Section 245
Original German
245 Wird der reichern Klasse die directe Last aufgelegt, oder es wären in anderem öffentlichen Eigenthum (reichen Hospitälern, Stiftungen, Klöstern) die directen Mittel vorhanden, die der Armuth zugehende Masse auf dem Stande ihrer ordentlichen Lebensweise zu erhalten, so würde die Subsistenz der Bedürftigen gesichert, ohne durch die Arbeit vermittelt zu seyn, was gegen das Princip der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft und des Gefühls ihrer Individuen von ihrer Selbstständigkeit und Ehre wäre, oder sie würde durch Arbeit (durch Gelegenheit dazu) vermittelt, so würde die Menge der Productionen vermehrt, in deren Ueberfluß und dem Mangel der verhältnißmäßigen selbst productiven Consumenten, gerade das Uebel bestehet, das auf beyde Weisen sich nur vergrößert. Es kommt hierin zum Vorschein, daß bey dem Uebermaße des Reichthums, die bürgerliche Gesellschaft nicht reich genug ist, d. h. an dem ihr eigenthümlichen Vermögen nicht genug besitzt, dem Uebermaße der Armuth und der Erzeugung des Pöbels zu steuern.
Diese Erscheinungen lassen sich im Großen an Englands Beyspiel studiren, so wie näher die Erfolge, welche die Armentaxe, unermeßliche Stiftungen und eben so unbegränzte Privatwohlthätigkeit, vor allem aus dabey das Aufheben der Corporationen gehabt haben. Als das directeste Mittel hat sich daselbst (vornemlich in Schottland) gegen Armuth sowohl, als insbesondere gegen die Abwerfung der Scham und Ehre, der subjectiven Basen der Gesellschaft, und gegen die Faulheit und Verschwendung u. s. f. woraus der Pöbel hervorgehet, diß erprobt, die Armen ihrem Schicksal zu überlassen und sie auf den öffentlichen Bettel anzuweisen.
Musean translation
Machine-assisted Musean translation made directly from Hegel's German in the Berlin Nicolai first edition, dated 1821. Complete preface, introduction and sections 1–360, including the author's remarks and notes; no later Gans additions.
245 If the direct burden were laid on the wealthier class, or if the direct means were available in other public property (rich hospitals, endowments, monasteries) to maintain the mass sinking into poverty at the level of its ordinary way of life, then the subsistence of the needy would be secured without being mediated by labor, which would be contrary to the principle of civil society and to the feeling its individuals have of their independence and honor. Or else it would be mediated by labor (through the opportunity for it), and then the quantity of products would be increased, and it is precisely in their superabundance, together with the lack of a proportionate number of consumers who are themselves productive, that the evil consists, which in both ways only grows greater. What appears here is that, despite an excess of wealth, civil society is not wealthy enough, that is, does not possess enough in the resources proper to it, to check the excess of poverty and the creation of the rabble.
These phenomena can be studied on a large scale in the example of England, as can, more closely, the results which the poor tax, immense endowments and equally unbounded private benevolence have had, above all the abolition of the corporations in connection with them. The most direct means against poverty, and in particular against the casting off of shame and honor, the subjective bases of society, and against the laziness and extravagance and so on from which the rabble proceeds, has proved there (chiefly in Scotland) to be this: to leave the poor to their fate and to direct them to public begging.
Plain English translation
Independent machine-assisted Plain English translation made directly from the German first-edition source, not from the Musean edition or an existing English translation. Complete preface, introduction and sections 1–360 with the author's remarks and notes.
245 Suppose the burden were placed directly on the richer class. Or suppose other public property (rich hospitals, endowments, monasteries) had the direct means to keep the mass of people heading toward poverty at the level of their normal way of life. Then the livelihood of the needy would be secured without being earned through work. That would go against the principle of civil society and against its individuals' feeling of independence and honor. Or suppose instead that their livelihood were earned through work (by giving them the chance to work). Then the amount of goods produced would increase. But the evil lies precisely in the excess of production and in the lack of a proportionate number of consumers who are themselves productive. Either way, the evil only grows. This shows that, despite an excess of wealth, civil society is not rich enough. That is, it does not own enough of the wealth that belongs to it to check the excess of poverty and the creation of the rabble.
These phenomena can be studied on a large scale in the example of England. So can the closer results of the poor tax, of immense endowments and equally unlimited private charity, and above all of the abolition of the corporations. In that country (mainly in Scotland), one method has proved the most direct against poverty, and in particular against the casting off of shame and honor, the subjective bases of society, and against laziness, waste, and so on, from which the rabble arises. That method is to leave the poor to their fate and to direct them to begging in public.
About this section
Section 245 is part of Elements of the Philosophy of Right by Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. This page sets the German original beside 2 direct-source translations, so any line can be checked against the source. It is section 247 of 362 in the work, which is kept in the European tradition.
Open the work page for the full contents, every edition, and the download links, or go back to Explore to browse other complete works in the European tradition. The reader keeps your place when you are signed in and lets you compare the original with each translation, one edition at a time.