Second supplement
Original German
Zweyter Zusatz.Geheimer Artikel zum ewigen Frieden.
Ein geheimer Artikel in Verhandlungen des öffentlichen Rechts ist objectiv, d. i. seinem Inhalte nach betrachtet, ein Widerspruch; subjectiv aber, nach der Qualität der Person beurtheilt, die ihn dictirt, kann gar wohl darin ein Geheimniß statt haben, daß sie es nämlich für ihre Würde bedenklich findet, sich öffentlich als Urheberin desselben anzukündigen.
Der einzige Artikel dieser Art ist in dem Satze enthalten: „Die Maximen der Philosophen über die Bedingungen der Möglichkeit des öffentlichen Friedens sollen von den zum Kriege gerüsteten Staaten zu Rathe gezogen werden.“
Es scheint aber für die Gesetzgebende Autorität eines Staats, dem man natürlicherweise die größte Weisheit beylegen muß, verkleinerlich zu seyn, über die Grundsätze seines Verhaltens gegen andere Staaten bey Unterthanen (den Philosophen) Belehrung zu suchen; gleichwohl aber sehr rathsam es zu thun. Also wird der Staat die letztere stillschweigend (also, indem er ein Geheimniß daraus macht) dazu auffordern, welches soviel heißt, als: er wird sie frey und öffentlich über die allgemeine Maximen der Kriegsführung und Friedensstiftung reden laßen (denn das werden sie schon von selbst thun, wenn man es ihnen nur nicht verbietet) und die Uebereinkunft der Staaten unter einander über diesen Punkt bedarf auch keiner besonderen Verabredung der Staaten unter sich in dieser Absicht, sondern liegt schon in der Verpflichtung durch allgemeine (moralische gesetzgebende) Menschenvernunft. — Es ist aber hiemit nicht gemeynt: daß der Staat den Grundsätzen des Philosophen vor den Aussprüchen des Juristen (des Stellvertreters der Staatsmacht) den Vorzug einräumen müße, sondern nur daß man ihn höre. Der letztere, der die Waage des Rechts und, neben bey auch das Schwerdt der Gerechtigkeit sich zum Symbol gemacht hat, bedient sich gemeiniglich des letztern, nicht um etwa bloß alle fremde Einflüsse von dem ersteren abzuhalten, sondern wenn die eine Schaale nicht sinken will, das Schwerdt mit hinein zu legen: (vae victis), wozu der Jurist, der nicht zugleich (auch der Moralität nach) Philosoph ist, die größte Versuchung hat, weil es seines Amts nur ist, vorhandene Gesetze anzuwenden, nicht aber, ob diese selbst nicht einer Verbesserung bedürfen, zu untersuchen und rechnet diesen in der That niedrigeren Rang seiner Facultät, darum weil er mit Macht begleitet ist (wie es auch mit den beiden Anderen der Fall ist) zu den Höheren. — Die philosophische steht unter dieser verbündeten Gewalt auf einer sehr niedrigen Stufe. So heißt es z. B. von der Philosophie, sie sey die Magd der Theologie (und eben so lautet es von den zwey Anderen). — Man sieht aber nicht recht „ob sie ihrer gnädigen Frauen die Fackel vorträgt oder die Schleppe nachträgt.“
Daß Könige philosophiren, oder Philosophen Könige würden, ist nicht zu erwarten, aber auch nicht zu wünschen; weil der Besitz der Gewalt das freye Urtheil der Vernunft unvermeidlich verdirbt. Daß aber Könige oder königliche (sich selbst nach Gleichheitsgesetzen beherrschende) Völker die Classe der Philosophen nicht schwinden oder verstummen, sondern öffentlich sprechen lassen, ist Beyden zu Beleuchtung ihres Geschäfts unentbehrlich und, weil diese Classe ihrer Natur nach der Rottirung und Clubbenverbündung unfähig ist, wegen der Nachrede einer Propagande verdachtlos.
Musean translation
Machine-assisted translation directly from Kant's complete German text of the expanded 1796 edition, including both supplements, both appendices and his notes. Source: Internet Archive, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek copy.
Second supplement.
Secret article for perpetual peace.
A secret article in negotiations concerning public right is, objectively—that is, considered in its content—a contradiction. Subjectively, however, judged by the standing of the person who dictates it, there may very well be a secret in the fact that this person considers it beneath their dignity to announce publicly that they are its author.
The sole article of this kind is contained in the proposition: “The maxims of philosophers concerning the conditions that make public peace possible shall be consulted by states armed for war.”
For the legislative authority of a state, to which the greatest wisdom must naturally be ascribed, it seems demeaning to seek instruction from subjects, the philosophers, about the principles governing its conduct toward other states. Yet it is very advisable to do so. The state will therefore invite them tacitly—thus making a secret of it—to do this. That means it will let them speak freely and publicly about the general maxims of making war and establishing peace; for they will do so of their own accord if only they are not forbidden. For states to agree on this point requires no special arrangement among them: their agreement already lies in the obligation imposed by universal human reason as moral legislator. This does not mean that the state must give the philosopher's principles precedence over the pronouncements of the jurist, the representative of state power, but only that the philosopher should be heard. The jurist, who has adopted as his symbols the scales of right and, beside them, the sword of justice, commonly uses the latter not merely to keep foreign influences away from the former, but to throw the sword into the scale when one pan refuses to sink: vae victis, woe to the vanquished. The jurist who is not also a philosopher, in the moral sense as well, is strongly tempted to do this, since his office is only to apply existing laws, not to examine whether those laws themselves need improvement. He counts his faculty's actually lower rank among the higher ones because it is accompanied by power, as is also the case with the other two. Under this allied power, the philosophical faculty occupies a very low station. Thus philosophy is called the maid of theology, and the same is said in relation to the other two faculties. Yet it is not quite clear “whether she carries the torch before her gracious mistress or carries her train behind her.”
That kings should philosophize, or philosophers become kings, is neither to be expected nor to be desired, for possession of power inevitably corrupts the free judgment of reason. But kings, or sovereign peoples who govern themselves under laws of equality, must not allow the class of philosophers to disappear or fall silent; they must let them speak publicly. This is indispensable to both for illuminating their business. Such speech is also above suspicion of the propaganda alleged against it, since this class is by its nature incapable of forming factions and alliances of clubs.
Plain English translation
Independent machine-assisted translation directly from the complete German 1796 edition, including its supplements, appendices and author's notes.
Second supplement.Secret article on perpetual peace.
A secret article in negotiations about public law is, objectively—that is, looking at what it says—a contradiction. But subjectively, judging by the kind of person who dictates it, there can very well be a secret in it: that person may think it beneath their dignity to announce publicly that they are its author.
There is only one article of this kind, and it is contained in the proposition: “The maxims of philosophers about the conditions that make public peace possible shall be taken into counsel by states armed for war.”
Now, the legislative authority of a state must naturally be credited with the greatest wisdom. It seems beneath that authority to seek instruction from its subjects, the philosophers, about the principles of its conduct toward other states. And yet it is very advisable to do so. So the state will silently ask them to do this—that is, it makes a secret of doing so. This amounts to saying that the state will let them speak freely and publicly about the general maxims of waging war and making peace (for they will do that by themselves, so long as no one forbids them). And agreement among states on this point needs no special arrangement among them for that purpose: it already lies in the obligation imposed by universal human reason as a moral legislator.—This does not mean that the state must give the philosopher's principles precedence over the pronouncements of the jurist, who is the representative of state power. It means only that the philosopher should be heard. The jurist has taken as his symbol the scales of right and, beside them, the sword of justice. He commonly uses the sword not merely to keep every foreign influence away from the scales, but to throw it in when one pan refuses to go down: (vae victis), woe to the conquered. A jurist who is not also a philosopher (in moral matters as well) is strongly tempted to do this, because his office is only to apply laws that already exist, not to examine whether those laws themselves need improvement. And since his calling is accompanied by power (as are the other two), he counts its really lower rank among the higher ones.—The philosophical faculty stands at a very low level beneath this allied power. Philosophy, for example, is called the maid of theology (and the same is said of the other two).—But it is not quite clear “whether she carries the torch before her gracious lady or drags her train behind her.”
That kings should philosophize, or that philosophers should become kings, is not to be expected, and not to be wished for either, since possession of power inevitably spoils the free judgment of reason. But kings, or kingly peoples (peoples governing themselves by laws of equality), must not let the class of philosophers die out or fall silent; they must let them speak publicly. This is indispensable to both for the light it throws on their business. And since this class is by its nature incapable of forming factions or alliances of clubs, it is above any suspicion of propaganda.
About this section
Second supplement is part of Toward Perpetual Peace by Immanuel Kant. This page sets the German original beside 2 direct-source translations, so any line can be checked against the source. It is part 8 of 10 in the work, which is kept in the European tradition.
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