Part V — On the Natural History of Morality
Original German
Fünftes Hauptstück:
Zur Naturgeschichte der Moral.
186 Die moralische Empfindung ist jetzt in Europa ebenso fein, spät, vielfach, reizbar, raffinirt, als die dazu gehörige "Wissenschaft der Moral" noch jung, anfängerhaft, plump und grobfingrig ist:—ein anziehender Gegensatz, der bisweilen in der Person eines Moralisten selbst sichtbar und leibhaft wird. Schon das Wort "Wissenschaft der Moral" ist in Hinsicht auf Das, was damit bezeichnet wird, viel zu hochmüthig und wider den guten Geschmack: welcher immer ein Vorgeschmack für die bescheideneren Worte zu sein pflegt. Man sollte, in aller Strenge, sich eingestehn, was hier auf lange hinaus noch noth thut, was vorläufig allein Recht hat: nämlich Sammlung des Materials, begriffliche Fassung und Zusammenordnung eines ungeheuren Reichs zarter Werthgefühle und Werthunterschiede, welche leben, wachsen, zeugen und zu Grunde gehn,—und, vielleicht, Versuche, die wiederkehrenden und häufigeren Gestaltungen dieser lebenden Krystallisation anschaulich zu machen,—als Vorbereitung zu einer Typenlehre der Moral. Freilich: man war bisher nicht so bescheiden. Die Philosophen allesammt forderten, mit einem steifen Ernste, der lachen macht, von sich etwas sehr viel Höheres, Anspruchsvolleres, Feierlicheres, sobald sie sich mit der Moral als Wissenschaft befassten: sie wollten die Begründung der Moral,—und jeder Philosoph hat bisher geglaubt, die Moral begründet zu haben; die Moral selbst aber galt als "gegeben". Wie ferne lag ihrem plumpen Stolze jene unscheinbar dünkende und in Staub und Moder belassene Aufgabe einer Beschreibung, obwohl für sie kaum die feinsten Hände und Sinne fein genug sein könnten! Gerade dadurch, dass die Moral-Philosophen die moralischen facta nur gröblich, in einem willkürlichen Auszuge oder als zufällige Abkürzung kannten, etwa als Moralität ihrer Umgebung, ihres Standes, ihrer Kirche, ihres Zeitgeistes, ihres Klima's und Erdstriches,—gerade dadurch, dass sie in Hinsicht auf Völker, Zeiten, Vergangenheiten schlecht unterrichtet und selbst wenig wissbegierig waren, bekamen sie die eigentlichen Probleme der Moral gar nicht zu Gesichte:—als welche alle erst bei einer Vergleichung vieler Moralen auftauchen. In aller bisherigen "Wissenschaft der Moral" fehlte, so wunderlich es klingen mag, noch das Problem der Moral selbst: es fehlte der Argwohn dafür, dass es hier etwas Problematisches gebe. Was die Philosophen "Begründung der Moral" nannten und von sich forderten, war, im rechten Lichte gesehn, nur eine gelehrte Form des guten Glaubens an die herrschende Moral, ein neues Mittel ihres Ausdrucks, also ein Thatbestand selbst innerhalb einer bestimmten Moralität, ja sogar, im letzten Grunde, eine Art Leugnung, dass diese Moral als Problem gefasst werden dürfe:—und jedenfalls das Gegenstück einer Prüfung, Zerlegung, Anzweiflung, Vivisektion eben dieses Glaubens. Man höre zum Beispiel, mit welcher beinahe verehrenswürdigen Unschuld noch Schopenhauer seine eigene Aufgabe hinstellt, und man mache seine Schlüsse über die Wissenschaftlichkeit einer "Wissenschaft", deren letzte Meister noch wie die Kinder und die alten Weibchen reden:—"das Princip, sagt er (p. 136 der Grundprobleme der Moral), der Grundsatz, über dessen Inhalt alle Ethiker eigentlich einig sind; neminem laede, immo omnes, quantum potes, juva—das ist eigentlich der Satz, welchen zu begründen alle Sittenlehrer sich abmühen… das eigentliche Fundament der Ethik, welches man wie den Stein der Weisen seit Jahrtausenden sucht."—Die Schwierigkeit, den angeführten Satz zu begründen, mag freilich gross sein—bekanntlich ist es auch Schopenhauern damit nicht geglückt -; und wer einmal gründlich nachgefühlt hat, wie abgeschmackt-falsch und sentimental dieser Satz ist, in einer Welt, deren Essenz Wille zur Macht ist -, der mag sich daran erinnern lassen, dass Schopenhauer, obschon Pessimist, eigentlich—die Flöte blies… Täglich, nach Tisch: man lese hierüber seinen Biographen. Und beiläufig gefragt: ein Pessimist, ein Gott- und Welt-Verneiner, der vor der Moral Halt macht,—der zur Moral Ja sagt und Flöte bläst, zur laede-neminem-Moral: wie? ist das eigentlich—ein Pessimist?
187 Abgesehn noch vom Werthe solcher Behauptungen wie "es giebt in uns einen kategorischen Imperativ", kann man immer noch fragen: was sagt eine solche Behauptung von dem sie Behauptenden aus? Es giebt Moralen, welche ihren Urheber vor Anderen rechtfertigen sollen; andre Moralen sollen ihn beruhigen und mit sich zufrieden stimmen; mit anderen will er sich selbst an's Kreuz schlagen und demüthigen; mit andern will er Rache üben, mit andern sich verstecken, mit andern sich verklären und hinaus, in die Höhe und Ferne setzen; diese Moral dient ihrem Urheber, um zu vergessen, jene, um sich oder Etwas von sich vergessen zu machen; mancher Moralist möchte an der Menschheit Macht und schöpferische Laune ausüben; manch Anderer, vielleicht gerade auch Kant, giebt mit seiner Moral zu verstehn: "was an mir achtbar ist, das ist, dass ich gehorchen kann,—und bei euch soll es nicht anders stehn, als bei mir!"—kurz, die Moralen sind auch nur eine Zeichensprache der Affekte.
188 Jede Moral ist, im Gegensatz zum laisser aller, ein Stück Tyrannei gegen die "Natur", auch gegen die "Vernunft": das ist aber noch kein Einwand gegen sie, man müsste denn selbst schon wieder von irgend einer Moral aus dekretiren, dass alle Art Tyrannei und Unvernunft unerlaubt sei. Das Wesentliche und Unschätzbare an jeder Moral ist, dass sie ein langer Zwang ist: um den Stoicismus oder Port-Royal oder das Puritanerthum zu verstehen, mag man sich des Zwangs erinnern, unter dem bisher jede Sprache es zur Stärke und Freiheit gebracht,—des metrischen Zwangs, der Tyrannei von Reim und Rhythmus. Wie viel Noth haben sich in jedem Volke die Dichter und die Redner gemacht!—einige Prosaschreiber von heute nicht ausgenommen, in deren Ohr ein unerbittliches Gewissen wohnt—"um einer Thorheit willen", wie utilitarische Tölpel sagen, welche sich damit klug dünken,—"aus Unterwürfigkeit gegen Willkür-Gesetze", wie die Anarchisten sagen, die sich damit "frei", selbst freigeistisch wähnen. Der wunderliche Thatbestand ist aber, dass Alles, was es von Freiheit, Feinheit, Kühnheit, Tanz und meisterlicher Sicherheit auf Erden giebt oder gegeben hat, sei es nun in dem Denken selbst, oder im Regieren, oder im Reden und überreden, in den Künsten ebenso wie in den Sittlichkeiten, sich erst vermöge der "Tyrannei solcher Willkür-Gesetze" entwickelt hat; und allen Ernstes, die Wahrscheinlichkeit dafür ist nicht gering, dass gerade dies "Natur" und "natürlich" sei—und nicht jenes laisser aller! jeder Künstler weiss, wie fern vom Gefühl des Sich-gehen-lassens sein "natürlichster" Zustand ist, das freie Ordnen, Setzen, Verfügen, Gestalten in den Augenblicken der "Inspiration",—und wie streng und fein er gerade da tausendfältigen Gesetzen gehorcht, die aller Formulirung durch Begriffe gerade auf Grund ihrer Härte und Bestimmtheit spotten (auch der festeste Begriff hat, dagegen gehalten, etwas Schwimmendes, Vielfaches, Vieldeutiges -). Das Wesentliche, "im Himmel und auf Erden", wie es scheint, ist, nochmals gesagt, dass lange und in Einer Richtung gehorcht werde: dabei kommt und kam auf die Dauer immer Etwas heraus, dessentwillen es sich lohnt, auf Erden zu leben, zum Beispiel Tugend, Kunst, Musik, Tanz, Vernunft, Geistigkeit,—irgend etwas Verklärendes, Raffinirtes, Tolles und Göttliches. Die lange Unfreiheit des Geistes, der misstrauische Zwang in der Mittheilbarkeit der Gedanken, die Zucht, welche sich der Denker auferlegte, innerhalb einer kirchlichen und höfischen Richtschnur oder unter aristotelischen Voraussetzungen zu denken, der lange geistige Wille, Alles, was geschieht, nach einem christlichen Schema auszulegen und den christlichen Gott noch in jedem Zufalle wieder zu entdecken und zu rechtfertigen,—all dies Gewaltsame, Willkürliche, Harte, Schauerliche, Widervernünftige hat sich als das Mittel herausgestellt, durch welches dem europäischen Geiste seine Stärke, seine rücksichtslose Neugierde und feine Beweglichkeit angezüchtet wurde: zugegeben, dass dabei ebenfalls unersetzbar viel an Kraft und Geist erdrückt, erstickt und verdorben werden musste (denn hier wie überall zeigt sich "die Natur", wie sie ist, in ihrer ganzen verschwenderischen und gleichgültigen Grossartigkeit, welche empört, aber vornehm ist). Dass Jahrtausende lang die europäischen Denker nur dachten, um Etwas zu beweisen -heute ist uns umgekehrt jeder Denker verdächtig, der "Etwas beweisen will" -, dass ihnen bereits immer feststand, was als Resultat ihres strengsten Nachdenkens herauskommen sollte, etwa wie ehemals bei der asiatischen Astrologie oder wie heute noch bei der harmlosen christlich-moralischen Auslegung der nächsten persönlichen Ereignisse "zu Ehren Gottes" und "zum Heil der Seele":—diese Tyrannei, diese Willkür, diese strenge und grandiose Dummheit hat den Geist erzogen; die Sklaverei ist, wie es scheint, im gröberen und feineren Verstande das unentbehrliche Mittel auch der geistigen Zucht und Züchtung. Man mag jede Moral darauf hin ansehn: die "Natur" in ihr ist es, welche das laisser aller, die allzugrosse Freiheit hassen lehrt und das Bedürfniss nach beschränkten Horizonten, nach nächsten Aufgaben pflanzt,—welche die Verengerung der Perspektive, und also in gewissem Sinne die Dummheit, als eine Lebens- und Wachsthums-Bedingung lehrt. "Du sollst gehorchen, irgend wem, und auf lange: sonst gehst du zu Grunde und verlierst die letzte Achtung vor dir selbst"—dies scheint mir der moralische Imperativ der Natur zu sein, welcher freilich weder "kategorisch" ist, wie es der alte Kant von ihm verlangte (daher das "sonst" -), noch an den Einzelnen sich wendet (was liegt ihr am Einzelnen!), wohl aber an Völker, Rassen, Zeitalter, Stände, vor Allem aber an das ganze Thier "Mensch", an den Menschen.
189 Die arbeitsamen Rassen finden eine grosse Beschwerde darin, den Müssiggang zu ertragen: es war ein Meisterstück des englischen Instinktes, den Sonntag in dem Maasse zu heiligen und zu langweiligen, dass der Engländer dabei wieder unvermerkt nach seinem Wochen- und Werktage lüstern wird:—als eine Art klug erfundenen, klug eingeschalteten Fastens, wie dergleichen auch in der antiken Welt reichlich wahrzunehmen ist (wenn auch, wie billig bei südländischen Völkern, nicht gerade in Hinsicht auf Arbeit -). Es muss Fasten von vielerlei Art geben; und überall, wo mächtige Triebe und Gewohnheiten herrschen, haben die Gesetzgeber dafür zu sorgen, Schalttage einzuschieben, an denen solch ein Trieb in Ketten gelegt wird und wieder einmal hungern lernt. Von einem höheren Orte aus gesehn, erscheinen ganze Geschlechter und Zeitalter, wenn sie mit irgend einem moralischen Fanatismus behaftet auftreten, als solche eingelegte Zwangs- und Fastenzeiten, während welchen ein Trieb sich ducken und niederwerfen, aber auch sich reinigen und schärfen lernt; auch einzelne philosophische Sekten (zum Beispiel die Stoa inmitten der hellenistischen Cultur und ihrer mit aphrodisischen Düften überladenen und geil gewordenen Luft) erlauben eine derartige Auslegung.—Hiermit ist auch ein Wink zur Erklärung jenes Paradoxons gegeben, warum gerade in der christlichsten Periode Europa's und überhaupt erst unter dem Druck christlicher Werthurtheile der Geschlechtstrieb sich bis zur Liebe (amour-passion) sublimirt hat.
190 Es giebt Etwas in der Moral Plato's, das nicht eigentlich zu Plato gehört, sondern sich nur an seiner Philosophie vorfindet, man könnte sagen, trotz Plato: nämlich der Sokratismus, für den er eigentlich zu vornehm war. "Keiner will sich selbst Schaden thun, daher geschieht alles Schlechte unfreiwillig. Denn der Schlechte fügt sich selbst Schaden zu: das würde er nicht thun, falls er wüsste, dass das Schlechte schlecht ist. Demgemäss ist der Schlechte nur aus einem Irrthum schlecht; nimmt man ihm seinen Irrthum, so macht man ihn notwendig—gut."—Diese Art zu schliessen riecht nach dem Pöbel, der am Schlechthandeln nur die leidigen Folgen in's Auge fasst und eigentlich urtheilt "es ist dumm, schlecht zu handeln"; während er "gut" mit "nützlich und angenehm" ohne Weiteres als identisch nimmt. Man darf bei jedem Utilitarismus der Moral von vornherein auf diesen gleichen Ursprung rathen und seiner Nase folgen: man wird selten irre gehn.—Plato hat Alles gethan, um etwas Feines und Vornehmes in den Satz seines Lehrers hinein zu interpretiren, vor Allem sich selbst -, er, der verwegenste aller Interpreten, der den ganzen Sokrates nur wie ein populäres Thema und Volkslied von der Gasse nahm, um es in's Unendliche und Unmögliche zu variiren: nämlich in alle seine eignen Masken und Vielfältigkeiten. Im Scherz gesprochen, und noch dazu homerisch: was ist denn der platonische Sokrates, wenn nicht πρόσϑε Πλάτων ὄπιϑέν τε Πλάτων μέσση τε Χίμαιρα.
191 Das alte theologische Problem von "Glauben" und "Wissen"—oder, deutlicher, von Instinkt und Vernunft—also die Frage, ob in Hinsicht auf Werthschätzung der Dinge der Instinkt mehr Autorität verdiene, als die Vernünftigkeit, welche nach Gründen, nach einem "Warum?", als nach Zweckmässigkeit und Nützlichkeit geschätzt und gehandelt wissen will,—es ist immer noch jenes alte moralische Problem, wie es zuerst in der Person des Sokrates auftrat und lange vor dem Christenthum schon die Geister gespaltet hat. Sokrates selbst hatte sich zwar mit dem Geschmack seines Talentes—dem eines überlegenen Dialektikers—zunächst auf Seiten der Vernunft gestellt; und in Wahrheit, was hat er sein Leben lang gethan, als über die linkische Unfähigkeit seiner vornehmen Athener zu lachen, welche Menschen des Instinktes waren gleich allen vornehmen Menschen und niemals genügend über die Gründe ihres Handelns Auskunft geben konnten? Zuletzt aber, im Stillen und Geheimen, lachte er auch über sich selbst: er fand bei sich, vor seinem feineren Gewissen und Selbstverhör, die gleiche Schwierigkeit und Unfähigkeit. Wozu aber, redete er sich zu, sich deshalb von den Instinkten lösen! Man muss ihnen und auch der Vernunft zum Recht verhelfen,—man muss den Instinkten folgen, aber die Vernunft überreden, ihnen dabei mit guten Gründen nachzuhelfen. Dies war die eigentliche Falschheit jenes grossen geheimnissreichen Ironikers; er brachte sein Gewissen dahin, sich mit einer Art Selbstüberlistung zufrieden zu geben: im Grunde hatte er das Irrationale im moralischen Urtheile durchschaut.—Plato, in solchen Dingen unschuldiger und ohne die Verschmitztheit des Plebejers, wollte mit Aufwand aller Kraft—der grössten Kraft, die bisher ein Philosoph aufzuwenden hatte!—sich beweisen, dass Vernunft und Instinkt von selbst auf Ein Ziel zugehen, auf das Gute, auf "Gott"; und seit Plato sind alle Theologen und Philosophen auf der gleichen Bahn,—das heisst, in Dingen der Moral hat bisher der Instinkt, oder wie die Christen es nennen, "der Glaube", oder wie ich es nenne, "die Heerde" gesiegt. Man müsste denn Descartes ausnehmen, den Vater des Rationalismus (und folglich Grossvater der Revolution), welcher der Vernunft allein Autorität zuerkannte: aber die Vernunft ist nur ein Werkzeug, und Descartes war oberflächlich.
192 Wer der Geschichte einer einzelnen Wissenschaft nachgegangen ist, der findet in ihrer Entwicklung einen Leitfaden zum Verständniss der ältesten und gemeinsten Vorgänge alles "Wissens und Erkennens": dort wie hier sind die voreiligen Hypothesen, die Erdichtungen, der gute dumme Wille zum "Glauben", der Mangel an Misstrauen und Geduld zuerst entwickelt,—unsre Sinne lernen es spät, und lernen es nie ganz, feine treue vorsichtige Organe der Erkenntniss zu sein. Unserm Auge fällt es bequemer, auf einen gegebenen Anlass hin ein schon öfter erzeugtes Bild wieder zu erzeugen, als das Abweichende und Neue eines Eindrucks bei sich festzuhalten: letzteres braucht mehr Kraft, mehr "Moralität". Etwas Neues hören ist dem Ohre peinlich und schwierig; fremde Musik hören wir schlecht. Unwillkürlich versuchen wir, beim Hören einer andren Sprache, die gehörten Laute in Worte einzuformen, welche uns vertrauter und heimischer klingen: so machte sich zum Beispiel der Deutsche ehemals aus dem gehörten arcubalista das Wort Armbrust zurecht. Das Neue findet auch unsre Sinne feindlich und widerwillig; und überhaupt herrschen schon bei den "einfachsten" Vorgängen der Sinnlichkeit die Affekte, wie Furcht, Liebe, Hass, eingeschlossen die passiven Affekte der Faulheit.—So wenig ein Leser heute die einzelnen Worte (oder gar Silben) einer Seite sämmtlich abliest—er nimmt vielmehr aus zwanzig Worten ungefähr fünf nach Zufall heraus und "erräth" den zu diesen fünf Worten muthmaasslich zugehörigen Sinn -, eben so wenig sehen wir einen Baum genau und vollständig, in Hinsicht auf Blätter, Zweige, Farbe, Gestalt; es fällt uns so sehr viel leichter, ein Ungefähr von Baum hin zu phantasiren. Selbst inmitten der seltsamsten Erlebnisse machen wir es noch ebenso: wir erdichten uns den grössten Theil des Erlebnisses und sind kaum dazu zu zwingen, nicht als "Erfinder" irgend einem Vorgange zuzuschauen. Dies Alles will sagen: wir sind von Grund aus, von Alters her—an's Lügen gewöhnt. Oder, um es tugendhafter und heuchlerischer, kurz angenehmer auszudrücken: man ist viel mehr Künstler als man weiss.—In einem lebhaften Gespräch sehe ich oftmals das Gesicht der Person, mit der ich rede, je nach dem Gedanken, den sie äussert, oder den ich bei ihr hervorgerufen glaube, so deutlich und feinbestimmt vor mir, dass dieser Grad von Deutlichkeit weit über die Kraft meines Sehvermögens hinausgeht:—die Feinheit des Muskelspiels und des Augen-Ausdrucks muss also von mir hinzugedichtet sein. Wahrscheinlich machte die Person ein ganz anderes Gesicht oder gar keins.
193 Quidquid luce fuit, tenebris agit: aber auch umgekehrt. Was wir im Traume erleben, vorausgesetzt, dass wir es oftmals erleben, gehört zuletzt so gut zum Gesammt-Haushalt unsrer Seele, wie irgend etwas "wirklich" Erlebtes: wir sind vermöge desselben reicher oder ärmer, haben ein Bedürfniss mehr oder weniger und werden schliesslich am hellen lichten Tage, und selbst in den heitersten Augenblicken unsres wachen Geistes, ein Wenig von den Gewöhnungen unsrer Träume gegängelt. Gesetzt, dass Einer in seinen Träumen oftmals geflogen ist und endlich, sobald er träumt, sich einer Kraft und Kunst des Fliegens wie seines Vorrechtes bewusst wird, auch wie seines eigensten beneidenswerthen Glücks: ein Solcher, der jede Art von Bogen und Winkeln mit dem leisesten Impulse verwirklichen zu können glaubt, der das Gefühl einer gewissen göttlichen Leichtfertigkeit kennt, ein "nach Oben" ohne Spannung und Zwang, ein "nach Unten" ohne Herablassung und Erniedrigung—ohne Schwere!—wie sollte der Mensch solcher Traum-Erfahrungen und Traum-Gewohnheiten nicht endlich auch für seinen wachen Tag das Wort "Glück" anders gefärbt und bestimmt finden! wie sollte er nicht anders nach Glück—verlangen? "Aufschwung", so wie dies von Dichtern beschrieben wird, muss ihm, gegen jenes "Fliegen" gehalten, schon zu erdenhaft, muskelhaft, gewaltsam, schon zu "schwer" sein.
194 Die Verschiedenheit der Menschen zeigt sich nicht nur in der Verschiedenheit ihrer Gütertafeln, also darin, dass sie verschiedene Güter für erstrebenswerth halten und auch über das Mehr und Weniger des Werthes, über die Rangordnung der gemeinsam anerkannten Güter mit einander uneins sind:—sie zeigt sich noch mehr in dem, was ihnen als wirkliches Haben und Besitzen eines Gutes gilt. In Betreff eines Weibes zum Beispiel gilt dem Bescheideneren schon die Verfügung über den Leib und der Geschlechtsgenuss als ausreichendes und genugthuendes Anzeichen des Habens, des Besitzens; ein Anderer, mit seinem argwöhnischeren und anspruchsvolleren Durste nach Besitz, sieht das "Fragezeichen", das nur Scheinbare eines solchen Habens, und will feinere Proben, vor Allem, um zu wissen, ob das Weib nicht nur ihm sich giebt, sondern auch für ihn lässt, was sie hat oder gerne hätte -: so erst gilt es ihm als "besessen". Ein Dritter aber ist auch hier noch nicht am Ende seines Misstrauens und Habenwollens, er fragt sich, ob das Weib, wenn es Alles für ihn lässt, dies nicht etwa für ein Phantom von ihm thut: er will erst gründlich, ja abgründlich gut gekannt sein, um überhaupt geliebt werden zu können, er wagt es, sich errathen zu lassen -. Erst dann fühlt er die Geliebte völlig in seinem Besitze, wenn sie sich nicht mehr über ihn betrügt, wenn sie ihn um seiner Teufelei und versteckten Unersättlichkeit willen eben so sehr liebt, als um seiner Güte, Geduld und Geistigkeit willen. Jener möchte ein Volk besitzen: und alle höheren Cagliostro- und Catilina-Künste sind ihm zu diesem Zwecke recht. Ein Anderer, mit einem feineren Besitzdurste, sagt sich "man darf nicht betrügen, wo man besitzen will" -, er ist gereizt und ungeduldig bei der Vorstellung, dass eine Maske von ihm über das Herz des Volks gebietet: "also muss ich mich kennen lassen und, vorerst, mich selbst kennen!" Unter hülfreichen und wohlthätigen Menschen findet man jene plumpe Arglist fast regelmässig vor, welche sich Den, dem geholfen werden soll, erst zurecht macht: als ob er zum Beispiel Hülfe "verdiene", gerade nach ihrer Hülfe verlange, und für alle Hülfe sich ihnen tief dankbar, anhänglich, unterwürfig beweisen werde,—mit diesen Einbildungen verfügen sie über den Bedürftigen wie über ein Eigenthum, wie sie aus einem Verlangen nach Eigenthum überhaupt wohlthätige und hülfreiche Menschen sind. Man findet sie eifersüchtig, wenn man sie beim Helfen kreuzt oder ihnen zuvorkommt. Die Eltern machen unwillkürlich aus dem Kinde etwas ihnen Ähnliches—sie nennen das "Erziehung" -, keine Mutter zweifelt im Grunde ihres Herzens daran, am Kinde sich ein Eigenthum geboren zu haben, kein Vater bestreitet sich das Recht, es seinen Begriffen und Werthschätzungen unterwerfen zu dürfen. Ja, ehemals schien es den Vätern billig, über Leben und Tod des Neugebornen (wie unter den alten Deutschen) nach Gutdünken zu verfügen. Und wie der Vater, so sehen auch jetzt noch der Lehrer, der Stand, der Priester, der Fürst in jedem neuen Menschen eine unbedenkliche Gelegenheit zu neuem Besitze. Woraus folgt…
195 Die Juden—ein Volk "geboren zur Sklaverei", wie Tacitus und die ganze antike Welt sagt, "das auserwählte Volk unter den Völkern", wie sie selbst sagen und glauben—die Juden haben jenes Wunderstück von Umkehrung der Werthe zu Stande gebracht, Dank welchem das Leben auf der Erde für ein Paar Jahrtausende einen neuen und gefährlichen Reiz erhalten hat:—ihre Propheten haben "reich" "gottlos" "böse" "gewaltthätig" "sinnlich" in Eins geschmolzen und zum ersten Male das Wort "Welt" zum Schandwort gemünzt. In dieser Umkehrung der Werthe (zu der es gehört, das Wort für "Arm" als synonym mit "Heilig" und "Freund" zu brauchen) liegt die Bedeutung des jüdischen Volks: mit ihm beginnt der Sklaven-Aufstand in der Moral.
196 Es giebt unzählige dunkle Körper neben der Sonne zu erschliessen,—solche die wir nie sehen werden. Das ist, unter uns gesagt, ein Gleichniss; und ein Moral-Psycholog liest die gesammte Sternenschrift nur als eine Gleichniss- und Zeichensprache, mit der sich Vieles verschweigen lässt.
197 Man missversteht das Raubthier und den Raubmenschen (zum Beispiele Cesare Borgia) gründlich, man missversteht die "Natur", so lange man noch nach einer "Krankhaftigkeit" im Grunde dieser gesündesten aller tropischen Unthiere und Gewächse sucht, oder gar nach einer ihnen eingeborenen "Hölle" -: wie es bisher fast alle Moralisten gethan haben. Es scheint, dass es bei den Moralisten einen Hass gegen den Urwald und gegen die Tropen giebt? Und dass der "tropische Mensch" um jeden Preis diskreditirt werden muss, sei es als Krankheit und Entartung des Menschen, sei es als eigne Hölle und Selbst-Marterung? Warum doch? Zu Gunsten der "gemässigten Zonen"? Zu Gunsten der gemässigten Menschen? Der "Moralischen"? Der Mittelmässigen?—Dies zum Kapitel "Moral als Furchtsamkeit".—
198 Alle diese Moralen, die sich an die einzelne Person wenden, zum Zwecke ihres "Glückes", wie es heisst,—was sind sie Anderes, als Verhaltungs-Vorschläge im Verhältniss zum Grade der Gefährlichkeit, in welcher die einzelne Person mit sich selbst lebt; Recepte gegen ihre Leidenschaften, ihre guten und schlimmen Hänge, so fern sie den Willen zur Macht haben und den Herrn spielen möchten; kleine und grosse Klugheiten und Künsteleien, behaftet mit dem Winkelgeruch alter Hausmittel und Altweiber-Weisheit; allesammt in der Form barock und unvernünftig—weil sie sich an "Alle" wenden, weil sie generalisiren, wo nicht generalisirt werden darf -, allesammt unbedingt redend, sich unbedingt nehmend, allesammt nicht nur mit Einem Korne Salz gewürzt, vielmehr erst erträglich, und bisweilen sogar verführerisch, wenn sie überwürzt und gefährlich zu riechen lernen, vor Allem "nach der anderen Welt": Das ist Alles, intellektuell gemessen, wenig werth und noch lange nicht "Wissenschaft", geschweige denn "Weisheit", sondern, nochmals gesagt und dreimal gesagt, Klugheit, Klugheit, Klugheit, gemischt mit Dummheit, Dummheit, Dummheit,—sei es nun jene Gleichgültigkeit und Bildsäulenkälte gegen die hitzige Narrheit der Affekte, welche die Stoiker anriethen und ankurirten; oder auch jenes Nicht-mehr-Lachen und Nicht-mehr-Weinen des Spinoza, seine so naiv befürwortete Zerstörung der Affekte durch Analysis und Vivisektion derselben; oder jene Herabstimmung der Affekte auf ein unschädliches Mittelmaass, bei welchem sie befriedigt werden dürfen, der Aristotelismus der Moral; selbst Moral als Genuss der Affekte in einer absichtlichen Verdünnung und Vergeistigung durch die Symbolik der Kunst, etwa als Musik, oder als Liebe zu Gott und zum Menschen um Gotteswillen—denn in der Religion haben die Leidenschaften wieder Bürgerrecht, vorausgesetzt dass…; zuletzt selbst jene entgegenkommende und muthwillige Hingebung an die Affekte, wie sie Hafis und Goethe gelehrt haben, jenes kühne Fallen-lassen der Zügel, jene geistig- leibliche licentia morum in dem Ausnahmefalle alter weiser Käuze und Trunkenbolde, bei denen es "wenig Gefahr mehr hat". Auch Dies zum Kapitel "Moral als Furchtsamkeit".
199 Insofern es zu allen Zeiten, so lange es Menschen giebt, auch Menschenheerden gegeben hat (Geschlechts-Verbände, Gemeinden, Stämme, Völker, Staaten, Kirchen) und immer sehr viel Gehorchende im Verhältniss zu der kleinen Zahl Befehlender,—in Anbetracht also, dass Gehorsam bisher am besten und längsten unter Menschen geübt und gezüchtet worden ist, darf man billig voraussetzen, dass durchschnittlich jetzt einem jeden das Bedürfniss darnach angeboren ist, als eine Art formalen Gewissens, welches gebietet: "du sollst irgend Etwas unbedingt thun, irgend Etwas unbedingt lassen", kurz "du sollst". Dies Bedürfniss sucht sich zu sättigen und seine Form mit einem Inhalte zu füllen; es greift dabei, gemäss seiner Stärke, Ungeduld und Spannung, wenig wählerisch, als ein grober Appetit, zu und nimmt an, was ihm nur von irgend welchen Befehlenden—Eltern, Lehrern, Gesetzen, Standesvorurtheilen, öffentlichen Meinungen—in's Ohr gerufen wird. Die seltsame Beschränktheit der menschlichen Entwicklung, das Zögernde, Langwierige, oft Zurücklaufende und Sich-Drehende derselben beruht darauf, dass der Heerden-Instinkt des Gehorsams am besten und auf Kosten der Kunst des Befehlens vererbt wird. Denkt man sich diesen Instinkt einmal bis zu seinen letzten Ausschweifungen schreitend, so fehlen endlich geradezu die Befehlshaber und Unabhängigen; oder sie leiden innerlich am schlechten Gewissen und haben nöthig, sich selbst erst eine Täuschung vorzumachen, um befehlen zu können: nämlich als ob auch sie nur gehorchten. Dieser Zustand besteht heute thatsächlich in Europa: ich nenne ihn die moralische Heuchelei der Befehlenden. Sie wissen sich nicht anders vor ihrem schlechten Gewissen zu schützen als dadurch, dass sie sich als Ausführer älterer oder höherer Befehle gebärden (der Vorfahren, der Verfassung, des Rechts, der Gesetze oder gar Gottes) oder selbst von der Heerden-Denkweise her sich Heerden-Maximen borgen, zum Beispiel als "erste Diener ihres Volks" oder als "Werkzeuge des gemeinen Wohls". Auf der anderen Seite giebt sich heute der Heerdenmensch in Europa das Ansehn, als sei er die einzig erlaubte Art Mensch, und verherrlicht seine Eigenschaften, vermöge deren er zahm, verträglich und der Heerde nützlich ist, als die eigentlich menschlichen Tugenden: also Gemeinsinn, Wohlwollen, Rücksicht, Fleiss, Mässigkeit, Bescheidenheit, Nachsicht, Mitleiden. Für die Fälle aber, wo man der Führer und Leithammel nicht entrathen zu können glaubt, macht man heute Versuche über Versuche, durch Zusammen-Addiren kluger Heerdenmenschen die Befehlshaber zu ersetzen: dieses Ursprungs sind zum Beispiel alle repräsentativen Verfassungen. Welche Wohlthat, welche Erlösung von einem unerträglich werdenden Druck trotz Alledem das Erscheinen eines unbedingt Befehlenden für diese Heerdenthier-Europäer ist, dafür gab die Wirkung, welche das Erscheinen Napoleon's machte, das letzte grosse Zeugniss:—die Geschichte der Wirkung Napoleon's ist beinahe die Geschichte des höheren Glücks, zu dem es dieses ganze Jahrhundert in seinen werthvollsten Menschen und Augenblicken gebracht hat.
200 Der Mensch aus einem Auflösungs-Zeitalter, welches die Rassen durch einander wirft, der als Solcher die Erbschaft einer vielfältigen Herkunft im Leibe hat, das heisst gegensätzliche und oft nicht einmal nur gegensätzliche Triebe und Werthmaasse, welche mit einander kämpfen und sich selten Ruhe geben,—ein solcher Mensch der späten Culturen und der gebrochenen Lichter wird durchschnittlich ein schwächerer Mensch sein: sein gründlichstes Verlangen geht darnach, dass der Krieg, der er ist, einmal ein Ende habe; das Glück erscheint ihm, in Übereinstimmung mit einer beruhigenden (zum Beispiel epikurischen oder christlichen) Medizin und Denkweise, vornehmlich als das Glück des Ausruhens, der Ungestörtheit, der Sattheit, der endlichen Einheit, als "Sabbat der Sabbate", um mit dem heiligen Rhetor Augustin zu reden, der selbst ein solcher Mensch war.—Wirkt aber der Gegensatz und Krieg in einer solchen Natur wie ein Lebensreiz und -Kitzel mehr -, und ist andererseits zu ihren mächtigen und unversöhnlichen Trieben auch die eigentliche Meisterschaft und Feinheit im Kriegführen mit sich, also Selbst-Beherrschung, Selbst-Überlistung hinzuvererbt und angezüchtet: so entstehen jene zauberhaften Unfassbaren und Unausdenklichen, jene zum Siege und zur Verführung vorherbestimmten Räthselmenschen, deren schönster Ausdruck Alcibiades und Caesar (- denen ich gerne jenen ersten Europäer nach meinem Geschmack, den Hohenstaufen Friedrich den Zweiten zugesellen möchte), unter Künstlern vielleicht Lionardo da Vinci ist. Sie erscheinen genau in den selben Zeiten, wo jener schwächere Typus, mit seinem Verlangen nach Ruhe, in den Vordergrund tritt: beide Typen gehören zu einander und entspringen den gleichen Ursachen.
201 So lange die Nützlichkeit, die in den moralischen Werthurtheilen herrscht, allein die Heerden-Nützlichkeit ist, so lange der Blick einzig der Erhaltung der Gemeinde zugewendet ist, und das Unmoralische genau und ausschliesslich in dem gesucht wird, was dem Gemeinde-Bestand gefährlich scheint: so lange kann es noch keine "Moral der Nächstenliebe" geben. Gesetzt, es findet sich auch da bereits eine beständige kleine Übung von Rücksicht, Mitleiden, Billigkeit, Milde, Gegenseitigkeit der Hülfeleistung, gesetzt, es sind auch auf diesem Zustande der Gesellschaft schon alle jene Triebe thätig, welche später mit Ehrennamen, als "Tugenden" bezeichnet werden und schliesslich fast mit dem Begriff "Moralität" in Eins zusammenfallen: in jener Zeit gehören sie noch gar nicht in das Reich der moralischen Werthschätzungen—sie sind noch aussermoralisch. Eine mitleidige Handlung zum Beispiel heisst in der besten Römerzeit weder gut noch böse, weder moralisch noch unmoralisch; und wird sie selbst gelobt, so verträgt sich mit diesem Lobe noch auf das Beste eine Art unwilliger Geringschätzung, sobald sie nämlich mit irgend einer Handlung zusammengehalten wird, welche der Förderung des Ganzen, der res publica, dient. Zuletzt ist die "Liebe zum Nächsten" immer etwas Nebensächliches, zum Theil Conventionelles und Willkürlich-Scheinbares im Verhältniss zur Furcht vor dem Nächsten. Nachdem das Gefüge der Gesellschaft im Ganzen festgestellt und gegen äussere Gefahren gesichert erscheint, ist es diese Furcht vor dem Nächsten, welche wieder neue Perspektiven der moralischen Werthschätzung schafft. Gewisse starke und gefährliche Triebe, wie Unternehmungslust, Tollkühnheit, Rachsucht, Verschlagenheit, Raubgier, Herrschsucht, die bisher in einem gemeinnützigen Sinne nicht nur geehrt—unter anderen Namen, wie billig, als den eben gewählten—, sondern gross-gezogen und -gezüchtet werden mussten (weil man ihrer in der Gefahr des Ganzen gegen die Feinde des Ganzen beständig bedurfte), werden nunmehr in ihrer Gefährlichkeit doppelt stark empfunden—jetzt, wo die Abzugskanäle für sie fehlen—und schrittweise, als unmoralisch, gebrandmarkt und der Verleumdung preisgegeben. Jetzt kommen die gegensätzlichen Triebe und Neigungen zu moralischen Ehren; der Heerden-Instinkt zieht, Schritt für Schritt, seine Folgerung. Wie viel oder wie wenig Gemein-Gefährliches, der Gleichheit Gefährliches in einer Meinung, in einem Zustand und Affekte, in einem Willen, in einer Begabung liegt, das ist jetzt die moralische Perspektive: die Furcht ist auch hier wieder die Mutter der Moral. An den höchsten und stärksten Trieben, wenn sie, leidenschaftlich ausbrechend, den Einzelnen weit über den Durchschnitt und die Niederung des Heerdengewissens hinaus und hinauf treiben, geht das Selbstgefühl der Gemeinde zu Grunde, ihr Glaube an sich, ihr Rückgrat gleichsam, zerbricht: folglich wird man gerade diese Triebe am besten brandmarken und verleumden. Die hohe unabhängige Geistigkeit, der Wille zum Alleinstehn, die grosse Vernunft schon werden als Gefahr empfunden; Alles, was den Einzelnen über die Heerde hinaushebt und dem Nächsten Furcht macht, heisst von nun an böse; die billige, bescheidene, sich einordnende, gleichsetzende Gesinnung, das Mittelmaass der Begierden kommt zu moralischen Namen und Ehren. Endlich, unter sehr friedfertigen Zuständen, fehlt die Gelegenheit und Nöthigung immer mehr, sein Gefühl zur Strenge und Härte zu erziehn; und jetzt beginnt jede Strenge, selbst in der Gerechtigkeit, die Gewissen zu stören; eine hohe und harte Vornehmheit und Selbst-Verantwortlichkeit beleidigt beinahe und erweckt Misstrauen, "das Lamm", noch mehr "das Schaf" gewinnt an Achtung. Es giebt einen Punkt von krankhafter Vermürbung und Verzärtlichung in der Geschichte der Gesellschaft, wo sie selbst für ihren Schädiger, den Verbrecher Partei nimmt, und zwar ernsthaft und ehrlich. Strafen: das scheint ihr irgendworin unbillig,—gewiss ist, dass die Vorstellung "Strafe" und "Strafen-Sollen" ihr wehe thut, ihr Furcht macht. "Genügt es nicht, ihn ungefährlich machen? Wozu noch strafen? Strafen selbst ist fürchterlich!"—mit dieser Frage zieht die Heerden-Moral, die Moral der Furchtsamkeit ihre letzte Consequenz. Gesetzt, man könnte überhaupt die Gefahr, den Grund zum Fürchten abschaffen, so hätte man diese Moral mit abgeschafft: sie wäre nicht mehr nöthig, sie hielte sich selbst nicht mehr für nöthig!—Wer das Gewissen des heutigen Europäers prüft, wird aus tausend moralischen Falten und Verstecken immer den gleichen Imperativ herauszuziehen haben, den Imperativ der Heerden-Furchtsamkeit: "wir wollen, dass es irgendwann einmal Nichts mehr zu fürchten giebt!" Irgendwann einmal—der Wille und Weg dorthin heisst heute in Europa überall der "Fortschritt".
202 Sagen wir es sofort noch einmal, was wir schon hundert Mal gesagt haben: denn die Ohren sind für solche Wahrheiten—für unsere Wahrheiten—heute nicht gutwillig. Wir wissen es schon genug, wie beleidigend es klingt, wenn Einer überhaupt den Menschen ungeschminkt und ohne Gleichniss zu den Thieren rechnet; aber es wird beinahe als Schuld uns angerechnet werden, dass wir gerade in Bezug auf die Menschen der "modernen Ideen" beständig die Ausdrücke "Heerde", "Heerden-Instinkte" und dergleichen gebrauchen. Was hilft es! Wir können nicht anders: denn gerade hier liegt unsre neue Einsicht. Wir fanden, dass in allen moralischen Haupturtheilen Europa einmüthig geworden ist, die Länder noch hinzugerechnet, wo Europa's Einfluss herrscht: man weiss ersichtlich in Europa, was Sokrates nicht zu wissen meinte, und was jene alte berühmte Schlange einst zu lehren verhiess,—man "weiss" heute, was Gut und Böse ist. Nun muss es hart klingen und schlecht zu Ohren gehn, wenn wir immer von Neuem darauf bestehn: was hier zu wissen glaubt, was hier mit seinem Loben und Tadeln sich selbst verherrlicht, sich selbst gut heisst, ist der Instinkt des Heerdenthiers Mensch: als welcher zum Durchbruch, zum Übergewicht, zur Vorherrschaft über andere Instinkte gekommen ist und immer mehr kommt, gemäss der wachsenden physiologischen Annäherung und Anähnlichung, deren Symptom er ist. Moral ist heute in Europa Heerdenthier-Moral:—also nur, wie wir die Dinge verstehn, Eine Art von menschlicher Moral, neben der, vor der, nach der viele andere, vor Allem höhere Moralen möglich sind oder sein sollten. Gegen eine solche "Möglichkeit", gegen ein solches "Sollte" wehrt sich aber diese Moral mit allen Kräften: sie sagt hartnäckig und unerbittlich "ich bin die Moral selbst, und Nichts ausserdem ist Moral!"—ja mit Hülfe einer Religion, welche den sublimsten Heerdenthier-Begierden zu Willen war und schmeichelte, ist es dahin gekommen, dass wir selbst in den politischen und gesellschaftlichen Einrichtungen einen immer sichtbareren Ausdruck dieser Moral finden: die demokratische Bewegung macht die Erbschaft der christlichen. Dass aber deren Tempo für die Ungeduldigeren, für die Kranken und Süchtigen des genannten Instinktes noch viel zu langsam und schläfrig ist, dafür spricht das immer rasender werdende Geheul, das immer unverhülltere Zähnefletschen der Anarchisten-Hunde, welche jetzt durch die Gassen der europäischen Cultur schweifen: anscheinend im Gegensatz zu den friedlich-arbeitsamen Demokraten und Revolutions-Ideologen, noch mehr zu den tölpelhaften Philosophastern und Bruderschafts-Schwärmern, welche sich Socialisten nennen und die "freie Gesellschaft" wollen, in Wahrheit aber Eins mit ihnen Allen in der gründlichen und instinktiven Feindseligkeit gegen jede andre Gesellschafts-Form als die der autonomen Heerde (bis hinaus zur Ablehnung selbst der Begriffe "Herr" und "Knecht"—ni dieu ni maître heisst eine socialistische Formel -); Eins im zähen Widerstande gegen jeden Sonder-Anspruch, jedes Sonder-Recht und Vorrecht (das heisst im letzten Grunde gegen jedes Recht: denn dann, wenn Alle gleich sind, braucht Niemand mehr "Rechte" -); Eins im Misstrauen gegen die strafende Gerechtigkeit (wie als ob sie eine Vergewaltigung am Schwächeren, ein Unrecht an der nothwendigen Folge aller früheren Gesellschaft wäre -); aber ebenso Eins in der Religion des Mitleidens, im Mitgefühl, soweit nur gefühlt, gelebt, gelitten wird (bis hinab zum Thier, bis hinauf zu "Gott":—die Ausschweifung eines "Mitleidens mit Gott" gehört in ein demokratisches Zeitalter -); Eins allesammt im Schrei und der Ungeduld des Mitleidens, im Todhass gegen das Leiden überhaupt, in der fast weiblichen Unfähigkeit, Zuschauer dabei bleiben zu können, leiden lassen zu können; Eins in der unfreiwilligen Verdüsterung und Verzärtlichung, unter deren Bann Europa von einem neuen Buddhismus bedroht scheint; Eins im Glauben an die Moral des gemeinsamen Mitleidens, wie als ob sie die Moral an sich sei, als die Höhe, die erreichte Höhe des Menschen, die alleinige Hoffnung der Zukunft, das Trostmittel der Gegenwärtigen, die grosse Ablösung aller Schuld von Ehedem:—Eins allesammt im Glauben an die Gemeinschaft als die Erlöserin, an die Heerde also, an "sich"…
203 Wir, die wir eines andren Glaubens sind -, wir, denen die demokratische Bewegung nicht bloss als eine Verfalls-Form der politischen Organisation, sondern als Verfalls-, nämlich Verkleinerungs-Form des Menschen gilt, als seine Vermittelmässigung und Werth-Erniedrigung: wohin müssen wir mit unsren Hoffnungen greifen?—Nach neuen Philosophen, es bleibt keine Wahl; nach Geistern, stark und ursprünglich genug, um die Anstösse zu entgegengesetzten Werthschätzungen zu geben und "ewige Werthe" umzuwerthen, umzukehren; nach Vorausgesandten, nach Menschen der Zukunft, welche in der Gegenwart den Zwang und Knoten anknüpfen, der den Willen von Jahrtausenden auf neue Bahnen zwingt. Dem Menschen die Zukunft des Menschen als seinen Willen, als abhängig von einem Menschen-Willen zu lehren und grosse Wagnisse und Gesammt-Versuche von Zucht und Züchtung vorzubereiten, um damit jener schauerlichen Herrschaft des Unsinns und Zufalls, die bisher "Geschichte" hiess, ein Ende zu machen—der Unsinn der "grössten Zahl" ist nur seine letzte Form -: dazu wird irgendwann einmal eine neue Art von Philosophen und Befehlshabern nöthig sein, an deren Bilde sich Alles, was auf Erden an verborgenen, furchtbaren und wohlwollenden Geistern dagewesen ist, blass und verzwergt ausnehmen möchte. Das Bild solcher Führer ist es, das vor unsern Augen schwebt:—darf ich es laut sagen, ihr freien Geister? Die Umstände, welche man zu ihrer Entstehung theils schaffen, theils ausnützen müsste; die muthmaasslichen Wege und Proben, vermöge deren eine Seele zu einer solchen Höhe und Gewalt aufwüchse, um den Zwang zu diesen Aufgaben zu empfinden; eine Umwerthung der Werthe, unter deren neuem Druck und Hammer ein Gewissen gestählt, ein Herz in Erz verwandelt würde, dass es das Gewicht einer solchen Verantwortlichkeit ertrüge; andererseits die Nothwendigkeit solcher Führer, die erschreckliche Gefahr, dass sie ausbleiben oder missrathen und entarten könnten—das sind unsre eigentlichen Sorgen und Verdüsterungen, ihr wisst es, ihr freien Geister? das sind die schweren fernen Gedanken und Gewitter, welche über den Himmel unseres Lebens hingehn. Es giebt wenig so empfindliche Schmerzen, als einmal gesehn, errathen, mitgefühlt zu haben, wie ein ausserordentlicher Mensch aus seiner Bahn gerieth und entartete: wer aber das seltene Auge für die Gesammt-Gefahr hat, dass "der Mensch" selbst entartet, wer, gleich uns, die ungeheuerliche Zufälligkeit erkannt hat, welche bisher in Hinsicht auf die Zukunft des Menschen ihr Spiel spielte—ein Spiel, an dem keine Hand und nicht einmal ein "Finger Gottes" mitspielte!—wer das Verhängniss erräth, das in der blödsinnigen Arglosigkeit und Vertrauensseligkeit der "modernen Ideen", noch mehr in der ganzen christlich-europäischen Moral verborgen liegt: der leidet an einer Beängstigung, mit der sich keine andere vergleichen lässt,—er fasst es ja mit Einem Blicke, was Alles noch, bei einer günstigen Ansammlung und Steigerung von Kräften und Aufgaben, aus dem Menschen zu züchten wäre, er weiss es mit allem Wissen seines Gewissens, wie der Mensch noch unausgeschöpft für die grössten Möglichkeiten ist, und wie oft schon der Typus Mensch an geheimnissvollen Entscheidungen und neuen Wegen gestanden hat:—er weiss es noch besser, aus seiner schmerzlichsten Erinnerung, an was für erbärmlichen Dingen ein Werdendes höchsten Ranges bisher gewöhnlich zerbrach, abbrach, absank, erbärmlich ward. Die Gesammt-Entartung des Menschen, hinab bis zu dem, was heute den socialistischen Tölpeln und Flachköpfen als ihr "Mensch der Zukunft" erscheint,—als ihr Ideal!—diese Entartung und Verkleinerung des Menschen zum vollkommenen Heerdenthiere (oder, wie sie sagen, zum Menschen der "freien Gesellschaft"), diese Verthierung des Menschen zum Zwergthiere der gleichen Rechte und Ansprüche ist möglich, es ist kein Zweifel! Wer diese Möglichkeit einmal bis zu Ende gedacht hat, kennt einen Ekel mehr, als die übrigen Menschen,—und vielleicht auch eine neue Aufgabe!…
Musean translation
Complete machine-assisted Musean translation, made directly from the German and reviewed against it.
Part Five:
On the Natural History of Morality.
186 Moral feeling in Europe today is as subtle, late-developed, manifold, sensitive, and refined as the corresponding “science of morality” is still young, unpracticed, clumsy, and ham-fisted—an appealing contrast that sometimes becomes visible and takes flesh in the person of a moralist himself. Even the phrase “science of morality,” considering what it denotes, is much too presumptuous and offends good taste, which generally shows itself in a preference for more modest words. In all strictness, we ought to admit what will still be needed here for a long time to come, what alone is justified for now: namely, collecting the material, grasping in concepts and arranging an immense realm of delicate feelings of value and distinctions of value that live, grow, reproduce, and perish—and perhaps attempting to make the recurrent, more frequent shapes of this living crystallization clearly visible—as preparation for a typology of morality. To be sure, no one has been so modest up to now. Whenever philosophers have concerned themselves with morality as a science, all of them have demanded something very much higher, more ambitious, more solemn of themselves, with a stiff seriousness that makes one laugh: they wanted to supply the foundation of morality—and every philosopher so far has believed he had founded morality; morality itself, however, was taken as “given.” How far removed from their clumsy pride was that seemingly inconspicuous task of description, left lying in dust and mold, although scarcely the subtlest hands and senses could be subtle enough for it! Precisely because moral philosophers knew the moral facts only crudely, in an arbitrary selection or an accidental abridgment, perhaps as the morality of their surroundings, their class, their church, the spirit of their age, their climate and region—precisely because they were poorly informed about peoples, eras, and past ages, and had little curiosity themselves—they never even caught sight of the real problems of morality, which emerge only from comparing many moralities. Strange as it may sound, all “science of morality” until now has still lacked the problem of morality itself: it lacked the suspicion that there was anything problematic here. What philosophers called the “foundation of morality” and demanded of themselves was, seen in the right light, merely a learned form of good faith in the prevailing morality, a new means of expressing it, hence itself a fact within a particular morality—indeed, at bottom, a kind of denial that this morality may be taken as a problem—and in any case the opposite of an examination, dissection, questioning, and vivisection of this very faith. Listen, for example, to the almost venerable innocence with which Schopenhauer still presents his own task, and draw your conclusions about the scientific character of a “science” whose latest masters still talk like children and little old women: “The principle,” he says (p. 136 of The Fundamental Problems of Morality), “the basic proposition on whose content all ethicists actually agree: harm no one; rather, help everyone as much as you can—that is really the proposition all teachers of morality labor to establish… the actual foundation of ethics, which people have sought for millennia like the philosopher’s stone.”—The difficulty of establishing that proposition may indeed be great—as everyone knows, Schopenhauer did not succeed either—and anyone who has once felt to the depths how tastelessly false and sentimental that proposition is in a world whose essence is will to power may be reminded that Schopenhauer, although a pessimist, actually—played the flute… Every day, after dinner: read his biographer on this. And to ask in passing: a pessimist, a denier of God and the world, who stops short before morality—who says Yes to morality and plays the flute, to the morality of “harm no one”: what? Is that really—a pessimist?
187 Quite apart from the value of assertions such as “there is a categorical imperative within us,” one can always ask: what does such an assertion say about the person asserting it? There are moralities meant to justify their author before others; other moralities are meant to soothe him and leave him satisfied with himself; with others he wants to nail himself to the cross and humble himself; with others to take revenge, with others to conceal himself, with others to transfigure himself and place himself far away, on high; this morality serves its author as a means of forgetting, that one as a means of making himself, or something about himself, forgotten; many a moralist would like to exercise power and creative caprice upon humanity; many another, perhaps Kant among them, gives us to understand through his morality: “What is respectable about me is that I can obey—and things ought to be no different with you than with me!”—In short, moralities, too, are only a sign language of the affects.
188 Every morality, as opposed to letting things go, is a piece of tyranny against “nature,” against “reason” as well; but this is not yet an objection to it, unless one were already decreeing, from the standpoint of some other morality, that every kind of tyranny and unreason is impermissible. What is essential and invaluable in every morality is that it is a prolonged constraint: to understand Stoicism or Port-Royal or Puritanism, recall the constraint under which every language has so far attained strength and freedom—the constraint of meter, the tyranny of rhyme and rhythm. How much trouble poets and orators in every nation have taken!—not excluding some prose writers today, whose ears house an inexorable conscience—“for the sake of a piece of folly,” as utilitarian blockheads say, imagining themselves clever—“out of submission to arbitrary laws,” as anarchists say, imagining themselves “free,” even free spirits. The curious fact, however, is that everything on earth that exists or has existed in the way of freedom, subtlety, daring, dance, and masterly assurance, whether in thinking itself or in governing, in speaking and persuading, in the arts as in ethical conduct, has developed only by virtue of the “tyranny of such arbitrary laws”; and in all seriousness, it is not at all unlikely that precisely this is “nature” and “natural”—and not that letting go! Every artist knows how far his “most natural” condition is from the feeling of letting himself go: that free ordering, placing, disposing, shaping in moments of “inspiration”—and how strictly and subtly, at precisely those moments, he obeys a thousand laws that defy all formulation in concepts, precisely because of their hardness and definiteness (even the firmest concept, held against them, has something wavering, manifold, ambiguous about it—). What is essential “in heaven and on earth,” it seems, is, to say it once again, that there should be obedience for a long time and in one direction: in the long run, something always comes, and has always come, of this for whose sake it is worth living on earth—for example, virtue, art, music, dance, reason, spirituality—something transfiguring, refined, mad, and divine. The prolonged unfreedom of the spirit, the suspicious constraint upon the communication of thoughts, the discipline the thinker imposed on himself, thinking within a churchly and courtly rule or under Aristotelian presuppositions, the prolonged spiritual will to interpret everything that happens according to a Christian scheme and to rediscover and justify the Christian God in every accident—all this violence, arbitrariness, hardness, horror, and opposition to reason has proved the means by which the European spirit was bred to its strength, its ruthless curiosity, and subtle agility: granted that an irreplaceable amount of strength and spirit also had to be crushed, stifled, and ruined in the process (for here, as everywhere, “nature” shows itself as it is, in all its prodigal, indifferent grandeur, which outrages us but is noble). That for millennia European thinkers thought only in order to prove something—today, conversely, we suspect every thinker who “wants to prove something”—that they always knew in advance what was supposed to emerge as the result of their most rigorous reflection, much as in Asian astrology in former times, or even today in the harmless Christian-moral interpretation of the most immediate personal events “to the glory of God” and “for the salvation of the soul”: this tyranny, this arbitrariness, this stern and magnificent stupidity has educated the spirit; slavery, it seems, is the indispensable means, in both the grosser and the subtler sense, of disciplining and breeding the spirit as well. Look at every morality in this light: it is “nature” in it that teaches hatred of letting go, of too much freedom, and plants the need for limited horizons, for the tasks nearest at hand—that teaches the narrowing of perspective, and thus, in a certain sense, stupidity, as a condition of life and growth. “You shall obey someone, and for a long time: otherwise you will perish and lose the last of your self-respect”—this seems to me nature’s moral imperative, which is admittedly neither “categorical,” as old Kant demanded of it (hence the “otherwise”—), nor addressed to the individual (what does she care about the individual!), but rather to peoples, races, ages, classes, and above all to the entire animal “human being,” to humanity.
189 Industrious races find it a great hardship to endure idleness: it was a masterstroke of English instinct to make Sunday so holy and so boring that the Englishman imperceptibly begins to long again for his weekday and working day—a kind of cleverly devised, cleverly inserted fast, such as can also be observed in abundance in the ancient world (though, as is only fitting among southern peoples, not precisely with regard to work—). There must be many kinds of fasting; and wherever powerful drives and habits prevail, legislators must take care to insert intercalary days on which such a drive is put in chains and learns once again to go hungry. Seen from a higher vantage, entire generations and ages, when they appear afflicted with some moral fanaticism, look like such inserted periods of constraint and fasting, during which a drive learns to bow down and abase itself, but also to purify and sharpen itself; individual philosophical sects, too (for example, the Stoa amid Hellenistic culture and its air, grown lascivious and overloaded with aphrodisiac fragrances), admit of such an interpretation.—This also offers a hint toward explaining the paradox of why the sexual drive sublimated itself into love (amour-passion) precisely in Europe’s most Christian period, and indeed only under the pressure of Christian value judgments.
190 There is something in Plato’s morality that does not really belong to Plato but is merely found in his philosophy, one might say despite Plato: namely, Socratism, for which he was really too noble. “No one wants to harm himself; therefore everything bad happens involuntarily. For the bad man harms himself: he would not do this if he knew that the bad is bad. Accordingly, the bad man is bad only through an error; take away his error and you necessarily make him—good.”—This manner of reasoning smells of the rabble, who see nothing in acting badly but its disagreeable consequences and really judge that “it is stupid to act badly”; while they simply take “good” as identical with “useful and pleasant.” With every moral utilitarianism one may guess this same origin in advance and follow one’s nose: one will seldom go wrong.—Plato did everything he could to read something subtle and noble into his teacher’s proposition—above all himself—he, the most audacious of all interpreters, who took the whole of Socrates merely as a popular theme and a street song, to vary it into infinity and impossibility: namely, into all his own masks and multiplicities. To put it jokingly, and in Homeric language at that: what is the Platonic Socrates, then, if not “Plato in front and Plato behind, and Chimera in the middle.”
191 The old theological problem of “faith” and “knowledge”—or, more clearly, of instinct and reason—thus the question whether, in valuing things, instinct deserves more authority than rationality, which wants valuation and action to proceed on grounds, on a “Why?”, that is, on expediency and usefulness—it is still that old moral problem as it first appeared in the person of Socrates and divided minds long before Christianity. Socrates himself, following the taste of his talent—that of a superior dialectician—had at first sided with reason; and in truth, what did he do all his life but laugh at the awkward ineptitude of his noble Athenians, who were men of instinct, like all noble people, and could never give an adequate account of the grounds of their actions? In the end, however, quietly and in secret, he also laughed at himself: subjected to his subtler conscience and self-interrogation, he found the same difficulty and ineptitude in himself. But why, he told himself, break free of the instincts on that account! One must do justice to them and also to reason—one must follow the instincts, but persuade reason to come to their aid with good grounds. This was the real duplicity of that great, mysterious ironist; he brought his conscience to the point of being satisfied with a kind of self-outwitting: at bottom he had seen through the irrational element in moral judgment.—Plato, more innocent in such matters and without the plebeian’s slyness, wanted to expend all his strength—the greatest strength a philosopher has yet had to expend!—on proving to himself that reason and instinct converge of themselves on one goal, the good, “God”; and since Plato all theologians and philosophers have followed the same track—that is, in matters of morality, instinct has so far triumphed, or, as Christians call it, “faith,” or, as I call it, “the herd.” Unless one were to make an exception for Descartes, the father of rationalism (and consequently grandfather of the Revolution), who granted authority to reason alone: but reason is only a tool, and Descartes was superficial.
192 Anyone who has followed the history of an individual science finds in its development a thread leading to an understanding of the oldest and most common processes of all “knowing and understanding”: there, as here, premature hypotheses, inventions, the good, stupid will to “believe,” the lack of mistrust and patience develop first—our senses learn late, and never learn entirely, to be subtle, faithful, cautious organs of knowledge. Given an occasion, our eye finds it more convenient to reproduce an image it has often produced before than to hold on to what is different and new in an impression: the latter takes more strength, more “morality.” Hearing something new is painful and difficult for the ear; we hear unfamiliar music badly. Involuntarily, when hearing another language, we try to shape the sounds we hear into words that sound more familiar and homelike: thus, for example, the German once fashioned the word Armbrust out of the arcubalista he heard. What is new encounters hostility and reluctance even in our senses; and in general, even the “simplest” processes of sense perception are ruled by affects such as fear, love, hatred, including the passive affects of laziness.—A reader today no more reads every individual word (let alone syllable) on a page—rather, out of twenty words he picks perhaps five at random and “guesses” the meaning presumably belonging to these five words—than we see a tree exactly and completely in its leaves, branches, color, and shape; we find it so very much easier to fantasize an approximation of a tree. Even amid the strangest experiences we still do the same: we invent the greatest part of the experience and can scarcely be compelled not to watch some event as its “inventors.” All this means: from the ground up, from ancient times, we are—accustomed to lying. Or, to express it more virtuously and hypocritically, in short more pleasantly: one is much more of an artist than one knows.—In a lively conversation I often see the face of the person I am speaking with so clearly and in such fine detail, according to the thought he expresses or that I believe I have called up in him, that this degree of clarity far exceeds the power of my sight: the subtle play of muscles and expression of the eyes must therefore have been invented and added by me. The person was probably making quite a different face, or no face at all.
193 Whatever happened in the light acts in the dark: but the reverse is also true. What we experience in dreams, provided we experience it often, eventually belongs to the total economy of our soul just as much as anything “really” experienced: by virtue of it we are richer or poorer, have one need more or less, and in the end, in bright daylight, even in the most serene moments of our waking spirit, are led about a little by the habits of our dreams. Suppose someone has often flown in his dreams and at last, as soon as he dreams, becomes conscious of a power and art of flying as his prerogative, and also as his own most personal, enviable happiness: someone who believes he can realize every kind of curve and angle with the slightest impulse, who knows the feeling of a certain divine lightness of movement, an “upward” without strain or compulsion, a “downward” without condescension or abasement—without heaviness!—how could a man with such dream experiences and dream habits not eventually find the word “happiness” differently colored and defined even for his waking day! How could he not—desire happiness differently? “Soaring,” as poets describe it, must already seem to him, compared with that “flying,” too earthly, muscular, violent, already too “heavy.”
194 The diversity of human beings shows itself not only in the diversity of their tables of goods, hence in their considering different goods worth striving for and disagreeing over the greater or lesser value, the order of rank, of goods they all acknowledge: it shows itself still more in what they count as really having and possessing a good. In the case of a woman, for example, the more modest man takes command over her body and sexual enjoyment as a sufficient and satisfying sign of having, of possessing; another, with his more suspicious and demanding thirst for possession, sees the “question mark,” the merely apparent character of such having, and wants subtler proofs, above all to know whether the woman not only gives herself to him but also gives up for him what she has or would like to have—only then does he count her as “possessed.” A third, however, has still not reached the end of his mistrust and desire to have: he asks himself whether, when the woman gives up everything for him, she might not be doing so for a phantom of him: before he can be loved at all, he wants to be known thoroughly well, indeed down to the abyss; he dares to let himself be divined.—Only then does he feel his beloved wholly in his possession, when she no longer deceives herself about him, when she loves him for his devilry and hidden insatiability as much as for his goodness, patience, and spirituality. That man would like to possess a people: and all the higher arts of Cagliostro and Catiline are welcome to him for this purpose. Another, with a subtler thirst for possession, tells himself, “One must not deceive where one wants to possess”—he is irritated and impatient at the thought that a mask of him commands the people’s heart: “So I must let myself be known, and first of all know myself!” Among helpful and charitable people one almost invariably finds that clumsy cunning which first reshapes the person to be helped to suit itself: as though, for example, he “deserved” help, wanted precisely their help, and would prove deeply grateful, devoted, and submissive to them for all help—with these imaginings they dispose of the needy person as of a piece of property, just as it is from a desire for property that they are charitable and helpful people in the first place. One finds them jealous if one crosses their path in helping or gets there ahead of them. Parents involuntarily make the child into something like themselves—they call this “education”—at the bottom of her heart no mother doubts that in her child she has given birth to a possession; no father disputes his right to subject it to his concepts and valuations. Indeed, in former times fathers thought it just to dispose of a newborn’s life and death as they saw fit (as among the ancient Germans). And like the father, the teacher, the class, the priest, the prince still see in every new human being an unquestioned opportunity for a new possession. From which it follows…
195 The Jews—a people “born for slavery,” as Tacitus and the whole ancient world say, “the chosen people among the peoples,” as they themselves say and believe—the Jews accomplished that miraculous feat of reversing values thanks to which life on earth acquired a new and dangerous fascination for a couple of millennia: their prophets fused “rich,” “godless,” “evil,” “violent,” “sensual” into one, and for the first time minted the word “world” as a term of disgrace. The significance of the Jewish people lies in this reversal of values (which includes using the word for “poor” as synonymous with “holy” and “friend”): with them begins the slave revolt in morality.
196 The existence of countless dark bodies beside the sun must be inferred—bodies we shall never see. This, between ourselves, is a parable; and a moral psychologist reads the entire script of the stars only as a language of parables and signs through which much can be left unsaid.
197 One thoroughly misunderstands the beast of prey and the predatory human being (Cesare Borgia, for example), one misunderstands “nature,” as long as one still looks for some “sickness” at the bottom of these healthiest of all tropical monsters and growths, or even for a “hell” innate in them—as almost all moralists have done until now. Is there, it seems, a hatred of the primeval forest and the tropics among moralists? And must the “tropical human being” be discredited at any price, whether as human sickness and degeneration or as his own hell and self-torture? Why, though? For the benefit of the “temperate zones”? For the benefit of temperate people? The “moral”? The mediocre?—This for the chapter “Morality as Timidity.”—
198 All these moralities that address the individual person for the sake of his “happiness,” as the saying goes—what are they but proposals for conduct in relation to the degree of danger in which the individual lives with himself; prescriptions against his passions, his good and bad inclinations insofar as they possess the will to power and would like to play the master; little and great pieces of prudence and contrivance, tainted with the musty smell of old home remedies and old women’s wisdom; all of them baroque and irrational in form—because they address “everyone,” because they generalize where generalization is forbidden—all speaking unconditionally, taking themselves unconditionally, all seasoned with not just one grain of salt, but becoming tolerable, and sometimes even seductive, only when they learn to give off an overspiced and dangerous smell, above all of “the other world”: measured intellectually, all this is worth little and is far from being “science,” let alone “wisdom,” but is, to say it again and say it three times, prudence, prudence, prudence, mixed with stupidity, stupidity, stupidity—whether it is that indifference and statuesque coldness toward the heated folly of the affects which the Stoics advised and sought to inculcate; or Spinoza’s no-longer-laughing and no-longer-weeping, his so naively advocated destruction of the affects through their analysis and vivisection; or that tuning down of the affects to a harmless middle level at which they may be satisfied, the Aristotelianism of morality; even morality as enjoyment of the affects deliberately diluted and spiritualized through the symbolism of art, as music, say, or as love of God and of humanity for God’s sake—for in religion the passions regain their rights of citizenship, provided that…; finally, even that accommodating and high-spirited surrender to the affects as Hafiz and Goethe taught it, that bold dropping of the reins, that spiritual-bodily licentia morum in the exceptional case of old wise eccentrics and drunkards with whom there is “little danger left.” This, too, for the chapter “Morality as Timidity.”
199 Inasmuch as there have always been human herds for as long as there have been human beings (kinship groups, communities, tribes, peoples, states, churches), and always very many who obey in relation to the small number who command—considering, then, that obedience has so far been practiced and bred among human beings most thoroughly and for the longest time—one may reasonably assume that, on average, the need for it is now innate in everyone, as a kind of formal conscience that commands: “You shall unconditionally do something, unconditionally leave something undone,” in short, “You shall.” This need seeks to satisfy itself and fill its form with content; in keeping with its strength, impatience, and tension, it reaches out with little discrimination, like a crude appetite, and accepts whatever is shouted into its ear by anyone who commands—parents, teachers, laws, class prejudices, public opinions. The strange limitation of human development, its hesitation, its protracted course, its frequent backtracking and going in circles, rests on the fact that the herd instinct of obedience is inherited most thoroughly and at the expense of the art of commanding. Imagine this instinct proceeding to its ultimate excesses: in the end, commanders and independent people will simply be lacking; or they suffer inwardly from a bad conscience and first need to practice a deception on themselves in order to command: namely, that they too are merely obeying. This condition actually exists in Europe today: I call it the moral hypocrisy of those who command. They know no other way to protect themselves from their bad conscience than to behave as executors of older or higher commands (those of ancestors, the constitution, justice, the laws, or even God), or to borrow herd maxims from the herd’s own way of thinking, presenting themselves, for example, as “the first servants of their people” or as “instruments of the common good.” On the other hand, the herd man in Europe today gives himself the appearance of being the only permissible kind of human being, and glorifies the qualities through which he is tame, agreeable, and useful to the herd as the truly human virtues: namely, public spirit, benevolence, consideration, industry, moderation, modesty, forbearance, compassion. But for those cases in which leaders and bellwethers are thought indispensable, attempt after attempt is now made to replace commanders by adding clever herd people together: all representative constitutions, for example, have this origin. What a blessing, what a release from a pressure becoming intolerable, the appearance of an unconditional commander nevertheless is for these herd-animal Europeans was last given great testimony by the effect of Napoleon’s appearance: the history of Napoleon’s effect is almost the history of the higher happiness this entire century achieved in its most valuable human beings and moments.
200 The human being of an age of dissolution that mingles the races, who as such bears in his body the inheritance of manifold origins—that is, opposing drives and standards of value, often not even merely opposing, which fight one another and seldom give one another peace—such a human being of late cultures and refracted lights will, on average, be a weaker human being: his deepest longing is for the war that he himself is to come to an end at last; in keeping with a soothing medicine and way of thinking (Epicurean or Christian, for example), happiness appears to him chiefly as the happiness of rest, of being undisturbed, of satiety, of final unity, as the “Sabbath of Sabbaths,” to speak with the holy rhetorician Augustine, who was himself such a man.—But if the opposition and war in such a nature act as one more stimulus and enticement to life—and if, on the other hand, alongside its powerful and irreconcilable drives, an actual mastery and subtlety in waging war with itself, hence self-control, self-outwitting, has also been inherited and bred into it—then there arise those magical, incomprehensible, inconceivable beings, those enigmatic people predestined for victory and seduction, whose most beautiful expressions are Alcibiades and Caesar (to whom I would gladly add that first European after my own taste, Frederick the Second of Hohenstaufen), and among artists perhaps Leonardo da Vinci. They appear at precisely the same times as that weaker type, with its longing for rest, comes to the fore: the two types belong together and spring from the same causes.
201 As long as the utility ruling in moral value judgments is solely utility to the herd, as long as the gaze is directed only toward preserving the community, and the immoral is sought precisely and exclusively in what seems dangerous to the community’s survival, there can as yet be no “morality of love of one’s neighbor.” Suppose there already exists even then a constant minor practice of consideration, compassion, fairness, gentleness, mutual assistance; suppose even at this stage of society all those drives are already active that will later receive honorable names as “virtues” and finally almost merge with the concept of “morality”: at that time they still do not belong at all to the realm of moral valuations—they are still extramoral. A compassionate action, for example, is called neither good nor evil, neither moral nor immoral, in Rome’s best period; and even when it is praised, a kind of resentful disdain is still perfectly compatible with this praise, as soon as it is compared with any action that serves the advancement of the whole, the res publica. Ultimately, “love of one’s neighbor” is always something secondary, partly conventional and partly a willful show, in relation to fear of one’s neighbor. Once the fabric of society as a whole seems established and secured against external dangers, it is this fear of one’s neighbor that again creates new perspectives of moral valuation. Certain strong and dangerous drives, such as the spirit of enterprise, recklessness, vindictiveness, cunning, rapacity, the lust to rule, which until then had to be not only honored in a publicly useful sense—under different names, as is only fitting, from those just chosen—but nurtured and bred to greatness (because they were constantly needed when the whole was in danger, against the enemies of the whole), are now felt to be doubly dangerous—now that the outlets for them are lacking—and are gradually branded immoral and handed over to slander. Now the opposing drives and inclinations attain moral honor; step by step the herd instinct draws its conclusion. How much or how little danger to the community, danger to equality, lies in an opinion, in a condition and affect, in a will, in a talent: that is now the moral perspective; here again fear is the mother of morality. When the highest and strongest drives burst out passionately, driving the individual far beyond and above the average and the lowlands of the herd conscience, the community’s feeling of self-worth perishes; its faith in itself, its backbone as it were, breaks: consequently these very drives will be branded and slandered most thoroughly. Lofty, independent spirituality, the will to stand alone, even great reason are felt as dangers; everything that raises the individual above the herd and frightens his neighbor is henceforth called evil; the fair-minded, modest, accommodating, equalizing disposition, mediocrity of desires, acquires moral names and honors. Finally, under very peaceable conditions, the occasion and necessity for educating one’s feelings to severity and hardness become ever rarer; and now every severity, even in justice, begins to trouble consciences; a lofty and hard nobility and self-responsibility almost offend and arouse suspicion; “the lamb,” still more “the sheep,” gains in esteem. There is a point of sickly softening and overdelicacy in the history of society at which it takes the side even of the person who harms it, the criminal, and does so seriously and honestly. Punishing seems to it somehow unfair—what is certain is that the idea of “punishment” and “having to punish” hurts it, frightens it. “Isn’t it enough to make him harmless? Why punish as well? Punishing itself is terrible!”—With this question, herd morality, the morality of timidity, draws its final consequence. Suppose one could abolish danger altogether, the reason for fear: one would thereby also have abolished this morality; it would no longer be needed, would no longer consider itself needed!—Anyone who examines the conscience of the European today will always have to pull the same imperative out of a thousand moral folds and hiding places, the imperative of herd timidity: “We want there to be nothing left to fear someday!” Someday—the will and the way to get there are now called “progress” everywhere in Europe.
202 Let us say it again at once, what we have already said a hundred times: for ears today are not well disposed toward such truths—toward our truths. We know well enough how offensive it sounds when someone counts the human being among the animals at all, without disguise or metaphor; but it will almost be held against us as a fault that, precisely with regard to the people of “modern ideas,” we constantly use expressions such as “herd,” “herd instincts,” and the like. What good does it do! We cannot do otherwise: for this is precisely where our new insight lies. We found that Europe has become unanimous in all its principal moral judgments, including the countries where Europe’s influence prevails: evidently people in Europe know what Socrates thought he did not know, and what that famous old serpent once promised to teach—they “know” today what good and evil are. Now it must sound harsh and grate on the ears when we insist over and over: what believes it knows here, what glorifies itself with its praise and blame, calls itself good, is the instinct of the human herd animal: an instinct that has broken through, gained predominance and supremacy over other instincts, and is doing so more and more, in keeping with the growing physiological convergence and assimilation of which it is a symptom. Morality in Europe today is herd-animal morality—hence, as we understand things, only one kind of human morality, beside which, before which, after which many others, above all higher moralities, are possible or ought to be possible. But this morality fights such a “possibility,” such an “ought,” with all its strength: it says stubbornly and inexorably, “I am morality itself, and nothing else is morality!”—Indeed, with the aid of a religion that complied with and flattered the most sublime herd-animal desires, things have reached the point where we find an increasingly visible expression of this morality even in political and social institutions: the democratic movement is inheriting the Christian movement’s estate. But that its pace is still far too slow and drowsy for the more impatient, for the sick and addicted of the instinct in question, is shown by the increasingly frenzied howling, the increasingly undisguised baring of teeth by the anarchist dogs now roaming the streets of European culture: apparently opposed to the peaceably industrious democrats and ideologues of revolution, still more to the clumsy philosophizing dabblers and enthusiasts of brotherhood who call themselves socialists and want the “free society,” but in truth at one with them all in their deep and instinctive hostility to every form of society other than that of the autonomous herd (extending even to the rejection of the concepts “master” and “servant”—“neither god nor master” is a socialist formula—); at one in their stubborn resistance to every special claim, every special right and privilege (that is, ultimately, to every right: for when everyone is equal, no one needs “rights” anymore—); at one in their mistrust of punitive justice (as though it were an act of violence against the weaker, an injustice to the necessary consequence of all previous society—); but equally at one in the religion of compassion, in fellow feeling wherever there is feeling, living, suffering (down to the animal, up to “God”—the extravagance of “compassion for God” belongs to a democratic age—); all at one in the cry and impatience of compassion, in their mortal hatred of suffering in general, in their almost feminine inability to remain spectators of it, to let anyone suffer; at one in that involuntary gloom and overdelicacy under whose spell Europe seems threatened by a new Buddhism; at one in their faith in the morality of shared compassion, as though it were morality in itself, as the summit, the attained summit of humanity, the sole hope of the future, the consolation of those now living, the great absolution from all guilt of the past—all at one in their faith in the community as redeemer, thus in the herd, in “themselves”…
203 We who are of another faith—we for whom the democratic movement counts not merely as a form of decay in political organization, but as a form of decay, namely diminution, of the human being, his reduction to mediocrity and lowering of value: where must we reach with our hopes?—Toward new philosophers, there is no choice; toward spirits strong and original enough to initiate opposing valuations and revalue, reverse “eternal values”; toward forerunners, toward human beings of the future who in the present tie the constraint and knot that will force the will of millennia onto new paths. To teach humanity that its future is its will, dependent on a human will, and to prepare great ventures and comprehensive experiments in discipline and breeding, in order thereby to put an end to that horrifying dominion of nonsense and chance which until now was called “history”—the nonsense of the “greatest number” is only its latest form—for this a new kind of philosopher and commander will someday be needed, beside whose image everything that has existed on earth in the way of hidden, terrible, and benevolent spirits might look pale and dwarfed. It is the image of such leaders that hovers before our eyes: may I say it aloud, you free spirits? The circumstances one would partly have to create and partly exploit for their emergence; the probable paths and trials by virtue of which a soul would grow to such height and power that it felt the compulsion toward these tasks; a revaluation of values under whose new pressure and hammer a conscience would be tempered, a heart transformed into bronze, so that it could bear the weight of such responsibility; on the other hand, the necessity of such leaders, the appalling danger that they might fail to appear, or turn out badly and degenerate—these are our real cares and darkenings, do you know that, you free spirits? These are the heavy, distant thoughts and thunderstorms passing over the sky of our lives. Few pains are as keen as once having seen, divined, felt with another how an extraordinary human being strayed from his course and degenerated: but anyone who has the rare eye for the overall danger that “the human being” itself may degenerate, anyone who, like us, has recognized the monstrous chance that has so far played its game with humanity’s future—a game in which no hand, not even a “finger of God,” had a part!—anyone who divines the doom concealed in the idiotic innocence and trusting credulity of “modern ideas,” still more in the whole of Christian-European morality, suffers from an anxiety with which no other can compare—for in a single glance he grasps everything that, given a favorable gathering and heightening of forces and tasks, could still be bred from the human being; he knows, with all the knowledge of his conscience, how humanity’s greatest possibilities still remain unexhausted, and how often the human type has already stood before mysterious decisions and new paths: he knows still better, from his most painful memory, on what wretched things something of the highest rank in the making has usually shattered, broken off, sunk down, become wretched. The wholesale degeneration of humanity, down to what today appears to the socialist blockheads and shallow minds as their “human being of the future”—as their ideal!—this degeneration and diminution of humanity into the perfect herd animal (or, as they say, into the human being of the “free society”), this animalization of humanity into the dwarf animal of equal rights and claims is possible, there is no doubt! Anyone who has once thought this possibility through to the end knows one more disgust than other people—and perhaps also a new task!…
Plain English translation
Complete machine-assisted Plain English translation, made independently and directly from the German and reviewed against it.
Fifth Main Part:
On the Natural History of Morality.
186 Moral feeling in Europe today is as fine, late-developed, complex, sensitive, and refined as its accompanying “science of morality” is still young, inexperienced, clumsy, and heavy-handed. An attractive contrast, which sometimes becomes visible and takes bodily form in a moralist himself. Even the term “science of morality” is much too arrogant for what it describes, and offends good taste, which usually has a preference for more modest words. We should admit to ourselves, in all strictness, what will still be needed here for a long time, and what alone is justified for now: collecting material; finding concepts for, and arranging, an enormous realm of delicate value feelings and differences in value that live, grow, reproduce, and perish. And perhaps attempts to make the recurring, more frequent forms of this living crystallization clear to the eye—as preparation for a study of the types of morality. Admittedly, people have not been so modest until now. Whenever philosophers dealt with morality as a science, all of them, with a stiff seriousness that makes us laugh, demanded something much higher, more ambitious, more solemn of themselves. They wanted to establish the foundation of morality—and every philosopher so far has believed he has established it. Morality itself, however, was taken as “given.” How far their clumsy pride was from that seemingly insignificant task of description, left lying in dust and mold, although even the finest hands and senses could hardly be fine enough for it! Moral philosophers knew moral facts only crudely, in an arbitrary selection or an accidental abridgment: perhaps as the morality of their surroundings, their class, their church, the spirit of their age, their climate and region. They were poorly informed about peoples, ages, and past times, and not very curious themselves. Precisely for those reasons, they never even caught sight of morality’s real problems, which all emerge only when we compare many moralities. Strange as it may sound, all “science of morality” so far has still lacked the problem of morality itself: it lacked the suspicion that there might be something problematic here. What philosophers called “establishing the foundation of morality,” and demanded of themselves, was, seen in the right light, merely a scholarly form of good faith in the prevailing morality, a new means of expressing it. It was therefore itself a fact within a particular morality—indeed, at bottom, a kind of denial that this morality may be treated as a problem. In any case, it was the opposite of examining, taking apart, questioning, or dissecting that very faith alive. Listen, for example, to the almost venerable innocence with which Schopenhauer still presents his own task, and draw your conclusions about the scientific character of a “science” whose latest masters still talk like children and little old women: “The principle,” he says (p. 136 of The Fundamental Problems of Morality), “the basic rule about whose content all ethical thinkers are really agreed: harm no one; rather, help everyone as much as you can—this is really the proposition that all teachers of morality struggle to establish… the true foundation of ethics, which people have sought for millennia like the philosopher’s stone.”—The difficulty of establishing that proposition may indeed be great; as everyone knows, Schopenhauer did not succeed either. And anyone who has once thoroughly felt how tastelessly false and sentimental this proposition is in a world whose essence is will to power may be reminded that Schopenhauer, although a pessimist, actually—played the flute… Every day, after dinner: read his biographer about it. And a question in passing: a pessimist, a denier of God and the world, who stops at morality—who says Yes to morality and plays the flute, to the harm-no-one morality: what? Is that really—a pessimist?
187 Quite apart from the value of claims such as “there is a categorical imperative within us,” we can still ask: what does such a claim tell us about the person making it? Some moralities are meant to justify their author before others. Others are meant to calm him and make him satisfied with himself. With some he wants to crucify and humiliate himself; with others he wants revenge, with others to hide, with others to transfigure himself and place himself beyond, on high and far away. This morality serves its author as a way to forget, that one as a way to make himself, or something about himself, forgotten. Many a moralist wants to exercise power and creative whim on humanity. Many another, perhaps even Kant in particular, uses his morality to say: “What is respectable about me is that I can obey—and things should be no different for you than they are for me!” In short, moralities too are only a sign language of the emotions.
188 Every morality, as opposed to letting things go, is a piece of tyranny against “nature,” and also against “reason.” But that is not yet an objection to it, unless you are already decreeing, on the basis of some other morality, that all tyranny and unreason are forbidden. The essential, priceless thing about every morality is that it is a long constraint. To understand Stoicism or Port-Royal or Puritanism, recall the constraint under which every language has so far grown strong and free: the constraint of meter, the tyranny of rhyme and rhythm. How much trouble poets and speakers in every people have made for themselves! That includes some prose writers today, in whose ears an unforgiving conscience lives. “For the sake of a foolish thing,” as utilitarian bunglers say, thinking themselves clever—“out of submission to arbitrary laws,” as anarchists say, imagining themselves “free,” even free-spirited. But the strange fact is that everything that exists or has existed on earth of freedom, subtlety, daring, dance, and masterly confidence has developed only through the “tyranny of such arbitrary laws.” This holds for thinking itself, governing, speaking and persuading, for the arts as well as for moral conduct. And in all seriousness, there is a considerable likelihood that this, precisely, is “nature” and “natural”—not that letting things go! Every artist knows how far his “most natural” state is from the feeling of letting himself go: that free arranging, placing, commanding, shaping in moments of “inspiration.” And he knows how strictly and finely he obeys a thousand laws at just that moment, laws that defy any formulation in concepts precisely because of their hardness and precision. Even the firmest concept, measured against them, has something wavering, multiple, ambiguous about it. The essential thing, “in heaven and on earth,” it seems, is, to say it again, that there should be obedience for a long time and in one direction. In the long run this always produces, and has produced, something that makes life on earth worthwhile: virtue, for example, art, music, dance, reason, intellectual life—something transfiguring, refined, mad, and divine. The mind’s long lack of freedom; the suspicious constraint on communicating thoughts; the discipline thinkers imposed on themselves to think within churchly and courtly guidelines or Aristotelian assumptions; the long intellectual will to interpret everything that happens according to a Christian scheme, and rediscover and justify the Christian God in every accident—all this violent, arbitrary, hard, terrible, unreasonable activity has proved the means by which the European mind was bred to its strength, its ruthless curiosity and subtle agility. Granted, in the process an irreplaceable amount of strength and intelligence also had to be crushed, suffocated, and ruined. For here, as everywhere, “nature” shows itself as it is, in all its wasteful and indifferent magnificence, which is outrageous but noble. For millennia European thinkers thought only in order to prove something—today, by contrast, we suspect every thinker who “wants to prove something.” What was supposed to come out as the result of their strictest thinking was always already settled for them, much as it once was in Asian astrology, or still is today in the harmless Christian-moral interpretation of the latest personal events “to the glory of God” and “for the salvation of the soul.” This tyranny, this arbitrariness, this strict and magnificent stupidity has educated the mind. Slavery, in both the coarser and the subtler sense, seems to be the indispensable means of intellectual discipline and breeding too. Look at every morality in this light: it is the “nature” within it that teaches hatred of letting things go, of too much freedom, and plants the need for limited horizons and immediate tasks. It teaches the narrowing of perspective, and thus stupidity in a certain sense, as a condition of life and growth. “You must obey someone, and for a long time; otherwise you will perish and lose your last respect for yourself”—this seems to me nature’s moral imperative. It is certainly neither “categorical,” as old Kant demanded of it—hence the “otherwise”—nor addressed to the individual. What does nature care about the individual! Rather, it is addressed to peoples, races, ages, classes, but above all to the whole animal “human,” to humanity.
189 Hardworking races find it a great hardship to endure idleness. It was a masterpiece of English instinct to make Sunday so holy and so boring that, without noticing it, the Englishman begins longing again for his weekdays and working days. It is a kind of cleverly invented, cleverly inserted fast. We can observe plenty of such things in the ancient world too, though, as we would expect among southern peoples, not precisely in relation to work. There must be fasts of many kinds. Wherever powerful drives and habits rule, lawmakers must make sure to insert extra days on which such a drive is put in chains and learns to hunger again. Seen from a higher vantage point, entire generations and ages, when they appear afflicted with some moral fanaticism, look like such inserted periods of constraint and fasting. During them a drive learns to crouch and submit, but also to purify and sharpen itself. Individual philosophical sects also allow this interpretation—for example, the Stoics amid Hellenistic culture, with its air overloaded with aphrodisiac scents and turned lustful. This also offers a hint toward explaining that paradox: why the sexual drive was refined into love—passionate love—precisely during Europe’s most Christian period, and only under the pressure of Christian value judgments.
190 There is something in Plato’s morality that does not really belong to Plato but is merely found in his philosophy—one might say, despite Plato. This is Socratism, for which he was really too noble. “No one wants to harm himself; therefore everything bad happens involuntarily. For a bad person harms himself: he would not do so if he knew that the bad is bad. Accordingly, a bad person is bad only through an error. Take away his error, and you necessarily make him—good.” This way of reasoning smells of the rabble, who see only the unpleasant consequences of acting badly and really judge that “it is stupid to act badly,” while taking “good” to mean exactly the same as “useful and pleasant,” without further question. In every moral utilitarianism, we may guess at this same origin from the start and follow our noses: we will rarely go wrong. Plato did everything to read something subtle and noble into his teacher’s proposition—above all, himself. He was the boldest of all interpreters: he took the whole of Socrates merely as a popular theme, a folk song from the street, to vary into the infinite and impossible—into all his own masks and many-sidedness. To put it as a joke, and in Homer’s manner at that: what is the Platonic Socrates, if not “Plato in front and Plato behind, with a Chimera in the middle.”
191 The old theological problem of “faith” and “knowledge”—or, more clearly, of instinct and reason—is still that old moral problem which first appeared in Socrates’s person and divided minds long before Christianity. The question is whether, in valuing things, instinct deserves more authority than rational thought, which wants people to value and act according to reasons, according to a “Why?”—that is, according to fitness for a purpose and usefulness. Socrates himself initially took reason’s side, in keeping with the taste of his talent: that of a superior dialectician. And truly, what did he do all his life but laugh at the awkward inability of his noble Athenians, who were people of instinct like all noble people and could never adequately account for the reasons for their actions? But in the end, quietly and secretly, he also laughed at himself. In himself, before his subtler conscience and self-questioning, he found the same difficulty and inability. But why, he told himself, break away from the instincts on that account! We must give them and also reason their due. We must follow the instincts, but persuade reason to help them along with good reasons. This was the real dishonesty of that great, mysterious ironist. He brought his conscience to be satisfied with a kind of self-deception: at bottom, he had seen through the irrational element in moral judgment. Plato, more innocent in such things and lacking the commoner’s slyness, wanted to use all his strength—the greatest strength any philosopher has yet had to use!—to prove to himself that reason and instinct naturally move toward one goal, toward the good, toward “God.” Since Plato, all theologians and philosophers have followed the same track. That means that in moral matters instinct—or, as Christians call it, “faith,” or, as I call it, “the herd”—has won so far. Unless we were to make an exception for Descartes, the father of rationalism, and consequently the grandfather of the Revolution, who recognized the authority of reason alone. But reason is only a tool, and Descartes was superficial.
192 Anyone who has traced the history of a particular science finds in its development a guide to understanding the oldest and most ordinary processes in all “knowing and understanding.” In both cases, hasty hypotheses, inventions, the good, stupid will to “believe,” and a lack of distrust and patience develop first. Our senses learn late, and never learn fully, to be subtle, faithful, cautious organs of knowledge. Our eye finds it easier, on a given occasion, to reproduce an image it has often produced before than to hold on to what is different and new in an impression. The latter needs more strength, more “morality.” Hearing something new is painful and difficult for the ear; we hear unfamiliar music poorly. When listening to another language, we involuntarily try to shape the sounds we hear into words that sound more familiar and homelike to us. In this way, for example, Germans once fashioned the word Armbrust out of the arcubalista they heard. Our senses too meet anything new with hostility and reluctance. And even in the “simplest” processes of sense experience, emotions rule: fear, love, hatred, including the passive emotions of laziness. A reader today does not read every individual word, or even syllable, on a page. Rather, he picks out roughly five words at random from twenty and “guesses” the meaning that probably belongs with those five words. Just as little do we see a tree exactly and completely in its leaves, branches, color, and shape. We find it so much easier to imagine something approximately like a tree. Even amid the strangest experiences, we still do the same thing: we invent most of the experience, and can hardly be made not to act as its “inventor” while watching any event. All this means that fundamentally, from ancient times, we are—used to lying. Or, to put it more virtuously and hypocritically, in short, more pleasantly: we are much more artistic than we know. In a lively conversation I often see the face of the person I am talking to, according to the thought he expresses or that I believe I have aroused in him, so clearly and precisely before me that this degree of clarity far exceeds the power of my eyesight. So I must have invented the fine movements of muscles and the expression of the eyes and added them in. The person was probably making a completely different face, or no face at all.
193 Whatever happened in the light goes on in the dark—but also the reverse. What we experience in dreams, provided we experience it often, eventually belongs to our soul’s overall economy just as much as anything “really” experienced. Through it we become richer or poorer, have one more need or one less, and finally, in broad daylight, even in our waking mind’s brightest moments, we are led a little by the habits of our dreams. Suppose someone has often flown in his dreams and eventually, as soon as he dreams, becomes aware of a power and skill of flying as his privilege, and also as his own most personal, enviable happiness. Someone like this believes he can make every kind of curve and angle with the slightest impulse. He knows the feeling of a certain divine lightheartedness, an “upward” without strain or force, a “downward” without condescension or humiliation—without heaviness! How could a person with such dream experiences and dream habits not eventually find that the word “happiness” has a different color and meaning in his waking day too! How could he not long for happiness differently? “Soaring,” as poets describe it, must already seem to him, compared with that “flying,” too earthbound, muscular, violent, already too “heavy.”
194 Differences between people show not only in their different tables of goods: in their considering different goods worth pursuing, and also disagreeing about greater and lesser value, about the ranking of goods they all recognize. These differences show even more in what they count as actually having and possessing a good. With a woman, for example, a more modest man considers control over her body and sexual enjoyment sufficient and satisfying signs of having, of possessing her. Another man, with a more suspicious and demanding thirst for possession, sees the “question mark,” the merely apparent character of such having, and wants subtler tests. Above all, he wants to know whether the woman not only gives herself to him but also gives up for him what she has or would like to have. Only then does he count her as “possessed.” But a third man has not reached the end of his distrust and desire to have even here. He asks himself whether, when the woman gives up everything for him, she might be doing so for a phantom of him. Before he can be loved at all, he first wants to be known thoroughly, indeed to his depths. He dares to let himself be guessed at. Only then does he feel his beloved fully in his possession: when she no longer deceives herself about him, when she loves him as much for his devilry and hidden insatiability as for his goodness, patience, and intelligence. One man would like to possess a people, and all the higher arts of Cagliostro and Catiline suit him for that purpose. Another, with a subtler thirst for possession, tells himself: “You must not deceive where you want to possess.” He is irritated and impatient at the thought that a mask of him commands the people’s heart: “So I must let myself be known, and first of all know myself!” Among helpful and charitable people we almost always find that clumsy cunning which first reshapes the person to be helped in imagination: supposing, for example, that he “deserves” help, wants precisely their help, and will prove deeply grateful, devoted, submissive to them for all their help. With these imaginings they dispose of the needy person as their property, just as it is probably from a desire for property that they are charitable and helpful people at all. We find them jealous when we cross their path in helping or get there first. Parents involuntarily make their child into something like themselves—they call this “education.” No mother doubts in the depths of her heart that in her child she has given birth to a possession; no father denies himself the right to subject it to his concepts and valuations. Indeed, fathers once thought it right to decide a newborn’s life or death at their own discretion, as among the ancient Germans. And like the father, the teacher, the social class, the priest, and the prince still see every new person as an unquestionable opportunity for a new possession. From which it follows…
195 The Jews—a people “born for slavery,” as Tacitus and the whole ancient world say, “the chosen people among peoples,” as they themselves say and believe—the Jews accomplished that marvel of a reversal of values through which life on earth acquired a new and dangerous attraction for a couple of millennia. Their prophets fused “rich,” “godless,” “evil,” “violent,” and “sensual” into one, and for the first time coined the word “world” as a term of disgrace. The significance of the Jewish people lies in this reversal of values, which includes using the word for “poor” as a synonym for “holy” and “friend.” With them begins the slave revolt in morality.
196 We must infer the existence of countless dark bodies besides the sun—ones we will never see. Between ourselves, this is a parable; and a moral psychologist reads the entire writing of the stars only as a language of parables and signs with which much can be left unsaid.
197 We fundamentally misunderstand the beast of prey and the predatory human being—Cesare Borgia, for example—we misunderstand “nature,” as long as we still look for some underlying “sickness” in these healthiest of all tropical monsters and growths, or even for a “hell” born within them, as almost all moralists have done until now. It seems that moralists have a hatred of the primeval forest and the tropics? And that the “tropical human being” must be discredited at any price, whether as a sickness and degeneration of humanity or as his own hell and self-torture? But why? For the sake of the “temperate zones”? For the sake of moderate people? The “moral”? The mediocre?—This belongs to the chapter “Morality as Timidity.”—
198 All these moralities addressed to the individual for the sake, as they say, of his “happiness”—what are they but suggestions for conduct in relation to the danger in which the individual lives with himself? Prescriptions against his passions, his good and bad inclinations, insofar as they have the will to power and want to play the master. Small and large devices of cleverness and contrivance, carrying the musty smell of old home remedies and old women’s wisdom. All of them bizarre and unreasonable in form, because they address “everyone,” because they generalize where generalization is not allowed. All of them speaking unconditionally, taking themselves unconditionally. All of them seasoned with not just one grain of salt—rather, they become bearable, and sometimes even seductive, only when they learn to smell overseasoned and dangerous, above all “of the other world.” Measured intellectually, all this is worth little and is still far from “science,” let alone “wisdom.” Rather, to say it again and three times over, it is cleverness, cleverness, cleverness, mixed with stupidity, stupidity, stupidity. Whether it is that indifference and statue-coldness toward the emotions’ heated foolishness which the Stoics advised and treated people with; or Spinoza’s no-more-laughing and no-more-crying, his so naively recommended destruction of the emotions by analyzing and dissecting them alive; or that reduction of emotions to a harmless middle level at which they may be satisfied, the Aristotelian approach to morality; even morality as enjoyment of the emotions deliberately diluted and made spiritual through the symbolism of art, perhaps as music, or as love for God and for humanity for God’s sake—for in religion the passions regain their civil rights, provided that…; finally, even that accommodating, high-spirited surrender to the emotions taught by Hafiz and Goethe, that bold dropping of the reins, that freedom of conduct in mind and body in the exceptional case of wise old fellows and drunkards, for whom there is “little danger left.” This too belongs to the chapter “Morality as Timidity.”
199 As long as human beings have existed, there have also always been human herds: family groups, communities, tribes, peoples, states, churches. There have always been very many who obey compared with the small number who command. Considering, then, that obedience has so far been practiced and bred most thoroughly and longest among human beings, we can reasonably assume that, on average, everyone now has an inborn need for it. It is a kind of formal conscience that commands: “You must unconditionally do something, unconditionally refrain from something,” in short, “You must.” This need tries to satisfy itself and fill its form with content. According to its strength, impatience, and tension, it grabs with little discrimination, like a crude appetite, and accepts whatever any commander shouts into its ear: parents, teachers, laws, class prejudices, public opinions. Human development’s strange limitations, its hesitations, its slowness, its frequent retreats and circling, rest on the fact that the herd instinct of obedience is inherited most effectively, at the expense of the art of command. Imagine this instinct advancing to its ultimate excesses: finally commanders and independent people are simply absent. Or they suffer inwardly from a bad conscience and first need to deceive themselves in order to command—as if they too were only obeying. This condition actually exists in Europe today: I call it the moral hypocrisy of those who command. They know no way to protect themselves from their bad conscience except by acting as executors of older or higher commands—those of the ancestors, the constitution, justice, the laws, or even God. Or else they borrow herd maxims from the herd’s own way of thinking, presenting themselves, for example, as the “first servants of their people” or “instruments of the common good.” On the other hand, the herd person in Europe today puts on the appearance of being the only permissible kind of human being. He glorifies the qualities that make him tame, agreeable, and useful to the herd as the truly human virtues: public spirit, goodwill, consideration, industriousness, moderation, modesty, forbearance, pity. But for cases where leaders and lead rams are thought indispensable, people today make attempt after attempt to replace commanders by adding clever herd people together. All representative constitutions, for example, have this origin. Despite all this, the appearance of someone who commands unconditionally is a blessing, a release from a pressure becoming unbearable, for these European herd animals. The effect of Napoleon’s appearance gave the last great testimony to this. The history of Napoleon’s effect is almost the history of the higher happiness that this entire century has achieved in its most valuable people and moments.
200 A person from an age of dissolution that throws the races together carries in his body the inheritance of many origins. That means opposing drives and standards of value—and often drives that are more than merely opposed—which fight one another and rarely give one another peace. Such a person of late cultures and broken lights will, on average, be a weaker person. His deepest desire is that the war that he himself is should finally end. In agreement with a soothing medicine and way of thinking—Epicurean or Christian, for example—happiness appears to him chiefly as the happiness of rest, of being undisturbed, of having enough, of final unity, as the “Sabbath of Sabbaths,” to use the words of the holy rhetorician Augustine, who was himself such a person. But suppose opposition and war in such a nature act as one more stimulus and excitement to life. And suppose that, alongside its powerful, irreconcilable drives, it has also inherited and developed a true mastery and subtlety in waging war with itself—that is, self-control, self-outwitting. Then there arise those magically elusive and unfathomable people, those human riddles destined for victory and seduction. Their finest expression is Alcibiades and Caesar—alongside whom I would gladly place that first European to my taste, Frederick the Second of Hohenstaufen—and, among artists, perhaps Leonardo da Vinci. They appear at exactly the same times when that weaker type, with its desire for rest, comes to the foreground. Both types belong together and arise from the same causes.
201 As long as the usefulness that rules moral value judgments is only usefulness to the herd; as long as people look only to preserving the community and seek the immoral precisely and exclusively in whatever seems dangerous to the community’s continued existence, there can still be no “morality of love for one’s neighbor.” Suppose there is already a steady little practice of consideration, pity, fairness, gentleness, mutual help. Suppose that even at this stage of society, all those drives are already active which will later receive honorable names as “virtues” and finally almost merge with the concept of “morality.” At that time they still do not belong to the realm of moral valuations at all: they are still outside morality. An act of pity, for example, is called neither good nor evil, neither moral nor immoral, in Rome’s best period. And even if it is praised, this praise can still coexist perfectly well with a kind of irritated contempt, whenever the act is compared with one that serves the advancement of the whole, the res publica. In the end, “love of one’s neighbor” is always something secondary, partly conventional, partly a show put on at will, in relation to fear of one’s neighbor. Once society’s structure as a whole seems established and secured against outside dangers, this fear of one’s neighbor creates new perspectives of moral valuation. Certain strong and dangerous drives—enterprise, recklessness, desire for revenge, cunning, greed for plunder, hunger for rule—previously had to be not only honored in the interest of the community—naturally under names different from those just chosen—but cultivated and bred up. For whenever the whole was in danger, they were constantly needed against its enemies. Now their dangerousness is felt twice as strongly, now that they have no outlets, and step by step they are branded immoral and handed over to slander. Now the opposite drives and inclinations gain moral honors; step by step the herd instinct draws its conclusion. How much or how little danger to the community, danger to equality, lies in an opinion, a state or emotion, a will, a talent—this is now the moral perspective. Here again, fear is the mother of morality. When the highest and strongest drives break out passionately and carry the individual far beyond and above the average, above the low ground of the herd conscience, the community’s self-confidence collapses. Its faith in itself, its backbone as it were, breaks. Consequently, these very drives are what people will most thoroughly brand and slander. High, independent intellectual life, the will to stand alone, even great reason are felt as dangers. From now on, everything that lifts the individual above the herd and frightens his neighbor is called evil. A fair, modest, conforming, equalizing disposition, a moderate level of desire, gains moral names and honors. Finally, under very peaceful conditions, there is less and less opportunity or need to train one’s feelings in strictness and hardness. Now every kind of strictness, even in justice, begins to trouble consciences. A high, hard nobility and responsibility for oneself almost offend people and arouse distrust; “the lamb,” still more “the sheep,” gains respect. There is a point of sickly softening and overindulgence in society’s history when it even takes the side of the person harming it, the criminal—and does so seriously and honestly. Punishment seems somehow unfair to it. What is certain is that the idea of “punishment” and “having to punish” hurts and frightens it. “Isn’t it enough to make him harmless? Why punish as well? Punishment itself is terrible!” With this question, herd morality, the morality of timidity, draws its final conclusion. Suppose we could abolish danger altogether, the reason for fear: then we would also have abolished this morality. It would no longer be needed; it would no longer think itself needed! Anyone examining the conscience of today’s European will have to draw the same imperative from a thousand moral folds and hiding places, the imperative of herd timidity: “We want there to be nothing left to fear, someday!” Someday—the will and the path toward it are called “progress” everywhere in Europe today.
202 Let us immediately say once again what we have already said a hundred times: ears today are not well disposed toward such truths—toward our truths. We know well enough how offensive it sounds when someone counts human beings among the animals at all, without dressing it up or treating it as a metaphor. But people will almost hold it against us as a fault that we constantly use expressions like “herd,” “herd instincts,” and so on precisely in relation to the people of “modern ideas.” What can we do! We cannot do otherwise, for this is exactly where our new insight lies. We have found that Europe has become unanimous in all its main moral judgments, including the countries where European influence prevails. Evidently people in Europe know what Socrates thought he did not know, and what that famous old snake once promised to teach: today people “know” what good and evil are. So it must sound harsh and unpleasant when we insist again and again: what believes it knows here, what glorifies itself through its praise and blame and calls itself good, is the instinct of the human herd animal. This instinct has broken through, gained the upper hand and predominance over other instincts, and is doing so more and more, in keeping with the increasing physiological convergence and assimilation of which it is a symptom. Morality in Europe today is herd-animal morality. That is, as we understand things, only one kind of human morality, alongside, before, and after which many others, above all higher moralities, are possible or should be possible. But this morality resists such a “possibility,” such a “should,” with all its strength. It says stubbornly and unrelentingly: “I am morality itself, and nothing else is morality!” Indeed, with the help of a religion that catered to and flattered the most sublime herd-animal desires, things have reached the point where even our political and social institutions give increasingly visible expression to this morality: the democratic movement is inheriting the Christian movement’s legacy. But its pace is still far too slow and sleepy for the more impatient, for those sick with and addicted to that instinct. Evidence of this is the increasingly frantic howling, the increasingly open baring of teeth by the anarchist dogs now roaming the streets of European culture. They seem opposed to the peaceful, hardworking democrats and revolutionary ideologues, and still more to the bungling would-be philosophers and enthusiasts for brotherhood who call themselves socialists and want a “free society.” In truth, though, they are at one with all of them in their thorough, instinctive hostility toward every form of society other than the autonomous herd—even to the point of rejecting the very concepts “master” and “servant”; “neither god nor master” is a socialist formula. They are at one in their stubborn resistance to every special claim, every special right and privilege—which ultimately means every right, for when everyone is equal, no one needs “rights” anymore. At one in their distrust of punitive justice, as though it were an act of violence against the weaker person, a wrong done to the necessary consequence of all earlier society. But equally at one in the religion of pity, in sympathy wherever there is feeling, life, suffering—down to the animal, up to “God”: the extravagance of “pity for God” belongs to a democratic age. All at one in the cry and impatience of pity, in deadly hatred of suffering altogether, in the almost womanly inability to remain a spectator, to let suffering happen. At one in the involuntary darkening and softening under whose spell Europe seems threatened by a new Buddhism. At one in their faith in the morality of shared pity, as though it were morality itself, the summit, humanity’s achieved summit, the only hope for the future, the comfort of those alive now, the great release from all past guilt. All at one in their faith in the community as savior—in the herd, then, in “themselves”…
203 We who hold a different faith—we to whom the democratic movement is not merely a form of political organization’s decay, but a form of humanity’s decay, its diminishment, its reduction to mediocrity and lowering in value—where must we reach with our hopes? Toward new philosophers; there is no choice left. Toward minds strong and original enough to prompt opposite valuations and to revalue, to reverse “eternal values.” Toward people sent ahead, people of the future who in the present tie the binding knot that forces the will of millennia onto new paths. To teach humanity that humanity’s future is its own will, depends on a human will; to prepare great risks and collective experiments in discipline and breeding, and thereby end that terrible rule of meaninglessness and chance that has so far been called “history”—the meaninglessness of the “greatest number” is only its latest form—for this a new kind of philosopher and commander will someday be needed. Beside their image, everything that has ever existed on earth of hidden, terrible, and well-meaning minds might look pale and dwarfed. It is the image of such leaders that hovers before our eyes—may I say it aloud, you free spirits? The conditions we would have partly to create and partly to use for their emergence; the likely paths and tests by which a soul would grow to such height and power that it felt the compulsion toward these tasks; a revaluation of values under whose new pressure and hammer a conscience would be steeled, a heart turned to bronze, so that it could bear the weight of such responsibility; on the other hand, the need for such leaders, the frightening danger that they might fail to appear, or turn out badly and degenerate—these are our real worries and dark thoughts, you know it, you free spirits? These are the heavy, distant thoughts and thunderstorms that pass across the sky of our lives. Few pains cut as deeply as having once seen, guessed, and shared the feeling of an extraordinary person straying from his course and degenerating. But someone with the rare eye for the overall danger that “humanity” itself might degenerate; someone who, like us, has recognized the monstrous chance that has so far played its game with humanity’s future—a game in which no hand, not even a “finger of God,” has played a part!—someone who guesses the disaster hidden in the mindless innocence and trusting confidence of “modern ideas,” and still more in the whole Christian-European morality, suffers an anxiety beyond all comparison. For he grasps in a single glance everything that could still be bred from humanity through a favorable gathering and intensifying of strengths and tasks. He knows, with all the knowledge of his conscience, how humanity is still unexhausted for the greatest possibilities, and how often the human type has already stood at mysterious decisions and new paths. He knows still better, from his most painful memory, what pitiful things have usually caused something of the highest rank, still taking shape, to shatter, break off, sink down, become pitiful. The overall degeneration of humanity, down to what today appears to socialist bunglers and shallow minds as their “human being of the future”—as their ideal!—this degeneration and diminishment of humanity into the perfect herd animal, or, as they say, into the person of “free society,” this transformation of humanity into a dwarf animal of equal rights and claims is possible; there is no doubt! Anyone who has once thought this possibility through to the end knows one more disgust than other people—and perhaps also a new task!…
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Part V — On the Natural History of Morality is part of Beyond Good and Evil by Friedrich Nietzsche. This page sets the German original beside 2 direct-source translations, so any line can be checked against the source. It is part 6 of 11 in the work, which is kept in the European tradition.
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