὅσον οὔπω ἐπὶ σφᾶς παρεῖναι.

8 μόλις δὲ τῶν τε πρεσβυτέρων διακωλυόντων τοὺς ἐν τῷ ἄστει διαθέοντας καὶ ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα φερομένους καὶ Θουκυδίδου τοῦ Φαρσαλίου τοῦ προξένου τῆς πόλεως παρόντος καὶ προθύμως ἐμποδών τε ἑκάστοις γιγνομένου καὶ ἐπιβοωμένου μὴ ἐφεδρευόντων ἐγγὺς τῶν πολεμίων ἀπολέσαι τὴν πατρίδα, ἡσύχασάν τε καὶ σφῶν αὐτῶν ἀπέσχοντο.

9 καὶ ὁ μὲν Θηραμένης ἐλθὼν ἐς τὸν Πειραιᾶ (ἦν δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς στρατηγός), ὅσον καὶ ἀπὸ βοῆς ἕνεκα, ὠργίζετο τοῖς ὁπλίταις· ὁ δὲ Ἀρίσταρχος καὶ οἱ ἐναντίοι τῷ ἀληθεῖ ἐχαλέπαινον.

10 οἱ δὲ ὁπλῖται ὁμόσε τε ἐχώρουν οἱ πλεῖστοι τῷ ἔργῳ καὶ οὐ μετεμέλοντο, καὶ τὸν Θηραμένη ἠρώτων εἰ δοκεῖ αὐτῷ ἐπ’ ἀγαθῷ τὸ τεῖχος οἰκοδομεῖσθαι καὶ εἰ ἄμεινον εἶναι καθαιρεθέν. ὁ δέ, εἴπερ καὶ ἐκείνοις δοκεῖ καθαιρεῖν, καὶ ἑαυτῷ ἔφη ξυνδοκεῖν. καὶ ἐντεῦθεν εὐθὺς ἀναβάντες οἵ τε ὁπλῖται καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ Πειραιῶς ἀνθρώπων κατέσκαπτον τὸ τείχισμα.

11 ἦν δὲ πρὸς τὸν ὄχλον ἡ παράκλησις ὡς χρή, ὅστις τοὺς πεντακισχιλίους βούλεται ἄρχειν ἀντὶ τῶν τετρακοσίων, ἰέναι ἐπὶ τὸ ἔργον. ἐπεκρύπτοντο γὰρ ὅμως ἔτι τῶν πεντακισχιλίων τῷ ὀνόματι, μὴ ἄντικρυς δῆμον ὅστις βούλεται ἄρχειν ὀνομάζειν, φοβούμενοι μὴ τῷ ὄντι ὦσι καὶ πρός τινα εἰπών τίς τι ἀγνοίᾳ σφαλῇ. καὶ οἱ τετρακόσιοι διὰ τοῦτο οὐκ ἤθελον τοὺς πεντακισχιλίους οὔτε εἶναι οὔτε μὴ ὄντας δήλους εἶναι, τὸ μὲν καταστῆσαι μετόχους τοσούτους ἄντικρυς ἂν δῆμον ἡγούμενοι, τὸ δ’ αὖ ἀφανὲς φόβον ἐς ἀλλήλους παρέξειν.

Chapter 93

1 τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ οἱ μὲν τετρακόσιοι ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον ὅμως καὶ τεθορυβημένοι ξυνελέγοντο· οἱ δ’ ἐν τῷ Πειραιεῖ ὁπλῖται τόν τε Ἀλεξικλέα ὃν ξυνέλαβον ἀφέντες καὶ τὸ τείχισμα καθελόντες ἐς τὸ πρὸς τῇ Μουνιχίᾳ Διονυσιακὸν θέατρον ἐλθόντες καὶ θέμενοι τὰ ὅπλα ἐξεκλησίασαν, καὶ δόξαν αὐτοῖς εὐθὺς ἐχώρουν ἐς τὸ ἄστυ καὶ ἔθεντο αὖ ἐν τῷ Ἀνακείῳ τὰ ὅπλα.

2 ἐλθόντες δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν τετρακοσίων τινὲς ᾑρημένοι πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀνὴρ ἀνδρὶ διελέγοντό τε καὶ ἔπειθον οὓς ἴδοιεν ἀνθρώπους ἐπιεικεῖς αὐτούς τε ἡσυχάζειν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους παρακατέχειν, λέγοντες τούς τε πεντακισχιλίους ἀποφανεῖν, καὶ ἐκ τούτων ἐν μέρει ᾗ ἂν τοῖς πεντακισχιλίοις δοκῇ τοὺς τετρακοσίους ἔσεσθαι, τέως δὲ τὴν πόλιν μηδενὶ τρόπῳ διαφθείρειν μηδ’ ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους ἀνῶσαι.

3 τὸ δὲ πᾶν πλῆθος τῶν ὁπλιτῶν ἀπὸ πολλῶν καὶ πρὸς πολλοὺς λόγων γιγνομένων ἠπιώτερον ἦν ἢ πρότερον καὶ ἐφοβεῖτο μάλιστα περὶ τοῦ παντὸς πολιτικοῦ· ξυνεχώρησάν τε ὥστε ἐς ἡμέραν ῥητὴν ἐκκλησίαν ποιῆσαι ἐν τῷ Διονυσίῳ περὶ ὁμονοίας.

Chapter 94

1 ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἐπῆλθεν ἡ [ἐν Διονύσου] ἐκκλησία καὶ ὅσον οὐ ξυνειλεγμένοι ἦσαν, ἀγγέλλονται αἱ δύο καὶ τεσσαράκοντα νῆες καὶ ὁ Ἀγησανδρίδας ἀπὸ τῶν Μεγάρων τὴν Σαλαμῖνα παραπλεῖν· καὶ πᾶς τις [τῶν πολλῶν ὁπλιτῶν] αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἐνόμιζεν εἶναι τὸ πάλαι λεγόμενον ὑπὸ Θηραμένους καὶ τῶν μετ’ αὐτοῦ, ὡς ἐς τὸ τείχισμα ἔπλεον αἱ νῆες, καὶ χρησίμως ἐδόκει καταπεπτωκέναι.

2 ὁ δὲ Ἀγησανδρίδας τάχα μέν τι καὶ ἀπὸ ξυγκειμένου λόγου περί τε τὴν Ἐπίδαυρον καὶ ταύτῃ ἀνεστρέφετο, εἰκὸς δ’ αὐτὸν καὶ πρὸς τὸν παρόντα στασιασμὸν τῶν Ἀθηναίων, δι’ ἐλπίδος ὡς κἂν ἐς δέον παραγένοιτο, ταύτῃ ἀνέχειν.

3 οἱ δ’ αὖ Ἀθηναῖοι, ὡς ἠγγέλθη αὐτοῖς, εὐθὺς δρόμῳ ἐς τὸν Πειραιᾶ πανδημεὶ ἐχώρουν, ὡς τοῦ ἰδίου πολέμου μείζονος [ἢ] ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων οὐχ ἑκάς, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τῷ λιμένι ὄντος. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐς τὰς παρούσας ναῦς ἐσέβαινον, οἱ δὲ ἄλλας καθεῖλκον, οἱ δέ τινες ἐπὶ τὰ τείχη καὶ τὸ στόμα τοῦ λιμένος παρεβοήθουν.

Chapter 95

1 αἱ δὲ τῶν Πελοποννησίων νῆες παραπλεύσασαι καὶ περιβαλοῦσαι Σούνιον ὁρμίζονται μεταξὺ Θορικοῦ τε καὶ Πρασιῶν, ὕστερον δὲ ἀφικνοῦνται ἐς Ὠρωπόν.

2 Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ κατὰ τάχος καὶ ἀξυγκροτήτοις πληρώμασιν ἀναγκασθέντες χρήσασθαι, οἷα πόλεώς τε στασιαζούσης καὶ περὶ τοῦ μεγίστου ἐν τάχει βουλόμενοι βοηθῆσαι (Εὔβοια γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἀποκεκλῃμένης τῆς Ἀττικῆς πάντα ἦν), πέμπουσι Θυμοχάρη στρατηγὸν καὶ ναῦς ἐς Ἐρετρίαν,

3 ὧν ἀφικομένων ξὺν ταῖς πρότερον ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ οὔσαις ἓξ καὶ τριάκοντα ἐγένοντο. καὶ εὐθὺς ναυμαχεῖν ἠναγκάζοντο· ὁ γὰρ Ἀγησανδρίδας ἀριστοποιησάμενος ἐκ τοῦ Ὠρωποῦ ἀνήγαγε τὰς ναῦς· ἀπέχει δὲ μάλιστα ὁ Ὠρωπὸς τῆς τῶν Ἐρετριῶν πόλεως θαλάσσης μέτρον ἑξήκοντα σταδίους.

4 ὡς οὖν ἐπέπλει, εὐθὺς ἐπλήρουν καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὰς ναῦς, οἰόμενοι σφίσι παρὰ ταῖς ναυσὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας εἶναι· οἱ δὲ ἔτυχον οὐκ ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἄριστον ἐπισιτιζόμενοι (οὐδὲν γὰρ ἐπωλεῖτο ἀπὸ προνοίας τῶν Ἐρετριῶν), ἀλλ’ ἐκ τῶν ἐπ’ ἔσχατα τοῦ ἄστεως οἰκιῶν, ὅπως σχολῇ πληρουμένων φθάσειαν οἱ πολέμιοι προσπεσόντες καὶ ἐξαναγκάσειαν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους οὕτως ὅπως τύχοιεν ἀνάγεσθαι. σημεῖον δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐς τὸν Ὠρωπὸν ἐκ τῆς Ἐρετρίας, ὁπότε χρὴ ἀνάγεσθαι, ἤρθη.

5 διὰ τοιαύτης δὴ παρασκευῆς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀναγαγόμενοι καὶ ναυμαχήσαντες ὑπὲρ τοῦ λιμένος τῶν Ἐρετριῶν ὀλίγον μέν τινα χρόνον ὅμως καὶ ἀντέσχον, ἔπειτα ἐς φυγὴν τραπόμενοι καταδιώκονται ἐς τὴν γῆν.

6 καὶ ὅσοι μὲν αὐτῶν πρὸς τὴν πόλιν τῶν Ἐρετριῶν ὡς φιλίαν καταφεύγουσι, χαλεπώτατα ἔπραξαν φονευόμενοι ὑπ’ αὐτῶν· οἳ δὲ ἐς τὸ τείχισμα τὸ ἐν τῇ Ἐρετρίᾳ, ὃ εἶχον αὐτοί, περιγίγνονται καὶ ὅσαι ἐς Χαλκίδα ἀφικνοῦνται τῶν νεῶν.

7 λαβόντες δὲ οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι δύο καὶ εἴκοσι ναῦς τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ ἄνδρας τοὺς μὲν ἀποκτείναντες, τοὺς δὲ ζωγρήσαντες τροπαῖον ἔστησαν. καὶ ὕστερον οὐ πολλῷ Εὔβοιάν [τε] ἅπασαν ἀποστήσαντες πλὴν Ὠρεοῦ (ταύτην δὲ αὐτοὶ Ἀθηναῖοι εἶχον) καὶ τἆλλα τὰ περὶ αὐτὴν καθίσταντο.

Chapter 96

1 τοῖς δὲ Ἀθηναίοις ὡς ἦλθε τὰ περὶ τὴν Εὔβοιαν γεγενημένα, ἔκπληξις μεγίστη δὴ τῶν πρὶν παρέστη. οὔτε γὰρ ἡ ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ ξυμφορά, καίπερ μεγάλη τότε δόξασα εἶναι, οὔτε ἄλλο οὐδέν πω οὕτως ἐφόβησεν.

2 ὅπου γὰρ στρατοπέδου τε τοῦ ἐν Σάμῳ ἀφεστηκότος ἄλλων τε νεῶν οὐκ οὐσῶν οὐδὲ τῶν ἐσβησομένων αὐτῶν τε στασιαζόντων καὶ ἄδηλον ὂν ὁπότε σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ξυρράξουσι, τοσαύτη ἡ ξυμφορὰ ἐπεγεγένητο, ἐν ᾗ ναῦς τε καὶ τὸ μέγιστον Εὔβοιαν ἀπωλωλέκεσαν, ἐξ ἧς πλείω ἢ τῆς Ἀττικῆς ὠφελοῦντο, πῶς οὐκ εἰκότως ἠθύμουν;

3 μάλιστα δ’ αὐτοὺς καὶ δι’ ἐγγυτάτου ἐθορύβει, εἰ οἱ πολέμιοι τολμήσουσι νενικηκότες εὐθὺ σφῶν ἐπὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ ἐρῆμον ὄντα νεῶν πλεῖν· καὶ ὅσον οὐκ ἤδη ἐνόμιζον αὐτοὺς παρεῖναι.

4 ὅπερ ἄν, εἰ τολμηρότεροι ἦσαν, ῥᾳδίως ἂν ἐποίησαν, καὶ ἢ διέστησαν ἂν ἔτι μᾶλλον τὴν πόλιν ἐφορμοῦντες ἤ, εἰ ἐπολιόρκουν μένοντες, καὶ τὰς ἀπ’ Ἰωνίας ναῦς ἠνάγκασαν ἂν καίπερ πολεμίας οὔσας τῇ ὀλιγαρχίᾳ τοῖς σφετέροις οἰκείοις καὶ τῇ ξυμπάσῃ πόλει βοηθῆσαι· καὶ ἐν τούτῳ Ἑλλήσποντός τε ἂν ἦν αὐτοῖς καὶ Ἰωνία καὶ αἱ νῆσοι καὶ τὰ μέχρι Εὐβοίας καὶ ὡς εἰπεῖν ἡ Ἀθηναίων ἀρχὴ πᾶσα.

5 ἀλλ’ οὐκ ἐν τούτῳ μόνῳ Λακεδαιμόνιοι Ἀθηναίοις πάντων δὴ ξυμφορώτατοι προσπολεμῆσαι ἐγένοντο, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις πολλοῖς· διάφοροι γὰρ πλεῖστον ὄντες τὸν τρόπον, οἱ μὲν ὀξεῖς, οἱ δὲ βραδεῖς, καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπιχειρηταί, οἱ δὲ ἄτολμοι, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἐν ἀρχῇ ναυτικῇ πλεῖστα ὠφέλουν. ἔδειξαν δὲ οἱ Συρακόσιοι· μάλιστα γὰρ ὁμοιότροποι γενόμενοι ἄριστα καὶ προσεπολέμησαν.

Chapter 97

1 ἐπὶ δ’ οὖν τοῖς ἠγγελμένοις οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ναῦς τε εἴκοσιν ὅμως ἐπλήρουν καὶ ἐκκλησίαν ξυνέλεγον, μίαν μὲν εὐθὺς τότε πρῶτον ἐς τὴν Πύκνα καλουμένην, οὗπερ καὶ ἄλλοτε εἰώθεσαν, ἐν ᾗπερ καὶ τοὺς τετρακοσίους καταπαύσαντες τοῖς πεντακισχιλίοις ἐψηφίσαντο τὰ πράγματα παραδοῦναι (εἶναι δὲ αὐτῶν ὁπόσοι καὶ ὅπλα παρέχονται) καὶ μισθὸν μηδένα φέρειν μηδεμιᾷ ἀρχῇ· εἰ δὲ μή, ἐπάρατον ἐποιήσαντο.

2 ἐγίγνοντο δὲ καὶ ἄλλαι ὕστερον πυκναὶ ἐκκλησίαι, ἀφ’ ὧν καὶ νομοθέτας καὶ τἆλλα ἐψηφίσαντο ἐς τὴν πολιτείαν. καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα δὴ τὸν πρῶτον χρόνον ἐπί γε ἐμοῦ Ἀθηναῖοι φαίνονται εὖ πολιτεύσαντες· μετρία γὰρ ἥ τε ἐς τοὺς ὀλίγους καὶ τοὺς πολλοὺς ξύγκρασις ἐγένετο καὶ ἐκ πονηρῶν τῶν πραγμάτων γενομένων τοῦτο πρῶτον ἀνήνεγκε τὴν πόλιν.

3 ἐψηφίσαντο δὲ καὶ Ἀλκιβιάδην καὶ ἄλλους μετ’ αὐτοῦ κατιέναι καὶ παρά τε ἐκεῖνον καὶ παρὰ τὸ ἐν Σάμῳ στρατόπεδον πέμψαντες διεκελεύοντο ἀνθάπτεσθαι τῶν πραγμάτων.

Chapter 98

1 ἐν δὲ τῇ μεταβολῇ ταύτῃ εὐθὺς οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸν Πείσανδρον καὶ Ἀλεξικλέα καὶ ὅσοι ἦσαν τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας μάλιστα ὑπεξέρχονται ἐς τὴν Δεκέλειαν· Ἀρίσταρχος δὲ αὐτῶν μόνος (ἔτυχε γὰρ καὶ στρατηγῶν) λαβὼν κατὰ τάχος τοξότας τινὰς τοὺς βαρβαρωτάτους ἐχώρει πρὸς τὴν Οἰνόην.

2 ἦν δὲ Ἀθηναίων ἐν μεθορίοις τῆς Βοιωτίας τεῖχος, ἐπολιόρκουν δ’ αὐτὸ διὰ ξυμφορὰν σφίσιν ἐκ τῆς Οἰνόης γενομένην ἀνδρῶν ἐκ Δεκελείας ἀναχωρούντων διαφθορᾶς οἱ Κορίνθιοι ἐθελοντηδόν, προσπαρακαλέσαντες τοὺς Βοιωτούς.

3 κοινολογησάμενος οὖν αὐτοῖς ὁ Ἀρίσταρχος ἀπατᾷ τοὺς ἐν τῇ Οἰνόῃ, λέγων ὡς καὶ οἱ ἐν τῇ πόλει τἆλλα ξυμβεβήκασι Λακεδαιμονίοις, κἀκείνους δεῖ Βοιωτοῖς τὸ χωρίον παραδοῦναι· ἐπὶ τούτοις γὰρ ξυμβεβάσθαι. οἱ δὲ πιστεύσαντες ὡς ἀνδρὶ στρατηγῷ καὶ οὐκ εἰδότες οὐδὲν διὰ τὸ πολιορκεῖσθαι ὑπόσπονδοι ἐξέρχονται.

4 τούτῳ μὲν τῷ τρόπῳ Οἰνόην τε ληφθεῖσαν Βοιωτοὶ κατέλαβον καὶ ἡ ἐν ταῖς Ἀθήναις ὀλιγαρχία καὶ στάσις ἐπαύσατο.

Chapter 99

1 ὑπὸ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους τοῦ θέρους τούτου καὶ οἱ ἐν τῇ Μιλήτῳ Πελοποννήσιοι, ὡς τροφήν τε οὐδεὶς ἐδίδου τῶν ὑπὸ Τισσαφέρνους τότε [ὅτε ἐπὶ τὴν Ἄσπενδον παρῄει] προσταχθέντων, καὶ αἱ Φοίνισσαι νῆες οὐδὲ ὁ Τισσαφέρνης τέως που ἧκον, ὅ τε Φίλιππος ὁ ξυμπεμφθεὶς αὐτῷ ἐπεστάλκει Μινδάρῳ τῷ ναυάρχῳ καὶ ἄλλος Ἱπποκράτης, ἀνὴρ Σπαρτιάτης καὶ ὢν ἐν Φασήλιδι, ὅτι οὔτε αἱ νῆες παρέσοιντο πάντα τε ἀδικοῖντο ὑπὸ Τισσαφέρνους, Φαρνάβαζός τε ἐπεκαλεῖτο αὐτοὺς καὶ ἦν πρόθυμος κομίσας τὰς ναῦς καὶ αὐτὸς τὰς λοιπὰς ἔτι πόλεις τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ἀρχῆς ἀποστῆσαι τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ὥσπερ καὶ ὁ Τισσαφέρνης, ἐλπίζων πλέον τι σχήσειν ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ, οὕτω δὴ ὁ Μίνδαρος πολλῷ κόσμῳ καὶ ἀπὸ παραγγέλματος αἰφνιδίου, ὅπως λάθοι τοὺς ἐν Σάμῳ, ἄρας ἀπὸ τῆς Μιλήτου ναυσὶ τρισὶ καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα ἔπλει ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον (πρότερον δὲ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ θέρει τῷδε ἑκκαίδεκα ἐς αὐτὸν νῆες ἐσέπλευσαν, αἳ καὶ τῆς Χερσονήσου τι μέρος κατέδραμον)· χειμασθεὶς δὲ ἀνέμῳ καὶ ἀναγκασθεὶς καταίρει ἐς τὴν Ἴκαρον, καὶ μείνας ἐν αὐτῇ ὑπὸ ἀπλοίας πέντε ἢ ἓξ ἡμέρας ἀφικνεῖται ἐς τὴν Χίον.

Chapter 100

1 ὁ δὲ Θράσυλος ἐκ τῆς Σάμου, ἐπειδὴ ἐπύθετο αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς Μιλήτου ἀπηρκότα, ἔπλει καὶ αὐτὸς ναυσὶν εὐθὺς πέντε καὶ πεντήκοντα, ἐπειγόμενος μὴ φθάσῃ ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἐσπλεύσας.

2 αἰσθόμενος δὲ ὅτι ἐν τῇ Χίῳ εἴη καὶ νομίσας αὐτὸν καθέξειν αὐτοῦ, σκοποὺς μὲν κατεστήσατο καὶ ἐν τῇ Λέσβῳ καὶ ἐν τῇ ἀντιπέρας ἠπείρῳ, εἰ ἄρα ποι κινοῖντο αἱ νῆες, ὅπως μὴ λάθοιεν, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐς τὴν Μήθυμναν παραπλεύσας ἄλφιτά τε καὶ τἆλλα ἐπιτήδεια παρασκευάζειν ἐκέλευεν ὡς, ἢν πλείων χρόνος γίγνηται, ἐκ τῆς Λέσβου τοὺς ἐπίπλους τῇ Χίῳ ποιησόμενος.

3 ἅμα δὲ (Ἔρεσος γὰρ τῆς Λέσβου ἀφειστήκει) ἐβούλετο ἐπ’ αὐτὴν πλεύσας, εἰ δύναιτο, ἐξελεῖν. Μηθυμναίων γὰρ οὐχ οἱ ἀδυνατώτατοι φυγάδες διακομίσαντες ἔκ τε τῆς Κύμης προσεταιριστοὺς ὁπλίτας ὡς πεντήκοντα καὶ τῶν ἐκ τῆς ἠπείρου μισθωσάμενοι, ξύμπασιν ὡς τριακοσίοις, Ἀναξάνδρου Θηβαίου κατὰ τὸ ξυγγενὲς ἡγουμένου, προσέβαλον πρῶτον Μηθύμνῃ, καὶ ἀποκρουσθέντες τῆς πείρας διὰ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Μυτιλήνης Ἀθηναίων φρουροὺς προελθόντας αὖθις ἔξω μάχῃ ἀπωσθέντες καὶ διὰ τοῦ ὄρους κομισθέντες ἀφιστᾶσι τὴν Ἔρεσον.

4 πλεύσας οὖν ὁ Θράσυλος ἐπ’ αὐτὴν πάσαις ταῖς ναυσὶ διενοεῖτο προσβολὴν ποιεῖσθαι· προαφιγμένος δὲ αὐτόσε ἦν καὶ ὁ Θρασύβουλος πέντε ναυσὶν ἐκ τῆς Σάμου, ὡς ἠγγέλθη αὐτοῖς ἡ τῶν φυγάδων αὕτη διάβασις· ὑστερήσας δ’ ἐπὶ τὴν Ἔρεσον ἐφώρμει ἐλθών.

5 προσεγένοντο δὲ καὶ ἐκ τοῦ Ἑλλησπόντου τινὲς δύο νῆες ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀνακομιζόμεναι καὶ Μηθυμναῖαι 〈πέντε〉· καὶ αἱ πᾶσαι νῆες παρῆσαν ἑπτὰ καὶ ἑξήκοντα, ἀφ’ ὧν τῷ στρατεύματι παρεσκευάζοντο ὡς κατὰ κράτος μηχαναῖς τε καὶ παντὶ τρόπῳ, ἢν δύνωνται, αἱρήσοντες τὴν Ἔρεσον.

Chapter 101

1 ὁ δὲ Μίνδαρος ἐν τούτῳ καὶ ἐκ τῆς Χίου τῶν Πελοποννησίων αἱ νῆες ἐπισιτισάμεναι δυοῖν ἡμέραιν καὶ λαβόντες παρὰ τῶν Χίων τρεῖς τεσσαρακοστὰς ἕκαστος Χίας τῇ τρίτῃ διὰ ταχέων ἀπαίρουσιν ἐκ τῆς Χίου 〈οὐ〉 πελάγιαι, ἵνα μὴ περιτύχωσι ταῖς ἐν τῇ Ἐρέσῳ ναυσίν, ἀλλὰ ἐν ἀριστερᾷ τὴν Λέσβον ἔχοντες ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τὴν ἤπειρον.

2 καὶ προσβαλόντες τῆς Φωκαΐδος ἐς τὸν ἐν Καρτερίοις λιμένα καὶ ἀριστοποιησάμενοι, παραπλεύσαντες τὴν Κυμαίαν δειπνοποιοῦνται ἐν Ἀργινούσαις τῆς ἠπείρου, ἐν τῷ ἀντιπέρας τῆς Μυτιλήνης.

3 ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἔτι πολλῆς νυκτὸς παραπλεύσαντες καὶ ἀφικόμενοι τῆς ἠπείρου ἐς Ἁρματοῦντα καταντικρὺ Μηθύμνης, ἀριστοποιησάμενοι διὰ ταχέων παραπλεύσαντες Λεκτὸν καὶ Λάρισαν καὶ Ἁμαξιτὸν καὶ τὰ ταύτῃ χωρία ἀφικνοῦνται ἐς Ῥοίτειον ἤδη τοῦ Ἑλλησπόντου πρωίτερον μέσων νυκτῶν. εἰσὶ δ’ αἳ τῶν νεῶν καὶ ἐς Σίγειον κατῆραν καὶ ἄλλοσε τῶν ταύτῃ χωρίων.

Chapter 102

1 οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐν τῇ Σηστῷ δυοῖν δεούσαις εἴκοσι ναυσὶν ὄντες, ὡς αὐτοῖς οἵ τε φρυκτωροὶ ἐσήμαινον καὶ ᾐσθάνοντο τὰ πυρὰ ἐξαίφνης πολλὰ ἐν τῇ πολεμίᾳ φανέντα, ἔγνωσαν ὅτι ἐσπλέουσιν οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι. καὶ τῆς αὐτῆς ταύτης νυκτὸς ὡς εἶχον τάχους ὑπομείξαντες τῇ Χερσονήσῳ παρέπλεον ἐπ’ Ἐλαιοῦντος, βουλόμενοι ἐκπλεῦσαι ἐς τὴν εὐρυχωρίαν τὰς τῶν πολεμίων ναῦς.

2 καὶ τὰς μὲν ἐν Ἀβύδῳ ἑκκαίδεκα ναῦς ἔλαθον, προειρημένης φυλακῆς τῷ φιλίῳ ἐπίπλῳ, ὅπως αὐτῶν ἀνακῶς ἕξουσιν, ἢν ἐκπλέωσιν· τὰς δὲ μετὰ τοῦ Μινδάρου ἅμα τῇ ἕῳ κατιδόντες, τὴν δίωξιν εὐθὺς ποιουμένων οὐ φθάνουσι πάσαις, ἀλλ’ αἱ μὲν πλείους ἐπὶ τῆς Ἴμβρου καὶ Λήμνου διέφυγον, τέσσαρες δὲ τῶν νεῶν αἱ ὕσταται πλέουσαι καταλαμβάνονται παρὰ τὸν Ἐλαιοῦντα.

3 καὶ μίαν μὲν ἐποκείλασαν κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Πρωτεσιλάου αὐτοῖς ἀνδράσι λαμβάνουσι, δύο δὲ ἑτέρας ἄνευ τῶν ἀνδρῶν· τὴν δὲ μίαν πρὸς τῇ Ἴμβρῳ κενὴν κατακαίουσιν.

Chapter 103

1 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ταῖς τε ἐξ Ἀβύδου ξυμμιγείσαις καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ξυμπάσαις ἓξ καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα πολιορκήσαντες Ἐλαιοῦντα ταύτην τὴν ἡμέραν, ὡς οὐ προσεχώρει, ἀπέπλευσαν ἐς Ἄβυδον.

2 οἱ δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι ψευσθέντες τῶν σκοπῶν καὶ οὐκ ἂν οἰόμενοι σφᾶς λαθεῖν τὸν παράπλουν τῶν πολεμίων νεῶν, ἀλλὰ καθ’ ἡσυχίαν τειχομαχοῦντες, ὡς ᾔσθοντο, εὐθὺς ἀπολιπόντες τὴν Ἔρεσον κατὰ τάχος ἐβοήθουν ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον·

3 καὶ δύο τε ναῦς τῶν Πελοποννησίων αἱροῦσιν, αἳ πρὸς τὸ πέλαγος τότε θρασύτερον ἐν τῇ διώξει ἀπάρασαι περιέπεσον αὐτοῖς, καὶ ἡμέρᾳ ὕστερον ἀφικόμενοι ὁρμίζονται ἐς τὸν Ἐλαιοῦντα καὶ τὰς ἐκ τῆς Ἴμβρου ὅσαι κατέφυγον κομίζονται καὶ ἐς τὴν ναυμαχίαν πέντε ἡμέρας παρεσκευάζοντο.

Chapter 104

1 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ἐναυμάχουν τρόπῳ τοιῷδε. οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι παρέπλεον ἐπὶ κέρως ταξάμενοι παρ’ αὐτὴν τὴν γῆν ἐπὶ τῆς Σηστοῦ, οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι αἰσθόμενοι ἐκ τῆς Ἀβύδου ἀντανῆγον καὶ αὐτοί.

2 καὶ ὡς ἔγνωσαν ναυμαχήσοντες, παρέτειναν τὸ κέρας οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι παρὰ τὴν Χερσόνησον, ἀρξάμενοι ἀπὸ Ἰδάκου μέχρι Ἀρριανῶν, νῆες ἓξ καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα, οἱ δ’ αὖ Πελοποννήσιοι ἀπὸ Ἀβύδου μέχρι Δαρδάνου, νῆες ἓξ καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα.

3 κέρας δὲ τοῖς μὲν Πελοποννησίοις εἶχον τὸ μὲν δεξιὸν Συρακόσιοι, τὸ δ’ ἕτερον αὐτὸς Μίνδαρος καὶ τῶν νεῶν αἱ ἄριστα πλέουσαι, Ἀθηναίοις δὲ τὸ μὲν ἀριστερὸν Θράσυλος, ὁ δὲ Θρασύβουλος τὸ δεξιόν· οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι στρατηγοὶ ὡς ἕκαστοι διετάξαντο.

4 ἐπειγομένων δὲ τῶν Πελοποννησίων πρότερόν τε ξυμμεῖξαι, καὶ κατὰ μὲν τὸ δεξιὸν τῶν Ἀθηναίων ὑπερσχόντες αὐτοὶ τῷ εὐωνύμῳ ἀποκλῇσαι τοῦ ἔξω αὐτοὺς ἔκπλου, εἰ δύναιντο, κατὰ δὲ τὸ μέσον ἐξῶσαι πρὸς τὴν γῆν οὐχ ἑκὰς οὖσαν, οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι γνόντες, ᾗ μὲν ἐβούλοντο ἀποφάρξασθαι αὐτοὺς οἱ ἐναντίοι, ἀντεπεξῆγον καὶ περιεγίγνοντο τῷ πλῷ,

5 τὸ δ’ εὐώνυμον αὐτοῖς ὑπερεβεβλήκει ἤδη τὴν ἄκραν ἣ Κυνὸς σῆμα καλεῖται. τῷ δὲ μέσῳ, τοιούτου ξυμβαίνοντος, ἀσθενέσι καὶ διεσπασμέναις ταῖς ναυσὶ καθίσταντο, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἐλάσσοσι χρώμενοι τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τοῦ χωρίου τοῦ περὶ τὸ Κυνὸς σῆμα ὀξεῖαν καὶ γωνιώδη τὴν περιβολὴν ἔχοντος, ὥστε τὰ ἐν τῷ ἐπέκεινα αὐτοῦ γιγνόμενα μὴ κάτοπτα εἶναι.

Chapter 105

1 προσπεσόντες οὖν οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι κατὰ τὸ μέσον ἐξέωσάν τε ἐς τὸ ξηρὸν τὰς ναῦς τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ ἐς τὴν γῆν ἐπεξέβησαν, τῷ ἔργῳ πολὺ περισχόντες.

2 ἀμῦναι δὲ τῷ μέσῳ οὔθ’ οἱ περὶ τὸν Θρασύβουλον ἀπὸ τοῦ δεξιοῦ ὑπὸ πλήθους τῶν ἐπικειμένων νεῶν ἐδύναντο οὔθ’ οἱ περὶ τὸν Θράσυλον ἀπὸ τοῦ εὐωνύμου (ἀφανές τε γὰρ ἦν διὰ τὴν ἄκραν τὸ Κυνὸς σῆμα, καὶ ἅμα οἱ Συρακόσιοι καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι οὐκ ἐλάσσους ἐπιτεταγμένοι εἶργον αὐτούς), πρὶν οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι διὰ τὸ κρατήσαντες ἀδεῶς ἄλλοι ἄλλην ναῦν διώκειν ἤρξαντο μέρει τινὶ σφῶν ἀτακτότεροι γενέσθαι.

3 γνόντες δὲ οἱ περὶ τὸν Θρασύβουλον τὰς ἐπὶ σφίσι ναῦς ἐπεχούσας παυσάμενοι τῆς ἐπεξαγωγῆς ἤδη τοῦ κέρως καὶ ἐπαναστρέψαντες εὐθὺς ἠμύναντό τε καὶ τρέπουσι, καὶ τὰς κατὰ τὸ νικῆσαν τῶν Πελοποννησίων μέρος ὑπολαβόντες πεπλανημένας ἔκοπτόν τε καὶ ἐς φόβον τὰς πλείους ἀμαχεὶ καθίστασαν. οἵ τε Συρακόσιοι ἐτύγχανον καὶ αὐτοὶ ἤδη τοῖς περὶ τὸν Θράσυλον ἐνδεδωκότες καὶ μᾶλλον ἐς φυγὴν ὁρμήσαντες, ἐπειδὴ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἑώρων.

Chapter 106

1 γεγενημένης δὲ τῆς τροπῆς καὶ καταφυγόντων τῶν Πελοποννησίων πρὸς τὸν Μείδιον μάλιστα ποταμὸν τὸ πρῶτον, ὕστερον δὲ ἐς Ἄβυδον, ναῦς μὲν ὀλίγας ἔλαβον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι (στενὸς γὰρ ὢν ὁ Ἑλλήσποντος βραχείας τὰς ἀποφυγὰς τοῖς ἐναντίοις παρεῖχε), τὴν μέντοι νίκην ταύτην τῆς ναυμαχίας ἐπικαιροτάτην δὴ ἔσχον.

2 φοβούμενοι γὰρ τέως τὸ τῶν Πελοποννησίων ναυτικὸν διά τε τὰ κατὰ βραχὺ σφάλματα καὶ διὰ τὴν ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ ξυμφοράν, ἀπηλλάγησαν τοῦ σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καταμέμφεσθαι καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἔτι ἀξίους του ἐς τὰ ναυτικὰ νομίζειν.

3 ναῦς μέντοι τῶν ἐναντίων λαμβάνουσι Χίας μὲν ὀκτώ, Κορινθίας δὲ πέντε, Ἀμπρακιώτιδας δὲ δύο καὶ Βοιωτίας δύο, Λευκαδίων δὲ καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Συρακοσίων καὶ Πελληνέων μίαν ἑκάστων· αὐτοὶ δὲ πέντε καὶ δέκα ναῦς ἀπολλύασιν.

4 στήσαντες δὲ τροπαῖον ἐπὶ τῇ ἄκρᾳ οὗ τὸ Κυνὸς σῆμα καὶ τὰ ναυάγια προσαγαγόμενοι καὶ νεκροὺς τοῖς ἐναντίοις ὑποσπόνδους ἀποδόντες ἀπέστειλαν καὶ ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας τριήρη ἄγγελον τῆς νίκης.

5 οἱ δὲ ἀφικομένης τῆς νεὼς καὶ ἀνέλπιστον τὴν εὐτυχίαν ἀκούσαντες ἐπί τε ταῖς περὶ τὴν Εὔβοιαν ἄρτι ξυμφοραῖς καὶ κατὰ τὴν στάσιν γεγενημέναις πολὺ ἐπερρώσθησαν καὶ ἐνόμισαν σφίσιν ἔτι δυνατὰ εἶναι τὰ πράγματα, ἢν προθύμως ἀντιλαμβάνωνται, περιγενέσθαι.

Chapter 107

1 μετὰ δὲ τὴν ναυμαχίαν ἡμέρᾳ τετάρτῃ ὑπὸ σπουδῆς ἐπισκευάσαντες τὰς ναῦς οἱ ἐν τῇ Σηστῷ Ἀθηναῖοι ἔπλεον ἐπὶ Κύζικον ἀφεστηκυῖαν· καὶ κατιδόντες κατὰ Ἁρπάγιον καὶ Πρίαπον τὰς ἀπὸ τοῦ Βυζαντίου ὀκτὼ ναῦς ὁρμούσας, ἐπιπλεύσαντες καὶ μάχῃ κρατήσαντες τοὺς ἐν τῇ γῇ ἔλαβον τὰς ναῦς. ἀφικόμενοι δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν Κύζικον ἀτείχιστον οὖσαν προσηγάγοντο πάλιν καὶ χρήματα ἀνέπραξαν.

2 ἔπλευσαν δὲ ἐν τούτῳ καὶ οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι ἐκ τῆς Ἀβύδου ἐπὶ τὸν Ἐλαιοῦντα καὶ τῶν σφετέρων νεῶν τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ὅσαι ἦσαν ὑγιεῖς ἐκομίσαντο (τὰς δὲ ἄλλας Ἐλαιούσιοι κατέκαυσαν), καὶ ἐς τὴν Εὔβοιαν ἀπέπεμψαν Ἱπποκράτη καὶ Ἐπικλέα κομιοῦντας τὰς ἐκεῖθεν ναῦς.

Chapter 108

1 κατέπλευσε δὲ ὑπὸ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους τούτους καὶ ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης ταῖς τρισὶ καὶ δέκα ναυσὶν ἀπὸ τῆς Καύνου καὶ Φασήλιδος ἐς τὴν Σάμον, ἀγγέλλων ὅτι τάς τε Φοινίσσας ναῦς ἀποστρέψειε Πελοποννησίοις ὥστε μὴ ἐλθεῖν καὶ τὸν Τισσαφέρνην ὅτι φίλον πεποιήκοι μᾶλλον Ἀθηναίοις ἢ πρότερον.

2 καὶ πληρώσας ναῦς ἐννέα πρὸς αἷς εἶχεν Ἁλικαρνασσέας τε πολλὰ χρήματα ἐξέπραξε καὶ Κῶν ἐτείχισεν. ταῦτα δὲ πράξας καὶ ἄρχοντα ἐν τῇ Κῷ καταστήσας πρὸς τὸ μετόπωρον ἤδη ἐς τὴν Σάμον κατέπλευσεν.

3 καὶ ὁ Τισσαφέρνης ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀσπένδου, ὡς ἐπύθετο τὰς τῶν Πελοποννησίων ναῦς ἐκ τῆς Μιλήτου ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον πεπλευκυίας, ἀναζεύξας ἤλαυνεν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἰωνίας.

4 ὄντων δὲ τῶν Πελοποννησίων ἐν τῷ Ἑλλησπόντῳ, Ἀντάνδριοι (εἰσὶ δὲ Αἰολῆς) παρακομισάμενοι ἐκ τῆς Ἀβύδου πεζῇ διὰ τῆς Ἴδης τοῦ ὄρους ὁπλίτας ἐσηγάγοντο ἐς τὴν πόλιν, ὑπὸ Ἀρσάκου τοῦ Πέρσου Τισσαφέρνους ὑπάρχου ἀδικούμενοι, ὅσπερ καὶ Δηλίους τοὺς Ἀτραμύττιον κατοικήσαντας ὅτε ὑπ’ Ἀθηναίων Δήλου καθάρσεως ἕνεκα ἀνέστησαν, ἔχθραν προσποιησάμενος ἄδηλον καὶ ἐπαγγείλας στρατιὰν αὐτῶν τοῖς βελτίστοις, ἐξαγαγὼν ὡς ἐπὶ φιλίᾳ καὶ ξυμμαχίᾳ, τηρήσας ἀριστοποιουμένους καὶ περιστήσας τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ κατηκόντισεν.

5 φοβούμενοι οὖν αὐτὸν διὰ τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον μήποτε καὶ περὶ σφᾶς τι παρανομήσῃ, καὶ ἄλλα ἐπιβάλλοντος αὐτοῦ ἃ φέρειν οὐκ ἐδύναντο, ἐκβάλλουσι τοὺς φρουροὺς αὐτοῦ ἐκ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως.

Chapter 109

1 ὁ δὲ Τισσαφέρνης αἰσθόμενος καὶ τοῦτο τῶν Πελοποννησίων τὸ ἔργον καὶ οὐ μόνον τὸ ἐν τῇ Μιλήτῳ καὶ Κνίδῳ (καὶ ἐνταῦθα γὰρ αὐτοῦ ἐξεπεπτώκεσαν οἱ φρουροί), διαβεβλῆσθαί τε νομίσας αὐτοῖς σφόδρα καὶ δείσας μὴ καὶ ἄλλο τι ἔτι βλάπτωσι, καὶ ἅμα ἀχθόμενος εἰ Φαρνάβαζος ἐξ ἐλάσσονος χρόνου καὶ δαπάνης δεξάμενος αὐτοὺς κατορθώσει τι μᾶλλον τῶν πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, πορεύεσθαι διενοεῖτο πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἑλλησπόντου, ὅπως μέμψηταί τε τῶν περὶ τὴν Ἄντανδρον γεγενημένων καὶ τὰς διαβολὰς καὶ περὶ τῶν Φοινισσῶν νεῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὡς εὐπρεπέστατα ἀπολογήσηται. καὶ ἀφικόμενος πρῶτον ἐς Ἔφεσον θυσίαν ἐποιήσατο τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι.

2 [ὅταν ὁ μετὰ τοῦτο τὸ θέρος χειμὼν τελευτήσῃ, ἓν καὶ εἰκοστὸν ἔτος πληροῦται.]

Chapter 1

1 When the news reached Athens, for a long time people refused to believe that the destruction could have been so complete. They would not even believe soldiers who had escaped from the fighting itself and gave clear reports. Once they accepted the truth, they turned against the public speakers who had supported the expedition, as though they had not voted for it themselves. They were also angry with the collectors of oracles, the diviners, and everyone who had made predictions at the time and encouraged them to hope that they would conquer Sicily.

2 The disaster brought them grief from every direction, and they were surrounded by overwhelming fear and shock. Both individual households and the city as a whole felt the loss of so many hoplites and cavalrymen—a body of men of military age that they could see no way to replace. At the same time, they saw that there were not enough ships in the ship sheds, or money in the public treasury, or crews for the ships. For the moment, they had no hope of survival. They thought their enemies in Sicily would sail straight to Piraeus with their fleet, especially after so great a victory. Their enemies nearer home would now double all their preparations and attack with their full strength by land and sea, joined by Athens' own allies in revolt.

3 Even so, they decided that they must not give in. They must use the resources they still had to prepare a fleet, collecting timber wherever they could, and raise money. They must keep their allies secure, especially Euboea. They must also put some of the city's spending on a more sensible, economical basis. They would elect a board of older men to consider measures in advance for the present situation, as each occasion required.

4 In their immediate fear, they were ready to accept discipline in everything, as the people generally are at such times. They put their decisions into practice, and the summer ended.

Chapter 2

1 In the following winter, all the Greeks were immediately encouraged by the Athenians' great disaster in Sicily. Those who were allied with neither side thought they must no longer stay out of the war, even if no one invited them to join. They should attack the Athenians of their own accord. Each believed the Athenians would have attacked them too if they had succeeded in Sicily. They also thought the rest of the war would be short and that taking part in it would bring them honor. The Lacedaemonians' allies were more eager than before to make a joint effort and quickly put an end to their many hardships.

2 Above all, the subjects of Athens were ready to revolt, even beyond what their strength allowed. They judged the situation in the heat of their feelings. They would not even allow for the possibility that the Athenians could survive the coming summer.

3 All this gave the Lacedaemonian state confidence. Most of all, it expected its allies from Sicily to arrive in great strength as soon as spring came. Now that these allies had been forced to develop a navy, their arrival seemed likely.

4 With high hopes on every side, the Lacedaemonians intended to commit themselves to the war without holding back. They calculated that, if it ended well, they would be free in the future from dangers like the one Athens would have brought upon them if it had gained Sicily as well. Once they had brought Athens down, they themselves would hold a secure position as leaders of all Hellas.

Chapter 3

1 So, during this winter, their king Agis at once set out from Decelea with part of his army. He collected money from the allies for the navy. Then he turned toward the Malian Gulf. Because of the old hostility between them, he seized a large amount of booty from the Oetaeans and exacted money from them. Despite the protests and opposition of the Thessalians, he also forced the Achaeans of Phthiotis and the other subjects of Thessaly in that region to provide some hostages and money. He placed the hostages at Corinth and tried to bring these peoples into the alliance.

2 The Lacedaemonians assigned the cities a total of 100 ships to build. They assigned 25 each to themselves and the Boeotians; 15 to the Phocians and Locrians together; 15 to the Corinthians; ten to the Arcadians, Pellenians, and Sicyonians together; and ten to the Megarians, Troezenians, Epidaurians, and Hermionians together. They made their other preparations too, intending to take up the war as soon as spring began.

Chapter 4

1 During this same winter, the Athenians also carried out the preparations they had planned. They collected timber and built ships. They fortified Sunium so that their grain ships could sail safely around the headland. They abandoned the fort in Laconia that they had built while sailing along the coast to Sicily. They cut other expenses wherever they thought money was being spent needlessly. Above all, they watched the situation among their allies to make sure that they would not revolt.

Chapter 5

1 While both sides were doing this, preparing for the war just as though they were starting it for the first time, the Euboeans were the first to send envoys to Agis that winter about revolting from Athens. He accepted their proposals and sent to Lacedaemon for Alcamenes son of Sthenelaidas and Melanthus, to serve as commanders in Euboea. They arrived with about 300 newly enfranchised Helots, and he prepared to send them across.

2 Meanwhile, envoys also came from Lesbos, whose people wanted to revolt too. The Boeotians supported them and persuaded Agis to put the Euboean plan on hold. Instead, he prepared for the revolt of Lesbos. He assigned them Alcamenes as military governor, although Alcamenes had been about to sail to Euboea. The Boeotians promised ten ships, and Agis promised ten.

3 These arrangements were made without consulting the Lacedaemonian state. As long as Agis was at Decelea with his own force, he had authority to send troops wherever he wanted, to raise more troops, and to demand money. At this time, it would be fair to say that the allies obeyed him much more [than] the Lacedaemonians at home. With his force behind him, he could appear anywhere at once and make himself feared.

4 While he was making arrangements with the people of Lesbos, the Chians and Erythraeans, who were also ready to revolt, approached Lacedaemon rather than Agis. An envoy from Tissaphernes came there with them. Tissaphernes governed the coastal region for King Darius son of Artaxerxes.

5 Tissaphernes too was inviting the Peloponnesians to come and promising to provide their maintenance. The king had recently demanded the tribute due from his province. Because of the Athenians, Tissaphernes had been unable to collect it from the Greek cities and had fallen into arrears. He therefore thought that by weakening the Athenians he could collect the tribute more easily. He also hoped to make the Lacedaemonians allies of the king and, as the king had ordered him, either bring in alive or kill Amorges, the illegitimate son of Pissuthnes, who was in revolt in Caria.

Chapter 6

1 The Chians and Tissaphernes were working together toward the same goal. At about the same time, Calligeitus son of Laophon, a Megarian, and Timagoras son of Athenagoras, from Cyzicus, arrived in Lacedaemon. Both were exiles from their own cities and were living with Pharnabazus son of Pharnaces. Pharnabazus had sent them to bring ships to the Hellespont. Like Tissaphernes, he wanted, if possible, to make the cities in his province revolt from Athens so that he could collect their tribute. He also wanted to be the one responsible for making the Lacedaemonians allies of the king.

2 The representatives of Pharnabazus and those of Tissaphernes pursued these plans separately. There was intense competition at Lacedaemon. One group tried to persuade the Lacedaemonians to send ships and an army to Ionia and Chios first, while the other wanted them sent to the Hellespont first.

3 The Lacedaemonians were much more receptive to the proposals from Chios and Tissaphernes. Alcibiades was also supporting them. His family had a particularly close connection with Endius, who was then an ephor: their families had long been friends and hosts to one another. That connection was also how Alcibiades' family had acquired its Laconian name: Endius' father was named Alcibiades.

4 Even so, the Lacedaemonians first sent Phrynis, one of the perioeci, to inspect Chios. He was to find out whether the Chians had as many ships as they claimed and whether the city was as powerful in other respects as its reputation suggested. When he reported that what they had heard was true, they immediately made the Chians and Erythraeans their allies. They voted to send them 40 ships, since, according to the Chians, at least 60 were already available there.

5 At first, they themselves were going to send ten of these ships under Melanchridas, who was their admiral. Then an earthquake occurred. They replaced Melanchridas with Chalcideus and prepared five ships in Laconia instead of ten. The winter ended, and the nineteenth year of this war, which Thucydides wrote, came to an end.

Chapter 7

1 At the beginning of spring in the next summer season, the Chians immediately pressed for the ships to be sent. They were afraid that the Athenians might discover what was happening, since all these embassies had been sent without their knowledge. The Lacedaemonians sent three Spartans to Corinth. They were to have the ships hauled across the Isthmus as quickly as possible, from the sea on the other side to the sea facing Athens. Then they were to order them all to sail to Chios, including those Agis had been preparing for Lesbos as well as the others. The allied ships there numbered 39 in all.

Chapter 8

1 Calligeitus and Timagoras, acting for Pharnabazus, would not take part in the expedition to Chios. Nor would they contribute to it the money they had brought, 25 talents. They intended to sail separately later with another expedition.

2 When Agis saw that the Lacedaemonians were determined to go to Chios first, he did not favor any other course himself. The allies met at Corinth to discuss the matter. They decided to sail first to Chios under Chalcideus, who was preparing the five ships in Laconia, then to Lesbos under Alcamenes, as Agis had planned, and finally to the Hellespont. Clearchus son of Rhamphias had been assigned to command there.

3 They decided to haul half the ships across the Isthmus first and have them sail at once. That way, the Athenians would pay no more attention to the departing ships than to those being brought across later.

4 Indeed, they were making this voyage quite openly. They thought little of the Athenians in their weakness, since no substantial Athenian fleet had yet appeared. In keeping with their decision, they immediately brought 21 ships across.

Chapter 9

1 Although the others were pressing for departure, the Corinthians were unwilling to sail with them until they had finished celebrating the Isthmian festival, which was taking place at the time. Agis was willing to make the expedition his own responsibility, so that the Corinthians themselves need not break the Isthmian truce.

2 The Corinthians would not agree, and there was a delay. Meanwhile, the Athenians learned more about the situation in Chios. They sent Aristocrates, one of their generals, to accuse the Chians. When the Chians denied the accusations, the Athenians told them to prove their loyalty by sending ships to serve with them in the allied fleet. They sent seven.

3 They sent the ships because most Chians did not know what was being planned. The small group who did know did not yet want to make enemies of the general population before they had gained some strong support. They also no longer expected the Peloponnesians to come, because of the delay.

Chapter 10

1 Meanwhile, the Isthmian festival took place. The Athenians, who had been invited, attended it, and the Chian plans became clearer to them. When they returned, they immediately made preparations to ensure that the ships could not sail from Cenchreae without their knowledge.

2 After the festival, the Peloponnesians set sail for Chios with 21 ships under Alcamenes. At first the Athenians approached with an equal number of ships and tried to draw them out to open sea. When the Peloponnesians did not follow them far but turned away, the Athenians also withdrew. They had the seven Chian ships among their own and did not trust them.

3 Later, however, they crewed more ships, bringing their total to 37. They pursued the Peloponnesians as they sailed along the coast and drove them into Spiraeum in Corinthian territory. This is an uninhabited harbor at the far edge of the territory, near the border with Epidaurus. The Peloponnesians lost one ship out at sea. They brought the others together and anchored them.

4 The Athenians attacked with their ships from the sea and also landed troops. Great confusion and disorder followed. The Athenians badly damaged most of the ships on shore and killed Alcamenes, their commander. Some Athenians were also killed.

Chapter 11

1 When the two sides had drawn apart, the Athenians assigned enough ships to keep watch over the enemy fleet. They anchored the rest at a small island nearby, where they made their camp. They also sent to Athens for reinforcements.

2 The next day the Corinthians came to help the Peloponnesians defend the ships, and shortly afterward the other neighboring peoples arrived too. They saw that guarding the ships in an uninhabited place would be difficult and did not know what to do. They considered burning the ships. Then they decided to haul them ashore and keep their army stationed beside them as a guard until a suitable chance of escape arose. When Agis learned what had happened, he also sent them a Spartan named Thermon.

3 The Lacedaemonians first received news that the ships had sailed from the Isthmus. The ephors had told Alcamenes to send a mounted messenger when this happened. They immediately wanted to send their own five ships under Chalcideus, with Alcibiades accompanying him. Then, just as they were preparing to leave, news arrived that the ships had taken refuge in Spiraeum. This failure at their very first attempt to begin the war in Ionia discouraged them. They no longer intended to send the ships from their own country. They even thought of recalling some that had already put out to sea.

Chapter 12

1 When Alcibiades learned this, he again persuaded Endius and the other ephors not to be afraid to make the voyage. He said they would arrive before the Chians heard about the disaster to the ships. Once he himself reached Ionia, he could easily persuade the cities to revolt by telling them about the Athenians' weakness and the Lacedaemonians' eagerness to help. They would find him more convincing than anyone else.

2 He also told Endius privately that it would bring him honor to be responsible for the revolt of Ionia and for making the king an ally of the Lacedaemonians. This achievement should not belong to Agis. Alcibiades himself was at odds with Agis.

3 After persuading Endius and the other ephors, Alcibiades set out in the five ships with Chalcideus the Lacedaemonian. They made the voyage at speed.

Chapter 13

1 At about this same time, the 16 Peloponnesian ships that had fought through the war with Gylippus were returning from Sicily. Near Leucas they were cut off and damaged by 27 Athenian ships under Hippocles son of Menippus, who was watching for ships coming from Sicily. All but one of the Peloponnesian ships escaped the Athenians and sailed into Corinth.

Chapter 14

1 As Chalcideus and Alcibiades sailed, they detained everyone they met so that news of their approach would not get out. They first reached Corycus on the mainland and released these people there. After meeting some of their Chian supporters, who told them to sail into the city without giving advance notice, they arrived unexpectedly at Chios.

2 Most people were astonished and alarmed. But the small group behind the plan had arranged for the council to be in session at the time. Chalcideus and Alcibiades spoke, saying that many more ships were on their way. They did not reveal that the ships at Spiraeum were under blockade. The Chians revolted from Athens, and the Erythraeans followed.

3 After this, they sailed with three ships to Clazomenae and brought it into revolt too. The Clazomenians immediately crossed to the mainland and began fortifying Polichna. It would give them a place to retreat to from the small island where they lived, if they needed one. All the rebels were now building fortifications and preparing for war.

Chapter 15

1 News about Chios quickly reached Athens. The Athenians thought the danger surrounding them was now great and unmistakable. With their largest allied city having changed sides, they did not expect the other allies to stay quiet. In their immediate alarm, they at once removed the penalties for anyone who proposed or put to the vote the use of the 1,000 talents that they had tried so hard not to touch throughout the war. They voted to use this money and crew a substantial number of ships. They also voted to send eight ships immediately from the force keeping watch at Spiraeum. These had left their watch to pursue Chalcideus' ships, failed to catch them, and returned. Their commander was Strombichides son of Diotimus. Twelve more ships under Thrasycles were to follow shortly afterward as reinforcements, also leaving their watch.

2 They withdrew the seven Chian ships that had been helping them blockade the ships at Spiraeum. They freed the slaves aboard them and put the free men in chains. They quickly crewed ten other ships and sent them to replace all those that had left the watch over the Peloponnesians. They also planned to crew another 30. There was great enthusiasm, and every effort was made on a large scale to send help against Chios.

Chapter 16

1 Meanwhile, Strombichides arrived at Samos with his eight ships. He took on one Samian ship and sailed to Teos, where he called on the people to remain loyal. Chalcideus was also sailing from Chios toward Teos with 23 ships. At the same time, the land forces of Clazomenae and Erythrae were approaching along the coast.

2 Strombichides learned of their approach in time and put out to sea. Once he was in open water and saw how many ships were coming from Chios, he fled toward Samos. The others pursued him.

3 At first the Teians would not admit the land army. Once the Athenians fled, they let it in. The soldiers waited for Chalcideus to return from the pursuit. When he was slow to arrive, they began tearing down the wall the Athenians had built on the mainland side of the city of Teos. A small force of non-Greeks came to help them demolish it, under Stages, a subordinate of Tissaphernes.

Chapter 17

1 After chasing Strombichides to Samos, Chalcideus and Alcibiades armed the sailors from their Peloponnesian ships and left them at Chios. They replaced them with Chian crews, crewed 20 more ships as well, and sailed to Miletus to bring it into revolt.

2 Alcibiades was on friendly terms with the leading men of Miletus. He wanted to bring them over before the ships from the Peloponnese arrived. By bringing as many cities as possible into revolt with Chalcideus and the Chian force, he wanted to win credit for the Chians, himself, Chalcideus, and Endius, who had sent him out, just as he had promised.

3 They went unnoticed for most of the voyage and arrived just ahead of Strombichides and Thrasycles. Thrasycles had just arrived from Athens with twelve ships and was joining in the pursuit. They brought Miletus into revolt. The Athenians sailed up close behind them with 19 ships. When the Milesians refused to admit them, they anchored off the nearby island of Lade to keep watch.

4 Immediately after the Milesians revolted, the Lacedaemonians made their first alliance with the king, through Tissaphernes and Chalcideus, on the following terms.

Chapter 18

1 “The Lacedaemonians and their allies made an alliance with the king and Tissaphernes on these terms. All territory and cities held by the king, and all those held by his ancestors, shall belong to the king. The king, the Lacedaemonians, and their allies shall jointly prevent the Athenians from receiving any money or anything else that used to come to them from these cities.

2 “The king, the Lacedaemonians, and their allies shall wage war against the Athenians together. Neither side may end the war with the Athenians unless both sides agree: the king, and the Lacedaemonians and their allies.

3 “Anyone who revolts from the king shall also be an enemy of the Lacedaemonians and their allies. In the same way, anyone who revolts from the Lacedaemonians and their allies shall be an enemy of the king.”

Chapter 19

1 This was the alliance they made. Immediately afterward, the Chians crewed ten more ships and sailed to Anaea. They wanted to find out what was happening at Miletus and, at the same time, bring other cities into revolt.

2 A message came from Chalcideus telling them to sail back and warning that Amorges would arrive overland with an army. They sailed to Dios Hieron. There they sighted 16 ships approaching from Athens under Diomedon, who had set out later than Thrasycles.

3 As soon as they saw them, they fled. One ship went to Ephesus and the others toward Teos. The Athenians captured four empty ships, their crews having escaped ashore first. The rest took refuge in the city of Teos.

4 The Athenians sailed away to Samos. The Chians put to sea with their remaining ships and, together with the land army, brought Lebedus into revolt, and then Aerae. After this, both the army and the ships returned home.

Chapter 20

1 At about the same time, the 20 Peloponnesian ships at Spiraeum, which had been driven there earlier and were being watched by an equal number of Athenian ships, suddenly sailed out. They won the sea battle and captured four Athenian ships. Then they sailed to Cenchreae and again prepared for the voyage to Chios and Ionia. Astyochus arrived from Lacedaemon as their admiral. He now had command of the entire fleet.

2 After the land army had withdrawn from Teos, Tissaphernes himself arrived with an army. He demolished whatever was left of the wall at Teos and then withdrew. Not long after he left, Diomedon arrived with ten Athenian ships and made an agreement with the Teians that they would admit the Athenians too. He then sailed along the coast to Aerae and attacked it. When he failed to take the city, he sailed away.

Chapter 21

1 At this time, the people of Samos also rose against the powerful men there, with help from Athenians who happened to be present in three ships. The Samian people killed about 200 of the most powerful men in all. They sentenced 400 to exile and divided their land and houses among themselves. After this, the Athenians voted to grant them self-government, considering them now reliable allies. From then on, the people ran the city themselves. They gave the landowning class no share in anything. No one among the people was any longer allowed to give a daughter in marriage to someone in that class or take a wife from it.

Chapter 22

1 Later that same summer, the Chians continued as eagerly as they had begun. They were coming in force to bring cities into revolt, even without the Peloponnesians. They also wanted as many others as possible to share their danger. They themselves sailed against Lesbos with 13 ships. The Lacedaemonians had ordered them to go there as their second destination and then to the Hellespont. At the same time, a land army made up of the Peloponnesians who were present and the local allies marched along the coast by way of Clazomenae and Cyme. Eualas, a Spartan, commanded the army, and Deiniadas, one of the perioeci, commanded the ships.

2 The ships sailed in and first brought Methymna into revolt. Four ships were left there. The others then brought Mytilene into revolt.

Chapter 23

1 Astyochus, the Lacedaemonian admiral, sailed from Cenchreae with four ships, as he had planned, and reached Chios. On the third day after his arrival, the twenty-five Athenian ships sailed for Lesbos under Leon and Diomedon. Leon had come out later from Athens with ten ships as reinforcements.

2 Astyochus also put to sea late that same day. He took one Chian ship with him and sailed for Lesbos to give whatever help he could. He reached Pyrrha, and the next day went on to Eresus. There he learned that the Athenians had taken Mytilene at the first assault.

3 The Athenians had sailed straight into the harbor without being expected and captured the Chian ships. They then landed, defeated those who resisted them, and took the city.

4 Astyochus heard this from the people of Eresus and from the Chian ships with Eubulus that had come from Methymna. These ships had been left there earlier. When Mytilene fell, they escaped and met him. There were three of them, since the Athenians had captured one. Astyochus now gave up his plan to attack Mytilene. Instead he brought Eresus into revolt and armed its people. He also sent the hoplites from his own ships overland toward Antissa and Methymna, putting Eteonicus in command. He himself sailed along the coast with his own ships and the three Chian ships. He hoped the sight of them would give the people of Methymna confidence and keep them committed to the revolt.

5 But everything in Lesbos went against him. He took his land troops aboard and sailed back to Chios. The allied land army, which had been going to march to the Hellespont, was also taken back to its separate cities. After this, six ships from the Peloponnesian allied fleet at Cenchreae reached them at Chios.

6 The Athenians restored their control in Lesbos. They then sailed from there and captured Polichna, the settlement on the mainland that the Clazomenians were fortifying. They brought the people back to their city on the island, except for those responsible for the revolt, who went away to Daphnus. Clazomenae returned to the Athenian side.

Chapter 24

1 During the same summer, the Athenians operating against Miletus with twenty ships based at Lade landed at Panormus in Milesian territory. Chalcideus, the Lacedaemonian commander, came to oppose them with a small force, and they killed him. On the third day afterward they sailed across and put up a victory monument. The Milesians pulled it down because it had been put up without the Athenians holding the ground.

2 Leon and Diomedon, with the Athenian ships from Lesbos, carried out attacks on the Chians from the sea. Their bases were the Oenussae, the islands off Chios; Sidussa and Pteleum, fortified positions they held in Erythraean territory; and Lesbos. The hoplites serving as marines had been drafted from the citizen roll and made to serve.

3 They landed at Cardamyle and Boliscus, defeated the Chians who came to defend them, killed many, and devastated the surrounding districts. They won another battle at Phanae and a third at Leuconium. After this the Chians no longer came out to fight. The Athenians ravaged their countryside, which was well developed and had suffered no damage from the Persian Wars down to that time.

4 Apart from the Lacedaemonians, the Chians are the only people I know who combined prosperity with good judgment. The greater their city became, the more firmly they kept their affairs in order.

5 Even their revolt, if anyone thinks it was a departure from the safer course, was not something they dared to undertake until they could share the risks with many strong allies. They also saw that, after the disaster in Sicily, even the Athenians no longer denied that their situation was [definitely] very bad. If the unpredictable events of human life led them into a mistake, they made that error along with many others who also thought that Athenian power would quickly be destroyed.

6 With the Chians now cut off from the sea and their land being ravaged, some of them tried to bring the city back to the Athenian side. The authorities discovered this but took no action themselves. Instead they brought the admiral Astyochus over from Erythrae with the four ships he had there. They considered how to stop the plot as gently as possible, either by taking hostages or by some other means. This was what they were doing.

Chapter 25

1 At the end of the same summer, a force sailed from Athens to Samos under the generals Phrynichus, Onomacles, and Scironides. It consisted of a thousand Athenian, fifteen hundred Argive, and a thousand allied hoplites. Five hundred of the Argives had been lightly armed, but the Athenians had equipped them as hoplites. They traveled in forty-eight ships, including troop transports. After crossing to Miletus, they made camp.

2 The Milesians came out to meet them with eight hundred hoplites of their own, the Peloponnesians who had come with Chalcideus, and some [foreign] mercenary troops belonging to Tissaphernes. Tissaphernes himself was also there with his cavalry. They fought the Athenians and their allies.

3 The Argives rushed ahead on their own wing. They despised their opponents as Ionians who would not stand their ground, and advanced with too little order. The Milesians defeated them and killed just under three hundred of their men.

4 The Athenians first defeated the Peloponnesians, then drove back the non-Greeks and the rest of the force. They did not engage the Milesians. After routing the Argives, the Milesians saw the rest of their side being defeated and withdrew into the city. The Athenians, now victorious, set up their position right outside Miletus.

5 In this battle it happened that the Ionians on both sides defeated the Dorians: the Athenians beat the Peloponnesians facing them, and the Milesians beat the Argives. The Athenians put up a victory monument and prepared to build a wall cutting off the city, since the site was on an isthmus. They thought that if they won over Miletus, the other places would readily come over to them too.

Chapter 26

1 Meanwhile, late in the afternoon, they received news that fifty-five ships from the Peloponnese and Sicily were almost there. Of the Sicilians, the Syracusans had sent twenty ships and the Selinuntians two. Hermocrates of Syracuse had been especially active in urging them to help finish the destruction of Athenian power. The ships being prepared in the Peloponnese were also now ready. Theramenes the Lacedaemonian had orders to take both fleets to the admiral Astyochus. They first sailed to Leros, the island off Miletus.

2 There they learned that the Athenians were at Miletus. Before going there, they sailed into the Iasic Gulf, wanting to find out the situation at Miletus.

3 They sailed to Teichiussa in Milesian territory and spent the night there. Alcibiades came there on horseback, and they learned from him about the battle. He had been present and had fought alongside the Milesians and Tissaphernes. He urged them to help Miletus as quickly as possible and not let it be walled off, unless they wanted to lose both Ionia and their whole position.

Chapter 27

1 They intended to go to its aid at dawn. But Phrynichus, the Athenian general, received reliable news from Leros about the ships. His fellow generals wanted to stay and fight a naval battle. He said that he would not do this himself and would do everything he could to prevent them or anyone else from doing it.

2 They [could] fight later, when they knew for certain how many enemy ships they faced and how many of their own they would have, and had made full preparations without rushing. He would never give in to the shame of being called a coward and take an unreasonable risk.

3 There was no disgrace, he said, in an Athenian fleet withdrawing when the circumstances required it. A defeat would bring them greater disgrace, however it happened. It would also expose their city not just to shame but to the greatest danger. After its recent disasters, the city could scarcely afford to start an attack anywhere, even with solid preparations, either by choice or when driven by urgent need. It certainly should not choose to take risks when no one was forcing it.

4 He urged them to sail for Samos as quickly as possible, taking aboard the wounded, the infantry, and all the equipment they had brought with them. They should leave behind what they had taken from enemy territory, to keep the ships light. Once at Samos, they could gather all their ships and make attacks wherever an opportunity arose.

5 He persuaded them and put this plan into action. Both at the time and afterward, people thought Phrynichus had shown good judgment, not only in this matter but in everything else he undertook.

6 So the Athenians left Miletus as soon as evening came, their victory incomplete. The Argives sailed home from Samos in a hurry, angry at their defeat.

Chapter 28

1 At dawn the Peloponnesians sailed from Teichiussa and arrived at Miletus. They stayed for a day. The next day they took along the Chian ships that had originally been chased into the harbor with Chalcideus. They wanted to sail back to Teichiussa to collect the equipment they had unloaded there.

2 When they arrived, Tissaphernes came up with his land army and persuaded them to sail against Iasus, which his enemy Amorges held. They attacked Iasus unexpectedly and took it. Its people had assumed that the ships could only be Athenian. The Syracusans earned the most praise in the action.

3 The Peloponnesians captured Amorges alive. He was an illegitimate son of Pissuthnes and had rebelled against the king. They handed him over to Tissaphernes to take to the king if he wished, as the king had ordered him to do. They sacked Iasus, and the army took a very large amount of money. The place had been wealthy for a long time.

4 They took Amorges' mercenaries into their own force without harming them, since most were from the Peloponnese. They handed over the town to Tissaphernes, along with all the captives, both enslaved and free. They agreed that he would pay them one Daric stater for each person. Then they returned to Miletus.

5 The Lacedaemonians had sent Pedaritus son of Leon to command at Chios. The Peloponnesians sent him overland as far as Erythrae with the mercenaries taken over from Amorges. They put Philippus in command at Miletus itself. And the summer ended.

Chapter 29

1 In the following winter, after securing Iasus with a garrison, Tissaphernes came to Miletus. As he had promised at Lacedaemon, he paid a month's allowance to the whole fleet at the rate of one Attic drachma per man per day. For the future, however, he wanted to give three obols until he had consulted the king. If the king ordered it, he said, he would pay the full drachma.

2 Hermocrates, the Syracusan general, objected. Theramenes was not firm about the pay, since he was not the admiral but was only sailing with the fleet to hand it over to Astyochus. Even so, the agreement gave each man more than three obols, by allowing an extra five ships' worth of pay. Tissaphernes gave thirty talents a month for fifty-five ships. Any additional ships beyond that number were paid at the same rate.

Chapter 30

1 That same winter, another thirty-five ships from home reached the Athenians at Samos, along with the generals Charminus, Strombichides, and Euctemon. They brought together the ships from Chios and all their other ships. They intended to divide their duties by lot: one force would use its fleet to blockade Miletus, while the other would send both ships and land troops against Chios.

2 They did so. Strombichides, Onomacles, and Euctemon drew the assignment to Chios and sailed there with thirty ships. They also took in troop transports some of the thousand hoplites who had come to Miletus. The others stayed at Samos with seventy-four ships, controlled the sea, and made attacks on Miletus.

Chapter 31

1 At this time Astyochus was at Chios, selecting hostages because of the plot to betray the city. When he learned that the ships with Theramenes had arrived and that the alliance's situation had improved, he stopped doing this. He took ten Peloponnesian ships and ten Chian ships and put to sea.

2 He attacked Pteleum but failed to take it. He then sailed along the coast to Clazomenae and ordered the people there who supported Athens to move to Daphnus and join his side. Tamos, the deputy governor of Ionia, joined in giving this order.

3 They would not obey, so he attacked the city, which had no walls, but could not capture it. He then sailed away in a strong wind. He himself went to Phocaea and Cyme, while the other ships put in at the islands off Clazomenae: Marathussa, Pele, and Drymussa.

4 The winds kept these ships there for eight days. They plundered and used up some of the property the Clazomenians had moved there for safety. They loaded the rest aboard and sailed to join Astyochus at Phocaea and Cyme.

Chapter 32

1 While he was there, envoys arrived from Lesbos, whose people wanted to revolt again. They persuaded Astyochus, but the Corinthians and the other allies were unwilling because of the earlier failure. So he put to sea and sailed for Chios. A storm scattered the ships, and they later reached Chios from different directions.

2 After this, Pedaritus, who had been marching overland from Miletus, reached Erythrae and crossed with his army to Chios. He also had available about five hundred soldiers, left by Chalcideus from the five ships, together with their arms.

3 Some people from Lesbos were offering to arrange a revolt. Astyochus therefore put a proposal to Pedaritus and the Chians: they should go there with their ships and bring Lesbos into revolt. They would either gain more allies or, if they failed, still damage the Athenians. But the others would not listen, and Pedaritus said he would not let Astyochus have the Chian ships.

Chapter 33

1 Astyochus took the five Corinthian ships, a sixth from Megara, one from Hermione, and the Laconian ships he had brought out himself, and sailed for Miletus to take up his duties as admiral. He made repeated threats to the Chians, declaring that he would certainly not help them if they needed anything.

2 He put in at Corycus in Erythraean territory and stayed the night. The Athenian force sailing from Samos toward Chios also anchored there, on the other side of a hill that separated them. Neither side knew that the other was there.

3 During the night a letter arrived from Pedaritus. It said that some Erythraean prisoners had been released from Samos and had come to Erythrae to betray it. Astyochus immediately put to sea again for Erythrae. This was all that kept him from encountering the Athenians.

4 Pedaritus also sailed across to meet him. They investigated the suspected traitors and found that the whole story had been made up to get the men safely out of Samos. They cleared them of the accusation and sailed away. Pedaritus went to Chios, while Astyochus continued to Miletus as he had intended.

Chapter 34

1 Meanwhile, as the Athenian force sailed around from Corycus, it came across three Chian warships off Arginum and chased them as soon as it saw them. A violent storm came on. The Chian ships barely managed to escape into their harbor. Of the Athenian ships, the three that had pressed ahead most eagerly were wrecked and driven ashore near the city of Chios. Some of their men were captured and others killed. The remaining ships found refuge in the harbor below Mount Mimas called Phoenicus. Later they moved from there to an anchorage at Lesbos and prepared to build their fort.

Chapter 35

1 During the same winter, Hippocrates the Lacedaemonian sailed from the Peloponnese and reached Cnidus with ten ships from Thurii, one Laconian ship, and one Syracusan ship. Dorieus son of Diagoras was one of the three commanders of the Thurian ships. Tissaphernes had already brought Cnidus into revolt.

2 When the Peloponnesians at Miletus heard of their arrival, they told them to use half their ships to guard Cnidus. The other half were to stay near Triopium and seize merchant ships arriving from Egypt. Triopium is a headland projecting from Cnidian territory, with a sanctuary of Apollo.

3 The Athenians heard about this, sailed from Samos, and captured the six ships keeping watch at Triopium. Their crews escaped. After this the Athenians sailed to Cnidus, attacked the unwalled city, and nearly took it.

4 They attacked again the next day. But the people had put up better defenses during the night, and the men who had escaped from the ships at Triopium had joined them. The Athenians could no longer do as much damage. They withdrew, ravaged the Cnidians' land, and sailed back to Samos.

Chapter 36

1 About this same time Astyochus reached Miletus to take command of the fleet. The Peloponnesians still had plenty of everything they needed in their camp. Pay was being provided at an adequate rate, the soldiers had the large sums plundered from Iasus, and the Milesians willingly bore the burdens of the war.

2 Even so, the Peloponnesians thought that the first agreement with Tissaphernes, made through Chalcideus, was incomplete and not favorable enough to them. While Theramenes was still there, they made another agreement. It was as follows.

Chapter 37

1 “The Lacedaemonians and their allies agree with King Darius, the king's sons, and Tissaphernes to establish a truce and friendship on the following terms.

2 “Neither the Lacedaemonians nor their allies shall attack or cause any damage to any territory or cities belonging to King Darius, or formerly belonging to his father or his ancestors. Neither the Lacedaemonians nor their allies shall collect tribute from these cities. Neither King Darius nor any of his subjects shall attack or cause any damage to the Lacedaemonians or their allies.

3 “If the Lacedaemonians or their allies need anything from the king, or the king needs anything from the Lacedaemonians or their allies, whatever they persuade each other to do shall be acceptable.

4 “Both sides shall wage war together against the Athenians and their allies. If they make peace, both sides shall do so together. The king shall pay the expenses of any army in his territory that he has called in.

5 “If any of the cities that have made this agreement with the king attacks his territory, the others shall stop it and defend the king as far as they can. If anyone from the king's territory or from any land under his rule attacks the territory of the Lacedaemonians or their allies, the king shall stop them and provide defense as far as he can.”

Chapter 38

1 After this agreement, Theramenes handed over the ships to Astyochus. He sailed away in a small boat and disappeared.

2 The Athenians had by now brought their army across from Lesbos to Chios. They controlled both land and sea and were fortifying Delphinium. This position was naturally strong on the landward side, had harbors, and was not far from the city of Chios.

3 The Chians had suffered badly in their many earlier battles and were also deeply divided among themselves. Pedaritus had already put Tydeus son of Ion and his associates to death for supporting Athens. The rest of the city was held by force under the control of a few men. The Chians therefore distrusted one another and remained inactive. In these circumstances neither the Chians themselves nor the mercenaries with Pedaritus seemed capable of facing the Athenians in battle.

4 They did, however, send to Miletus and ask Astyochus to help them. When he would not listen, Pedaritus wrote to Lacedaemon, accusing him of failing in his duty.

5 This was how far the Athenians had progressed at Chios. Their ships from Samos made attacks on the fleet at Miletus. But when the enemy did not put out to meet them, they went back to Samos and stayed inactive.

Chapter 39

1 During the same winter, twenty-seven ships left the Peloponnese for Ionia around the solstice. The Lacedaemonians had prepared them for Pharnabazus [through] the efforts of Calligeitus of Megara and Timagoras of Cyzicus. Antisthenes, a Spartan, sailed with them as commander.

2 The Lacedaemonians also sent eleven Spartans as advisers to Astyochus. One was Lichas son of Arcesilaus. They had orders to reach Miletus and help manage affairs there in whatever way would produce the best results. If they thought it advisable, they were to send these ships, or a larger or smaller number, to Pharnabazus in the Hellespont, appointing Clearchus son of Rhamphias, who was sailing with them, as commander. If the eleven thought it right, they could also remove Astyochus as admiral and replace him with Antisthenes. Pedaritus' letters had made the Lacedaemonians suspicious of him.

3 The ships sailed across the open sea from Malea and put in at Melos. There they encountered ten Athenian ships, captured three without their crews, and burned them. After this they feared that the Athenian ships that had escaped from Melos would report their approach to the Athenians at Samos, as in fact they did. As a precaution, they sailed toward Crete and took a longer route, reaching Caunus in Asia.

4 Once there, they considered themselves safe and sent a message to the fleet at Miletus asking for an escort.

Chapter 40

1 At the same time the Chians and Pedaritus kept sending messengers to Astyochus despite his delays. They asked him to come with his whole fleet to help them in the siege. He should not stand by while the largest allied city in Ionia was cut off from the sea and its land devastated by raids.

2 The Chians had many slaves—more than any single city except Lacedaemon. Because there were so many, they were also punished more harshly for offenses. As soon as the Athenian army seemed securely established behind its fortifications, most of the slaves deserted to it. Their knowledge of the countryside enabled them to do the greatest damage.

3 The Chians said that Astyochus must help them while there was still hope and it was still possible to stop the work. Delphinium was still being fortified and was unfinished, and a larger enclosure was being added around it for both the camp and the ships. Because of his earlier threat, Astyochus had not intended to help. But when he saw that the allies too were eager, he made up his mind to go.

Chapter 41

1 Meanwhile, news arrived from Caunus that the twenty-seven ships and the Lacedaemonian advisers were there. Astyochus thought everything else should come second to escorting so many ships to join his own, so that they would have greater control of the sea, and to bringing safely across the Lacedaemonians who had come to inspect his conduct. He immediately abandoned his plan to go to Chios and sailed for Caunus.

2 On the way he landed at Cos Meropis and sacked the city. It had no walls and had collapsed in an earthquake that struck its people—the strongest in our memory. The inhabitants had fled into the mountains. He raided the countryside for plunder, but did not take free people; he let them go.

3 From Cos he reached Cnidus at night. At the Cnidians' insistence, he had to keep his sailors aboard and sail on immediately, just as he was, against the twenty Athenian ships. Charminus, one of the generals from Samos, had these ships and was watching for the arrival of the twenty-seven ships from the Peloponnese—the very ships Astyochus was sailing to meet.

4 The Athenians at Samos had learned from Melos that these ships were approaching. Charminus was keeping watch around Syme, Chalce, and Rhodes, and along the coast of Lycia. He had already learned that they were at Caunus.

Chapter 42

1 So Astyochus sailed toward Syme with his forces as they were, before anyone could report his approach. He hoped to catch the ships somewhere out at sea. But rain and cloudy skies made his ships lose their way in the darkness and threw them into confusion.

2 At dawn the fleet was scattered. Its left wing was already visible to the Athenians, but the rest was still wandering around the island. Charminus and the Athenians quickly put out to meet them with fewer than their full twenty ships. They thought these were the ships from Caunus that they had been watching for.

3 They attacked at once, sank three ships, and damaged others. They were winning the fight until the larger part of the enemy fleet appeared unexpectedly. Then they found themselves cut off on every side.

4 They turned and fled, losing six ships. With the rest they escaped to the island of Teutlussa, and from there to Halicarnassus. After this the Peloponnesians landed at Cnidus. The twenty-seven ships from Caunus joined them there. They then sailed with the whole fleet to Syme and set up a victory monument before returning to anchor at Cnidus.

Chapter 43

1 When the Athenians heard about the sea battle, they sailed to Syme with all their ships from Samos. They did not attack the fleet at Cnidus, nor did that fleet attack them. They collected the ships' equipment left on Syme, attacked Loryma on the mainland, and sailed back to Samos.

2 All the Peloponnesian ships were now together at Cnidus, and they made whatever repairs were needed. Tissaphernes had arrived, and the eleven Lacedaemonian representatives held talks with him. They discussed anything they disliked about what had already been done, and how to fight the rest of the war in the best way and to the greatest advantage of both sides.

3 Lichas examined the arrangements most closely. He said that neither treaty, the one made by Chalcideus or the one made by Therimenes, had been properly drawn up. It would be outrageous if the King now claimed control of every territory that he or his ancestors had ruled in the past. This would mean that all the islands, Thessaly, the Locrians, and the lands as far as Boeotia would be enslaved again. Instead of giving the Greeks freedom, the Lacedaemonians would be putting them under Persian rule.

4 So he demanded that they make a different, better treaty. Otherwise they would not use these treaties, and they wanted no money for their forces on these terms. Tissaphernes was furious. He left them angrily, having achieved nothing.

Chapter 44

1 The Peloponnesians planned to sail to Rhodes, since its most powerful men were sending them invitations. They hoped to bring over an island with considerable strength in sailors and land forces. They also thought that their existing alliance would then let them support their ships without asking Tissaphernes for money.

2 So they sailed from Cnidus at once, during the same winter. Their first landing was at Camirus in Rhodian territory, with ninety-four ships. The ordinary people knew nothing about the plans. They were terrified and fled, especially since the city had no walls. Then the Lacedaemonians called these people together with the Rhodians from the other two cities, Lindus and Ialysus. They persuaded them to revolt from Athens, and Rhodes joined the Peloponnesians.

3 Around this time the Athenians heard the news and sailed from Samos with their ships. They wanted to get there first and appeared out at sea, but they were a little too late. For the moment they sailed away to Chalce, and from there to Samos. Later they fought against Rhodes by making naval raids from Chalce and Cos [and from Samos].

4 The Peloponnesians collected about thirty-two talents from the Rhodians. Apart from that they remained inactive for eighty days, with their ships pulled up on shore.

Chapter 45

1 Meanwhile, and even earlier, before they left for Rhodes, the following events took place. After Chalcideus' death and the battle at Miletus, the Peloponnesians distrusted Alcibiades. A letter had come from Lacedaemon to Astyochus ordering him to kill Alcibiades. He was an enemy of Agis, and they had other reasons to think him untrustworthy. In fear, he first withdrew to Tissaphernes. Then he did all he could to damage the Peloponnesians' position with him.

2 He became Tissaphernes' adviser on everything. He cut the pay from one Attic drachma to three obols, and even that was not to be paid regularly. He told Tissaphernes to explain that the Athenians, who had much longer experience of naval affairs, paid their men three obols. This was not so much because they were poor. It was to prevent their sailors from having money to spare and misusing it. Some would spend it on things that weakened their bodies. Others would desert their ships if no pay was still owed to them as a guarantee that they would stay.

3 He also advised Tissaphernes [to] pay bribes to the trireme commanders and the generals from the various cities, and persuade them to accept these arrangements. All agreed except the Syracusans. Their commander Hermocrates alone opposed him on behalf of the whole allied force.

4 He also turned away the cities that asked for money, answering them himself on Tissaphernes' behalf. He said the Chians were shameless. They were the richest of the Greeks, yet they depended on outside help for their safety and expected others to risk both their lives and their money for Chian freedom.

5 He said the other cities were also in the wrong. Before they revolted, they had spent money on Athens. It would be wrong if they now refused to contribute just as much, or even more, for their own benefit.

6 He explained that Tissaphernes was now paying for the war with his own money, so it was reasonable for him to be careful with it. But if funds for the forces ever arrived from the King, he would pay them their full wages and give the cities the help they could reasonably expect.

Chapter 46

1 He also advised Tissaphernes not to be too eager to end the war. He should not bring in the Phoenician ships he was preparing, or provide pay for more Greeks, in order to give the same people control of both land and sea. Instead he should let the two sides divide power between them. Then the King could always bring one side against the other whenever it caused him trouble.

2 If control of land and sea came into the same hands, he would have no one to help him bring down the dominant power. His only alternative would be to take the field himself eventually, at great expense and risk, and fight the matter out. It would cost less to let the Greeks wear each other down. He could do this for a small fraction of the expense and without putting himself in danger.

3 He said the Athenians would be more suitable partners for him in sharing power. They were less interested in territory on land, and both their stated aims and their actual way of fighting served his interests best. They would help enslave the peoples of the sea for themselves, and the Greeks living in the King's territory for him. The Lacedaemonians, by contrast, had come to free them. It was unlikely that they would now free the Greeks from other Greeks, themselves included, but fail to free them from those others [the non-Greeks], unless the Lacedaemonians failed to defeat the non-Greeks.

4 So he told him first to wear both sides down. Then, after taking as much as possible away from the Athenians, he should finally get the Peloponnesians out of the country.

5 Tissaphernes mostly shared this view, as far as his actions showed. Because he thought Alcibiades' advice on these matters was good, he gave him his trust. He supplied the Peloponnesians poorly with money for their forces and would not let them fight a sea battle. He kept saying that the Phoenician ships would come and that they would then fight with strength to spare. In this way he damaged their cause and took away the fighting edge of their fleet, which had become very strong indeed. In other ways too, he supported their war so halfheartedly that it was impossible not to notice.

Chapter 47

1 Alcibiades gave this advice partly because he thought it best for Tissaphernes and the King, with whom he was staying. But he was also trying to arrange his own return home. He knew that, if he did not destroy his country, he would eventually be able to persuade it to let him come back. He thought his best chance of persuading the Athenians was to show that Tissaphernes was his friend. And that is what happened.

2 The Athenian soldiers at Samos learned that he had influence with Tissaphernes. Alcibiades himself had helped this along by sending messages to their most powerful men. They were to speak about him to the leading citizens. He wanted to return under an oligarchy, not under rule by bad men or under the democracy that had expelled him. He would make Tissaphernes their friend and share in their government. But the Athenian trireme commanders and the most powerful men at Samos were moving to overthrow the democracy chiefly on their own initiative.

Chapter 48

1 This movement began in the camp and later spread from there to the city. Some men crossed over from Samos and spoke with Alcibiades. He held out the prospect of making first Tissaphernes and then the King their friends, provided they were not governed by a democracy. The King would trust them more under those conditions. The most powerful citizens, who also bore the greatest burdens, had high hopes. They expected to take control of affairs for themselves and defeat their enemies.

2 They returned to Samos and formed a conspiracy among men who shared their aims. They openly told the ordinary soldiers that the King would be their friend and provide money if Alcibiades returned and they gave up democracy.

3 The mass of the soldiers felt some immediate resentment at what was happening. But the prospect of generous pay from the King kept them quiet. After the organizers of the oligarchy had told the soldiers, they again examined Alcibiades' proposals among themselves and with most of their political associates.

4 The others thought the proposals workable and reliable. But Phrynichus, who was still a general, approved of none of them. He thought Alcibiades cared no more for oligarchy than for democracy—and this was true. His only concern was to change the city's existing system so that his associates would invite him back. Their own chief concern, Phrynichus thought, should be to avoid civil strife. Nor would it be easy for the King to side with the Athenians, whom he did not trust, and bring trouble on himself. The Peloponnesians were now an equal force at sea and held some of the most important cities in his empire. He could instead make friends with them, since they had never yet done him any harm.

5 As for the allied cities, the conspirators had apparently promised them oligarchies, since Athens itself would no longer be democratic. Phrynichus said he knew very well that the cities which had revolted would be no more likely to return, and those still allied would be no more secure. They would not prefer slavery under either an oligarchy or a democracy to freedom under whichever of the two they happened to have.

6 He said the allies thought that the so-called respectable upper classes would cause them no less trouble than the people. These men arranged and proposed the harmful measures that the people adopted, and gained most of the benefit themselves. If it were up to them, the allies would be killed without trial and with greater violence. The people, on the other hand, offered the allies a refuge and kept those men in check.

7 Phrynichus said he knew for certain that the cities held these views, having learned them from actual experience. So he himself approved of nothing in Alcibiades' proposals or in what was now being done.

Chapter 49

1 But the conspirators who had met together accepted the proposals, just as they had favored them at first. They prepared to send Pisander and others as ambassadors to Athens. These were to arrange Alcibiades' return, overthrow the democracy there, and make Tissaphernes a friend of the Athenians.

Chapter 50

1 Phrynichus realized that Alcibiades' return would be discussed and that the Athenians would accept it. He was afraid because he had spoken against it. If Alcibiades came back, he might harm him for having stood in his way. So he took the following course.

2 He secretly sent a letter to Astyochus, the Lacedaemonian admiral, who was still near Miletus at the time. He wrote that Alcibiades was damaging their cause by making Tissaphernes a friend of Athens, and gave a clear account of everything else. He said he should be forgiven for plotting against a personal enemy even at the expense of his city.

3 Astyochus had no intention of punishing Alcibiades, especially since he no longer came within his reach as easily as before. Instead he went inland to Magnesia, to Alcibiades and Tissaphernes. He told them what had been written from Samos, himself acting as the informer. It was said that he had put himself at Tissaphernes' disposal for private profit, in this matter and in everything else. That was also why he objected less strongly when the pay was not given in full.

4 Alcibiades immediately sent a letter denouncing Phrynichus to the authorities at Samos. He described what Phrynichus had done and demanded his death.

5 Phrynichus was alarmed. The disclosure had put him in extreme danger. He sent another message to Astyochus, complaining that his earlier communication had not been kept properly secret. He now offered to let them destroy the whole Athenian army at Samos. Since Samos had no walls, he explained in detail how he would do it. He said that, now that their actions had put his life at risk, he could not be blamed for doing this or anything else rather than being destroyed by his worst enemies. Astyochus revealed this too to Alcibiades.

Chapter 51

1 Phrynichus realized in advance that Astyochus was betraying him and that a letter about this from Alcibiades was about to arrive. He acted first and told the army himself that the enemy was about to attack the camp. Samos had no walls, and not all the ships were anchored inside the harbor. He said he had definite information about the plan. They must build walls around Samos as quickly as possible and take all other precautions. He was a general and had the authority to carry out these measures himself.

2 They began preparing to build the walls. These events meant that Samos was fortified sooner, though the work would have been done in any case. Not long afterward, the letters from Alcibiades arrived. They said that Phrynichus was betraying the army and that the enemy was about to attack.

3 But Alcibiades was not believed. People thought that he had learned of the enemy's plans in advance and, out of personal hostility, was blaming Phrynichus as an accomplice. So he did Phrynichus no harm. By reporting the same news, he actually gave more support to his account.

Chapter 52

1 After this Alcibiades worked to bring Tissaphernes around and persuade him to become a friend of Athens. Tissaphernes feared the Peloponnesians, because they had more ships there than the Athenians. Even so, he wanted to be persuaded if he could, especially after he heard about the Peloponnesians' dispute at Cnidus over Therimenes' treaty. By this time the dispute had already taken place, and they were at Rhodes. In that dispute Lichas had confirmed Alcibiades' earlier claim that the Lacedaemonians intended to free all the cities. Lichas had said it was intolerable for the treaty to give the King control over cities that he or his ancestors had ruled at any time in the past. Alcibiades had a great deal at stake, so he kept working hard to win Tissaphernes over.

Chapter 53

1 Meanwhile Pisander and the other Athenian ambassadors sent from Samos arrived at Athens. They spoke to the people, presenting the main points from a longer list of arguments. Above all, they said that if the Athenians brought Alcibiades back and changed the way their democracy was run, they could have the King as an ally and defeat the Peloponnesians.

2 Many others spoke against them in defense of democracy. Alcibiades' enemies also shouted that it would be outrageous if he returned in defiance of the laws. The Eumolpidae and Ceryces gave testimony about the offenses against the Mysteries for which he had been exiled. They called on the gods and urged the people not to bring him back. Faced with all this opposition and angry protest, Pisander came forward. He called up each of his opponents in turn and asked whether he had any hope of saving the city unless someone persuaded the King to come over to their side. The Peloponnesians faced them at sea with at least as many ships as their own and had more allied cities. The King and Tissaphernes were supplying the enemy with money, while Athens had none left.

3 When those he questioned said they had no such hope, he told them plainly: “Then we cannot achieve this unless we run our government more sensibly and put the offices into fewer hands, so that the King will trust us. For now, we must think more about our survival than about our form of government. Later we will be able to change it again if anything displeases us. We must also bring back Alcibiades. He is the only man who can achieve this at present.”

Chapter 54

1 At first the people were angry when they heard the proposal for oligarchy. But Pisander made it clear to them that there was no other way to survive. They were frightened, and at the same time they hoped they could change the government again. So they gave in.

2 They voted that Pisander should sail with ten other men and handle the negotiations with Tissaphernes and Alcibiades in whatever way they thought would work best.

3 Pisander also brought accusations against Phrynichus. The people removed him and his fellow commander Scironides from office, and sent Diomedon and Leon to replace them as generals with the fleet. Pisander had accused Phrynichus of betraying Iasus and Amorges. He did so because he thought Phrynichus would oppose the negotiations with Alcibiades.

4 Pisander visited all the political clubs already in the city, which had been organized to influence trials and appointments to office. He urged them to unite, agree on a common plan, and overthrow the democracy. He made the other preparations needed in the present situation so that there would be no further delay. Then he himself sailed with the ten men to Tissaphernes.

Chapter 55

1 During the same winter, Leon and Diomedon had already arrived to take command of the Athenian ships. They made a naval attack on Rhodes. They found the Peloponnesian ships pulled up on shore. They landed some troops, defeated the Rhodians who came to resist them, and withdrew to Chalce. They conducted the war from there rather than from Cos, because it was easier for them to watch for any departure of the Peloponnesian fleet.

2 Xenophantidas, a Laconian, also came to Rhodes from Pedaritus at Chios. He reported that the Athenians' wall was now complete. Unless they came to help with all their ships, their cause in Chios would be lost. The Peloponnesians planned to send help.

3 Meanwhile Pedaritus took the mercenary force with him and the entire Chian army and attacked the Athenians' defenses around their ships. He captured part of the defenses and gained possession of some ships that had been pulled ashore. But the Athenians came out to help and routed the Chians first. The rest of Pedaritus' force was then defeated too. He himself was killed, along with many Chians, and a large amount of armor and weapons was captured.

Chapter 56

1 After this the Chians were blockaded by land and sea even more closely than before. There was severe famine there. Meanwhile Pisander and the other Athenian ambassadors arrived to see Tissaphernes and held talks about the agreement.

2 But Alcibiades could not be at all sure of Tissaphernes' support. Tissaphernes had become more afraid of the Peloponnesians and still wanted to wear both sides down, just as Alcibiades himself had advised. So Alcibiades adopted a different approach: Tissaphernes was to demand so much from the Athenians that no agreement would be reached.

3 I think Tissaphernes wanted the same thing, in his case because of his fear. Alcibiades saw that Tissaphernes was in any event unwilling to agree. He did not want the Athenians to think him unable to persuade Tissaphernes. Instead he wanted them to think that Tissaphernes had been persuaded and was willing to join them, but that they themselves were not offering enough.

4 Alcibiades spoke on behalf of Tissaphernes, who was present, and kept making such excessive demands that the failure could be blamed on the Athenians, even though they agreed to most of what he asked. He demanded that they hand over all Ionia, then the nearby islands as well, and other things. The Athenians did not object. Finally, at the third meeting, he became afraid that his lack of influence would be completely exposed. He demanded that the King be allowed to build ships and sail along his own coast wherever he wanted, with as many ships as he wanted. At that point the Athenians would agree to no more. They thought the terms impossible and believed Alcibiades had deceived them. They left in anger and returned to Samos.

Chapter 57

1 Immediately afterward, during the same winter, Tissaphernes went to Caunus. He wanted to bring the Peloponnesians back to Miletus, make yet another treaty on whatever terms he could, and provide money for their forces rather than become their outright enemy. He feared that, if they lacked the means to support their large fleet, they might be forced to fight the Athenians at sea and be defeated. Or their ships might lose their crews, allowing the Athenians to get what they wanted without his help. Above all, he feared that the Peloponnesians would plunder the mainland in search of supplies.

2 Considering all these risks and looking ahead, he wanted, as before, to restore the balance between the Greeks. So he sent for the Peloponnesians, gave them money to support their forces, and made the following third treaty.

Chapter 58

1 “In the thirteenth year of King Darius's reign, when Alexippidas was ephor at Lacedaemon, an agreement was made on the plain of the Maeander. The parties were the Lacedaemonians and their allies on one side, and Tissaphernes, Hieramenes, and the sons of Pharnaces on the other. It concerned the affairs of the king, the Lacedaemonians, and their allies.

2 “The king's territory in Asia, all of it, is to belong to the king. The king may decide what to do with his own territory as he wishes.

3 “The Lacedaemonians and their allies must not enter the king's territory to do any harm. The king must not enter the territory of the Lacedaemonians or their allies to do any harm either.

4 “If any Lacedaemonian or ally enters the king's territory to do harm, the Lacedaemonians and their allies must stop him. If anyone from the king's territory goes against the Lacedaemonians or their allies to do harm, the king must stop him.

5 “Tissaphernes must provide support for the ships now present, on the agreed terms, until the king's ships arrive.

6 “Once the king's ships arrive, the Lacedaemonians and their allies may support their own ships at their own expense if they wish. If they want to receive support from Tissaphernes, he must provide it. When the war ends, the Lacedaemonians and their allies must repay Tissaphernes all the money they have received.

7 “Once the king's ships arrive, the ships of the Lacedaemonians, their allies, and the king must fight the war together, as Tissaphernes, the Lacedaemonians, and their allies decide. If they wish to make peace with the Athenians, they must make peace together on the same terms.”

Chapter 59

1 This was the treaty they made. Afterward Tissaphernes began preparing to bring up the Phoenician ships, as had been agreed, and to carry out all his other promises. At least he wanted people to see him making preparations.

Chapter 60

1 As the winter was ending, the Boeotians captured Oropus through betrayal, though it had an Athenian garrison. Some Eretrians and people from Oropus itself helped them. They were planning a revolt in Euboea. Oropus lay close to Eretria, and while the Athenians held it, it could not fail to cause serious harm to Eretria and the rest of Euboea.

2 With Oropus now in their hands, the Eretrians went to Rhodes and asked the Peloponnesians to come to Euboea. But the Peloponnesians were more eager to help Chios, which was in trouble. They put out from Rhodes with all their ships.

3 When they reached the area of Triopium, they saw the Athenian ships out at sea, sailing from Chalce. Neither side sailed against the other. The Athenians reached Samos, and the Peloponnesians reached Miletus. The Peloponnesians saw that they could no longer help Chios without a sea battle. This winter ended, and the twentieth year of this war, which Thucydides wrote, came to an end.

Chapter 61

1 At the start of the next summer, just as spring was beginning, Dercylidas, a Spartan, was sent overland toward the Hellespont with a small army to bring about a revolt at Abydos. Its people were colonists from Miletus. Meanwhile, Astyochus could find no way to help the Chians. The pressure of the siege forced them to fight a sea battle.

2 While Astyochus was still at Rhodes, the Chians had brought Leon, a Spartan, from Miletus to command them after Pedaritus's death. Leon had come out with Antisthenes as a marine. They also brought twelve ships which had been guarding Miletus: five from Thurii, four from Syracuse, one from Anaea, one from Miletus, and one belonging to Leon.

3 The Chians marched out with their whole force and occupied a strong position. At the same time, their thirty-six ships put out against the Athenians' thirty-two, and a sea battle followed. It was a hard fight, and the Chians and their allies did at least as well as their opponents. They then withdrew into the city, as it was already late.

Chapter 62

1 Immediately afterward, when Dercylidas had made his way overland from Miletus, Abydos in the Hellespont revolted and went over to Dercylidas and Pharnabazus. Lampsacus followed two days later.

2 When Strombichides heard the news at Chios, he hurried to help with twenty-four Athenian ships. These included troop transports carrying hoplites. The people of Lampsacus came out to meet him, but he defeated them in battle and captured their unwalled city in a single attack. He took property and slaves as loot, but let the free people settle in the city again. Then he went to Abydos.

3 The people of Abydos would not come over to him, and he could not capture the city by attacking it. So he sailed across to Sestos, a city in the Chersonese opposite Abydos, which the Medes had once held. He made it a fortified post to keep watch over the whole Hellespont.

Chapter 63

1 Meanwhile the Chians gained more control at sea. Astyochus and the Peloponnesians at Miletus gained confidence when they heard about the sea battle and the departure of Strombichides and his ships.

2 Astyochus sailed along the coast to Chios with two ships and brought away the ships there. With his whole fleet now together, he sailed against Samos. The Athenians did not sail out to meet him, because they were suspicious of one another. So he sailed back to Miletus.

3 For by this time, and indeed somewhat earlier, democracy at Athens had been overthrown. When Pisander and the other envoys reached Samos from Tissaphernes, they tightened their hold on the army there. They also persuaded the most powerful Samians to join them in trying to establish an oligarchy. This was despite the Samians' earlier uprising against one another to prevent oligarchy.

4 At the same time, the Athenians at Samos discussed matters among themselves. They decided to leave Alcibiades out, since he was unwilling to join them. Besides, they thought he was not suited to entering an oligarchy. They themselves were already in danger, so they would have to rely on their own resources and find a way to keep the undertaking from being dropped. They must also keep up the war effort and willingly contribute money from their own households, along with anything else needed. They would now be working hard for themselves, not for anyone else.

Chapter 64

1 After encouraging one another in these terms, they immediately sent Pisander and half the envoys home to handle matters there. They were told to establish oligarchies in any subject cities where they stopped. They sent the other half in different directions to the remaining subject territories.

2 They also sent Diitrephes, who was near Chios, to take up the command in the Thracian region to which he had been elected. He reached Thasos and overthrew its democracy.

3 Around the second month after he left, the Thasians began fortifying their city. They no longer needed an aristocratic government tied to Athens, and they expected freedom from the Lacedaemonians any day.

4 There was also a group of Thasians whom the Athenians had driven into exile, now living among the Peloponnesians. Together with their supporters in the city, they were doing everything they could to bring in ships and make Thasos revolt. So things turned out just as they wanted. The city could strengthen itself without danger, and the democracy that would have opposed them had been overthrown.

5 At Thasos, then, the result was the opposite of what the Athenians who established the oligarchy intended. In my view, the same was true in many other subject states. Once the cities had gained a moderate government and freedom to act without fear, they moved toward full independence. They preferred this to the supposedly good government offered by Athens, which hid bad intentions.

Chapter 65

1 Meanwhile Pisander and his companions sailed along the coast, overthrowing the democracies in the cities as planned. From some places they also took hoplites as their own allies, and so arrived at Athens.

2 They found that their associates had already done most of the work. Some of the younger men had banded together and secretly killed Androcles, one of the leading men of the people. He had also been among those most responsible for driving Alcibiades into exile. They were especially intent on killing him for two reasons: his leadership of the people, and their belief that they would please Alcibiades, whom they expected to return and make Tissaphernes their friend. They had secretly killed some other people they found troublesome in the same way.

3 They had also prepared the ground by openly promoting a proposal. No one was to receive pay except those on military service. No more than five thousand were to take part in government, and these were to be the men best able to help with both their money and their personal service.

Chapter 66

1 This was a respectable-looking front for the public. In fact, the very men who were changing the government intended to control the city. The assembly of the people and the council chosen by lot still met. But they considered nothing that the conspirators did not approve. The speakers were themselves members of the conspiracy, and what they would say had been settled beforehand by that group.

2 No one else spoke against them anymore. People were frightened and saw how large the conspiracy was. If anyone did object, he was soon killed by some convenient means. There was no investigation of the killers, nor any prosecution even if they were suspected. The people kept quiet. They were so terrified that anyone who escaped violence considered himself lucky, even if he had to remain silent.

3 They thought the conspiracy was much larger than it really was, and this broke their confidence. The city's size and their lack of knowledge of one another made it impossible to uncover the conspiracy. They had no way [to find out for themselves].

4 For the same reason, an angry person could not even complain to someone else and work out a plan to fight back. He would find that the person he spoke to was either someone he did not know or an acquaintance he could not trust.

5 All supporters of the people approached one another with suspicion, thinking the other person might be involved in what was happening. The conspiracy did include men whom no one would ever have expected to turn to oligarchy. These men did the most to create distrust among the people. By making the people's distrust of one another firmly established, they did more than anyone to make the rule of the few secure.

Chapter 67

1 This was the situation when Pisander and his companions arrived. They immediately took up the remaining work. First they called the people together and proposed choosing ten men with full authority to draw up a plan. These men were to put their proposal for the best way to govern the city in writing and present it to the people on a set day.

2 When that day came, they called the assembly to meet at Colonus. This is a sanctuary of Poseidon outside the city, about ten stades away. The men drafting the plan offered only one proposal: any Athenian could put forward any motion he wished without fear of punishment. They imposed heavy penalties on anyone who prosecuted a speaker for making an illegal proposal or harmed him in any other way.

3 Then the proposal was openly made that no one should hold office any longer under the existing constitution or receive pay. Five men were to be chosen as presiding officers. They would choose a hundred men, and each of the hundred would choose three others to join him. These four hundred were to enter the council chamber and govern with full authority as they thought best. They would summon the Five Thousand whenever they saw fit.

Chapter 68

1 Pisander put forward this proposal. He had also taken the most active public role in helping to overthrow the people. But the man who planned the whole undertaking, worked out how to bring it to this point, and had been attending to it longest was Antiphon. In ability he was second to none of the Athenians of his time. He was exceptionally good at thinking things through and explaining his conclusions. He did not address the people and did not willingly take part in any other public dispute. His reputation for cleverness made the public suspicious of him. But anyone involved in a dispute, whether in court or before the people, could benefit more from his advice than from that of any other single man.

2 Later, when the Four Hundred fell and democracy returned, the people prosecuted Antiphon. He was charged with helping to establish that government, and his trial carried the death penalty. He seems to have made the best defense of anyone down to my own time against that very charge.

3 Phrynichus also showed himself more eager than anyone else to establish the oligarchy. He feared Alcibiades and knew that Alcibiades was aware of everything he had done at Samos in his dealings with Astyochus. He thought it unlikely that Alcibiades would ever be recalled under an oligarchy. Once he had committed himself, he proved by far the most dependable in facing dangers.

4 Theramenes son of Hagnon was also among the leaders in overthrowing the people. He was a capable speaker and thinker. So it is not surprising that the undertaking succeeded, great as it was, since many intelligent men carried it out. It was hard to end the freedom of the Athenian people about a hundred years after the tyrants had been overthrown. They had not only been independent but had themselves been used to ruling others for more than half that time.

Chapter 69

1 The assembly approved these measures without anyone speaking against them and then broke up. Later they brought the Four Hundred into the council chamber in the following way. Because of the enemy at Decelea, all the Athenians were always on armed duty, some on the wall and others at their stations.

2 On that day they let the men who knew nothing of the plan leave as usual. The conspirators had been told to wait quietly, not right beside their weapons but some distance away. If anyone opposed what was being done, they were to take up their weapons and stop him.

3 There were also men from Andros and Tenos, and three hundred men from Carystus and from the settlers at Aegina whom the Athenians had sent to live there. They had come with their own weapons for this very purpose and had been given the same instructions.

4 With these arrangements made, the Four Hundred came, each carrying a hidden dagger. With them were the hundred and twenty [Greek] young men whom they used whenever any violence was needed. They confronted the council members chosen by lot, who were in the council chamber, and told them to take their pay and leave. They themselves brought the pay for the whole remainder of the council's term and handed it to the members as they left.

Chapter 70

1 The council thus left without any objection. The other citizens made no move and remained quiet. The Four Hundred entered the council chamber. First they chose their own presiding committee by lot and performed the prayers and sacrifices to the gods customary on taking office. Later they made many changes to the way the democracy had governed. They did not, however, recall the exiles, because of Alcibiades. In other matters too, they ruled the city with complete control.

2 They killed a few men whom they thought it useful to remove, imprisoned others, and sent some into exile. They also sent messages through heralds to Agis, the Lacedaemonian king at Decelea. They said they wanted a settlement. It was reasonable, they said, for him to make an agreement with them rather than with the untrustworthy people, who no longer governed.

Chapter 71

1 But Agis thought the city was not quiet and that the people would not surrender their long-standing freedom so quickly. If they saw a large army of his, he thought, they would not stay quiet. He was not at all sure that they were no longer in turmoil even now. So he gave the envoys from the Four Hundred no answer offering an agreement. Instead, he summoned a large force from the Peloponnese. Not long afterward he brought these troops and the garrison from Decelea down to the very walls of Athens. He hoped that the Athenians would be thrown into confusion and more easily forced to submit on his terms. They might even be taken at the first attack, because of the uproar likely to arise both inside and outside the city. At any rate, he thought he could not fail to take the Long Walls, since they were deserted.

2 But when he came close, the Athenians made no move at all against one another inside the city. They sent out their cavalry and some hoplites, light troops, and archers. These killed some of his men who had come too close and took possession of some weapons and bodies. Agis then understood the situation and led his army back.

3 He and his own troops stayed where they were at Decelea. The reinforcements stayed a few days in Attica, and then he sent them home. After this the Four Hundred continued to send envoys to Agis. He was now more receptive and advised them to send envoys to Lacedaemon too. They did so, hoping to negotiate a settlement and end the conflict.

Chapter 72

1 They also sent ten men to Samos to reassure the army. These men were to explain that the oligarchy had been established not to harm the city and its citizens but to save the whole state. They were also to say that five thousand men, not just four hundred, were involved in government. In fact, because of military campaigns and work abroad, the Athenians had never met to consider any matter, however important, at a gathering attended by five thousand men.

2 They gave the envoys other suitable instructions about what to say and sent them off immediately after taking power. They feared that the mass of sailors would refuse to remain under an oligarchy, and that resistance would start there and bring them down. This was in fact what happened.

Chapter 73

1 For at Samos, too, moves to establish an oligarchy were already causing unrest. The following events took place at just about the time when the Four Hundred were forming their government.

2 The Samians who had earlier risen against the powerful men and formed the democracy now changed sides again. Pisander persuaded them when he visited, as did the Athenian conspirators at Samos. About three hundred of them formed a conspiracy and planned to attack the rest of the people as supporters of democracy.

3 They killed Hyperbolus, an Athenian and a disreputable man. He had been ostracized not because people feared his power and standing but because of his bad conduct and the disgrace he brought on the city. They carried out the killing with Charminus, one of the generals, and some of the Athenians among them, as a pledge of loyalty to these men. They also worked with them on other acts of this kind and were preparing to attack the majority.

4 But the majority learned of the plan and reported it to the generals Leon and Diomedon. These two disliked the oligarchy because the people had honored them. They also told Thrasybulus, who commanded a trireme, Thrasyllus, who served as a hoplite, and others who had always seemed most opposed to the conspirators. They asked them not to stand by and let them be killed and Samos be lost to Athens. Samos alone had enabled their empire [until now] to survive as long as it had.

5 On hearing this, these men approached the soldiers one by one and urged them not to allow it. They made a special effort with the crew of the Paralus. Every man serving aboard that ship was an Athenian and a free man, and they had always opposed oligarchy, even when none was in place. Whenever Leon and Diomedon sailed elsewhere, they left some ships behind to protect the democrats.

6 So when the Three Hundred attacked them, all these men came to help, especially the crew of the Paralus. The majority of the Samians won. They killed about thirty of the Three Hundred and sentenced the three most responsible to exile. They did not hold a grudge against the rest but afterward lived together with them as fellow citizens under a democracy.

Chapter 74

1 The Samians and the soldiers quickly sent the Paralus to Athens with Chaereas son of Archestratus to report what had happened. He was an Athenian who had worked eagerly for the change. They did not yet know that the Four Hundred were in power.

2 As soon as they arrived, the Four Hundred imprisoned two or three of the crew. They took the ship away from the others, transferred them to another ship used as a troop transport, and assigned them to guard duty around Euboea.

3 Chaereas saw the situation and somehow slipped away at once. He returned to Samos and told the soldiers what was happening at Athens, making everything sound much worse. He said that the rulers punished everyone with beatings and that no one could speak against those who controlled the government. He also said that the soldiers' wives and children were being abused. He claimed that the rulers planned to seize and imprison the relatives of all the soldiers at Samos who did not share their views. These relatives would be killed if the soldiers refused to obey. He also told many other lies.

Chapter 75

1 When the soldiers heard this, their first impulse was to stone the men most responsible for establishing the oligarchy, as well as the others who had taken part. But people stepped in to stop them and explained that they must not ruin their position when the enemy fleet was anchored nearby, facing them. Then they stopped.

2 After this, Thrasybulus son of Lycus and Thrasyllus wanted to turn the government at Samos decisively toward democracy. They had been the main leaders of the change. They made all the soldiers swear the most binding oaths, especially those who had supported the oligarchy. They swore to maintain democracy, remain united, carry on the war against the Peloponnesians with determination, treat the Four Hundred as enemies, and have no negotiations with them through heralds.

3 All the Samians of military age swore the same oath along with them. The soldiers agreed to share all their affairs with the Samians, including whatever might come from the dangers they faced. They thought that neither they nor the Samians had any way to escape to safety. Whether the Four Hundred won or the enemy from Miletus did, they would be destroyed.

Chapter 76

1 The two sides were now competing: one was trying to force the city to be a democracy, and the other to force the army to accept an oligarchy.

2 The soldiers immediately held an assembly. They removed the previous generals and any trireme commanders they suspected. They chose new trireme commanders and generals in their place, including Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus.

3 Men stood up and encouraged one another in various ways. They said they should not lose heart because their city had revolted from them. The smaller group had broken away from the larger, and the larger group had more resources in every way.

4 They held the entire fleet. They could therefore force the other cities they ruled to pay money just as they would if the fleet were based at Athens. They had Samos as their city, and it was no weak one. When Samos had fought Athens, it had come very close to taking away Athens's control of the sea. They would also be defending themselves against the enemy from the same base as before. And because they had the ships, they were better able to obtain supplies than the people in the city.

5 Even before this, the people at Athens had controlled the sea route into Piraeus because the army was stationed out in front at Samos. Now, if the people at home refused to give them back their political rights, the soldiers could shut them off from the sea more easily than those at home could shut the soldiers off.

6 The city had given them very little help in defeating the enemy, and that help was worth nothing. They had lost nothing. The city no longer had money to send them; the soldiers found it themselves. It also had no useful advice to offer, the very thing that gives a city authority over armies. In this respect too, the people at home had done wrong by abolishing their ancestral laws. The soldiers were preserving those laws and would try to force the others to follow them as well. So even in the ability to give good advice, the men among them were no worse than those at home.

7 If they granted Alcibiades immunity and permission to return, he would gladly secure an alliance with the king for them. Most important, if every plan failed, they had so large a fleet that they had many places to withdraw to, where they would find both cities and land.

Chapter 77

1 After holding an assembly and encouraging one another in this way, they continued their preparations for war just as actively as before. The men sent to Samos by the Four Hundred [the ten ambassadors] were already on Delos when they learned of these events. They stayed quietly where they were.

Chapter 78

1 Around this time, the men serving in the Peloponnesian fleet at Miletus were loudly complaining among themselves. They said that Astyochus and Tissaphernes were ruining their cause. Astyochus had refused to fight a sea battle earlier, when they were stronger and the Athenian fleet was small. He still refused now, when the Athenians were reportedly divided by civil strife and their ships had not yet gathered in one place. Instead, they were waiting for the Phoenician ships from Tissaphernes—ships that existed in name only, not in reality. They risked wasting away in the delay. Tissaphernes, for his part, was not bringing those ships, and he was weakening the fleet by failing to provide its pay regularly or in full. They said they should stop delaying and fight a decisive sea battle.

Chapter 79

1 The Syracusans pressed this most strongly. The allies and Astyochus heard the complaints and met to discuss them. They decided to fight a decisive sea battle, especially since news of the unrest at Samos was also reaching them. They put to sea with all their ships, 112 in total, and sailed toward Mycale. They also told the Milesians to march there by land.

2 The Athenians' eighty-two ships from Samos happened to be anchored at Glauce, on Mycale. At this point, only a short stretch of water separates Samos from the mainland at Mycale. When the Athenians saw the Peloponnesian ships approaching, they withdrew to Samos. They did not think their numbers were enough to risk everything in a battle.

3 They had also learned in advance that the enemy intended to leave Miletus to fight at sea. So they were expecting Strombichides to come and help them from the Hellespont with the ships that had sailed from Chios to Abydos. A messenger had already been sent to him.

4 So the Athenians withdrew to Samos. The Peloponnesians sailed to Mycale and made camp there, along with the land forces from Miletus and the neighboring communities.

5 The next day, just as they were about to sail against Samos, news came that Strombichides had arrived with the ships from the Hellespont. They immediately sailed back to Miletus.

6 With these additional ships, the Athenians now sailed against Miletus themselves. They had 108 ships and wanted to fight a decisive sea battle. When no one sailed out to meet them, they returned to Samos.

Chapter 80

1 Immediately afterward, in the same summer, the Peloponnesians faced a problem. They had not sailed out because they thought they were no match for the united Athenian fleet. But they did not know where they would get money for so many ships, especially since Tissaphernes was providing so little. They therefore sent Clearchus son of Rhamphias to Pharnabazus with forty ships, as they had originally been instructed to do from the Peloponnese.

2 Pharnabazus was inviting them to come and was ready to provide pay. At the same time, Byzantium was sending them messages offering to revolt.

3 These Peloponnesian ships headed out into the open sea to keep the Athenians from noticing their voyage, but they ran into a storm. Most of them reached Delos with Clearchus and later returned to Miletus. Clearchus subsequently traveled overland to the Hellespont and took command there. The other ten ships, under the Megarian general Helixus, reached the Hellespont safely and brought about the revolt of Byzantium.

4 After this, when the Athenians at Samos heard the news, they sent ships to the Hellespont to provide help and guard the area. A small sea battle also took place off Byzantium, with eight ships on each side.

Chapter 81

1 The leaders at Samos wanted to bring Alcibiades back. Thrasybulus in particular had kept to this same policy ever since he changed the political situation there. At last he persuaded the mass of the soldiers at an assembly. They voted to recall Alcibiades and guarantee his safety. Thrasybulus then sailed to Tissaphernes and brought Alcibiades back to Samos. He thought their only chance of survival was to bring Tissaphernes over from the Peloponnesians to their side.

2 An assembly was held. Alcibiades complained about the personal misfortune of his exile and expressed his grief over it. He spoke at length about public affairs and gave the men great hopes for the future. He vastly exaggerated his own influence with Tissaphernes. He wanted the oligarchs at home to fear him and their political associations to break up more readily. He also wanted the men at Samos to value him more highly and feel more confident themselves. And he wanted to make Tissaphernes as suspicious as possible of the enemy, so that they would be cut off [from] their existing hopes.

3 Above all, Alcibiades made the following promises with great boasting. Tissaphernes, he said, had solemnly promised him that, if he could trust the Athenians, they would never lack pay as long as he had any property left. He would even sell his own bed for cash if he had to in the end. He would bring the Phoenician ships, which were already at Aspendus, to help the Athenians, not the Peloponnesians. But he would trust the Athenians only if Alcibiades returned safely and personally guaranteed their good faith to him.

Chapter 82

1 After hearing this and much more, they immediately elected him general alongside those already in office and put all their affairs in his hands. Each man now hoped to survive and to punish the Four Hundred, and would not have traded that hope for anything. His words made them so dismissive of the enemy facing them that they were already prepared to sail against Piraeus.

2 But he firmly stopped them from sailing against Piraeus and leaving the enemy nearer at hand behind them, although many were pressing to go. Now that he had been elected general, he said, he would first sail to Tissaphernes to deal with the war.

3 He left immediately after this assembly so that people would think he consulted Tissaphernes about everything. He also wanted Tissaphernes to value him more highly and to see that he had now been elected general and could [already] help him or harm him. Alcibiades was thus using Tissaphernes to frighten the Athenians, and the Athenians to frighten Tissaphernes.

Chapter 83

1 When the Peloponnesians at Miletus heard of Alcibiades' return, they distrusted Tissaphernes far more than before, although they had already been suspicious of him.

2 After the Athenians sailed against Miletus and the Peloponnesians refused to sail out and fight, Tissaphernes had become much less reliable about paying them. Even before the news of Alcibiades' return, their hatred of Tissaphernes had increased because of Alcibiades.

3 As before, the men gathered in groups to discuss their grievances. Not only the ordinary soldiers but also some of the other men of standing joined in. They said they had never yet received their full pay. What they did get was small, and even that was not paid regularly. Unless someone either fought a decisive sea battle or moved to a place where they could get supplies, the men would desert the ships. Astyochus, they said, was to blame for all of this, because he was indulging Tissaphernes' moods for his own profit.

Chapter 84

1 While they were discussing these grievances, the following disturbance also broke out around Astyochus.

2 The Syracusan and Thurian sailors were especially bold in confronting him and demanding their pay, since their crews were mostly free men. He answered them rather arrogantly and threatened them. He even raised his staff at Dorieus, who was speaking up for his own sailors.

3 When the mass of the men saw this, they reacted like sailors: they burst out shouting and rushed at Astyochus to throw stones at him. He saw what was coming and took refuge at an altar. He was not actually hit, however, and the two sides dispersed.

4 The Milesians also made a surprise attack on Tissaphernes' fort, which had been built inside Miletus. They captured it and expelled his garrison. The other allies approved of this, especially the Syracusans.

5 But Lichas disapproved. He said the Milesians and the other inhabitants of the king's territory ought to submit to Tissaphernes within reasonable limits and keep on good terms with him until they had brought the war to a successful end. This and other similar remarks made the Milesians angry with him. Later, when he died of an illness, they refused to let him be buried where the Lacedaemonians who were there wanted to bury him.

Chapter 85

1 While they were at odds with Astyochus and Tissaphernes in this way, Mindarus arrived from Lacedaemon to succeed Astyochus as admiral. He took over the command, and Astyochus sailed away.

2 Tissaphernes sent one of his own men with him as an ambassador. His name was Gaulites, a Carian who spoke both languages. He was to accuse the Milesians over the fort and also defend Tissaphernes himself. Tissaphernes knew that the Milesians were going mainly to denounce him, and that Hermocrates was going with them. Hermocrates intended to show that Tissaphernes was working with Alcibiades to ruin the Peloponnesian cause and was playing both sides.

3 Hermocrates had always been at odds with him over the payment of wages. Later, Hermocrates was exiled from Syracuse, and other generals—Potamis, Myscon, and Demarchus—came to Miletus to take over the Syracusan ships. Tissaphernes then attacked Hermocrates much more fiercely, now that he was an exile. Among other accusations, he claimed that Hermocrates had once asked him for money, and that his hostility to Tissaphernes came from being refused.

4 So Astyochus, the Milesians, and Hermocrates sailed to Lacedaemon. Alcibiades had already crossed back from Tissaphernes to Samos.

Chapter 86

1 The Four Hundred's [ambassadors] now arrived from Delos. These were the men they had sent earlier to reassure the Athenians at Samos and explain the situation to them. Alcibiades was there when they arrived. An assembly was held, and they tried to speak.

2 At first the soldiers refused to listen. They shouted that the men who had overthrown the democracy should be killed. But at last they quieted down with difficulty and heard them out.

3 The ambassadors said that the change of government was intended to save the city, not destroy it. Nor was it intended to hand the city over to the enemy. They could have done that when the enemy invaded, since they were already in power then. All the Five Thousand would take their turn in governing. The soldiers' relatives were not being mistreated, as Chaereas had falsely reported, or suffering any other harm. They were all staying where they were, each in possession of his own property.

4 The ambassadors said much more, but the soldiers were no more willing to listen. They were angry and proposed various courses of action, above all to sail against Piraeus. It seems that this was the first time Alcibiades helped the city as much as anyone else had. The Athenians at Samos were determined to sail against their own people. This would clearly have put Ionia and the Hellespont into the enemy's hands at once. Alcibiades stopped them.

5 At that moment, no one else could have restrained the crowd. But he stopped the attack and sharply rebuked those who were personally angry with the ambassadors, turning them away from them.

6 He gave the ambassadors his own answer and sent them away. He would not oppose rule by the Five Thousand. But he told them to remove the Four Hundred and restore the council of Five Hundred as it had been before. If they had cut any spending to save money and provide better support for the men on campaign, he thoroughly approved.

7 On other matters too, he told them to hold out and make no concessions to the enemy. If the city survived, there was every hope that the two sides could also come to terms with each other. But if either side fell—the men at Samos or those at home—there would no longer be anyone left for the other side to make peace with.

8 Argive ambassadors were also there, offering help to the Athenian people at Samos. Alcibiades thanked them and told them to come when called on. With that, he sent them away.

9 The Argives had arrived with the crew of the Paralus. The Four Hundred had earlier assigned this crew to a troopship and ordered them to sail around Euboea. They were carrying three Athenian ambassadors [sent] by the Four Hundred to Lacedaemon: Laespodias, Aristophon, and Melesias. [They] seized the ambassadors when their voyage brought them off Argos and handed them over to the Argives, as men who had been among the leading destroyers of the democracy. The crew did not return to Athens. Instead, they used the same trireme they had with them to bring the Argive ambassadors from Argos to Samos.

Chapter 87

1 In the same summer, Tissaphernes began preparing to go to Aspendus to meet the Phoenician fleet. This was just when the Peloponnesians were particularly angry with him over Alcibiades' return, as well as other matters. They believed he was now openly siding with Athens. His apparent intention was to clear himself of their suspicions. He told Lichas to go with him. He said he would order his deputy Tamos to provide pay for the army while he was away.

2 Accounts differ, and it is not easy to know what his purpose was in going to Aspendus and then failing to bring the ships after he got there.

3 It is clear that 147 Phoenician ships reached Aspendus. But there are many guesses about why they did not come any farther. Some say he went away to delay the Peloponnesians' operations, as he had intended. Certainly Tamos, who had been assigned the job, provided pay no better than before, but even worse. Others say he brought the Phoenicians to Aspendus so that he could get money out of them in return for letting them go. On this view, he had never intended to use them anyway. Others say he went because of the accusations against him at Lacedaemon. He wanted people to say that he was doing nothing wrong and had visibly gone to fetch ships that really were fully manned.

4 My own view is that his clearest purpose in not bringing the fleet was to prolong the conflict among the Greeks and keep the two sides in check. The time spent traveling there and delaying would wear them down. By not joining either side and making it stronger, he would keep their strength balanced. If he had wanted to end the war, he could surely have done so beyond any doubt by appearing with the fleet. Bringing it to the Lacedaemonians would probably have given them victory. Even as things stood, their fleet faced the Athenians on terms that were more equal than inferior.

5 The excuse he gave for not bringing the ships is the strongest evidence against him. He said that fewer had assembled than the king had ordered. But surely he would have earned even greater gratitude by spending less of the king's money and achieving the same results with fewer resources.

6 Whatever his intention, then, Tissaphernes went to Aspendus and met the Phoenicians. At his request, the Peloponnesians sent a Lacedaemonian named Philippus with two triremes to meet the fleet.

Chapter 88

1 When Alcibiades learned that Tissaphernes was on his way to Aspendus, he too set sail, taking thirteen ships. He promised the men at Samos a great service that they could count on: he would either bring the Phoenician fleet to the Athenians himself or at least prevent it from joining the Peloponnesians. He probably already knew that Tissaphernes had no intention of bringing it. He wanted to make the Peloponnesians as suspicious as possible of Tissaphernes' friendship with himself and the Athenians. This would put more pressure on Tissaphernes to join their side. So Alcibiades put to sea and sailed up the coast toward Phaselis and Caunus.

Chapter 89

1 The ambassadors whom the Four Hundred had sent to Samos returned to Athens and reported Alcibiades' answer. He urged them to hold out and make no concessions to the enemy. He had great hopes of reconciling the army with them and defeating the Peloponnesians. This greatly encouraged most of those who shared in the oligarchy. They were already dissatisfied and would gladly have found some safe way out of it.

2 They now began gathering in groups and criticizing the situation. Their leaders included some of the foremost [generals] who held office under the oligarchy, such as Theramenes son of Hagnon, Aristocrates son of Scellias, and others. These men had been among the first to take part in establishing the regime. But now, they said, they were very afraid of the army at Samos and of Alcibiades. They also feared that the ambassadors going to Lacedaemon—[they had sent them]—might harm the city without the consent of the majority. They did not call for an end to rule by a very small group. Instead, they said that the Five Thousand must be appointed in fact, not just in name, and that the constitution must be made more equal.

3 This was the political form their argument took. But most of them supported this course out of personal ambition. This is what most often destroys an oligarchy that has replaced a democracy. From the very first day, each member expects not merely to be equal to the others but to stand far above them all. In a democracy, when an election is held, a man finds it easier to accept the outcome. He does not feel that men of his own standing have put him at a disadvantage.

4 What most clearly encouraged them was Alcibiades' strong position at Samos and their belief that the oligarchy would not last. So each competed to be the first to become the people's leader.

Chapter 90

1 The most powerful leaders of the Four Hundred strongly opposed this course. They included Phrynichus, who had [once] served as general at Samos and had quarreled with Alcibiades then; Aristarchus, one of the strongest and longest-standing opponents of democracy; Pisander; Antiphon; and others. They had already been sending their own ambassadors to Lacedaemon, working eagerly for an agreement, and building the wall at the place called Eetionea. They had begun as soon as they took power and the Athenians at Samos broke away from them and restored democracy. They now pursued these efforts much more intensely after their ambassadors returned from Samos. They could see that most people, including men of their own party whom they had previously thought loyal, were changing sides.

2 Afraid of the situation both at home and at Samos, they hurriedly sent Antiphon, Phrynichus, and ten others to Lacedaemon. Their instructions were to reach an agreement with the Lacedaemonians on any terms that were at all bearable.

3 They also worked still harder on the wall at Eetionea. According to Theramenes and his supporters, the purpose of this wall was not to keep the men from Samos out of Piraeus if they tried to force their way in. Rather, it was to let the enemy in by sea and land whenever the builders wished.

4 Eetionea is a projecting arm of Piraeus, and the harbor entrance runs right beside it. The new wall was being built so that, together with the existing wall on the landward side, it would let a small garrison control the entrance. Both the old landward wall and the new inner wall being built on the seaward side ended at the same tower, one of the two at the narrow mouth of the harbor.

5 They also walled off the largest portico in Piraeus, which stood immediately beside this wall, and took control of it themselves. They forced everyone to unload all grain there, both existing stocks and incoming shipments, and to take it from there for sale.

Chapter 91

1 Theramenes had been spreading reports about this for some time. When the ambassadors returned from Lacedaemon without securing an agreement acceptable to the whole community, he said that this wall might bring about the city's destruction as well.

2 At this same time, forty-two ships from the Peloponnese were already anchored at Las in Laconia, preparing to sail to Euboea at the Euboeans' invitation. They included some Italian ships from Tarentum and Locri, as well as some Sicilian ships. Their commander was Agesandridas son of Agesander, a Spartan. Theramenes said they were sailing to help the men fortifying Eetionea as much as to help Euboea. Unless someone took precautions at once, he said, the city would be destroyed before anyone realized it.

3 There was indeed something of this sort in the minds of the accused. The charge was not simply a slander. Their first choice was to keep their oligarchic rule and also rule the allies. Failing that, they wanted to keep the ships and walls and remain independent. If even that was denied them, they were determined not to let a restored democracy destroy them first and foremost. Rather than that, they would bring in the enemy and make peace at the cost of the walls and fleet. They would accept any condition for the city, provided their own lives were safe.

Chapter 92

1 That was why they were so eager to build this wall, with its small gates, entrances, and ways of admitting the enemy. They wanted to finish it before anyone could stop them.

2 At first these things were discussed mainly in small groups and in secret. Then Phrynichus, after returning from his embassy to Lacedaemon, was struck in a planned attack by one of the patrolmen in the crowded marketplace. He walked only a short distance from the council chamber and died immediately. His attacker escaped. An accomplice, an Argive, was caught and tortured by the Four Hundred. But he named no one who had ordered the attack. All he said was that he knew many men met at the patrol commander's house and at other private houses. Nothing further came of the incident. Theramenes, Aristocrates, and the others who shared their views, both inside the Four Hundred and outside it, now moved more boldly into action.

3 Meanwhile, the ships had sailed around from Las, anchored at Epidaurus, and raided Aegina. Theramenes said it made no sense for ships bound for Euboea to turn into the gulf toward Aegina and then anchor again at Epidaurus, unless they had come by invitation for the very purposes he had always alleged. They could no longer remain inactive.

4 Finally, after much divisive talk and growing suspicion, they began to act. The hoplites building the wall at Eetionea in Piraeus arrested Alexicles, a general appointed under the oligarchy who was especially closely connected with the political clubs. Among these hoplites was Aristocrates, commanding his own tribal contingent. They took Alexicles to a house and locked him up.

5 Others helped them, including a man named Hermon, commander of the patrolmen stationed at Munychia. Most importantly, the main body of hoplites supported what they were doing.

6 When the Four Hundred heard the news, they happened to be meeting in the council chamber. Except for those who approved of what had happened, they were immediately ready to take up arms and threatened Theramenes and his supporters. In his defense, Theramenes said he was ready to go at once and help free Alexicles. He took one of the generals who shared his views and went down to Piraeus. Aristarchus and some young cavalrymen also went to help.

7 There was great confusion and alarm. The people in the city already believed that Piraeus had been seized and the prisoner killed. Those in Piraeus thought the men from the city were about to attack them at any moment.

8 The older men struggled to stop the people in the city from running about and rushing to arms. Thucydides of Pharsalus, who served as a representative for Athens, was also present. He actively stood in people's way and shouted to each group not to destroy their country while the enemy lay close by, waiting for their chance. With difficulty, the people quieted down and held back from attacking one another.

9 Theramenes arrived in Piraeus—he too was a general—and made a show of shouting angrily at the hoplites. But Aristarchus and the opposing party were genuinely furious.

10 Most of the hoplites stood by what they had done and had no regrets. They asked Theramenes whether he thought the wall was being built for the good of the city and whether it would be better to tear it down. He said that if they thought it should be torn down, he agreed. At once the hoplites and many of the people of Piraeus climbed onto the fortification and began demolishing it.

11 The call to the crowd was that anyone who wanted the Five Thousand to rule instead of the Four Hundred should join the work. They still used the name of the Five Thousand as a cover. They did not openly call for anyone who wanted the people to rule, because they feared that the Five Thousand might really exist. A man might unknowingly speak to one of them and get himself into trouble. This was why the Four Hundred wanted neither to appoint the Five Thousand nor to make it clear that they did not exist. They thought that sharing power with so many would amount to outright democracy, while uncertainty would make people afraid of one another.

Chapter 93

1 The next day the Four Hundred still met in the council chamber, despite their alarm. The hoplites in Piraeus released Alexicles, whom they had arrested, and demolished the fortification. Then they went to the theater of Dionysus near Munychia, set down their weapons, and held an assembly. After reaching a decision, they immediately marched into the city and again set down their weapons, this time at the Anaceum.

2 Some men chosen by the Four Hundred came to them. They spoke individually to anyone they saw who seemed reasonable, urging him to keep calm himself and hold the others back. They said that they would announce who the Five Thousand were. The Four Hundred would be drawn from these in rotation, as the Five Thousand decided. Meanwhile, they must not ruin the city in any way or drive it into the enemy's hands.

3 After many men had spoken to many others, the hoplites as a whole were calmer than before. Their main fear was for the state as a whole. They agreed to hold an assembly at the sanctuary of Dionysus on a set day to discuss reconciliation.

Chapter 94

1 When the time came for the assembly [at the sanctuary of Dionysus], and they had almost gathered, news arrived that Agesandridas and the forty-two ships were sailing from Megara along the coast of Salamis. Everyone [among the mass of hoplites] thought this was exactly what Theramenes and his supporters had been saying all along: the ships were sailing to the fortification. They thought it was just as well that it had been demolished.

2 Agesandridas may have been cruising around Epidaurus and this area partly because of an agreed plan. But it is also likely that he was waiting there because of the Athenians' current civil strife. He hoped to arrive at the right moment.

3 When the Athenians heard the news, the whole population immediately ran down to Piraeus. The war threatening them from the enemy was greater than their own internal conflict, and it was not far away, but right at the harbor. Some boarded the ships that were ready. Others launched more ships, while others hurried to defend the walls and the harbor entrance.

Chapter 95

1 The Peloponnesian ships sailed past, rounded Sunium, and anchored between Thoricus and Prasiae. Later they reached Oropus.

2 The Athenians were forced by the urgency to use crews that had not trained together. Their city was divided by civil strife, and they wanted to rush help to the place that mattered most. With Attica cut off, Euboea meant everything to them. They sent General Thymochares and ships to Eretria.

3 When these arrived, they and the ships already in Euboea made thirty-six in all. They were immediately forced into a naval battle. After his men had eaten their midday meal, Agesandridas had put out from Oropus with his ships. Oropus is about sixty stades by sea from the city of Eretria.

4 As he approached, the Athenians immediately began to crew their own ships. They thought their men were beside the ships. But the men were getting their midday food not from the marketplace—the Eretrians had deliberately arranged for nothing to be sold there—but from houses on the outskirts of the city. The plan was to delay the boarding so that the enemy could arrive first and force the Athenians to put out in whatever state they happened to be in. A signal had been raised from Eretria to Oropus to tell the enemy when to put out.

5 The Athenians put out with these preparations and fought off Eretria's harbor. Even so, they held out for a short time. Then they turned and fled, and were chased to the shore.

6 Those who took refuge in the city of Eretria, believing it friendly, suffered the worst: the Eretrians killed them. But the men who reached the fort in Eretrian territory, which the Athenians themselves held, survived. So did the ships that reached Chalcis.

7 The Peloponnesians captured twenty-two Athenian ships, killed some of the men, and took others alive. They set up a victory monument. Not long afterward they brought all Euboea into revolt except Oreus, which the Athenians themselves held. They also settled the other affairs of the island.

Chapter 96

1 When the Athenians heard what had happened in Euboea, their shock was greater than ever before. Neither the disaster in Sicily, great as it had seemed at the time, nor anything else had yet frightened them so much.

2 The army at Samos had broken with them. They had no other ships and no men to crew them. They were divided by civil strife, and no one knew when they would clash with one another. Now this great disaster had come on top of it all. They had lost ships and, most importantly, Euboea, which supplied them with more than Attica did. How could they reasonably avoid losing heart?

3 Their greatest and most immediate worry was that the enemy, after this victory, might dare to sail straight to Piraeus, where there were no ships. They thought the enemy was almost there already.

4 If the enemy had been bolder, they could easily have done this. By anchoring off the city, they would have divided it still further. Or, if they had stayed and blockaded it, they would have forced even the fleet in Ionia to come to the aid of its own families and the whole city, despite its hostility to the oligarchy. Meanwhile, the Hellespont, Ionia, the islands, and the region as far as Euboea would have been theirs—practically the whole Athenian empire.

5 This was not the only occasion when the Lacedaemonians proved the most convenient enemies the Athenians could have had. There were many others. Their characters differed completely: the Athenians were quick, the Lacedaemonians slow; the Athenians took the initiative, the Lacedaemonians lacked daring. This helped the Athenians enormously, especially because their empire depended on their fleet. The Syracusans showed this. Their character was very like the Athenians', and they fought them most effectively.

Chapter 97

1 Still, in response to the news, the Athenians crewed twenty ships and called an assembly. This first meeting took place immediately, in the place called the Pnyx, where they had usually met before. There they removed the Four Hundred and voted to hand power to the Five Thousand. These were to include everyone who could provide his own hoplite equipment. No one was to receive pay for holding any public office. They put anyone who did so under a curse.

2 Many more assemblies followed. At these they voted to appoint lawmakers and make the other arrangements for the constitution. During the first period of this government, the Athenians seem to have governed themselves as well as at any time in my lifetime. There was a balanced combination of rule by the few and rule by the many. This was the first thing that helped the city recover from its desperate situation.

3 They also voted to allow Alcibiades and others with him to return. They sent messages to him and to the army at Samos, urging them to take charge of affairs.

Chapter 98

1 As soon as this change took place, Pisander, Alexicles, their supporters, and the strongest supporters of the oligarchy slipped away to Decelea. Aristarchus alone went elsewhere. He happened to be a general, and quickly took some archers who knew as little Greek as possible and marched toward Oenoe.

2 This was an Athenian fort on the border with Boeotia. The Corinthians were besieging it on their own initiative, with Boeotians whom they had asked to join them. They had suffered losses when men returning from Decelea were killed by troops from Oenoe.

3 Aristarchus came to an understanding with the besiegers and deceived the men in Oenoe. He said that the people in Athens had made a general agreement with the Lacedaemonians, and that they too must hand their position over to the Boeotians: these were the agreed terms. They trusted him because he was a general. As they were under siege, they knew nothing of what had happened. They came out under a truce.

4 That was how Oenoe was captured and occupied by the Boeotians. The oligarchy and civil strife at Athens also came to an end.

Chapter 99

1 At about the same time that summer, the Peloponnesians at Miletus were getting no money for food from any of the men Tissaphernes had put in charge at that time [when he went to Aspendus]. Neither the Phoenician ships nor Tissaphernes himself had yet arrived. Philip, who had been sent with him, had written to the admiral Mindarus. So had another man, Hippocrates, a Spartan who was at Phaselis. They reported that the ships would not come and that Tissaphernes was treating them unfairly in every way. Pharnabazus was also calling them to join him. He was eager to bring the fleet over and, like Tissaphernes, to make the remaining cities in his own province revolt from Athens. Mindarus hoped to get more help from him. The order to sail was given without warning. He left Miletus with seventy-three ships in a well-organized formation and sailed toward the Hellespont, hoping to escape the notice of the Athenians at Samos. Sixteen ships had already entered the Hellespont earlier that same summer and had raided part of the Chersonese. But a storm caught Mindarus, forcing him to put in at Icarus. Bad sailing weather kept him there for five or six days. Then he reached Chios.

Chapter 100

1 When Thrasyllus at Samos learned that Mindarus had left Miletus, he too immediately sailed out with fifty-five ships. He was hurrying to prevent Mindarus from entering the Hellespont first.

2 Then he learned that Mindarus was at Chios and thought he would stay there. He posted lookouts on Lesbos and on the mainland opposite, to make sure any movement of the ships did not go unnoticed. He himself sailed along the coast to Methymna. He ordered barley meal and other supplies to be prepared. If the wait became longer, he intended to make his attacks on Chios from Lesbos.

3 He also wanted to sail against Eresus on Lesbos, which had revolted, and capture it if he could. Some of the more influential exiles from Methymna had brought across about fifty hoplites from Cyme who had joined their cause, and had hired others from the mainland, making about three hundred in all. Anaxander, a Theban, led them because of their common ancestry. They first attacked Methymna. But the Athenian garrison from Mytilene came out, and their attempt failed. They were driven back again in a battle outside the town, crossed the mountains, and brought Eresus into revolt.

4 Thrasyllus therefore sailed there with all his ships, intending to attack. Thrasybulus had already arrived there with five ships from Samos after they heard the news of the exiles' crossing. He had been too late to stop them, but had come to Eresus and was anchored off it.

5 Two ships returning home from the Hellespont also joined them, along with five ships from Methymna. There were now sixty-seven ships in all. With the troops from these ships, they prepared to take Eresus by force if they could, using siege engines and every other means.

Chapter 101

1 Meanwhile Mindarus and the Peloponnesian ships at Chios took on food for two days. Each man also received three Chian coins called fortieths from the Chians. On the third day they quickly left Chios. They did not take the open-sea route, to avoid meeting the ships at Eresus. Instead, they sailed toward the mainland with Lesbos on their left.

2 They put in at the harbor of Carterii in Phocaean territory and ate their midday meal. Then they sailed along the coast of Cyme's territory and ate their evening meal at Arginusae on the mainland, opposite Mytilene.

3 From there they sailed along the coast while much of the night still remained, and reached Harmatus on the mainland, directly opposite Methymna. After their midday meal, they quickly sailed past Lectum, Larisa, Hamaxitus, and the places along that coast. They reached Rhoeteum, now inside the Hellespont, before midnight. Some of the ships put in at Sigeum and elsewhere in that area.

Chapter 102

1 The Athenians at Sestos had eighteen ships. Their beacon watchers signaled to them, and they saw many fires suddenly appear in enemy territory. They realized that the Peloponnesians were sailing in. That same night they sailed as fast as they could, close to the Chersonese, toward Elaeus. They wanted to get past the enemy ships and out into open water.

2 They escaped the notice of the sixteen ships at Abydos. These had been told in advance to watch the Athenians carefully if they tried to sail out when their own friendly fleet approached. But at dawn the Athenians saw Mindarus' ships, which immediately began chasing them. Not all the Athenians escaped in time. Most got away toward Imbros and Lemnos, but the four ships sailing last were caught near Elaeus.

3 The Peloponnesians captured one, crew and all, after it ran aground by the sanctuary of Protesilaus. They captured two others without their crews. The remaining ship they burned, empty, near Imbros.

Chapter 103

1 After this, the ships from Abydos joined the rest, making eighty-six in all. With these the Peloponnesians besieged Elaeus that day. When it would not surrender, they sailed back to Abydos.

2 The Athenians had been let down by their lookouts. They had thought the enemy ships could not sail past without their knowledge, and had been taking their time attacking the walls. When they learned what had happened, they immediately left Eresus and hurried to help in the Hellespont.

3 They captured two Peloponnesian ships which, during the earlier pursuit, had boldly ventured farther out to sea and now ran into them. A day later they reached Elaeus and anchored there. They brought back all the ships that had escaped to Imbros and spent five days preparing for battle at sea.

Chapter 104

1 After this they fought a naval battle as follows. The Athenians sailed toward Sestos, one ship behind another, close along the shore. When the Peloponnesians saw this, they too put out from Abydos to meet them.

2 Once they knew they were going to fight, they extended their lines. The Athenians' seventy-six ships stretched along the Chersonese from Idacus to Arriani. The Peloponnesians' eighty-six ships stretched from Abydos to Dardanus.

3 On the Peloponnesian side, the Syracusans held the right wing. Mindarus himself held the other wing with the fastest ships. On the Athenian side, Thrasyllus held the left and Thrasybulus the right. The other generals each took their assigned positions.

4 The Peloponnesians were eager to attack first. With their left wing they wanted to extend beyond the Athenians' right and, if possible, cut off their escape to open water. In the center, they wanted to drive them against the nearby shore. The Athenians saw this. They extended their line on the side where the enemy wanted to cut them off, and outsailed them.

5 Their left wing had already passed the headland called Cynossema. These movements left the ships in their center weak and scattered. They were also fewer in number, and the coast around Cynossema made a sharp, angular turn. This hid what was happening on the other side of it.

Chapter 105

1 The Peloponnesians attacked in the center, drove the Athenian ships onto dry land, and landed to pursue the men ashore. They had a clear advantage in the fighting.

2 Neither Thrasybulus' men on the right nor Thrasyllus' men on the left could help the center. Thrasybulus was held back by the large number of ships attacking him. Thrasyllus could not see the center because the headland of Cynossema blocked the view. He was also held back by the Syracusans and the other ships facing him, which were no fewer than his own. This lasted until part of the Peloponnesian fleet began to lose its order. Confident after their victory, different ships had begun chasing different enemies without fear.

3 Thrasybulus and his men saw that the ships facing them were holding back. They stopped extending their wing and turned back. They immediately fought back and put those ships to flight. Then they caught the scattered ships from the victorious part of the Peloponnesian fleet and struck them. Most of these panicked without even fighting. The Syracusans, too, had already begun to give way to Thrasyllus and his men. When they saw the others fleeing as well, they fled more urgently.

Chapter 106

1 After the defeat, most of the Peloponnesians fled first to the Meidius River and later to Abydos. The Athenians captured only a few ships, because the narrowness of the Hellespont gave the enemy a short distance to escape. But this victory at sea came at an exceptionally important moment for them.

2 Until then they had been afraid of the Peloponnesian fleet because of their small setbacks and the disaster in Sicily. Now they stopped blaming themselves and no longer thought their enemies were worth much at sea.

3 They captured eight Chian ships, five Corinthian, two Ambraciot, two Boeotian, and one each from the Leucadians, Lacedaemonians, Syracusans, and Pellenians. They themselves lost fifteen ships.

4 They set up a victory monument on the headland at Cynossema, towed in the wrecks, and returned the enemy's dead under a truce. They also sent a trireme to Athens to report the victory.

5 When the ship arrived, the Athenians heard the unexpected news of success. Coming just after the disasters in Euboea and the civil strife, it gave them great encouragement. They thought they could still win through if they worked hard at it.

Chapter 107

1 On the fourth day after the battle, the Athenians at Sestos, having hurriedly repaired their ships, sailed against Cyzicus, which had revolted. They saw the eight ships from Byzantium anchored near Harpagium and Priapus. They sailed against them, defeated the men ashore in battle, and captured the ships. Then they reached Cyzicus, which had no walls, brought it back under their control, and collected money from it.

2 Meanwhile the Peloponnesians sailed from Abydos to Elaeus and recovered all their captured ships that were still sound. The people of Elaeus had burned the others. They also sent Hippocrates and Epicles to Euboea to bring back the ships there.

Chapter 108

1 At about the same time, Alcibiades sailed back from Caunus and Phaselis to Samos with his thirteen ships. He reported that he had turned the Phoenician fleet away from helping the Peloponnesians, so that it did not come, and had made Tissaphernes friendlier to the Athenians than before.

2 He crewed nine more ships in addition to those he had, collected a large sum of money from the Halicarnassians, and fortified Cos. After doing this and appointing a governor in Cos, he sailed back to Samos as autumn was approaching.

3 When Tissaphernes learned that the Peloponnesian ships had sailed from Miletus to the Hellespont, he left Aspendus and traveled toward Ionia.

4 While the Peloponnesians were in the Hellespont, the people of Antandrus, who are Aeolians, brought hoplites from Abydos overland through Mount Ida and admitted them into the city. They were being mistreated by Arsaces, a Persian subordinate of Tissaphernes. This was the same man who had killed the Delians who settled at Adramyttium when the Athenians removed them from Delos to purify the island. He had claimed to be involved in a quarrel, without explaining it, and called on their leading men to join a military expedition. He led them out on the claim that they were friends and allies. Then he waited until they were eating their midday meal, surrounded them with his own men, and had them killed with javelins.

5 Because of this deed, the people of Antandrus feared that he might also commit some crime against them. He was also imposing other burdens they could not bear. So they expelled his guards from the citadel.

Chapter 109

1 Tissaphernes learned of this action by the Peloponnesians, in addition to what they had done at Miletus and Cnidus. His guards had been expelled from those places too. He believed that the Peloponnesians had been turned firmly against him, and feared they might do him further harm. He also resented the prospect that Pharnabazus, after hosting them for less time and at less cost, might achieve greater success against the Athenians. He planned to go to them in the Hellespont. He wanted to complain about what had happened at Antandrus and to defend himself as plausibly as possible against the accusations about the Phoenician fleet and everything else. He first went to Ephesus and made a sacrifice to Artemis.

2 [When the winter following this summer ends, the twenty-first year is complete.]

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