Thomas Paine · Complete work
Part II: Introduction
Part II: Introduction of 41. Read it here for reference, or continue through the entire work without leaving the reader.
Open the complete readerOriginal 18th-century English
What Archimedes said of the mechanical powers, may be applied to Reason and Liberty. "Had we," said he, "a place to stand upon, we might raise the world."
The revolution of America presented in politics what was only theory in mechanics. So deeply rooted were all the governments of the old world, and so effectually had the tyranny and the antiquity of habit established itself over the mind, that no beginning could be made in Asia, Africa, or Europe, to reform the political condition of man. Freedom had been hunted round the globe; reason was considered as rebellion; and the slavery of fear had made men afraid to think.
But such is the irresistible nature of truth, that all it asks,—and all it wants,—is the liberty of appearing. The sun needs no inscription to distinguish him from darkness; and no sooner did the American governments display themselves to the world, than despotism felt a shock and man began to contemplate redress.
The independence of America, considered merely as a separation from England, would have been a matter but of little importance, had it not been accompanied by a revolution in the principles and practice of governments. She made a stand, not for herself only, but for the world, and looked beyond the advantages herself could receive. Even the Hessian, though hired to fight against her, may live to bless his defeat; and England, condemning the viciousness of its government, rejoice in its miscarriage.
As America was the only spot in the political world where the principle of universal reformation could begin, so also was it the best in the natural world. An assemblage of circumstances conspired, not only to give birth, but to add gigantic maturity to its principles. The scene which that country presents to the eye of a spectator, has something in it which generates and encourages great ideas. Nature appears to him in magnitude. The mighty objects he beholds, act upon his mind by enlarging it, and he partakes of the greatness he contemplates.—Its first settlers were emigrants from different European nations, and of diversified professions of religion, retiring from the governmental persecutions of the old world, and meeting in the new, not as enemies, but as brothers. The wants which necessarily accompany the cultivation of a wilderness produced among them a state of society, which countries long harassed by the quarrels and intrigues of governments, had neglected to cherish. In such a situation man becomes what he ought. He sees his species, not with the inhuman idea of a natural enemy, but as kindred; and the example shows to the artificial world, that man must go back to Nature for information.
From the rapid progress which America makes in every species of improvement, it is rational to conclude that, if the governments of Asia, Africa, and Europe had begun on a principle similar to that of America, or had not been very early corrupted therefrom, those countries must by this time have been in a far superior condition to what they are. Age after age has passed away, for no other purpose than to behold their wretchedness. Could we suppose a spectator who knew nothing of the world, and who was put into it merely to make his observations, he would take a great part of the old world to be new, just struggling with the difficulties and hardships of an infant settlement. He could not suppose that the hordes of miserable poor with which old countries abound could be any other than those who had not yet had time to provide for themselves. Little would he think they were the consequence of what in such countries they call government.
If, from the more wretched parts of the old world, we look at those which are in an advanced stage of improvement we still find the greedy hand of government thrusting itself into every corner and crevice of industry, and grasping the spoil of the multitude. Invention is continually exercised to furnish new pretences for revenue and taxation. It watches prosperity as its prey, and permits none to escape without a tribute.
As revolutions have begun (and as the probability is always greater against a thing beginning, than of proceeding after it has begun), it is natural to expect that other revolutions will follow. The amazing and still increasing expenses with which old governments are conducted, the numerous wars they engage in or provoke, the embarrassments they throw in the way of universal civilisation and commerce, and the oppression and usurpation acted at home, have wearied out the patience, and exhausted the property of the world. In such a situation, and with such examples already existing, revolutions are to be looked for. They are become subjects of universal conversation, and may be considered as the Order of the day.
If systems of government can be introduced less expensive and more productive of general happiness than those which have existed, all attempts to oppose their progress will in the end be fruitless. Reason, like time, will make its own way, and prejudice will fall in a combat with interest. If universal peace, civilisation, and commerce are ever to be the happy lot of man, it cannot be accomplished but by a revolution in the system of governments. All the monarchical governments are military. War is their trade, plunder and revenue their objects. While such governments continue, peace has not the absolute security of a day. What is the history of all monarchical governments but a disgustful picture of human wretchedness, and the accidental respite of a few years' repose? Wearied with war, and tired with human butchery, they sat down to rest, and called it peace. This certainly is not the condition that heaven intended for man; and if this be monarchy, well might monarchy be reckoned among the sins of the Jews.
The revolutions which formerly took place in the world had nothing in them that interested the bulk of mankind. They extended only to a change of persons and measures, but not of principles, and rose or fell among the common transactions of the moment. What we now behold may not improperly be called a "counter-revolution." Conquest and tyranny, at some earlier period, dispossessed man of his rights, and he is now recovering them. And as the tide of all human affairs has its ebb and flow in directions contrary to each other, so also is it in this. Government founded on a moral theory, on a system of universal peace, on the indefeasible hereditary Rights of Man, is now revolving from west to east by a stronger impulse than the government of the sword revolved from east to west. It interests not particular individuals, but nations in its progress, and promises a new era to the human race.
The danger to which the success of revolutions is most exposed is that of attempting them before the principles on which they proceed, and the advantages to result from them, are sufficiently seen and understood. Almost everything appertaining to the circumstances of a nation, has been absorbed and confounded under the general and mysterious word government. Though it avoids taking to its account the errors it commits, and the mischiefs it occasions, it fails not to arrogate to itself whatever has the appearance of prosperity. It robs industry of its honours, by pedantically making itself the cause of its effects; and purloins from the general character of man, the merits that appertain to him as a social being.
It may therefore be of use in this day of revolutions to discriminate between those things which are the effect of government, and those which are not. This will best be done by taking a review of society and civilisation, and the consequences resulting therefrom, as things distinct from what are called governments. By beginning with this investigation, we shall be able to assign effects to their proper causes and analyse the mass of common errors.
Musean translation
Mouseia’s complete machine-assisted Musean translation, made directly from the complete English text of Parts I and II with Paine’s preface, appendix and author’s notes (Conway’s edition, 1894) for fidelity, the author’s force and cadence, and modern clarity.
What Archimedes said of mechanical power applies equally to Reason and Liberty. “Had we,” he said, “a place to stand upon, we might raise the world.”
The American revolution accomplished in politics what had been only a theory in mechanics. Governments in the old world were so deeply rooted, and the tyranny of ancient habit had so thoroughly established itself over the mind, that no beginning could be made in Asia, Africa, or Europe toward reforming humanity’s political condition. Freedom had been hunted around the globe; reason was treated as rebellion; the bondage of fear had made people afraid to think.
Yet truth is irresistible: all it asks, all it needs, is freedom to appear. The sun requires no inscription to distinguish it from darkness. As soon as the American governments made themselves visible to the world, despotism suffered a shock and humanity began to consider redress.
American independence, if it had meant only separation from England, would have mattered little without its accompanying revolution in the principles and practice of government. America took a stand not for herself alone but for the world, looking beyond the advantages she herself could gain. Even a Hessian hired to fight against her may live to bless his defeat; and England may come to condemn the vices of its own government and rejoice that it failed.
America was the only place in the political world where universal reform could begin, and also the best suited in the natural world. A convergence of circumstances not only gave birth to her principles but brought them to gigantic maturity. Something in the landscape before a spectator’s eyes creates and encourages great ideas. Nature appears on a vast scale: its mighty objects enlarge the mind that contemplates them, and the spectator shares in their greatness. America’s first settlers were emigrants of different European nations and varied religious professions, fleeing the persecutions of old-world governments and meeting in the new world not as enemies but as brothers. The needs inherent in cultivating a wilderness fostered among them a form of society that countries long troubled by governmental quarrels and intrigues had failed to nurture. In such conditions people become what they ought to be. They see others of their kind not as natural enemies, inhumanly conceived, but as kin. Their example shows the artificial world that humanity must turn back to Nature for instruction.
America’s rapid progress in every kind of improvement gives good reason to conclude that, if the governments of Asia, Africa, and Europe had begun on similar principles, or had not so quickly departed from them, those countries would now be far better off. Age after age has passed only to witness their misery. Imagine a spectator who knows nothing of the world, set down in it solely to observe. Much of the old world would look new to him, still struggling with the hardships of a settlement in its infancy. He would suppose that the crowds of destitute people filling old countries simply had not yet had time to provide for themselves. He would scarcely imagine they were the consequence of what those countries call government.
If we turn from the most wretched parts of the old world to those further advanced in improvement, we still find the greedy hand of government reaching into every corner and crevice of industry to seize what the multitude produces. Ingenuity is continually put to work devising new pretexts for revenue and taxation. Government watches prosperity as prey and lets none escape without paying tribute.
Now that revolutions have begun—and the odds against a thing’s beginning are always greater than the odds against its continuation—we may naturally expect more to follow. Old governments’ astonishing and growing expenses, their many wars, begun or provoked, the obstacles they put in the path of worldwide civilization and commerce, and their oppression and usurpation at home have exhausted the world’s wealth and patience. Under these conditions, with examples already before us, further revolutions are to be expected. They have become a universal subject of conversation, the Order of the day.
If systems of government can be introduced that cost less and bring greater general happiness than existing ones, every effort to stop them will ultimately fail. Reason, like time, will make its own way; prejudice will fall when it contends with self-interest. If universal peace, civilization, and commerce are ever to be humanity’s happy lot, they can come only through a revolution in systems of government. All monarchical governments are military: war is their trade, plunder and revenue their aims. While they remain, peace is not secure for even a day. What is the history of monarchy but a repellent picture of human misery, interrupted by an occasional few years of rest? Exhausted by war and the slaughter of human beings, such governments sat down to recover and called it peace. Surely heaven did not intend this condition for humanity; if this is monarchy, it is no wonder monarchy was numbered among the sins of the Jews.
Earlier revolutions held nothing of interest for most of humanity. They altered people and policies, not principles, and rose and fell among the ordinary events of their day. What we now behold may aptly be called a “counter-revolution.” Conquest and tyranny once stripped people of their rights; now they are recovering them. Human affairs have tides that ebb and flow in opposite directions, and so it is here. Government founded on moral theory, universal peace, and the indefeasible hereditary Rights of Man is now moving from west to east under an impulse stronger than the one that carried government by the sword from east to west. Its progress concerns not particular individuals but nations, and promises the human race a new era.
The greatest danger to a revolution’s success comes from attempting it before its principles and promised benefits are sufficiently seen and understood. Nearly everything concerning a nation’s circumstances has been swallowed up and confused under the general, mysterious word government. Government refuses to take responsibility for its errors and the harm it does, but eagerly claims credit for whatever looks like prosperity. It robs industry of its honors, pompously claiming to cause the effects industry produces, and steals from human character the merits belonging to people as social beings.
In this age of revolutions, it may therefore help to distinguish what government accomplishes from what it does not. We can do so best by examining society and civilization, and what follows from them, as distinct from what are called governments. Beginning with this inquiry will let us assign effects to their true causes and disentangle the mass of common errors.
Plain English translation
Mouseia’s complete Plain English edition, made independently and directly from the complete English text of Parts I and II with Paine’s preface, appendix and author’s notes (Conway’s edition, 1894).
What Archimedes said about mechanics also applies to reason and liberty. He said, “If we had a place to stand, we could lift the world.”
The American Revolution achieved in politics what had only been a theory in mechanics. Governments in the old world had such deep roots, and the tyranny of long-standing habits had such a firm hold on people's minds, that reform of people's political condition could not begin in Asia, Africa, or Europe. Freedom had been driven around the globe. Reason was treated as rebellion, and fear had enslaved people so completely that they were afraid to think.
Yet truth has a power that cannot be stopped. All it asks for, and all it needs, is the freedom to come into view. The sun needs no label to set it apart from darkness. As soon as the American governments showed themselves to the world, tyranny was shaken and people began to consider how to put things right.
If American independence had meant only separation from England, it would have mattered little. Its importance came from the accompanying revolution in the principles and practice of government. America took a stand not just for itself but for the world, looking beyond its own gains. Even a Hessian soldier hired to fight America might one day be grateful for his defeat. England too might recognize the faults of its own government and be glad that it failed.
America was the only place in the political world where reform based on universal principles could start. It was also the best place in the natural world. Many circumstances came together not just to give those principles a beginning but to help them grow quickly to great strength. The landscape inspires big ideas in anyone who sees it. Nature seems vast there. Its great features expand the mind of the observer, who takes in something of their greatness. America's first settlers came from different European nations and followed different religions. They fled persecution by the governments of the old world. In the new world they met not as enemies but as brothers. Cultivating undeveloped land brought needs that encouraged a kind of society which countries long troubled by government quarrels and schemes had failed to nurture. In those conditions people become what they ought to be. They see others not as natural enemies but as kin. Their example shows the artificial world that people must look to nature to learn how to live.
America's rapid progress in every kind of improvement suggests a reasonable conclusion. If governments in Asia, Africa, and Europe had started on principles like America's, or had not soon abandoned them through corruption, those places would now be much better off. Century after century has passed there with nothing to show for it but suffering. Imagine someone who knew nothing about the world and was sent there simply to observe. They might think much of the old world had only just been settled and was still struggling through the hardships of a new settlement. They would not imagine that the crowds of desperately poor people in old countries were anything other than people who had not yet had time to make a living. They would hardly suspect that what those countries call government had produced that poverty.
Even if we turn from the poorest parts of the old world to those that have made more progress, we still find government reaching into every part of industry and taking the rewards earned by ordinary people. It constantly invents new excuses to raise revenue and taxes. It watches for prosperity as something to seize and lets no one escape without payment.
Revolutions have already begun. Since it is harder for something to begin than to continue once begun, we can naturally expect more revolutions. Old governments are run at astonishing and ever-rising cost. They fight or provoke many wars. They obstruct civilization and commerce across the world and oppress and seize power at home. All this has exhausted the world's wealth and patience. Given these conditions and the examples already before us, we should expect revolutions. Everyone talks about them; they are the issue of the day.
If new systems of government cost less and do more for people's happiness, attempts to stop them will ultimately fail. Reason, like time, will go forward. Prejudice will lose when it comes up against people's interests. If people are ever to enjoy lasting peace, civilization, and commerce around the world, the systems of government must change through revolution. Every monarchy is a military government. War is its business, and plunder and revenue are its goals. As long as these governments last, peace is not secure even for one day. The history of monarchy is a repulsive picture of human misery interrupted by occasional years of rest. Tired of war and of killing people, monarchies stop to rest and call it peace. Surely heaven did not intend people to live this way. If this is what monarchy means, it is no wonder it was counted among the sins of the Jews.
Past revolutions did not affect most people. They changed leaders and policies, not principles, and came and went as events of the moment. What we see now could more properly be called a “counter-revolution.” At some earlier time conquest and tyranny took away people's rights; now people are getting them back. Human affairs move back and forth like a tide, and this movement is no different. Government based on moral principles, worldwide peace, and the inalienable rights that belong to people from birth is now spreading from west to east. It has greater force than rule by the sword had when it spread from east to west. This movement concerns entire nations, not just particular individuals, and holds out the promise of a new era for humanity.
The greatest danger to a successful revolution is starting it before people sufficiently understand its guiding principles and its likely benefits. Almost everything that concerns a nation has been lumped together under the vague, mysterious word “government.” Government does not accept responsibility for its mistakes and the harm it causes, but it claims the credit for anything that looks like prosperity. It takes credit for the results of people's work, pompously claiming to have caused them. It also takes from people the credit they deserve for what they achieve by living together.
In this age of revolutions, then, it may help to distinguish what government actually does from what it does not do. The best way is to examine society and civilization, and what comes from them, separately from what people call governments. This investigation will let us trace results to their true causes and sort through widely held mistakes.