Thomas Paine · Complete work
Introduction
Introduction of 11. Read it here for reference, or continue through the entire work without leaving the reader.
Open the complete readerOriginal 18th-century English
Perhaps the sentiments contained in the following pages, are not yet sufficiently fashionable to procure them general favor; a long habit of not thinking a thing wrong, gives it a superficial appearance of being right, and raises at first a formidable outcry in defense of custom. But the tumult soon subsides. Time makes more converts than reason.
As a long and violent abuse of power, is generally the Means of calling the right of it in question (and in Matters too which might never have been thought of, had not the Sufferers been aggravated into the inquiry) and as the King of England hath undertaken in his own Right, to support the Parliament in what he calls Theirs, and as the good people of this country are grievously oppressed by the combination, they have an undoubted privilege to inquire into the pretensions of both, and equally to reject the usurpation of either.
In the following sheets, the author hath studiously avoided every thing which is personal among ourselves. Compliments as well as censure to individuals make no part thereof. The wise, and the worthy, need not the triumph of a pamphlet; and those whose sentiments are injudicious, or unfriendly, will cease of themselves unless too much pains are bestowed upon their conversion.
The cause of America is in a great measure the cause of all mankind. Many circumstances hath, and will arise, which are not local, but universal, and through which the principles of all Lovers of Mankind are affected, and in the Event of which, their Affections are interested. The laying a Country desolate with Fire and Sword, declaring War against the natural rights of all Mankind, and extirpating the Defenders thereof from the Face of the Earth, is the Concern of every Man to whom Nature hath given the Power of feeling; of which Class, regardless of Party Censure, is the
AUTHOR
P.S. The Publication of this new Edition hath been delayed, with a View of taking notice (had it been necessary) of any Attempt to refute the Doctrine of Independance: As no Answer hath yet appeared, it is now presumed that none will, the Time needful for getting such a Performance ready for the Public being considerably past.
Who the Author of this Production is, is wholly unnecessary to the Public, as the Object for Attention is the Doctrine itself, not the Man. Yet it may not be unnecessary to say, That he is unconnected with any Party, and under no sort of Influence public or private, but the influence of reason and principle.
Philadelphia, February 14, 1776
Musean translation
Mouseia’s complete machine-assisted Musean translation, made directly from the complete 1776 Bradford-edition English text (introduction, four sections and the appendix) for fidelity, the author’s force and cadence, and modern clarity.
Perhaps the sentiments in the following pages are not yet fashionable enough to win general favor. A long habit of not thinking something wrong gives it a superficial appearance of being right, and at first raises a formidable outcry in defense of custom. But the tumult soon subsides. Time makes more converts than reason.
A long and violent abuse of power generally leads people to question the right to exercise it—even in matters they might never have considered had their suffering not driven them to inquire. The King of England has undertaken, by his own authority, to support Parliament in what he calls its rights; and the good people of this country are grievously oppressed by their alliance. They therefore have an unquestionable right to examine the claims of both, and equally to reject the usurpation of either.
In the following pages, the author has deliberately avoided everything personal among ourselves. Neither praise nor censure of individuals has a place here. The wise and worthy have no need of a pamphlet's triumph; and those whose views are unsound or unfriendly will fade away on their own, unless too much effort is spent trying to convert them.
The cause of America is, in great measure, the cause of all humanity. Many circumstances have arisen, and will arise, that are not local but universal. They touch the principles of all who love humanity, and their outcome engages those people's sympathies. To lay a country waste with fire and sword, to declare war on the natural rights of all humanity, and to wipe their defenders from the face of the earth—these are the concern of everyone to whom nature has given the power to feel. Among them, regardless of partisan censure, is the
AUTHOR
P.S. The publication of this new edition has been delayed so that it might address any attempt to refute the doctrine of Independence, had that proved necessary. Since no answer has yet appeared, it is now presumed that none will: the time needed to prepare such a work for the public has long since passed.
The identity of the author of this work is wholly irrelevant to the public, for the subject deserving attention is the doctrine itself, not the man. Yet it may be worth saying that he belongs to no party and is under no public or private influence except that of reason and principle.
Philadelphia, February 14, 1776
Plain English translation
Mouseia’s complete Plain English edition, made independently and directly from the complete 1776 Bradford-edition English text (introduction, four sections and the appendix).
The views in these pages may not yet be popular enough to win broad support. When people have long been used to thinking something is not wrong, it starts to look right to them. At first they make a great noise defending the custom. But that noise soon dies down. Time changes more minds than arguments do.
When power has been abused for a long time and in a harsh way, people usually start asking whether those in power had any right to it in the first place. They may even ask questions that would never have come up if their suffering had not driven them to do so. The King of England has taken it upon himself to back Parliament's claims, using what he says is his own authority. The people of this country are badly oppressed by the two acting together. They have every right to examine the claims of both and to reject either one's seizure of power.
In the pages that follow, I have deliberately avoided personal disputes among us. I neither praise nor criticize particular people. Wise and decent people do not need a pamphlet to celebrate them. People with poor judgment or hostile views will lose their influence on their own, unless too much effort is spent trying to change their minds.
America's cause is largely the cause of everyone in the world. Many things have happened, and more will happen, that matter not just here but everywhere. They affect the principles of everyone who cares about humanity, and those people care about the outcome. When a country is devastated by fire and weapons, when war is declared against the natural rights of all people, and when those who defend those rights are wiped from the earth, everyone capable of feeling should be concerned. Whatever any political faction may say about me, I am one of those people.
AUTHOR
P.S. Publication of this new edition was delayed so that I could address any attempt to refute the case for independence, if that became necessary. No answer has appeared. It now seems none will, since more than enough time has passed for someone to prepare one for the public.
The public does not need to know who wrote this work. What matters is its argument, not its author. Still, it may be worth saying that I belong to no party and am under no public or private influence except reason and principle.
Philadelphia, February 14, 1776