Jean-Jacques Rousseau · Complete work
Book II, Chapter 8
Book II, Chapter 8 of 49. Read it here for reference, or continue through the entire work without leaving the reader.
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Du peuple.
Comme avant d’élever un grand édifice l’architecte observe & sonde le sol, pour voir s’il en peut soutenir le poids, le sage instituteur ne commence pas par rédiger de bonnes loix elles-mêmes, mais il examine auparavant si le peuple auquel il les destine est propre à les supporter. C’est pour cela que Platon refusa de donner des loix aux Arcadiens & aux Cyréniens, sachant que ces deux peuples étoient riches & ne pouvoient souffrir l’égalité: c’est pour cela qu’on vit en Crete de bonnes loix & de méchans hommes, parce que Minos n’avoit discipliné qu’un peuple chargé de vices.
Mille nations ont brillé sur la terre qui n’auroient jamais pu souffrir de bonnes loix, & celles mêmes qui l’auroient pu n’ont eu dans toute leur durée qu’un tems fort court pour cela. Les Peuples ainsi que les hommes ne sont dociles que dans leur jeunesse, ils deviennent incorrigibles en vieillissant; quand une fois les coutumes sont établies & les préjugés enracinés, c’est une entreprise dangereuse & vaine de vouloir les réformer; le peuple ne peut pas même souffrir qu’on touche à ses maux pour les détruire, semblable à ces malades stupides & sans courage qui frémissent à l’aspect du médecin.
Ce n’est pas que, comme quelques maladies bouleversent la tête des hommes & leur ôtent le souvenir du passé, il ne se trouve quelquefois dans la durée des États des époques violentes où les révolutions font sur les peuples ce que certaines crises font sur les individus, où l’horreur du passé tient lieu d’oubli, & où l’Etat, embrasé par les guerres civiles, renait pour ainsi dire de sa cendre & reprend la vigueur de la jeunesse en sortant des bras de la mort. Telle fut Sparte au tems de Lycurgue, telle fut Rome après les Tarquins; & telles ont été parmi nous la Hollande & la Suisse après l’expulsion des Tirans.
Mais ces événemens sont rares; ce sont des exceptions dont la raison se trouve toujours dans la constitution particuliere de l’Etat excepté. Elles ne sauroient même avoir lieu deux fois pour le même peuple, car il peut se rendre libre tant qu’il n’est que barbare, mais il ne le peut plus quand le ressort civil est usé. Alors les troubles peuvent le détruire sans que les révolutions puissent le rétablir, & sitôt que ses fers sont brisés, il tombe épars & n’existe plus: Il lui faut désormais un maitre & non pas un libérateur. Peuples libres, souvenez-vous de cette maxime: On peut acquérir la liberté; mais on ne la recouvre jamais.
Il est pour les Nations comme pour les hommes un tems de maturité qu’il faut attendre avant de les soumettre à des loix; mais la maturité d’un peuple n’est pas toujours facile à connoitre, & si on la prévient l’ouvrage est manqué. Tel peuple est disciplinable en naissant, tel autre ne l’est pas au bout de dix siecles. Les Russes ne seront jamais vraiment policés, parce qu’ils l’ont été trop tôt. Pierre avoit le génie imitatif; il n’avoit pas le vrai génie, celui qui crée & fait tout de rien. Quelques unes des choses qu’il fit étoient bien, la plupart étoient déplacées. Il a vu que son peuple étoit barbare, il n’a point vu qu’il n’étoit pas mur pour la police; il l’a voulu civiliser quand il ne faloit que l’agguerrir. Il a d’abord voulu faire des Allemands, des Anglois, quand il faloit commencer par faire des Russes; il a empêché ses sujets de jamais devenir ce qu’ils pourroient être, en leur persuadant qu’ils étoient ce qu’ils ne sont pas. C’est ainsi qu’un Précepteur françois forme son éleve pour briller un moment dans son enfance, & puis n’être jamais rien. L’Empire de Russie voudra subjuguer l’Europe & sera subjugué lui-même. Les Tartares ses sujets ou ses voisins, deviendront ses maitres & les notres: Cette révolution me paroit infaillible. Tous les Rois de l’Europe travaillent de concert à l’accélérer.
Musean translation
Mouseia’s complete machine-assisted Musean translation, made directly from the complete French text of the 1762 edition, all four books and the appendix for fidelity, the author’s force and cadence, and modern clarity.
On the People.
Just as an architect, before erecting a great building, examines and probes the ground to see whether it can bear the weight, the wise founder does not begin by drafting good laws themselves, but first examines whether the people for whom he intends them are fit to bear them. This is why Plato refused to give laws to the Arcadians and the Cyrenians, knowing that these two peoples were wealthy and could not endure equality. This is why good laws and bad men were found in Crete: Minos had disciplined a people already burdened with vices.
A thousand nations have flourished on earth that could never have endured good laws, and even those that could have endured them had only a very short period in their entire existence when they could do so. Peoples, like men, are pliant only in their youth; they become incorrigible as they grow old. Once customs are established and prejudices have taken root, trying to reform them is a dangerous and futile enterprise. The people cannot even bear to have their ailments touched in order to cure them, like those foolish and fainthearted patients who shudder at the sight of a doctor.
This does not mean that, just as some illnesses unsettle men's minds and rob them of the memory of the past, there are not sometimes violent epochs in the lives of States when revolutions do to peoples what certain crises do to individuals, when horror of the past takes the place of forgetfulness, and when the State, consumed by civil wars, is reborn, as it were, from its ashes and recovers the vigor of youth as it emerges from the arms of death. Such was Sparta in the time of Lycurgus, such was Rome after the Tarquins, and such among us were Holland and Switzerland after the expulsion of the tyrants.
But these events are rare; they are exceptions whose explanation always lies in the particular constitution of the State concerned. Nor can they happen twice to the same people: it can make itself free while it is still barbarous, but can no longer do so once the mainspring of civic life has worn out. Then disturbances may destroy it without revolutions being able to restore it; as soon as its chains are broken, it falls apart and ceases to exist. From that point onward it needs a master, not a liberator. Free peoples, remember this maxim: liberty may be won, but it is never recovered.
Nations, like men, have a time of maturity that must be awaited before they are subjected to laws; but the maturity of a people is not always easy to recognize, and if the moment is anticipated, the work is spoiled. One people can be disciplined from birth, another cannot after ten centuries. The Russians will never be truly civilized, because they were civilized too soon. Peter had the genius of imitation; he did not have true genius, which creates and makes everything from nothing. Some of the things he did were good, most were ill-timed. He saw that his people were barbarous; he did not see that they were not ready for civic order. He wanted to civilize them when he needed only to make them fit for war. He wanted from the outset to make Germans and Englishmen when he needed to begin by making Russians. He prevented his subjects from ever becoming what they could be by persuading them that they were what they are not. So a French tutor trains his pupil to shine for a moment in childhood and then never amount to anything. The Russian Empire will wish to subjugate Europe and will itself be subjugated. The Tartars, its subjects or its neighbors, will become its masters and ours. This revolution seems to me inevitable. All the Kings of Europe are working together to hasten it.
Plain English translation
Mouseia’s complete Plain English edition, made independently and directly from the complete French text of the 1762 edition, all four books and the appendix.
On the People.
Before putting up a large building, an architect examines and tests the ground to see whether it can support the weight. In the same way, a wise founder does not begin by drafting good laws. First they examine whether the people for whom the laws are intended are fit to live under them. That is why Plato refused to give laws to the Arcadians and Cyrenians: he knew both peoples were rich and could not bear equality. That is also why Crete had good laws but bad people: Minos had trained a people already weighed down with vices.
A thousand nations have flourished on earth that could never have tolerated good laws. Even the nations that could have tolerated them had only a very short period in their entire history when they could do so. Peoples, like individuals, are open to learning only when young. They become set in their ways as they grow old. Once customs have taken hold and prejudices have deep roots, trying to reform them is dangerous and pointless. The people cannot even bear to have their troubles touched in order to be cured. They are like foolish, timid patients who shudder at the sight of a doctor.
Yet just as some illnesses upset a person's mind and erase memories of the past, states sometimes pass through violent periods when revolutions affect whole peoples as crises affect individuals. Horror of the past takes the place of forgetfulness. A state set ablaze by civil wars rises, so to speak, from its ashes, and recovers the strength of youth as it escapes the grip of death. This happened to Sparta in the time of Lycurgus and to Rome after the Tarquins. In our own times it happened to Holland and Switzerland after they expelled their tyrants.
But such events are rare. They are exceptions, always explained by the special constitution of the state concerned. They cannot even happen twice to the same people. A people can make itself free while it is still uncivilized, but it can no longer do so after its civic strength has worn out. Then unrest can destroy it, but revolutions cannot restore it. As soon as its chains are broken, it falls apart and ceases to exist. From then on it needs a master, not a liberator. Free peoples, remember this rule: freedom can be gained, but it can never be regained.
Nations, like individuals, have a time of maturity. We must wait for it before putting them under laws. But it is not always easy to tell when a people is mature, and if we act too soon the project fails. One people can be disciplined from its birth, while another cannot be disciplined after ten centuries. The Russians will never be truly civilized, because they were civilized too early. Peter had a talent for imitation; he did not have true creative genius, the kind that makes everything out of nothing. Some things he did were good, but most were out of place. He saw that his people were uncivilized but failed to see that they were not ready for organized civil life. He wanted to civilize them when he should only have trained them for war. He wanted to make Germans and Englishmen of them at once, when he should first have made Russians. By persuading his subjects that they were what they are not, he stopped them from ever becoming what they could be. This is how a French tutor trains a pupil to shine briefly as a child and then never amount to anything. The Russian Empire will want to conquer Europe and will itself be conquered. The Tartars, whether its subjects or its neighbors, will become its masters and ours. This revolution seems certain to me. All the kings of Europe are working together to speed it up.