Author's Notes to Parts I and II, 3

Those dispatches gave me a far clearer view of the English cabinet's stupidity than I could otherwise have gained, and I revived my former plan. But Colonel Lawrens was so unwilling to return alone, especially when we were carrying upwards of two hundred thousand pounds sterling in money among our other responsibilities, that I yielded to his wishes and finally abandoned it. I am now certain, however, that had I carried it out, it would not have been wholly unsuccessful.

29 The origins of chartered and incorporated towns are hard to explain unless they arose from, or were connected with, some form of garrison duty. The period in which they began supports this view. Most of those towns have served as garrisons, and when no military garrison was present, their corporations were responsible for guarding the gates. Their power to deny or grant entry to strangers, which gave rise to the custom of giving, selling, and buying the freedom of a town, resembles garrison authority more than civil government. Soldiers have the freedom of every corporation in the nation, just as every soldier has the freedom of every garrison, while no other people do. With his officers' permission, a soldier may practice any trade in any incorporated town throughout the nation.

30 See Sir John Sinclair's History of the Revenue. The land tax in 1646 was L2,473,499.

31 Several court newspapers have lately made frequent mention of Wat Tyler. It is no surprise that court flatterers and all who live on the spoils of the public should malign his memory. Yet he helped curb the fury and injustice of taxation in his day, and the nation owed much to his courage. Here, briefly, is his story. In the reign of Richard II, a poll tax of one shilling a head was imposed on everyone in the nation, rich and poor alike, above the age of fifteen years. If the law favored anyone, it favored the rich rather than the poor: no person could be charged more than twenty shillings for himself, his family, and his servants, however numerous they might be, while every other family numbering fewer than twenty was taxed by the head. Poll taxes had always been hated; this one, being oppressive and unjust as well, naturally aroused universal indignation among the poor and middle classes. The man called Wat Tyler, whose proper name was Walter and who was a tiler by trade, lived in Deptford. When the poll-tax collector came to his house, he demanded payment for one of Tyler's daughters, whom Tyler said was under fifteen. The collector insisted on satisfying himself and began an indecent examination of the girl. Her enraged father struck him with a hammer, knocking him down and causing his death. This incident brought the accumulated discontent to a head. The neighbors took Tyler's side, and within a few days, according to some accounts, more than fifty thousand men had joined him and chosen him as their leader. With this force he marched to London to demand the abolition of the tax and the redress of other grievances. Finding itself in a desperate position and unable to resist, the court, with Richard at its head, agreed to meet Tyler at Smithfield, professing with courtly sincerity its readiness to remedy the oppressions. While Richard and Tyler talked on horseback, Walworth, then Mayor of London and a creature of the court, seized his chance. Like a cowardly assassin, he stabbed Tyler with a dagger, and two or three others attacked him; he was killed at once. Tyler appears to have been fearless and without selfish motives. Every demand he made of Richard rested on a more just and public foundation than the barons' demands of John. Despite the flattery of historians and men like Mr. Burke, who try to disguise the court's base deed by slandering Tyler, his reputation will outlive their lies. If the barons deserved a monument at Runnymede, Tyler deserved one at Smithfield.

32 I happened to be in England for the centennial celebration of the Revolution of 1688. William and Mary have always seemed to me detestable: he sought to destroy his uncle, she her father, so that they might gain power themselves. Yet because the nation was inclined to value that event, it pained me to see all its honor attributed to a man who had treated it as a profitable undertaking. On top of his other gains, he charged six hundred thousand pounds for the fleet that carried him from Holland. George the First showed the same grasping disposition as William: with the money he obtained from England—two hundred and fifty thousand pounds beyond his salary as king—he bought the Duchy of Bremen. Having bought it at England's expense, he added it to his Hanoverian dominions for his own profit. Indeed, every nation that does not govern itself is governed as a business venture. England has been plundered by such ventures ever since the Revolution.

33 Charles, like those who came before and after him, saw that war was a harvest for governments and entered into a war with the Dutch. Its cost drove annual expenditure up to L1,800,000, as recorded under 1666; the peacetime establishment, however, cost only L1,200,000.

34 Poor rates began around the reign of Henry VIII, when taxes began to rise; they have risen alongside taxes ever since.

35 Calculating taxes by families of five, each family pays an average of L12 7s. 6d. a year. To this must be added the poor rates. Everyone pays taxes on what they consume, but not everyone pays poor rates. About two million people are exempt: some because they do not keep a household, some because they cannot afford to pay, and the poor themselves because they receive relief. Among those remaining, the average poor rate is therefore forty shillings per family of five, bringing the total average in taxes and rates to L14 17s. 6d. For six people it is L17 17s.; for seven, L20 16s. 6d. Under America's new representative system, average taxes, including interest on the debt incurred in the war, amount to five shillings a head for men, women, and children. This uses a population of four million, which has now been reached and continues to grow daily. The difference between the two governments is as follows:

England America

L s. d. L s. d.

For a family of five persons 14 17 6 1 5 0

For a family of six persons 17 17 0 1 10 0

For a family of seven persons 20 16 6 1 15 0

36 Public schools do not meet the needs of the poor in general. They are mostly found in incorporated towns, excluding the rural towns and villages; even when children from outside are admitted, the journey costs them much time. To benefit poor children, education should be available where they live, and I believe the best way to accomplish this is to give their parents the means to pay for it themselves. Every village has people of both sexes capable of teaching, especially among those growing older. Twenty children paying ten shillings each, even if taught for no more than six months of the year, would provide an income equal to some clerical livings in England's most remote districts. Widows of clergymen in straitened circumstances would often welcome such an income. Whatever is given to children for this purpose serves two ends: it provides education for them and a livelihood for their teachers.

37 The tax on beer brewed for sale, from which the aristocracy are exempt, exceeds the present commutation tax by almost one million. The returns for 1788 put it at L1,666,152. The aristocracy should therefore assume the cost of the commutation tax, since they are already exempt from a tax nearly a million greater.

38 See the Reports on the Corn Trade.

39 An inquiry into the circumstances of the poor would probably reveal varying degrees of distress and make a different distribution preferable to the one already proposed. Widows with families will be more in need than households where husbands are still living. Living costs also vary by county, especially the cost of fuel.

Suppose, then, fifty thousand especially needy cases at

ten pounds per family per annum L500,000

100,000 families at L8 per family per annum 800,000

100,000 families at L7 per family per annum 700,000

104,000 families at L5 per family per annum 520,000

And instead of ten shillings a head for the education

of other children, grant fifty shillings per family

for that purpose to fifty thousand families 250,000

—————

L2,770,000

140,000 aged persons, as before 1,120,000

—————

L3,890,000

This arrangement comes to the same total given in this work, Part II, line number 1068, including the L250,000 for education. But it provides for four hundred and four thousand families, counting the aged, which is almost one third of all families in England.

40 I know that many of the most enlightened people in France—and there will always be some who see farther into events than others—believe that the monarchical plan will not last many years there. This view is held not only by ordinary citizens but also by many leading members of the former National Assembly. They have discovered that wisdom cannot be made hereditary and therefore power should not be hereditary either. For a man to deserve a million sterling a year from a nation, his mind would have to encompass everything from an atom to a universe; and if it did, he would be above accepting the pay. Yet they did not wish to appear to lead the nation faster than its own reason and interests warranted. In every conversation on this subject that I have attended, the prevailing thought has been that, when the nation's general opinion reaches that point, the honorable and generous course would be to give the person then holding the monarchical office, whoever it might be, a substantial gift of property held outright. That person would retire to private life with his share of the common rights and privileges, no more accountable to the public for his time and conduct than any other citizen.

41 The gentleman who signed the address and declaration as chairman of the meeting, Mr. Horne Tooke, is commonly believed to have written it. Having spoken highly of it, he has been teasingly accused of praising his own work. To spare him this embarrassment and the repeated trouble of naming its author, as he has always done, I readily say that the opportunity to benefit from the French Revolution occurred to me; I drafted the publication and showed it to him and several other gentlemen. They approved it fully, held a meeting to make it public, and subscribed fifty guineas to cover the expense of advertising. I believe that England now has more men acting on disinterested principles, determined to examine for themselves the nature and practices of government rather than blindly trusting, as people have until now, either government in general, Parliament, or the parliamentary opposition, than at any earlier time. Had they done so a century ago, corruption and taxation would not have reached their present heights.

-END OF PART II.-

From those dispatches I learned far more about the foolishness of the English Cabinet than I otherwise could have, and I returned to my earlier plan. But Colonel Lawrens very much wanted me to go back with him. In particular, we were responsible for more than two hundred thousand pounds sterling in money, among other things. I gave in to his wishes and finally abandoned my plan. I am now certain, though, that if I had carried it out, it would have had at least some success.

29 It is hard to explain how chartered towns and incorporated towns began, unless they grew out of or were connected to some kind of garrison duty. The period in which they began supports that idea. Most of these towns were once garrisons. When no military garrison was present, the town corporations were responsible for guarding the gates. Their power to admit or reject strangers gave rise to the custom of granting, selling, and buying the freedom of a town. This looks more like the authority of a garrison than ordinary civil government. Soldiers have the freedom of all corporations throughout the nation, just as every soldier may enter any garrison, while other people may not. With their officers' permission, soldiers can take up any occupation in any incorporated town in the country.

30 See Sir John Sinclair's History of the Revenue. The land tax in 1646 was L2,473,499.

31 Several newspapers that support the court have recently mentioned Wat Tyler often. It is no surprise that court flatterers and people who live off public plunder attack his reputation. Yet he helped check the fury and injustice of taxation in his time. The nation owed a great deal to his courage. Here is the story in brief. Under Richard II., a poll tax of one shilling per person was imposed on everyone in the country over the age of fifteen, rich or poor and regardless of rank. If the law favored anyone, it favored the rich. No person could be charged more than twenty shillings for himself, his family, and his servants, however many there were. Families with fewer than twenty people, on the other hand, paid for each person. Poll taxes had always been hated. This one was also oppressive and unfair, so poor and middle-class people naturally despised it everywhere. The man called Wat Tyler, whose actual first name was Walter, was a roofer living in Deptford. When the poll tax collector came to his home, he demanded payment for one of Tyler's daughters. Tyler said she was under fifteen. The collector insisted on checking for himself and began an indecent examination of the girl. Her father was enraged and hit him with a hammer, knocking him to the ground and causing his death. This brought the widespread discontent to a head. Tyler's neighbors took his side. According to some accounts, more than fifty thousand men joined him within a few days and chose him as their leader. With them he marched to London to demand repeal of the tax and relief from other abuses. The court was in a desperate position and could not resist. Richard and his court agreed to meet Tyler at Smithfield, making many fine, courtly promises to end the abuses. Richard and Tyler were talking on horseback when Walworth, then Mayor of London and a creature of the court, saw his chance. Like a cowardly assassin, he stabbed Tyler with a dagger. Two or three other men attacked, and Tyler was killed at once. Tyler seems to have been brave and to have sought no personal benefit. Every proposal he made to Richard rested on a more just and public basis than the barons' demands to John. Historians and men like Mr. Burke flatter those in power by smearing Tyler to excuse the court's disgraceful act. But Tyler's reputation will outlast their lies. If the barons deserved a monument at Runnymede, Tyler deserved one at Smithfield.

32 I happened to be in England for the hundredth anniversary of the Revolution of 1688. William and Mary have always seemed contemptible to me. He sought to destroy his uncle and she her father so they could seize power. Yet the nation wanted to honor the event. It pained me to see all the credit given to a man who treated the undertaking as a paid job. Beyond everything else he received, he charged six hundred thousand pounds for the fleet that carried him from Holland. George the First was just as greedy as William. He used two hundred and fifty thousand pounds obtained from England, beyond his salary as king, to buy the Duchy of Bremen. Having bought it with England's money, he added it to his Hanoverian territories for his own benefit. In fact, every nation that does not govern itself is run as a money-making job for someone else. England has been exploited in this way ever since the Revolution.

33 Charles, like the kings before and after him, saw that governments could profit from war and went to war with the Dutch. The expense raised annual spending to L1,800,000, as recorded under 1666. But peacetime spending was only L1,200,000.

34 Taxes to support poor people began around the time of Henry VIII., when other taxes started to rise. They have risen along with other taxes ever since.

35 If we calculate taxes by family and count five people per family, each family pays an average of L12 7s. 6d. a year. We must add the poor-rates to this. Everyone pays taxes on the things they consume, but not everyone pays poor-rates. About two million people are exempt: some do not run a household, some cannot afford to pay, and some are themselves poor people receiving help. Thus the remaining families pay an average of forty shillings in poor-rates for every five people. Their combined average taxes and poor-rates are L14 17s. 6d. For six people the amount is L17 17s.; for seven, L20 16s. 6d. In America, under the new representative system, the average tax is five shillings per person—man, woman, or child—even including interest on the debt incurred in the war. This assumes a population of four million, its present size, which grows daily. The difference between the two governments is as follows:

England AmericaL s. d. L s. d.For a family of five people 14 17 6 1 5 0For a family of six people 17 17 0 1 10 0For a family of seven people 20 16 6 1 15 0

36 Public schools do not meet poor people's general needs. They are mostly in incorporated towns, so people from smaller towns and villages cannot attend, or lose a great deal of time traveling there if they can. For education to help poor people, it must be available where they live. I believe the best way to provide it is to enable parents to pay the costs themselves. In every village there are always people, both women and men, able to teach children, especially people getting older. Twenty children paying ten shillings each for no more than six months a year would bring in as much as some clergy positions pay in the most remote parts of England. Clergymen's widows often face hardship and would welcome that income. Money given to children for this purpose does two things: it gives the children an education and their teachers a living.

37 The tax on beer brewed for sale, from which the aristocracy is exempt, is nearly one million higher than the present commutation tax. According to the returns for 1788, it is L1,666,152. Since they are already exempt from a tax nearly a million higher, the aristocracy ought to pay the commutation tax themselves.

38 See the Reports on the Corn Trade.

39 Investigations into the condition of poor people will probably find different degrees of need. A different distribution of help may therefore be better than the one I have already proposed. Widows with families need more help than families with living husbands. Living costs also differ by county, especially the cost of fuel.

Suppose, then, fifty thousand cases of exceptional need, atten pounds per family each year L500,000100,000 families at L8 per family each year 800,000100,000 families at L7 per family each year 700,000104,000 families at L5 per family each year 520,000And instead of ten shillings per child for the educationof other children, fifty shillings per family forfifty thousand families 250,000————————L2,770,000140,000 elderly people, as before 1,120,000————————L3,890,000

This arrangement costs the same amount given in this work, Part II, line number 1068, including L250,000 for education. But it provides for four hundred and four thousand families, including elderly people. That is almost one third of all families in England.

40 I know that many of the most thoughtful people in France, both ordinary citizens and leading members of the former National Assembly, believe its monarchy will not last many more years. Some people will always see further ahead than others. These people have realized that wisdom cannot be passed down by inheritance, and power should not be either. A man deserving a million sterling a year from a nation would have to be able to understand everything from an atom to a universe. If he could do that, he would be above accepting the pay. But they did not want to seem to push the nation faster than its own reason and interests would lead it. In every conversation on this subject that I have attended, people have said that when the country as a whole is ready for change, the fair and generous course would be to give the person then holding the monarchy a substantial gift of property outright. Whoever that person is could then retire to private life, enjoy the same general rights and privileges as others, and be no more answerable to the public for his time and conduct than any other citizen.

41 Mr. Horne Tooke signed the address and declaration as chairman of the meeting. People generally assume that he wrote it, and because he has praised it so much, they have jokingly accused him of praising his own work. To spare him this embarrassment and the repeated trouble of naming its author, which he has always done, I will say plainly that I wrote it. I saw how people could benefit from the French Revolution, drafted the publication, and showed it to him and several other gentlemen. They approved it fully, held a meeting to make it public, and contributed fifty guineas to pay for advertising. I believe that more men in England now act without self-interest and are determined to examine the nature and practices of government for themselves than at any earlier time. They will not blindly trust the government as a whole, Parliament, or the parliamentary opposition, as people have done until now. Had people acted this way a century ago, corruption and taxes would not have reached their present levels.

End of Part II.