Commentaries on the Gallic War
Mouseia’s complete Plain English edition, made independently and directly from all 8 Latin books, 404 chapters, and 2,150 sections. Latin source edition on raw.githubusercontent.com
Book 1
Latin
CHAPTER 1.1
SECTION 1.1.1Gallia est omnis divisa in partes tres, quarum unam incolunt Belgae, aliam Aquitani, tertiam qui ipsorum lingua Celtae, nostra Galli appellantur.
SECTION 1.1.2Hi omnes lingua, institutis, legibus inter se differunt. Gallos ab Aquitanis Garumna flumen, a Belgis Matrona et Sequana dividit.
SECTION 1.1.3Horum omnium fortissimi sunt Belgae, propterea quod a cultu atque humanitate provinciae longissime absunt, minimeque ad eos mercatores saepe commeant atque ea quae ad effeminandos animos pertinent important,
SECTION 1.1.4proximique sunt Germanis, qui trans Rhenum incolunt, quibuscum continenter bellum gerunt. Qua de causa Helvetii quoque reliquos Gallos virtute praecedunt, quod fere cotidianis proeliis cum Germanis contendunt, cum aut suis finibus eos prohibent aut ipsi in eorum finibus bellum gerunt.
SECTION 1.1.5[Eorum una pars, quam Gallos obtinere dictum est, initium capit a flumine Rhodano, continetur Garumna flumine, Oceano, finibus Belgarum, attingit etiam ab Sequanis et Helvetiis flumen Rhenum, vergit ad septentriones.
SECTION 1.1.6Belgae ab extremis Galliae finibus oriuntur, pertinent ad inferiorem partem fluminis Rheni, spectant in septentrionem et orientem solem.
SECTION 1.1.7Aquitania a Garumna flumine ad Pyrenaeos montes et eam partem Oceani quae est ad Hispaniam pertinet; spectat inter occasum solis et septentriones.]
CHAPTER 1.2
SECTION 1.2.1Apud Helvetios longe nobilissimus fuit et ditissimus Orgetorix. Is M. Messala, [et P.] M. Pisone consulibus regni cupiditate inductus coniurationem nobilitatis fecit et civitati persuasit ut de finibus suis cum omnibus copiis exirent:
SECTION 1.2.2perfacile esse, cum virtute omnibus praestarent, totius Galliae imperio potiri.
SECTION 1.2.3Id hoc facilius iis persuasit, quod undique loci natura Helvetii continentur: una ex parte flumine Rheno latissimo atque altissimo, qui agrum Helvetium a Germanis dividit; altera ex parte monte Iura altissimo, qui est inter Sequanos et Helvetios; tertia lacu Lemanno et flumine Rhodano, qui provinciam nostram ab Helvetiis dividit.
SECTION 1.2.4His rebus fiebat ut et minus late vagarentur et minus facile finitimis bellum inferre possent;
SECTION 1.2.5qua ex parte homines bellandi cupidi magno dolore adficiebantur.
SECTION 1.2.6Pro multitudine autem hominum et pro gloria belli atque fortitudinis angustos se fines habere arbitrabantur, qui in longitudinem milia passuum CCXL, in latitudinem CLXXX patebant.
CHAPTER 1.3
SECTION 1.3.1His rebus adducti et auctoritate Orgetorigis permoti constituerunt ea quae ad proficiscendum pertinerent comparare, iumentorum et carrorum quam maximum numerum coemere, sementes quam maximas facere, ut in itinere copia frumenti suppeteret, cum proximis civitatibus pacem et amicitiam confirmare.
SECTION 1.3.2Ad eas res conficiendas biennium sibi satis esse duxerunt; in tertium annum profectionem lege confirmant.
SECTION 1.3.3Ad eas res conficiendas Orgetorix deligitur. Is sibi legationem ad civitates suscipit. In eo itinere persuadet Castico, Catamantaloedis filio, Sequano, cuius pater regnum in Sequanis multos annos obtinuerat et a senatu populi Romani amicus appellatus erat, ut regnum in civitate sua occuparet, quod pater ante habuerit;
SECTION 1.3.4itemque Dumnorigi Haeduo, fratri Diviciaci, qui eo tempore principatum in civitate obtinebat ac maxime plebi acceptus erat, ut idem conaretur persuadet eique filiam suam in matrimonium dat.
SECTION 1.3.5Perfacile factu esse illis probat conata perficere, propterea quod ipse suae civitatis imperium obtenturus esset:
SECTION 1.3.6non esse dubium quin totius Galliae plurimum Helvetii possent; se suis copiis suoque exercitu illis regna conciliaturum confirmat.
SECTION 1.3.7Hac oratione adducti inter se fidem et ius iurandum dant et regno occupato per tres potentissimos ac firmissimos populos totius Galliae sese potiri posse sperant.
CHAPTER 1.4
SECTION 1.4.1Ea res est Helvetiis per indicium enuntiata. Moribus suis Orgetoricem ex vinculis causam dicere coegerunt; damnatum poenam sequi oportebat, ut igni cremaretur.
SECTION 1.4.2Die constituta causae dictionis Orgetorix ad iudicium omnem suam familiam, ad hominum milia decem, undique coegit, et omnes clientes obaeratosque suos, quorum magnum numerum habebat, eodem conduxit; per eos ne causam diceret se eripuit.
SECTION 1.4.3Cum civitas ob eam rem incitata armis ius suum exequi conaretur multitudinemque hominum ex agris magistratus cogerent, Orgetorix mortuus est;
SECTION 1.4.4neque abest suspicio, ut Helvetii arbitrantur, quin ipse sibi mortem consciverit.
CHAPTER 1.5
SECTION 1.5.1Post eius mortem nihilo minus Helvetii id quod constituerant facere conantur, ut e finibus suis exeant.
SECTION 1.5.2Ubi iam se ad eam rem paratos esse arbitrati sunt, oppida sua omnia, numero ad duodecim, vicos ad quadringentos, reliqua privata aedificia incendunt;
SECTION 1.5.3frumentum omne, praeter quod secum portaturi erant, comburunt, ut domum reditionis spe sublata paratiores ad omnia pericula subeunda essent; trium mensum molita cibaria sibi quemque domo efferre iubent. Persuadent Rauracis et Tulingis et Latobrigis finitimis, uti eodem usi consilio oppidis suis vicisque exustis una cum iis proficiscantur, Boiosque, qui trans Rhenum incoluerant et in agrum Noricum transierant Noreiamque oppugnabant, receptos ad se socios sibi adsciscunt.
CHAPTER 1.6
SECTION 1.6.1Erant omnino itinera duo, quibus itineribus domo exire possent: unum per Sequanos, angustum et difficile, inter montem Iuram et flumen Rhodanum, vix qua singuli carri ducerentur, mons autem altissimus impendebat, ut facile perpauci prohibere possent;
SECTION 1.6.2alterum per provinciam nostram, multo facilius atque expeditius, propterea quod inter fines Helvetiorum et Allobrogum, qui nuper pacati erant, Rhodanus fluit isque non nullis locis vado transitur.
SECTION 1.6.3Extremum oppidum Allobrogum est proximumque Helvetiorum finibus Genava. Ex eo oppido pons ad Helvetios pertinet. Allobrogibus sese vel persuasuros, quod nondum bono animo in populum Romanum viderentur, existimabant vel vi coacturos ut per suos fines eos ire paterentur. Omnibus rebus ad profectionem comparatis diem dicunt, qua die ad ripam Rhodani omnes conveniant. is dies erat a. d. V. Kal. Apr. L. Pisone, A. Gabinio consulibus.
CHAPTER 1.7
SECTION 1.7.1Caesari cum id nuntiatum esset, eos per provinciam nostram iter facere conari, maturat ab urbe proficisci et quam maximis potest itineribus in Galliam ulteriorem contendit et ad Genavam pervenit.
SECTION 1.7.2Provinciae toti quam maximum potest militum numerum imperat (erat omnino in Gallia ulteriore legio una), pontem, qui erat ad Genavam, iubet rescindi.
SECTION 1.7.3Ubi de eius adventu Helvetii certiores facti sunt, legatos ad eum mittunt nobilissimos civitatis, cuius legationis Nammeius et Verucloetius principem locum obtinebant, qui dicerent sibi esse in animo sine ullo maleficio iter per provinciam facere, propterea quod aliud iter haberent nullum: rogare ut eius voluntate id sibi facere liceat. Caesar, quod memoria tenebat L. Cassium consulem occisum exercitumque eius ab Helvetiis pulsum et sub iugum missum, concedendum non putabat;
SECTION 1.7.4neque homines inimico animo, data facultate per provinciam itineris faciundi, temperaturos ab iniuria et maleficio existimabat.
SECTION 1.7.5Tamen, ut spatium intercedere posset dum milites quos imperaverat convenirent, legatis respondit diem se ad deliberandum sumpturum: si quid vellent, ad Id. April. reverterentur.
CHAPTER 1.8
SECTION 1.8.1Interea ea legione quam secum habebat militibusque, qui ex provincia convenerant, a lacu Lemanno, qui in flumen Rhodanum influit, ad montem Iuram, qui fines Sequanorum ab Helvetiis dividit, milia passuum XVIIII murum in altitudinem pedum sedecim fossamque perducit.
SECTION 1.8.2Eo opere perfecto praesidia disponit, castella communit, quo facilius, si se invito transire conentur, prohibere possit.
SECTION 1.8.3Ubi ea dies quam constituerat cum legatis venit et legati ad eum reverterunt, negat se more et exemplo populi Romani posse iter ulli per provinciam dare et, si vim facere conentur, prohibiturum ostendit.
SECTION 1.8.4Helvetii ea spe deiecti navibus iunctis ratibusque compluribus factis, alii vadis Rhodani, qua minima altitudo fluminis erat, non numquam interdiu, saepius noctu si perrumpere possent conati, operis munitione et militum concursu et telis repulsi, hoc conatu destiterunt.
CHAPTER 1.9
SECTION 1.9.1Relinquebatur una per Sequanos via, qua Sequanis invitis propter angustias ire non poterant.
SECTION 1.9.2His cum sua sponte persuadere non possent, legatos ad Dumnorigem Haeduum mittunt, ut eo deprecatore a Sequanis impetrarent.
SECTION 1.9.3Dumnorix gratia et largitione apud Sequanos plurimum poterat et Helvetiis erat amicus, quod ex ea civitate Orgetorigis filiam in matrimonium duxerat, et cupiditate regni adductus novis rebus studebat et quam plurimas civitates suo beneficio habere obstrictas volebat.
SECTION 1.9.4Itaque rem suscipit et a Sequanis impetrat ut per fines suos Helvetios ire patiantur, obsidesque uti inter sese dent perficit: Sequani, ne itinere Helvetios prohibeant, Helvetii, ut sine maleficio et iniuria transeant.
CHAPTER 1.10
SECTION 1.10.1Caesari renuntiatur Helvetiis esse in animo per agrum Sequanorum et Haeduorum iter in Santonum fines facere, qui non longe a Tolosatium finibus absunt, quae civitas est in provincia.
SECTION 1.10.2Id si fieret, intellegebat magno cum periculo provinciae futurum ut homines bellicosos, populi Romani inimicos, locis patentibus maximeque frumentariis finitimos haberet.
SECTION 1.10.3Ob eas causas ei munitioni quam fecerat T. Labienum legatum praeficit; ipse in Italiam magnis itineribus contendit duasque ibi legiones conscribit et tres, quae circum Aquileiam hiemabant, ex hibernis educit et, qua proximum iter in ulteriorem Galliam per Alpes erat, cum his quinque legionibus ire contendit.
SECTION 1.10.4Ibi Ceutrones et Graioceli et Caturiges locis superioribus occupatis itinere exercitum prohibere conantur. Compluribus his proeliis pulsis ab Ocelo, quod est oppidum citerioris provinciae extremum, in fines Vocontiorum ulterioris provinciae die septimo pervenit; inde in Allobrogum fines, ab Allobrogibus in Segusiavos exercitum ducit. Hi sunt extra provinciam trans Rhodanum primi.
CHAPTER 1.11
SECTION 1.11.1Helvetii iam per angustias et fines Sequanorum suas copias traduxerant et in Haeduorum fines pervenerant eorumque agros populabantur.
SECTION 1.11.2Haedui, cum se suaque ab iis defendere non possent, legatos ad Caesarem mittunt rogatum auxilium:
SECTION 1.11.3ita se omni tempore de populo Romano meritos esse ut paene in conspectu exercitus nostri agri vastari, liberi [eorum] in servitutem abduci, oppida expugnari non debuerint. Eodem tempore quo Haedui Ambarri, necessarii et consanguinei Haeduorum, Caesarem certiorem faciunt sese depopulatis agris non facile ab oppidis vim hostium prohibere.
SECTION 1.11.4Item Allobroges, qui trans Rhodanum vicos possessionesque habebant, fuga se ad Caesarem recipiunt et demonstrant sibi praeter agri solum nihil esse reliqui.
SECTION 1.11.5Quibus rebus adductus Caesar non expectandum sibi statuit dum, omnibus, fortunis sociorum consumptis, in Santonos Helvetii pervenirent.
CHAPTER 1.12
SECTION 1.12.1Flumen est Arar, quod per fines Haeduorum et Sequanorum in Rhodanum influit, incredibili lenitate, ita ut oculis in utram partem fluat iudicari non possit. Id Helvetii ratibus ac lintribus iunctis transibant.
SECTION 1.12.2Ubi per exploratores Caesar certior factus est tres iam partes copiarum Helvetios id flumen traduxisse, quartam vero partem citra flumen Ararim reliquam esse, de tertia vigilia cum legionibus tribus e castris profectus ad eam partem pervenit quae nondum flumen transierat.
SECTION 1.12.3Eos impeditos et inopinantes adgressus magnam partem eorum concidit; reliqui sese fugae mandarunt atque in proximas silvas abdiderunt.
SECTION 1.12.4Is pagus appellabatur Tigurinus; nam omnis civitas Helvetia in quattuor pagos divisa est.
SECTION 1.12.5Hic pagus unus, cum domo exisset, patrum nostrorum memoria L. Cassium consulem interfecerat et eius exercitum sub iugum miserat.
SECTION 1.12.6Ita sive casu sive consilio deorum immortalium quae pars civitatis Helvetiae insignem calamitatem populo Romano intulerat, ea princeps poenam persolvit.
SECTION 1.12.7Qua in re Caesar non solum publicas, sed etiam privatas iniurias ultus est, quod eius soceri L. Pisonis avum, L. Pisonem legatum, Tigurini eodem proelio quo Cassium interfecerant.
CHAPTER 1.13
SECTION 1.13.1Hoc proelio facto, reliquas copias Helvetiorum ut consequi posset, pontem in Arari faciendum curat atque ita exercitum traducit.
SECTION 1.13.2Helvetii repentino eius adventu commoti cum id quod ipsi diebus XX aegerrime confecerant, ut flumen transirent, illum uno die fecisse intellegerent, legatos ad eum mittunt; cuius legationis Divico princeps fuit, qui bello Cassiano dux Helvetiorum fuerat.
SECTION 1.13.3Is ita cum Caesare egit: si pacem populus Romanus cum Helvetiis faceret, in eam partem ituros atque ibi futuros Helvetios ubi eos Caesar constituisset atque esse voluisset;
SECTION 1.13.4sin bello persequi perseveraret, reminisceretur et veteris incommodi populi Romani et pristinae virtutis Helvetiorum. Quod improviso unum pagum adortus esset, cum ii qui flumen transissent suis auxilium ferre non possent, ne ob eam rem aut suae magnopere virtuti tribueret aut ipsos despiceret. Se ita a patribus maioribusque suis didicisse, ut magis virtute contenderent quam dolo aut insidiis niterentur.
SECTION 1.13.5Quare ne committeret ut is locus ubi constitissent ex calamitate populi Romani et internecione exercitus nomen caperet aut memoriam proderet.
CHAPTER 1.14
SECTION 1.14.1His Caesar ita respondit: eo sibi minus dubitationis dari, quod eas res quas legati Helvetii commemorassent memoria teneret, atque eo gravius ferre quo minus merito populi Romani accidissent;
SECTION 1.14.2qui si alicuius iniuriae sibi conscius fuisset, non fuisse difficile cavere; sed eo deceptum, quod neque commissum a se intellegeret quare timeret neque sine causa timendum putaret.
SECTION 1.14.3Quod si veteris contumeliae oblivisci vellet, num etiam recentium iniuriarum, quod eo invito iter per provinciam per vim temptassent, quod Haeduos, quod Ambarros, quod Allobrogas vexassent, memoriam deponere posse?
SECTION 1.14.4Quod sua victoria tam insolenter gloriarentur quodque tam diu se impune iniurias tulisse admirarentur, eodem pertinere.
SECTION 1.14.5Consuesse enim deos immortales, quo gravius homines ex commutatione rerum doleant, quos pro scelere eorum ulcisci velint, his secundiores interdum res et diuturniorem impunitatem concedere.
SECTION 1.14.6Cum ea ita sint, tamen, si obsides ab iis sibi dentur, uti ea quae polliceantur facturos intellegat, et si Haeduis de iniuriis quas ipsis sociisque eorum intulerint, item si Allobrogibus satis faciunt, sese cum iis pacem esse facturum.
SECTION 1.14.7Divico respondit: ita Helvetios a maioribus suis institutos esse uti obsides accipere, non dare, consuerint; eius rei populum Romanum esse testem. Hoc responso dato discessit.
CHAPTER 1.15
SECTION 1.15.1Postero die castra ex eo loco movent. Idem facit Caesar equitatumque omnem, ad numerum quattuor milium, quem ex omni provincia et Haeduis atque eorum sociis coactum habebat, praemittit, qui videant quas in partes hostes iter faciant. Qui cupidius novissimum agmen insecuti alieno loco cum equitatu Helvetiorum proelium committunt; et pauci de nostris cadunt.
SECTION 1.15.2Quo proelio sublati Helvetii, quod quingentis equitibus tantam multitudinem equitum propulerant, audacius subsistere non numquam et novissimo agmine proelio nostros lacessere coeperunt. Caesar suos a proelio continebat, ac satis habebat in praesentia hostem rapinis, pabulationibus populationibusque prohibere.
SECTION 1.15.3Ita dies circiter XV iter fecerunt uti inter novissimum hostium agmen et nostrum primum non amplius quinis aut senis milibus passuum interesset.
CHAPTER 1.16
SECTION 1.16.1Interim cotidie Caesar Haeduos frumentum, quod essent publice polliciti, flagitare.
SECTION 1.16.2Nam propter frigora [quod Gallia sub septentrionibus, ut ante dictum est, posita est,] non modo frumenta in agris matura non erant, sed ne pabuli quidem satis magna copia suppetebat;
SECTION 1.16.3eo autem frumento quod flumine Arari navibus subvexerat propterea uti minus poterat quod iter ab Arari Helvetii averterant, a quibus discedere nolebat.
SECTION 1.16.4Diem ex die ducere Haedui: conferri, comportari, adesse dicere.
SECTION 1.16.5Ubi se diutius duci intellexit et diem instare quo die frumentum militibus metiri oporteret, convocatis eorum principibus, quorum magnam copiam in castris habebat, in his Diviciaco et Lisco, qui summo magistratui praeerat, quem vergobretum appellant Haedui, qui creatur annuus et vitae necisque in suos habet potestatem, graviter eos accusat,
SECTION 1.16.6quod, cum neque emi neque ex agris sumi possit, tam necessario tempore, tam propinquis hostibus ab iis non sublevetur, praesertim cum magna ex parte eorum precibus adductus bellum susceperit[; multo etiam gravius quod sit destitutus queritur].
CHAPTER 1.17
SECTION 1.17.1Tum demum Liscus oratione Caesaris adductus quod antea tacuerat proponit: esse non nullos, quorum auctoritas apud plebem plurimum valeat, qui privatim plus possint quam ipsi magistratus.
SECTION 1.17.2Hos seditiosa atque improba oratione multitudinem deterrere, ne frumentum conferant quod debeant:
SECTION 1.17.3praestare, si iam principatum Galliae obtinere non possint, Gallorum quam Romanorum imperia perferre,
SECTION 1.17.4neque dubitare [debeant] quin, si Helvetios superaverint Romani, una cum reliqua Gallia Haeduis libertatem sint erepturi.
SECTION 1.17.5Ab isdem nostra consilia quaeque in castris gerantur hostibus enuntiari; hos a se coerceri non posse.
SECTION 1.17.6Quin etiam, quod necessariam rem coactus Caesari enuntiarit, intellegere sese quanto id cum periculo fecerit, et ob eam causam quam diu potuerit tacuisse.
CHAPTER 1.18
SECTION 1.18.1Caesar hac oratione Lisci Dumnorigem, Diviciaci fratrem, designari sentiebat, sed, quod pluribus praesentibus eas res iactari nolebat, celeriter concilium dimittit, Liscum retinet.
SECTION 1.18.2Quaerit ex solo ea quae in conventu dixerat. Dicit liberius atque audacius. Eadem secreto ab aliis quaerit; reperit esse vera:
SECTION 1.18.3ipsum esse Dumnorigem, summa audacia, magna apud plebem propter liberalitatem gratia, cupidum rerum novarum. Complures annos portoria reliquaque omnia Haeduorum vectigalia parvo pretio redempta habere, propterea quod illo licente contra liceri audeat nemo.
SECTION 1.18.4His rebus et suam rem familiarem auxisse et facultates ad largiendum magnas comparasse;
SECTION 1.18.5magnum numerum equitatus suo sumptu semper alere et circum se habere,
SECTION 1.18.6neque solum domi, sed etiam apud finitimas civitates largiter posse, atque huius potentiae causa matrem in Biturigibus homini illic nobilissimo ac potentissimo conlocasse;
SECTION 1.18.7ipsum ex Helvetiis uxorem habere, sororum ex matre et propinquas suas nuptum in alias civitates conlocasse.
SECTION 1.18.8Favere et cupere Helvetiis propter eam adfinitatem, odisse etiam suo nomine Caesarem et Romanos, quod eorum adventu potentia eius deminuta et Diviciacus frater in antiquum locum gratiae atque honoris sit restitutus.
SECTION 1.18.9Si quid accidat Romanis, summam in spem per Helvetios regni obtinendi venire; imperio populi Romani non modo de regno, sed etiam de ea quam habeat gratia desperare.
SECTION 1.18.10Reperiebat etiam in quaerendo Caesar, quod proelium equestre adversum paucis ante diebus esset factum, initium eius fugae factum a Dumnorige atque eius equitibus (nam equitatui, quem auxilio Caesari Haedui miserant, Dumnorix praeerat): eorum fuga reliquum esse equitatum perterritum.
CHAPTER 1.19
SECTION 1.19.1Quibus rebus cognitis, cum ad has suspiciones certissimae res accederent, quod per fines Sequanorum Helvetios traduxisset, quod obsides inter eos dandos curasset, quod ea omnia non modo iniussu suo et civitatis sed etiam inscientibus ipsis fecisset, quod a magistratu Haeduorum accusaretur, satis esse causae arbitrabatur quare in eum aut ipse animadverteret aut civitatem animadvertere iuberet.
SECTION 1.19.2His omnibus rebus unum repugnabat, quod Diviciaci fratris summum in populum Romanum studium, summum in se voluntatem, egregiam fidem, iustitiam, temperantiam cognoverat; nam ne eius supplicio Diviciaci animum offenderet verebatur.
SECTION 1.19.3Itaque prius quam quicquam conaretur, Diviciacum ad se vocari iubet et, cotidianis interpretibus remotis, per C. Valerium Troucillum, principem Galliae provinciae, familiarem suum, cui summam omnium rerum fidem habebat, cum eo conloquitur;
SECTION 1.19.4simul commonefacit quae ipso praesente in concilio [Gallorum] de Dumnorige sint dicta, et ostendit quae separatim quisque de eo apud se dixerit.
SECTION 1.19.5Petit atque hortatur ut sine eius offensione animi vel ipse de eo causa cognita statuat vel civitatem statuere iubeat.
CHAPTER 1.20
SECTION 1.20.1Diviciacus multis cum lacrimis Caesarem complexus obsecrare coepit ne quid gravius in fratrem statueret:
SECTION 1.20.2scire se illa esse vera, nec quemquam ex eo plus quam se doloris capere, propterea quod, cum ipse gratia plurimum domi atque in reliqua Gallia, ille minimum propter adulescentiam posset, per se crevisset;
SECTION 1.20.3quibus opibus ac nervis non solum ad minuendam gratiam, sed paene ad perniciem suam uteretur. Sese tamen et amore fraterno et existimatione vulgi commoveri.
SECTION 1.20.4Quod si quid ei a Caesare gravius accidisset, cum ipse eum locum amicitiae apud eum teneret, neminem existimaturum non sua voluntate factum; qua ex re futurum uti totius Galliae animi a se averterentur.
SECTION 1.20.5Haec cum pluribus verbis flens a Caesare peteret, Caesar eius dextram prendit; consolatus rogat finem orandi faciat; tanti eius apud se gratiam esse ostendit uti et rei publicae iniuriam et suum dolorem eius voluntati ac precibus condonet. Dumnorigem ad se vocat, fratrem adhibet; quae in eo reprehendat ostendit; quae ipse intellegat, quae civitas queratur proponit; monet ut in reliquum tempus omnes suspiciones vitet; praeterita se Diviciaco fratri condonare dicit. Dumnorigi custodes ponit, ut quae agat, quibuscum loquatur scire possit.
CHAPTER 1.21
SECTION 1.21.1Eodem die ab exploratoribus certior factus hostes sub monte consedisse milia passuum ab ipsius castris octo, qualis esset natura montis et qualis in circuitu ascensus qui cognoscerent misit.
SECTION 1.21.2Renuntiatum est facilem esse. De tertia vigilia T. Labienum, legatum pro praetore, cum duabus legionibus et iis ducibus qui iter cognoverant summum iugum montis ascendere iubet; quid sui consilii sit ostendit.
SECTION 1.21.3Ipse de quarta vigilia eodem itinere quo hostes ierant ad eos contendit equitatumque omnem ante se mittit.
SECTION 1.21.4P. Considius, qui rei militaris peritissimus habebatur et in exercitu L. Sullae et postea in M. Crassi fuerat, cum exploratoribus praemittitur.
CHAPTER 1.22
SECTION 1.22.1Prima luce, cum summus mons a [Lucio] Labieno teneretur, ipse ab hostium castris non longius mille et quingentis passibus abesset neque, ut postea ex captivis comperit, aut ipsius adventus aut Labieni cognitus esset,
SECTION 1.22.2Considius equo admisso ad eum accurrit, dicit montem, quem a Labieno occupari voluerit, ab hostibus teneri: id se a Gallicis armis atque insignibus cognovisse.
SECTION 1.22.3Caesar suas copias in proximum collem subducit, aciem instruit. Labienus, ut erat ei praeceptum a Caesare ne proelium committeret, nisi ipsius copiae prope hostium castra visae essent, ut undique uno tempore in hostes impetus fieret, monte occupato nostros expectabat proelioque abstinebat.
SECTION 1.22.4Multo denique die per exploratores Caesar cognovit et montem a suis teneri et Helvetios castra, movisse et Considium timore perterritum quod non vidisset pro viso sibi renuntiavisse. Eo die quo consuerat intervallo hostes sequitur et milia passuum tria ab eorum castris castra ponit.
CHAPTER 1.23
SECTION 1.23.1Postridie eius diei, quod omnino biduum supererat, cum exercitui frumentum metiri oporteret, et quod a Bibracte, oppido Haeduorum longe maximo et copiosissimo, non amplius milibus passuum XVIII aberat, rei frumentariae prospiciendum existimavit; itaque iter ab Helvetiis avertit ac Bibracte ire contendit.
SECTION 1.23.2Ea res per fugitivos L. Aemilii, decurionis equitum Gallorum, hostibus nuntiatur.
SECTION 1.23.3Helvetii, seu quod timore perterritos Romanos discedere a se existimarent, eo magis quod pridie superioribus locis occupatis proelium non commisissent, sive eo quod re frumentaria intercludi posse confiderent, commutato consilio atque itinere converso nostros a novissimo agmine insequi ac lacessere coeperunt.
CHAPTER 1.24
SECTION 1.24.1Postquam id animum advertit, copias suas Caesar in proximum collem subduxit equitatumque, qui sustineret hostium impetum, misit.
SECTION 1.24.2Ipse interim in colle medio triplicem aciem instruxit legionum quattuor veteranarum; in summo iugo duas legiones quas in Gallia citeriore proxime conscripserat et omnia auxilia conlocavit,
SECTION 1.24.3ita ut supra se totum montem hominibus compleret; impedimenta sarcinasque in unum locum conferri et eum ab iis qui in superiore acie constiterant muniri iussit.
SECTION 1.24.4Helvetii cum omnibus suis carris secuti impedimenta in unum locum contulerunt; ipsi confertissima acie, reiecto nostro equitatu, phalange facta sub primam nostram aciem successerunt.
CHAPTER 1.25
SECTION 1.25.1Caesar primum suo, deinde omnium ex conspectu remotis equis, ut aequato omnium periculo spem fugae tolleret, cohortatus suos proelium commisit.
SECTION 1.25.2Milites loco superiore pilis missis facile hostium phalangem perfregerunt. Ea disiecta gladiis destrictis in eos impetum fecerunt.
SECTION 1.25.3Gallis magno ad pugnam erat impedimento quod pluribus eorum scutis uno ictu pilorum transfixis et conligatis, cum ferrum se inflexisset, neque evellere neque sinistra impedita satis commode pugnare poterant,
SECTION 1.25.4multi ut diu iactato bracchio praeoptarent scutum manu emittere et nudo corpore pugnare.
SECTION 1.25.5Tandem vulneribus defessi et pedem referre et, quod mons suberit circiter mille passuum spatio, eo se recipere coeperunt.
SECTION 1.25.6Capto monte et succedentibus nostris, Boi et Tulingi, qui hominum milibus circiter XV agmen hostium claudebant et novissimis praesidio erant, ex itinere nostros ab latere aperto adgressi circumvenire, et id conspicati Helvetii, qui in montem sese receperant, rursus instare et proelium redintegrare coeperunt.
SECTION 1.25.7Romani [conversa] signa bipertito intulerunt: prima et secunda acies, ut victis ac submotis resisteret, tertia, ut venientes sustineret.
CHAPTER 1.26
SECTION 1.26.1Ita ancipiti proelio diu atque acriter pugnatum est. Diutius cum sustinere nostrorum impetus non possent, alteri se, ut coeperant, in montem receperunt, alteri ad impedimenta et carros suos se contulerunt.
SECTION 1.26.2Nam hoc toto proelio, cum ab hora septima ad vesperum pugnatum sit, aversum hostem videre nemo potuit.
SECTION 1.26.3Ad multam noctem etiam ad impedimenta pugnatum est, propterea quod pro vallo carros obiecerunt et e loco superiore in nostros venientes tela coiciebant et non nulli inter carros rotasque mataras ac tragulas subiciebant nostrosque vulnerabant.
SECTION 1.26.4Diu cum esset pugnatum, impedimentis castrisque nostri potiti sunt. Ibi Orgetorigis filia atque unus e filiis captus est.
SECTION 1.26.5Ex eo proelio circiter hominum milia CXXX superfuerunt eaque tota nocte continenter ierunt [nullam partem noctis itinere intermisso]; in fines Lingonum die quarto pervenerunt, cum et propter vulnera militum et propter sepulturam occisorum nostri [triduum morati] eos sequi non potuissent.
SECTION 1.26.6Caesar ad Lingonas litteras nuntiosque misit, ne eos frumento neve alia re iuvarent: qui si iuvissent, se eodem loco quo Helvetios habiturum. Ipse triduo intermisso cum omnibus copiis eos sequi coepit.
CHAPTER 1.27
SECTION 1.27.1Helvetii omnium rerum inopia adducti legatos de deditione ad eum miserunt.
SECTION 1.27.2Qui cum eum in itinere convenissent seque ad pedes proiecissent suppliciterque locuti flentes pacem petissent, atque eos in eo loco quo tum essent suum adventum expectare iussisset, paruerunt.
SECTION 1.27.3Eo postquam Caesar pervenit, obsides, arma, servos qui ad eos perfugissent, poposcit.
SECTION 1.27.4Dum ea conquiruntur et conferuntur, [nocte intermissa] circiter hominum milia VI eius pagi qui Verbigenus appellatur, sive timore perterriti, ne armis traditis supplicio adficerentur, sive spe salutis inducti, quod in tanta multitudine dediticiorum suam fugam aut occultari aut omnino ignorari posse existimarent, prima nocte e castris Helvetiorum egressi ad Rhenum finesque Germanorum contenderunt.
CHAPTER 1.28
SECTION 1.28.1Quod ubi Caesar resciit, quorum per fines ierant his uti conquirerent et reducerent, si sibi purgati esse vellent, imperavit; reductos in hostium numero habuit;
SECTION 1.28.2reliquos omnes obsidibus, armis, perfugis traditis in deditionem accepit.
SECTION 1.28.3Helvetios, Tulingos, Latobrigos in fines suos, unde erant profecti, reverti iussit, et, quod omnibus frugibus amissis domi nihil erat quo famem tolerarent, Allobrogibus imperavit ut iis frumenti copiam facerent; ipsos oppida vicosque, quos incenderant, restituere iussit. Id ea maxime ratione fecit, quod noluit eum locum unde Helvetii discesserant vacare, ne propter bonitatem agrorum Germani, qui trans Rhenum incolunt, ex suis finibus in Helvetiorum fines transirent et finitimi Galliae provinciae Allobrogibusque essent.
SECTION 1.28.4Boios petentibus Haeduis, quod egregia virtute erant cogniti, ut in finibus suis conlocarent, concessit; quibus illi agros dederunt quosque postea in parem iuris libertatisque condicionem atque ipsi erant receperunt.
CHAPTER 1.29
SECTION 1.29.1In castris Helvetiorum tabulae repertae sunt litteris Graecis confectae et ad Caesarem relatae, quibus in tabulis nominatim ratio confecta erat, qui numerus domo exisset eorum qui arma ferre possent, et item separatim, quot pueri, senes mulieresque.
SECTION 1.29.2[Quarum omnium rerum] summa erat capitum Helvetiorum milium CCLXIII, Tulingorum milium XXXVI, Latobrigorum XIIII, Rauracorum XXIII, Boiorum XXXII; ex his qui arma ferre possent ad milia nonaginta duo.
SECTION 1.29.3Summa omnium fuerunt ad milia CCCLXVIII. Eorum qui domum redierunt censu habito, ut Caesar imperaverat, repertus est numerus milium C et X.
CHAPTER 1.30
SECTION 1.30.1Bello Helvetiorum confecto totius fere Galliae legati, principes civitatum, ad Caesarem gratulatum convenerunt:
SECTION 1.30.2intellegere sese, tametsi pro veteribus Helvetiorum iniuriis populi Romani ab his poenas bello repetisset, tamen eam rem non minus ex usu [terrae] Galliae quam populi Romani accidisse,
SECTION 1.30.3propterea quod eo consilio florentissimis rebus domos suas Helvetii reliquissent uti toti Galliae bellum inferrent imperioque potirentur, locumque domicilio ex magna copia deligerent quem ex omni Gallia oportunissimum ac fructuosissimum iudicassent, reliquasque civitates stipendiarias haberent.
SECTION 1.30.4Petierunt uti sibi concilium totius Galliae in diem certam indicere idque Caesaris facere voluntate liceret: sese habere quasdam res quas ex communi consensu ab eo petere vellent.
SECTION 1.30.5Ea re permissa diem concilio constituerunt et iure iurando ne quis enuntiaret, nisi quibus communi consilio mandatum esset, inter se sanxerunt.
CHAPTER 1.31
SECTION 1.31.1Eo concilio dimisso, idem princeps civitatum qui ante fuerant ad Caesarem reverterunt petieruntque uti sibi secreto in occulto de sua omniumque salute cum eo agere liceret.
SECTION 1.31.2Ea re impetrata sese omnes flentes Caesari ad pedes proiecerunt: non minus se id contendere et laborare ne ea quae dixissent enuntiarentur quam uti ea quae vellent impetrarent, propterea quod, si enuntiatum esset, summum in cruciatum se venturos viderent.
SECTION 1.31.3Locutus est pro his Diviciacus Haeduus: Galliae totius factiones esse duas; harum alterius principatum tenere Haeduos, alterius Arvernos.
SECTION 1.31.4Hi cum tantopere de potentatu inter se multos annos contenderent, factum esse uti ab Arvernis Sequanisque Germani mercede arcesserentur.
SECTION 1.31.5Horum primo circiter milia XV Rhenum transisse; postea quam agros et cultum et copias Gallorum homines feri ac barbari adamassent, traductos plures; nunc esse in Gallia ad C et XX milium numerum.
SECTION 1.31.6Cum his Haeduos eorumque clientes semel atque iterum armis contendisse; magnam calamitatem pulsos accepisse, omnem nobilitatem, omnem senatum, omnem equitatum amisisse.
SECTION 1.31.7Quibus proeliis calamitatibusque fractos, qui et sua virtute et populi Romani hospitio atque amicitia plurimum ante in Gallia potuissent, coactos esse Sequanis obsides dare nobilissimos civitatis et iure iurando civitatem obstringere sese neque obsides repetituros neque auxilium a populo Romano imploraturos neque recusaturos quo minus perpetuo sub illorum dicione atque imperio essent.
SECTION 1.31.8Unum se esse ex omni civitate Haeduorum qui adduci non potuerit ut iuraret aut liberos suos obsides daret.
SECTION 1.31.9Ob eam rem se ex civitate profugisse et Romam ad senatum venisse auxilium postulatum, quod solus neque iure iurando neque obsidibus teneretur.
SECTION 1.31.10Sed peius victoribus Sequanis quam Haeduis victis accidisse, propterea quod Ariovistus, rex Germanorum, in eorum finibus consedisset tertiamque partem agri Sequani, qui esset optimus totius Galliae, occupavisset et nunc de altera parte tertia Sequanos decedere iuberet, propterea quod paucis mensibus ante Harudum milia hominum XXIIII ad eum venissent, quibus locus ac sedes pararentur.
SECTION 1.31.11Futurum esse paucis annis uti omnes ex Galliae finibus pellerentur atque omnes Germani Rhenum transirent; neque enim conferendum esse Gallicum cum Germanorum agro neque hanc consuetudinem victus cum illa comparandam.
SECTION 1.31.12Ariovistum autem, ut semel Gallorum copias proelio vicerit, quod proelium factum sit ad Magetobrigam, superbe et crudeliter imperare, obsides nobilissimi cuiusque liberos poscere et in eos omnia exempla cruciatusque edere, si qua res non ad nutum aut ad voluntatem eius facta sit.
SECTION 1.31.13Hominem esse barbarum, iracundum, temerarium: non posse eius imperia, diutius sustineri.
SECTION 1.31.14Nisi quid in Caesare populoque Romano sit auxilii, omnibus Gallis idem esse faciendum quod Helvetii fecerint, ut domo emigrent, aliud domicilium, alias sedes, remotas a Germanis, petant fortunamque, quaecumque accidat, experiantur. Haec si enuntiata Ariovisto sint, non dubitare quin de omnibus obsidibus qui apud eum sint gravissimum supplicium sumat.
SECTION 1.31.15Caesarem vel auctoritate sua atque exercitus vel recenti victoria vel nomine populi Romani deterrere posse ne maior multitudo Germanorum Rhenum traducatur, Galliamque omnem ab Ariovisti iniuria posse defendere.
CHAPTER 1.32
SECTION 1.32.1Hac oratione ab Diviciaco habita omnes qui aderant magno fletu auxilium a Caesare petere coeperunt.
SECTION 1.32.2Animadvertit Caesar unos ex omnibus Sequanos nihil earum rerum facere quas ceteri facerent sed tristes capite demisso terram intueri. Eius rei quae causa esset miratus ex ipsis quaesiit.
SECTION 1.32.3Nihil Sequani respondere, sed in eadem tristitia taciti permanere. Cum ab his saepius quaereret neque ullam omnino vocem exprimere posset, idem Diviacus Haeduus respondit:
SECTION 1.32.4hoc esse miseriorem et graviorem fortunam Sequanorum quam reliquorum, quod soli ne in occulto quidem queri neque auxilium implorare auderent absentisque Ariovisti crudelitatem,
SECTION 1.32.5velut si coram adesset, horrerent, propterea quod reliquis tamen fugae facultas daretur, Sequanis vero, qui intra fines suos Ariovistum recepissent, quorum oppida omnia in potestate eius essent, omnes cruciatus essent perferendi.
CHAPTER 1.33
SECTION 1.33.1His rebus cognitis Caesar Gallorum animos verbis confirmavit pollicitusque est sibi eam rem curae futuram; magnam se habere spem et beneficio suo et auctoritate adductum Ariovistum finem iniuriis facturum. Hac oratione habita, concilium dimisit.
SECTION 1.33.2Et secundum ea multae res eum hortabantur quare sibi eam rem cogitandam et suscipiendam putaret, in primis quod Haeduos, fratres consanguineosque saepe numero a senatu appellatos, in servitute atque [in] dicione videbat Germanorum teneri eorumque obsides esse apud Ariovistum ac Sequanos intellegebat; quod in tanto imperio populi Romani turpissimum sibi et rei publicae esse arbitrabatur.
SECTION 1.33.3Paulatim autem Germanos consuescere Rhenum transire et in Galliam magnam eorum multitudinem venire populo Romano periculosum videbat, neque sibi homines feros ac barbaros temperaturos existimabat quin, cum omnem Galliam occupavissent, ut ante Cimbri Teutonique fecissent, in provinciam exirent atque inde in Italiam contenderent [, praesertim cum Sequanos a provincia nostra Rhodanus divideret]; quibus rebus quam maturrime occurrendum putabat.
SECTION 1.33.4Ipse autem Ariovistus tantos sibi spiritus, tantam arrogantiam sumpserat, ut ferendus non videretur.
CHAPTER 1.34
SECTION 1.34.1Quam ob rem placuit ei ut ad Ariovistum legatos mitteret, qui ab eo postularent uti aliquem locum medium utrisque conloquio deligeret: velle sese de re publica et summis utriusque rebus cum eo agere.
SECTION 1.34.2Ei legationi Ariovistus respondit: si quid ipsi a Caesare opus esset, sese ad eum venturum fuisse; si quid ille se velit, illum ad se venire oportere.
SECTION 1.34.3Praeterea se neque sine exercitu in eas partes Galliae venire audere quas Caesar possideret, neque exercitum sine magno commeatu atque molimento in unum locum contrahere posse.
SECTION 1.34.4Sibi autem mirum videri quid in sua Gallia, quam bello vicisset, aut Caesari aut omnino populo Romano negotii esset.
CHAPTER 1.35
SECTION 1.35.1His responsis ad Caesarem relatis, iterum ad eum Caesar legatos cum his mandatis mittit:
SECTION 1.35.2quoniam tanto suo populique Romani beneficio adfectus, cum in consulatu suo rex atque amicus a senatu appellatus esset, hanc sibi populoque Romano gratiam referret ut in conloquium venire invitatus gravaretur neque de communi re dicendum sibi et cognoscendum putaret, haec esse quae ab eo postularet:
SECTION 1.35.3primum ne quam multitudinem hominum amplius trans Rhenum in Galliam traduceret; deinde obsides quos haberet ab Haeduis redderet Sequanisque permitteret ut quos illi haberent voluntate eius reddere illis liceret; neve Haeduos iniuria lacesseret neve his sociisque eorum bellum inferret.
SECTION 1.35.4Si [id] ita fecisset, sibi populoque Romano perpetuam gratiam atque amicitiam cum eo futuram; si non impetraret, sese, quoniam M. Messala, M. Pisone consulibus senatus censuisset uti quicumque Galliam provinciam obtineret, quod commodo rei publicae facere posset, Haeduos ceterosque amicos populi Romani defenderet, se Haeduorum iniurias non neglecturum.
CHAPTER 1.36
SECTION 1.36.1Ad haec Ariovistus respondit: ius esse belli ut qui vicissent iis quos vicissent quem ad modum vellent imperarent. Item populum Romanum victis non ad alterius praescriptum, sed ad suum arbitrium imperare consuesse.
SECTION 1.36.2Si ipse populo Romano non praescriberet quem ad modum suo iure uteretur, non oportere se a populo Romano in suo iure impediri.
SECTION 1.36.3Haeduos sibi, quoniam belli fortunam temptassent et armis congressi ac superati essent, stipendiarios esse factos.
SECTION 1.36.4Magnam Caesarem iniuriam facere, qui suo adventu vectigalia sibi deteriora faceret.
SECTION 1.36.5Haeduis se obsides redditurum non esse neque his neque eorum sociis iniuria bellum inlaturum, si in eo manerent quod convenisset stipendiumque quotannis penderent; si id non fecissent, longe iis fraternum nomen populi Romani afuturum.
SECTION 1.36.6Quod sibi Caesar denuntiaret se Haeduorum iniurias non neglecturum, neminem secum sine sua pernicie contendisse.
SECTION 1.36.7Cum vellet, congrederetur: intellecturum quid invicti Germani, exercitatissimi in armis, qui inter annos XIIII tectum non subissent, virtute possent.
CHAPTER 1.37
SECTION 1.37.1Haec eodem tempore Caesari mandata referebantur et legati ab Haeduis et a Treveris veniebant:
SECTION 1.37.2Haedui questum quod Harudes, qui nuper in Galliam transportati essent, fines eorum popularentur: sese ne obsidibus quidem datis pacem Ariovisti redimere potuisse;
SECTION 1.37.3Treveri autem, pagos centum Sueborum ad ripas Rheni consedisse, qui Rhenum transire conarentur; his praeesse Nasuam et Cimberium fratres. Quibus rebus Caesar vehementer commotus maturandum sibi existimavit, ne, si nova manus Sueborum cum veteribus copiis Ariovisti sese coniunxisset, minus facile resisti posset.
SECTION 1.37.4Itaque re frumentaria quam celerrime potuit comparata magnis itineribus ad Ariovistum contendit.
CHAPTER 1.38
SECTION 1.38.1Cum tridui viam processisset, nuntiatum est ei Ariovistum cum suis omnibus copiis ad occupandum Vesontionem, quod est oppidum maximum Sequanorum, contendere [triduique viam a suis finibus processisse]. Id ne accideret, magnopere sibi praecavendum Caesar existimabat. Namque omnium rerum quae ad bellum usui erant summa erat in eo oppido facultas,
SECTION 1.38.2idque natura loci sic muniebatur ut magnam ad ducendum bellum daret facultatem, propterea quod flumen [alduas] Dubis ut circino circumductum paene totum oppidum cingit,
SECTION 1.38.3reliquum spatium, quod est non amplius pedum MDC, qua flumen intermittit, mons continet magna altitudine, ita ut radices eius montis ex utraque parte ripae fluminis contingant,
SECTION 1.38.4hunc murus circumdatus arcem efficit et cum oppido coniungit.
SECTION 1.38.5Huc Caesar magnis nocturnis diurnisque itineribus contendit occupatoque oppido ibi praesidium conlocat.
CHAPTER 1.39
SECTION 1.39.1Dum paucos dies ad Vesontionem rei frumentariae commeatusque causa moratur, ex percontatione nostrorum vocibusque Gallorum ac mercatorum, qui ingenti magnitudine corporum Germanos, incredibili virtute atque exercitatione in armis esse praedicabant (saepe numero sese cum his congressos ne vultum quidem atque aciem oculorum dicebant ferre potuisse), tantus subito timor omnem exercitum occupavit ut non mediocriter omnium mentes animosque perturbaret.
SECTION 1.39.2Hic primum ortus est a tribunis militum, praefectis, reliquisque qui ex urbe amicitiae causa Caesarem secuti non magnum in re militari usum habebant:
SECTION 1.39.3quorum alius alia causa inlata, quam sibi ad proficiscendum necessariam esse diceret, petebat ut eius voluntate discedere liceret; non nulli pudore adducti, ut timoris suspicionem vitarent, remanebant.
SECTION 1.39.4Hi neque vultum fingere neque interdum lacrimas tenere poterant: abditi in tabernaculis aut suum fatum querebantur aut cum familiaribus suis commune periculum miserabantur. Vulgo totis castris testamenta obsignabantur.
SECTION 1.39.5Horum vocibus ac timore paulatim etiam ii qui magnum in castris usum habebant, milites centurionesque quique equitatui praeerant, perturbabantur.
SECTION 1.39.6Qui se ex his minus timidos existimari volebant, non se hostem vereri, sed angustias itineris et magnitudinem silvarum quae intercederent inter ipsos atque Ariovistum, aut rem frumentariam, ut satis commode supportari posset, timere dicebant.
SECTION 1.39.7Non nulli etiam Caesari nuntiabant, cum castra moveri ac signa ferri iussisset, non fore dicto audientes milites neque propter timorem signa laturos.
CHAPTER 1.40
SECTION 1.40.1Haec cum animadvertisset, convocato consilio omniumque ordinum ad id consilium adhibitis centurionibus, vehementer eos incusavit: primum, quod aut quam in partem aut quo consilio ducerentur sibi quaerendum aut cogitandum putarent.
SECTION 1.40.2Ariovistum se consule cupidissime populi Romani amicitiam adpetisse; cur hunc tam temere quisquam ab officio discessurum iudicaret?
SECTION 1.40.3Sibi quidem persuaderi cognitis suis postulatis atque aequitate condicionum perspecta eum neque suam neque populi Romani gratiam repudiaturum.
SECTION 1.40.4Quod si furore atque amentia impulsum bellum intulisset, quid tandem vererentur? Aut cur de sua virtute aut de ipsius diligentia desperarent?
SECTION 1.40.5Factum eius hostis periculum patrum nostrorum memoria Cimbris et Teutonis a C. Mario pulsis [cum non minorem laudem exercitus quam ipse imperator meritus videbatur]; factum etiam nuper in Italia servili tumultu, quos tamen aliquid usus ac disciplina, quam a nobis accepissent, sublevarint.
SECTION 1.40.6Ex quo iudicari posse quantum haberet in se boni constantia, propterea quod quos aliquam diu inermes sine causa timuissent hos postea armatos ac victores superassent.
SECTION 1.40.7Denique hos esse eosdem Germanos quibuscum saepe numero Helvetii congressi non solum in suis sed etiam in illorum finibus plerumque superarint, qui tamen pares esse nostro exercitui non potuerint.
SECTION 1.40.8Si quos adversum proelium et fuga Gallorum commoveret, hos, si quaererent, reperire posse diuturnitate belli defatigatis Gallis Ariovistum, cum multos menses castris se ac paludibus tenuisset neque sui potestatem fecisset, desperantes iam de pugna et dispersos subito adortum magis ratione et consilio quam virtute vicisse.
SECTION 1.40.9Cui rationi contra homines barbaros atque imperitos locus fuisset, hac ne ipsum quidem sperare nostros exercitus capi posse.
SECTION 1.40.10Qui suum timorem in rei frumentariae simulationem angustiasque itineris conferrent, facere arroganter, cum aut de officio imperatoris desperare aut praescribere viderentur.
SECTION 1.40.11Haec sibi esse curae; frumentum Sequanos, Leucos, Lingones subministrare, iamque esse in agris frumenta matura; de itinere ipsos brevi tempore iudicaturos.
SECTION 1.40.12Quod non fore dicto audientes neque signa laturi dicantur, nihil se ea re commoveri: scire enim, quibuscumque exercitus dicto audiens non fuerit, aut male re gesta fortunam defuisse aut aliquo facinore comperto avaritiam esse convictam.
SECTION 1.40.13Suam innocentiam perpetua vita, felicitatem Helvetiorum bello esse perspectam.
SECTION 1.40.14Itaque se quod in longiorem diem conlaturus fuisset repraesentaturum et proxima nocte de quarta, vigilia castra moturum, ut quam primum intellegere posset utrum apud eos pudor atque officium an timor plus valeret.
SECTION 1.40.15Quod si praeterea nemo sequatur, tamen se cum sola decima legione iturum, de qua non dubitet, sibique eam praetoriam cohortem futuram. Huic legioni Caesar et indulserat praecipue et propter virtutem confidebat maxime.
CHAPTER 1.41
SECTION 1.41.1Hac oratione habita mirum in modum conversae sunt omnium mentes summaque alacritas et cupiditas belli gerendi innata est,
SECTION 1.41.2princepsque X. legio per tribunos militum ei gratias egit quod de se optimum iudicium fecisset, seque esse ad bellum gerendum paratissimam confirmavit.
SECTION 1.41.3Deinde reliquae legiones cum tribunis militum et primorum ordinum centurionibus egerunt uti Caesari satis facerent: se neque umquam dubitasse neque timuisse neque de summa belli suum iudicium sed imperatoris esse existimavisse.
SECTION 1.41.4Eorum satisfactione accepta et itinere exquisito per Diviciacum, quod ex Gallis ei maximam fidem habebat, ut milium amplius quinquaginta circuitu locis apertis exercitum duceret, de quarta vigilia, ut dixerat, profectus est.
SECTION 1.41.5Septimo die, cum iter non intermitteret, ab exploratoribus certior factus est Ariovisti copias a nostris milia passuum IIII et XX abesse.
CHAPTER 1.42
SECTION 1.42.1Cognito Caesaris adventu Ariovistus legatos ad eum mittit: quod antea de conloquio postulasset, id per se fieri licere, quoniam propius accessisset seque id sine periculo facere posse existimaret.
SECTION 1.42.2Non respuit condicionem Caesar iamque eum ad sanitatem reverti arbitrabatur, cum id quod antea petenti denegasset ultro polliceretur,
SECTION 1.42.3magnamque in spem veniebat pro suis tantis populique Romani in eum beneficiis cognitis suis postulatis fore uti pertinacia desisteret.
SECTION 1.42.4Dies conloquio dictus est ex eo die quintus.
SECTION 1.42.5Interim saepe cum legati ultro citroque inter eos mitterentur, Ariovistus postulavit ne quem peditem ad conloquium Caesar adduceret: vereri se ne per insidias ab eo circumveniretur; uterque cum equitatu veniret: alia ratione sese non esse venturum.
SECTION 1.42.6Caesar, quod neque conloquium interposita causa tolli volebat neque salutem suam Gallorum equitatui committere audebat, commodissimum esse statuit omnibus equis Gallis equitibus detractis eo legionarios milites legionis X., cui quam maxime confidebat, imponere, ut praesidium quam amicissimum, si quid opus facto esset, haberet.
SECTION 1.42.7Quod cum fieret, non inridicule quidam ex militibus X. legionis dixit: plus quam pollicitus esset Caesarem facere; pollicitum se in cohortis praetoriae loco X. legionem habiturum ad equum rescribere.
CHAPTER 1.43
SECTION 1.43.1Planities erat magna et in ea tumulus terrenus satis grandis. Hic locus aequum fere spatium a castris Ariovisti et Caesaris aberat. Eo, ut erat dictum, ad conloquium venerunt.
SECTION 1.43.2Legionem Caesar, quam equis devexerat, passibus CC ab eo tumulo constituit. Item equites Ariovisti pari intervallo constiterunt.
SECTION 1.43.3Ariovistus ex equis ut conloquerentur et praeter se denos ad conloquium adducerent postulavit.
SECTION 1.43.4Ubi eo ventum est, Caesar initio orationis sua senatusque in eum beneficia commemoravit, quod rex appellatus esset a senatu, quod amicus, quod munera amplissime missa; quam rem et paucis contigisse et pro magnis hominum officiis consuesse tribui docebat;
SECTION 1.43.5illum, cum neque aditum neque causam postulandi iustam haberet, beneficio ac liberalitate sua ac senatus ea praemia consecutum.
SECTION 1.43.6Docebat etiam quam veteres quamque iustae causae necessitudinis ipsis cum Haeduis intercederent,
SECTION 1.43.7quae senatus consulta quotiens quamque honorifica in eos facta essent, ut omni tempore totius Galliae principatum Haedui tenuissent, prius etiam quam nostram amicitiam adpetissent.
SECTION 1.43.8Populi Romani hanc esse consuetudinem, ut socios atque amicos non modo sui nihil deperdere, sed gratia, dignitate, honore auctiores velit esse; quod vero ad amicitiam populi Romani attulissent, id iis eripi quis pati posset?
SECTION 1.43.9Postulavit deinde eadem quae legatis in mandatis dederat: ne aut Haeduis aut eorum sociis bellum inferret, obsides redderet, si nullam partem Germanorum domum remittere posset, at ne quos amplius Rhenum transire pateretur.
CHAPTER 1.44
SECTION 1.44.1Ariovistus ad postulata Caesaris pauca respondit, de suis virtutibus multa praedicavit:
SECTION 1.44.2transisse Rhenum sese non sua sponte, sed rogatum et arcessitum a Gallis; non sine magna spe magnisque praemiis domum propinquosque reliquisse; sedes habere in Gallia ab ipsis concessas, obsides ipsorum voluntate datos; stipendium capere iure belli, quod victores victis imponere consuerint.
SECTION 1.44.3Non sese Gallis sed Gallos sibi bellum intulisse: omnes Galliae civitates ad se oppugnandum venisse ac contra se castra habuisse; eas omnes copias a se uno proelio pulsas ac superatas esse.
SECTION 1.44.4Si iterum experiri velint, se iterum paratum esse decertare; si pace uti velint, iniquum esse de stipendio recusare, quod sua voluntate ad id tempus pependerint.
SECTION 1.44.5Amicitiam populi Romani sibi ornamento et praesidio, non detrimento esse oportere, atque se hac spe petisse. Si per populum Romanum stipendium remittatur et dediticii subtrahantur, non minus libenter sese recusaturum populi Romani amicitiam quam adpetierit.
SECTION 1.44.6Quod multitudinem Germanorum in Galliam traducat, id se sui muniendi, non Galliae oppugnandae causa facere; eius rei testimonium esse quod nisi rogatus non venerit et quod bellum non intulerit sed defenderit.
SECTION 1.44.7Se prius in Galliam venisse quam populum Romanum. Numquam ante hoc tempus exercitum populi Romani Galliae provinciae finibus egressum.
SECTION 1.44.8Quid sibi vellet? Cur in suas possessiones veniret? Provinciam suam hanc esse Galliam, sicut illam nostram. Ut ipsi concedi non oporteret, si in nostros fines impetum faceret, sic item nos esse iniquos, quod in suo iure se interpellaremus.
SECTION 1.44.9Quod fratres a senatu Haeduos appellatos diceret, non se tam barbarum neque tam imperitum esse rerum ut non sciret neque bello Allobrogum proximo Haeduos Romanis auxilium tulisse neque ipsos in iis contentionibus quas Haedui secum et cum Sequanis habuissent auxilio populi Romani usos esse.
SECTION 1.44.10Debere se suspicari simulata Caesarem amicitia, quod exercitum in Gallia habeat, sui opprimendi causa habere.
SECTION 1.44.11Qui nisi decedat atque exercitum deducat ex his regionibus, sese illum non pro amico sed pro hoste habiturum.
SECTION 1.44.12Quod si eum interfecerit, multis sese nobilibus principibusque populi Romani gratum esse facturum (id se ab ipsis per eorum nuntios compertum habere), quorum omnium gratiam atque amicitiam eius morte redimere posset.
SECTION 1.44.13Quod si decessisset et liberam possessionem Galliae sibi tradidisset, magno se illum praemio remuneraturum et quaecumque bella geri vellet sine ullo eius labore et periculo confecturum.
CHAPTER 1.45
SECTION 1.45.1Multa a Caesare in eam sententiam dicta sunt quare negotio desistere non posset: neque suam neque populi Romani consuetudinem pati ut optime meritos socios desereret, neque se iudicare Galliam potius esse Ariovisti quam populi Romani.
SECTION 1.45.2Bello superatos esse Arvernos et Rutenos a Q. Fabio Maximo, quibus populus Romanus ignovisset neque in provinciam redegisset neque stipendium posuisset.
SECTION 1.45.3Quod si antiquissimum quodque tempus spectari oporteret, populi Romani iustissimum esse in Gallia imperium; si iudicium senatus observari oporteret, liberam debere esse Galliam, quam bello victam suis legibus uti voluisset.
CHAPTER 1.46
SECTION 1.46.1Dum haec in conloquio geruntur, Caesari nuntiatum est equites Ariovisti propius tumulum accedere et ad nostros adequitare, lapides telaque in nostros coicere.
SECTION 1.46.2Caesar loquendi finem fecit seque ad suos recepit suisque imperavit ne quod omnino telum in hostes reicerent.
SECTION 1.46.3Nam etsi sine ullo periculo legionis delectae cum equitatu proelium fore videbat, tamen committendum non putabat ut, pulsis hostibus, dici posset eos ab se per fidem in conloquio circumventos.
SECTION 1.46.4Postea quam in vulgus militum elatum est qua arrogantia in conloquio Ariovistus usus omni Gallia Romanis interdixisset, impetumque in nostros eius equites fecissent, eaque res conloquium ut diremisset, multo maior alacritas studiumque pugnandi maius exercitui iniectum est.
CHAPTER 1.47
SECTION 1.47.1Biduo post Ariovistus ad Caesarem legatos misit: velle se de iis rebus quae inter eos egi coeptae neque perfectae essent agere cum eo: uti aut iterum conloquio diem constitueret aut, si id minus vellet, ex suis legatis aliquem ad se mitteret.
SECTION 1.47.2Conloquendi Caesari causa visa non est, et eo magis quod pridie eius diei Germani retineri non potuerant quin tela in nostros coicerent.
SECTION 1.47.3Legatum ex suis sese magno cum periculo ad eum missurum et hominibus feris obiecturum existimabat.
SECTION 1.47.4Commodissimum visum est C. Valerium Procillum, C. Valerii Caburi filium, summa virtute et humanitate adulescentem, cuius pater a C. Valerio Flacco civitate donatus erat, et propter fidem et propter linguae Gallicae scientiam, qua multa iam Ariovistus longinqua consuetudine utebatur, et quod in eo peccandi Germanis causa non esset, ad eum mittere, et una M. Metium, qui hospitio Ariovisti utebatur.
SECTION 1.47.5His mandavit quae diceret Ariovistus cognoscerent et ad se referrent. Quos cum apud se in castris Ariovistus conspexisset, exercitu suo praesente conclamavit: quid ad se venirent? an speculandi causa? Conantes dicere prohibuit et in catenas coniecit.
CHAPTER 1.48
SECTION 1.48.1Eodem die castra promovit et milibus passuum VI a Caesaris castris sub monte consedit.
SECTION 1.48.2Postridie eius diei praeter castra Caesaris suas copias traduxit et milibus passuum duobus ultra eum castra fecit eo consilio uti frumento commeatuque qui ex Sequanis et Haeduis supportaretur Caesarem intercluderet.
SECTION 1.48.3Ex eo die dies continuos V Caesar pro castris suas copias produxit et aciem instructam habuit, ut, si vellet Ariovistus proelio contendere, ei potestas non deesset.
SECTION 1.48.4Ariovistus his omnibus diebus exercitum castris continuit, equestri proelio cotidie contendit. Genus hoc erat pugnae, quo se Germani exercuerant:
SECTION 1.48.5equitum milia erant VI, totidem numero pedites velocissimi ac fortissimi, quos ex omni copia singuli singulos suae salutis causa delegerant:
SECTION 1.48.6cum his in proeliis versabantur, ad eos se equites recipiebant; hi, si quid erat durius, concurrebant, si qui graviore vulnere accepto equo deciderat, circumsistebant;
SECTION 1.48.7si quo erat longius prodeundum aut celerius recipiendum, tanta erat horum exercitatione celeritas ut iubis sublevati equorum cursum adaequarent.
CHAPTER 1.49
SECTION 1.49.1Ubi eum castris se tenere Caesar intellexit, ne diutius commeatu prohiberetur, ultra eum locum, quo in loco Germani consederant, circiter passus DC ab his, castris idoneum locum delegit acieque triplici instructa ad eum locum venit.
SECTION 1.49.2Primam et secundam aciem in armis esse, tertiam castra munire iussit.
SECTION 1.49.3[Hic locus ab hoste circiter passus DC, uti dictum est, aberat.] Eo circiter hominum XVI milia expedita cum omni equitatu Ariovistus misit, quae copiae nostros terrerent et munitione prohiberent.
SECTION 1.49.4Nihilo setius Caesar, ut ante constituerat, duas acies hostem propulsare, tertiam opus perficere iussit. Munitis castris duas ibi legiones reliquit et partem auxiliorum, quattuor reliquas legiones in castra maiora reduxit.
CHAPTER 1.50
SECTION 1.50.1Proximo die instituto suo Caesar ex castris utrisque copias suas eduxit paulumque a maioribus castris progressus aciem instruxit hostibusque pugnandi potestatem fecit.
SECTION 1.50.2Ubi ne tum quidem eos prodire intellexit, circiter meridiem exercitum in castra reduxit. Tum demum Ariovistus partem suarum copiarum, quae castra minora oppugnaret, misit. Acriter utrimque usque ad vesperum pugnatum est. Solis occasu suas copias Ariovistus multis et inlatis et acceptis vulneribus in castra reduxit.
SECTION 1.50.3Cum ex captivis quaereret Caesar quam ob rem Ariovistus proelio non decertaret, hanc reperiebat causam, quod apud Germanos ea consuetudo esset ut matres familiae eorum sortibus et vaticinationibus declararent utrum proelium committi ex usu esset necne; eas ita dicere:
SECTION 1.50.4non esse fas Germanos superare, si ante novam lunam proelio contendissent.
CHAPTER 1.51
SECTION 1.51.1Postridie eius diei Caesar praesidio utrisque castris quod satis esse visum est reliquit, alarios omnes in conspectu hostium pro castris minoribus constituit, quod minus multitudine militum legionariorum pro hostium numero valebat, ut ad speciem alariis uteretur; ipse triplici instructa acie usque ad castra hostium accessit.
SECTION 1.51.2Tum demum necessario Germani suas copias castris eduxerunt generatimque constituerunt paribus intervallis, Harudes, Marcomanos, Tribocos, Vangiones, Nemetes, Sedusios, Suebos, omnemque aciem suam raedis et carris circumdederunt, ne qua spes in fuga relinqueretur.
SECTION 1.51.3Eo mulieres imposuerunt, quae ad proelium proficiscentes milites passis manibus flentes implorabant ne se in servitutem Romanis traderent.
CHAPTER 1.52
SECTION 1.52.1Caesar singulis legionibus singulos legatos et quaestorem praefecit, uti eos testes suae quisque virtutis haberet;
SECTION 1.52.2ipse a dextro cornu, quod eam partem minime firmam hostium esse animadverterat, proelium commisit.
SECTION 1.52.3Ita nostri acriter in hostes signo dato impetum fecerunt itaque hostes repente celeriterque procurrerunt, ut spatium pila in hostes coiciendi non daretur.
SECTION 1.52.4Relictis pilis comminus gladiis pugnatum est. At Germani celeriter ex consuetudine sua phalange facta impetus gladiorum exceperunt.
SECTION 1.52.5Reperti sunt complures nostri qui in phalanga insilirent et scuta manibus revellerent et desuper vulnerarent.
SECTION 1.52.6Cum hostium acies a sinistro cornu pulsa atque in fugam coniecta esset, a dextro cornu vehementer multitudine suorum nostram aciem premebant.
SECTION 1.52.7Id cum animadvertisset P. Crassus adulescens, qui equitatui praeerat, quod expeditior erat quam ii qui inter aciem versabantur, tertiam aciem laborantibus nostris subsidio misit.
CHAPTER 1.53
SECTION 1.53.1Ita proelium restitutum est, atque omnes hostes terga verterunt nec prius fugere destiterunt quam ad flumen Rhenum milia passuum ex eo loco circiter L pervenerunt.
SECTION 1.53.2Ibi perpauci aut viribus confisi tranare contenderunt aut lintribus inventis sibi salutem reppererunt.
SECTION 1.53.3In his fuit Ariovistus, qui naviculam deligatam ad ripam nactus ea profugit; reliquos omnes consecuti equites nostri interfecerunt.
SECTION 1.53.4Duae fuerunt Ariovisti uxores, una Sueba natione, quam domo secum eduxerat, altera Norica, regis Voccionis soror, quam in Gallia duxerat a fratre missam: utraque in ea fuga periit; duae filiae: harum altera occisa, altera capta est.
SECTION 1.53.5C. Valerius Procillus, cum a custodibus in fuga trinis catenis vinctus traheretur, in ipsum Caesarem hostes equitatu insequentem incidit.
SECTION 1.53.6Quae quidem res Caesari non minorem quam ipsa victoria voluptatem attulit, quod hominem honestissimum provinciae Galliae, suum familiarem et hospitem, ereptum ex manibus hostium sibi restitutum videbat neque eius calamitate de tanta voluptate et gratulatione quicquam fortuna deminuerat.
SECTION 1.53.7Is se praesente de se ter sortibus consultum dicebat, utrum igni statim necaretur an in aliud tempus reservaretur: sortium beneficio se esse incolumem.
SECTION 1.53.8Item M. Metius repertus et ad eum reductus est.
CHAPTER 1.54
SECTION 1.54.1Hoc proelio trans Rhenum nuntiato, Suebi, qui ad ripas Rheni venerant, domum reverti coeperunt; quos ubi qui proximi Rhenum incolunt perterritos senserunt, insecuti magnum ex iis numerum occiderunt.
SECTION 1.54.2Caesar una aestate duobus maximis bellis confectis maturius paulo quam tempus anni postulabat in hiberna in Sequanos exercitum deduxit; hibernis Labienum praeposuit;
SECTION 1.54.3ipse in citeriorem Galliam ad conventus agendos profectus est.
English · Plain English translation · Mouseia
CHAPTER 1.1
SECTION 1.1.1All Gaul is divided into three parts, one inhabited by the Belgae, another by the Aquitani, and the third by those who in their own language are called Celts and in ours Gauls.
SECTION 1.1.2All these peoples differ from one another in language, customs, and laws. The Garonne River separates the Gauls from the Aquitani, and the Marne and Seine separate them from the Belgae.
SECTION 1.1.3Of all these peoples, the Belgae are the bravest, because they are farthest removed from the civilization and refinement of the Province, and merchants very rarely travel among them and import those things that tend to weaken courage.
SECTION 1.1.4They are also nearest to the Germans, who live across the Rhine, and they wage war with them continually. For the same reason, the Helvetii also surpass the rest of the Gauls in valor, because they contend with the Germans in almost daily battles, either keeping them out of their own territory or themselves waging war within German territory.
SECTION 1.1.5[The one part of these territories that, as has been stated, is occupied by the Gauls begins at the Rhône River and is bounded by the Garonne River, the Ocean, and the territory of the Belgae. On the side of the Sequani and Helvetii it also reaches the Rhine River and extends toward the north.
SECTION 1.1.6The territory of the Belgae begins at the farthest borders of Gaul and extends to the lower part of the Rhine River; it faces north and east.
SECTION 1.1.7Aquitania extends from the Garonne River to the Pyrenees Mountains and to that part of the Ocean bordering Spain; it faces northwest.]
CHAPTER 1.2
SECTION 1.2.1Among the Helvetii, Orgetorix was by far the noblest and wealthiest man. In the consulship of Marcus Messala and Marcus Piso, driven by a desire for kingship, he formed a conspiracy among the nobility and persuaded his people to leave their territory with all their forces.
SECTION 1.2.2Since they surpassed everyone in valor, he said, it would be very easy for them to gain dominion over all Gaul.
SECTION 1.2.3He persuaded them of this all the more easily because the Helvetii are hemmed in on every side by the nature of the terrain: on one side by the Rhine, a very broad and deep river that separates the Helvetian territory from the Germans; on another by the very high Jura Mountains, which lie between the Sequani and the Helvetii; and on a third by Lake Geneva and the Rhône River, which separate our Province from the Helvetii.
SECTION 1.2.4These circumstances kept them from ranging widely and made it harder for them to wage war on their neighbors.
SECTION 1.2.5In this respect, as men eager for war, they were deeply distressed.
SECTION 1.2.6Considering the size of their population and their reputation for warfare and courage, they believed that their territory was too confined, though it extended 240 miles in length and 180 in width.
CHAPTER 1.3
SECTION 1.3.1Prompted by these circumstances and influenced by the authority of Orgetorix, they resolved to prepare everything needed for their departure: to buy up as many pack animals and wagons as possible, to sow as much grain as possible so that an adequate supply would be available on the journey, and to establish peace and friendship with the neighboring states.
SECTION 1.3.2They considered two years sufficient to complete these preparations; by law they fixed their departure for the third year.
SECTION 1.3.3Orgetorix was chosen to carry out these plans. He took upon himself the diplomatic mission to the neighboring states. On this journey he persuaded Casticus, a Sequanian and the son of Catamantaloedes, whose father had held the kingship among the Sequani for many years and had been named a friend by the Senate of the Roman people, to seize in his own state the kingship his father had previously held.
SECTION 1.3.4He likewise persuaded Dumnorix the Aeduan, the brother of Diviciacus, who at that time held the leading position in his state and was extremely popular with the common people, to make the same attempt, and he gave him his daughter in marriage.
SECTION 1.3.5He convinced them that it would be very easy to accomplish their designs, because he himself was going to obtain supreme power in his own state.
SECTION 1.3.6There was no doubt, he said, that the Helvetii were the most powerful people in all Gaul; he assured them that with his own resources and army he would secure their kingdoms for them.
SECTION 1.3.7Persuaded by this argument, they pledged their word and swore an oath to one another, hoping that once they had seized their kingships, they could gain control of all Gaul through its three most powerful and steadfast peoples.
CHAPTER 1.4
SECTION 1.4.1This scheme was revealed to the Helvetii by an informer. In accordance with their customs, they compelled Orgetorix to stand trial in chains; if convicted, the penalty he had to suffer was death by burning.
SECTION 1.4.2On the appointed day of his trial, Orgetorix gathered from every quarter all the members of his household, numbering about ten thousand people, and assembled there all his dependents and debtors, of whom he had a great number. Through their intervention he escaped having to stand trial.
SECTION 1.4.3While the state, enraged by this action, was attempting to enforce its law by arms, and the magistrates were gathering a large body of men from the countryside, Orgetorix died.
SECTION 1.4.4Nor, as the Helvetii believe, is there any lack of suspicion that he took his own life.
CHAPTER 1.5
SECTION 1.5.1After his death, the Helvetii nevertheless continued trying to do what they had resolved upon: to leave their territory.
SECTION 1.5.2When they believed they were ready for this undertaking, they burned all their towns, about twelve in number, approximately four hundred villages, and all the remaining private buildings.
SECTION 1.5.3They burned all the grain except what they intended to carry with them, so that, with all hope of returning home removed, they would be more prepared to face every danger. They ordered each person to carry from home a three-month supply of ground grain. They persuaded their neighbors, the Rauraci, Tulingi, and Latobrigi, to adopt the same plan, burn their towns and villages, and set out with them. They also admitted the Boii, who had lived across the Rhine, crossed into Norican territory, and attacked Noreia, and took them as allies.
CHAPTER 1.6
SECTION 1.6.1There were only two routes by which they could leave their homeland. One passed through the territory of the Sequani and was narrow and difficult, lying between the Jura Mountains and the Rhône River, with scarcely enough room for wagons to be drawn through one at a time. A very high mountain overhung the route, so that a very small number of men could easily block it.
SECTION 1.6.2The other route passed through our Province and was much easier and less obstructed, because the Rhône flows between the territory of the Helvetii and that of the Allobroges, who had recently been pacified, and in several places the river can be crossed by fords.
SECTION 1.6.3Geneva is the farthest town of the Allobroges and the one nearest the territory of the Helvetii. A bridge extends from that town into Helvetian territory. They believed that they would either persuade the Allobroges, who did not yet appear well disposed toward the Roman people, or compel them by force to allow them to pass through their territory. When everything had been prepared for the departure, they appointed a day on which everyone was to assemble on the bank of the Rhône. That day was March 28, in the consulship of Lucius Piso and Aulus Gabinius.
CHAPTER 1.7
SECTION 1.7.1When Caesar was informed that they were attempting to march through our Province, he hurried to leave Rome, proceeded by forced marches into Further Gaul, and reached Geneva.
SECTION 1.7.2He ordered the entire Province to furnish as many soldiers as possible—there was only one legion in Further Gaul—and ordered the bridge at Geneva to be destroyed.
SECTION 1.7.3When the Helvetii learned of his arrival, they sent as envoys to him the most distinguished men of their state. Nammeius and Verucloetius held the leading places in this delegation. They were to say that the Helvetii intended to march through the Province without causing any harm, because they had no other route; they asked to be permitted to do so with Caesar’s consent. Because Caesar remembered that the consul Lucius Cassius had been killed and that his army had been routed by the Helvetii and sent under the yoke, he did not think their request should be granted.
SECTION 1.7.4Nor did he believe that men of hostile disposition, if given the opportunity to march through the Province, would refrain from injury and wrongdoing.
SECTION 1.7.5Nevertheless, to allow time for the soldiers he had ordered to assemble, he replied to the envoys that he would take time to consider the matter. If they wanted an answer, they should return on April 13.
CHAPTER 1.8
SECTION 1.8.1Meanwhile, with the legion he had with him and the soldiers who had assembled from the Province, he constructed a wall nineteen miles long and sixteen feet high, together with a trench, from Lake Geneva, which empties into the Rhône River, to the Jura Mountains, which separate the territory of the Sequani from that of the Helvetii.
SECTION 1.8.2When this work was completed, he stationed garrisons and fortified redoubts so that he could more easily stop them if they attempted to cross against his wishes.
SECTION 1.8.3When the day he had appointed with the envoys arrived and they returned to him, he said that, in accordance with the custom and precedent of the Roman people, he could not grant anyone passage through the Province, and he made it clear that if they attempted to use force, he would stop them.
SECTION 1.8.4Disappointed in this hope, the Helvetii joined boats together, built a large number of rafts, and in other places attempted to cross by the fords of the Rhône, where the river was shallowest, sometimes by day but more often by night, to see whether they could break through. Repulsed by the fortifications, the soldiers’ rapid concentration, and their missiles, they abandoned the attempt.
CHAPTER 1.9
SECTION 1.9.1Only one route remained, through the territory of the Sequani, but because of its narrowness they could not take it without the Sequani’s consent.
SECTION 1.9.2Since they could not persuade the Sequani on their own, they sent envoys to Dumnorix the Aeduan so that through his intercession they might obtain permission from them.
SECTION 1.9.3Through his influence and generosity, Dumnorix was extremely powerful among the Sequani, and he was friendly to the Helvetii because he had married the daughter of Orgetorix, a woman from their state. Driven by a desire for kingship, he favored revolution and wanted as many states as possible to be bound to him by personal obligation.
SECTION 1.9.4He therefore undertook the matter and obtained the Sequani’s permission for the Helvetii to pass through their territory. He also arranged for them to exchange hostages: the Sequani as a guarantee that they would not prevent the Helvetii from passing, and the Helvetii as a guarantee that they would pass through without wrongdoing or injury.
CHAPTER 1.10
SECTION 1.10.1Caesar was informed that the Helvetii intended to march through the territories of the Sequani and Aedui into the territory of the Santoni, who live not far from the territory of the Tolosates, a state within the Province.
SECTION 1.10.2He understood that, if this happened, the Province would be in great danger from having a warlike people hostile to the Roman people as neighbors in an open and exceptionally fertile region.
SECTION 1.10.3For these reasons, he placed his lieutenant Titus Labienus in command of the fortifications he had built. Caesar himself hurried to Italy by forced marches, enrolled two legions there, led out of winter quarters the three legions wintering around Aquileia, and with these five legions hurried by the shortest route through the Alps into Further Gaul.
SECTION 1.10.4There the Ceutrones, Graioceli, and Caturiges occupied the higher ground and attempted to block the army’s march. After defeating them in several engagements, Caesar traveled from Ocelum, the farthest town of the Nearer Province, to the territory of the Vocontii in the Further Province in seven days. From there he led the army into the territory of the Allobroges, and from the Allobroges into that of the Segusiavi. These are the first people beyond the Rhône outside the Province.
CHAPTER 1.11
SECTION 1.11.1The Helvetii had already led their forces through the narrow pass and the territory of the Sequani, reached the territory of the Aedui, and begun ravaging their lands.
SECTION 1.11.2Since the Aedui could not defend themselves and their property against them, they sent envoys to Caesar to ask for help.
SECTION 1.11.3They said that their services to the Roman people at all times had been such that their lands should not have been devastated, their children carried off into slavery, and their towns captured almost within sight of our army. At the same time, the Ambarri, close allies and kinsmen of the Aedui, informed Caesar that after their lands had been laid waste, they could not easily keep the enemy’s violence away from their towns.
SECTION 1.11.4Likewise, the Allobroges, who had villages and property across the Rhône, fled to Caesar and told him that nothing remained to them except the bare soil of their land.
SECTION 1.11.5Prompted by these events, Caesar decided that he must not wait until the Helvetii had consumed all the property of Rome’s allies and reached the territory of the Santoni.
CHAPTER 1.12
SECTION 1.12.1There is a river called the Saône, which flows through the territories of the Aedui and Sequani into the Rhône. Its current is unbelievably gentle, so that the eye cannot determine in which direction it flows. The Helvetii were crossing it on rafts and boats lashed together.
SECTION 1.12.2When Caesar was informed by scouts that the Helvetii had already led three-fourths of their forces across that river, while about one-fourth remained on the near side of the Saône, he left camp with three legions during the third watch and reached the division that had not yet crossed the river.
SECTION 1.12.3Attacking them when they were burdened and taken by surprise, he killed a great number of them. The rest fled and concealed themselves in the nearest woods.
SECTION 1.12.4This district was called the Tigurine district, for the entire Helvetian state is divided into four districts.
SECTION 1.12.5Within the memory of our fathers, this single district had left its homeland, killed the consul Lucius Cassius, and sent his army under the yoke.
SECTION 1.12.6Thus, whether by chance or by the design of the immortal gods, the part of the Helvetian state that had inflicted a notorious disaster upon the Roman people was the first to pay the penalty.
SECTION 1.12.7In this matter Caesar avenged not only public but also private injuries, because in the same battle in which they had killed Cassius, the Tigurini had killed Lucius Piso, a lieutenant and the grandfather of Caesar’s father-in-law, Lucius Piso.
CHAPTER 1.13
SECTION 1.13.1After this battle, so that he could overtake the Helvetii’s remaining forces, Caesar had a bridge built across the Saône and led his army over it.
SECTION 1.13.2The Helvetii were alarmed by his sudden arrival. When they realized that he had accomplished in a single day what they themselves had completed only with the greatest difficulty in twenty days—the crossing of the river—they sent envoys to him. The leader of this delegation was Divico, who had been the Helvetii’s commander in the war against Cassius.
SECTION 1.13.3He addressed Caesar as follows: if the Roman people made peace with the Helvetii, the Helvetii would go to and remain in whatever place Caesar assigned them and wished them to be.
SECTION 1.13.4But if Caesar persisted in pursuing them with war, he should remember both the Roman people’s former defeat and the Helvetii’s traditional valor. Because Caesar had attacked one district by surprise when those who had crossed the river could not bring assistance to their countrymen, he should neither attribute too much to his own valor on that account nor despise the Helvetii. They had learned from their fathers and ancestors to contend by valor rather than rely on trickery or ambushes.
SECTION 1.13.5He should therefore not bring it about that the place where they stood would take its name from a disaster to the Roman people and the destruction of a Roman army, or hand down the memory of such an event.
CHAPTER 1.14
SECTION 1.14.1Caesar replied to them as follows: he had all the less uncertainty because he remembered the events the Helvetian envoys had mentioned, and he resented them all the more because they had happened without the Roman people’s deserving them.
SECTION 1.14.2If the Roman people had been conscious of committing any wrong, it would not have been difficult for them to take precautions. But they had been deceived because they did not understand that they had done anything for which they should be afraid, and they did not think they should be afraid without cause.
SECTION 1.14.3Even if he were willing to forget the former insult, could he also put aside the memory of their recent wrongs—their attempt, against his wishes, to force a passage through the Province, and their attacks upon the Aedui, the Ambarri, and the Allobroges?
SECTION 1.14.4Their insolent boasting about their victory and their amazement that they had borne their injuries for so long without punishment both pointed to the same conclusion.
SECTION 1.14.5For the immortal gods were accustomed, in order that people might suffer more bitterly from a reversal of fortune, sometimes to grant greater success and longer immunity from punishment to those whom they intended to punish for their crimes.
SECTION 1.14.6Even so, if they gave him hostages so that he could be sure they would do what they promised, and if they made amends to the Haedui for the injuries they had inflicted on them and their allies, and likewise to the Allobroges, he would make peace with them.
SECTION 1.14.7Divico replied that the Helvetii had been taught by their ancestors to accept hostages, not to give them; the Roman people could bear witness to that. After giving this reply, he departed.
CHAPTER 1.15
SECTION 1.15.1The next day the Helvetii broke camp and moved on. Caesar did the same and sent ahead all his cavalry, about four thousand men, which he had assembled from the entire province, from the Haedui, and from their allies, to see in what direction the enemy was marching. Eagerly pursuing the enemy’s rear guard, they engaged the Helvetian cavalry on unfavorable ground, and a few of our men fell.
SECTION 1.15.2Elated by this engagement, because with five hundred horsemen they had driven back so large a force of cavalry, the Helvetii began at times to halt more boldly and to provoke our men into battle with their rear guard. Caesar kept his men from fighting and for the moment considered it enough to prevent the enemy from raiding, foraging, and laying waste the countryside.
SECTION 1.15.3They marched in this way for about fifteen days, with no more than five or six miles separating the enemy’s rear guard from our vanguard.
CHAPTER 1.16
SECTION 1.16.1Meanwhile Caesar demanded every day that the Haedui provide the grain they had officially promised.
SECTION 1.16.2For because of the cold—Gaul, as stated before, lies toward the north—not only was the grain in the fields not yet ripe, but even a sufficient supply of fodder was unavailable.
SECTION 1.16.3Moreover, he had less opportunity to use the grain he had transported by ship up the Saône, because the Helvetii had turned their route away from the Saône, and he did not want to break off his pursuit of them.
SECTION 1.16.4The Haedui kept putting him off from one day to the next, saying that the grain was being collected, brought together, and was on its way.
SECTION 1.16.5When he realized that he had been put off too long and that the day was approaching when grain had to be issued to the soldiers, he summoned their leading men, many of whom he had in camp. Among them were Diviciacus and Liscus, who held the highest magistracy, which the Haedui call the vergobret. This official is elected annually and has the power of life and death over his people. Caesar severely reproached them
SECTION 1.16.6because, at so critical a time and with the enemy so near, they were not helping him, although grain could neither be bought nor taken from the fields, especially since he had undertaken the war largely in response to their appeals. He complained still more bitterly that he had been abandoned.
CHAPTER 1.17
SECTION 1.17.1Only then, prompted by Caesar’s speech, did Liscus disclose what he had previously kept silent: there were certain men whose influence with the common people was very great and who, as private citizens, had more power than the magistrates themselves.
SECTION 1.17.2By seditious and unscrupulous speeches, these men were intimidating the people and preventing them from contributing the grain they owed.
SECTION 1.17.3They said that if the Haedui could no longer hold the leading position in Gaul, it was better to endure rule by Gauls than by Romans,
SECTION 1.17.4and that they should have no doubt that if the Romans defeated the Helvetii, they would take away the freedom of the Haedui along with that of the rest of Gaul.
SECTION 1.17.5The same men were reporting our plans and everything done in camp to the enemy, and Liscus was unable to restrain them.
SECTION 1.17.6Indeed, he understood how much danger he had incurred by being compelled to reveal this critical matter to Caesar, and for that reason he had remained silent as long as he could.
CHAPTER 1.18
SECTION 1.18.1From this statement by Liscus, Caesar realized that he was referring to Dumnorix, the brother of Diviciacus. But because he did not want these matters discussed in the presence of so many people, he quickly dismissed the council and detained Liscus.
SECTION 1.18.2He questioned Liscus alone about what he had said at the meeting. Liscus spoke more freely and boldly. Caesar privately asked others about the same matters and found that the reports were true:
SECTION 1.18.3the man was Dumnorix, a man of extraordinary boldness and great popularity among the common people because of his generosity, and one who was eager for revolution. For several years he had held the contracts for collecting customs duties and all the other Haeduan taxes at a low price, because when he bid, no one dared to bid against him.
SECTION 1.18.4By these means he had both increased his personal fortune and acquired abundant resources for dispensing gifts.
SECTION 1.18.5He always maintained a large body of cavalry at his own expense and kept them around him.
SECTION 1.18.6He had great influence not only at home but also among neighboring states, and for the sake of this power he had arranged for his mother to marry a man among the Bituriges who was of the highest birth and influence there.
SECTION 1.18.7He himself had a Helvetian wife, and he had arranged marriages for his maternal half-sisters and other female relatives in different states.
SECTION 1.18.8Because of this marriage connection, he favored the Helvetii and wanted them to succeed. He also personally hated Caesar and the Romans because their arrival had diminished his power and restored his brother Diviciacus to his former position of influence and honor.
SECTION 1.18.9If anything happened to the Romans, he had the highest hopes of gaining kingship through the Helvetii; under Roman rule, he despaired not only of becoming king but even of retaining the influence he already had.
SECTION 1.18.10In the course of his investigation, Caesar also discovered that, in the unsuccessful cavalry engagement fought a few days earlier, Dumnorix and his horsemen had begun the retreat—for Dumnorix commanded the cavalry the Haedui had sent to assist Caesar—and that their flight had terrified the rest of the cavalry.
CHAPTER 1.19
SECTION 1.19.1Once these facts were known, the strongest evidence was added to the earlier suspicions: Dumnorix had led the Helvetii through the territory of the Sequani; he had arranged for hostages to be exchanged between them; he had done all this not only without orders from Caesar or his own state but without their knowledge; and he was now being accused by the chief magistrate of the Haedui. Caesar believed there was sufficient reason either for him to punish Dumnorix himself or to order the Haeduan state to punish him.
SECTION 1.19.2One consideration stood against all these facts: Caesar knew of Dumnorix’s brother Diviciacus’s profound devotion to the Roman people, his great goodwill toward Caesar personally, and his exceptional loyalty, justice, and self-control. Caesar feared that punishing Dumnorix would alienate Diviciacus.
SECTION 1.19.3Therefore, before attempting anything, he ordered Diviciacus to be summoned. After dismissing the interpreters he ordinarily used, he spoke with him through Gaius Valerius Troucillus, a leading man of the province of Gaul, Caesar’s personal friend, in whom he had complete confidence in every matter.
SECTION 1.19.4At the same time, he reminded Diviciacus of what had been said about Dumnorix at the council of the Gauls while Diviciacus himself was present, and showed him what each person had said about Dumnorix privately in Caesar’s presence.
SECTION 1.19.5He asked and urged Diviciacus not to take offense if Caesar himself investigated and decided the case against Dumnorix, or ordered the Haeduan state to decide it.
CHAPTER 1.20
SECTION 1.20.1Diviciacus embraced Caesar with many tears and began begging him not to pass too severe a judgment on his brother.
SECTION 1.20.2He said that he knew the accusations were true and that no one suffered more pain from them than he did. For while he himself had held very great influence at home and throughout the rest of Gaul, and his brother, because of his youth, had held almost none, Dumnorix had risen through his support.
SECTION 1.20.3Dumnorix was using the resources and power he had gained not only to diminish Diviciacus’s influence but almost to destroy him. Nevertheless, Diviciacus was moved both by brotherly love and by concern for his reputation among the people.
SECTION 1.20.4If Caesar inflicted any severe punishment on Dumnorix, no one would believe it had been done against Diviciacus’s wishes, since Diviciacus held such a close place in Caesar’s friendship. As a result, the feelings of all Gaul would turn against him.
SECTION 1.20.5As Diviciacus made this request at greater length, weeping, Caesar took his right hand. He consoled him and asked him to stop pleading. Caesar explained that Diviciacus’s influence with him was so great that, in response to his wishes and appeals, he would overlook both the injury done to the Roman state and his own personal grievance. He summoned Dumnorix and had his brother attend. He explained what he found blameworthy in Dumnorix, set out what he himself knew and what the state complained of, and warned Dumnorix to avoid all grounds for suspicion in the future. He said that he forgave his past conduct for the sake of his brother Diviciacus. He placed guards over Dumnorix so that he could learn what he was doing and with whom he was speaking.
CHAPTER 1.21
SECTION 1.21.1That same day, scouts informed Caesar that the enemy had encamped at the foot of a mountain eight miles from his own camp. He sent men to determine the nature of the mountain and what the ascent around it was like.
SECTION 1.21.2They reported that it was easy. During the third watch, Caesar ordered Titus Labienus, his lieutenant with propraetorian authority, to ascend to the summit of the mountain ridge with two legions and with the guides who had reconnoitered the route. He explained his plan to Labienus.
SECTION 1.21.3He himself, during the fourth watch, hurried toward the enemy by the same route they had taken and sent all his cavalry ahead of him.
SECTION 1.21.4Publius Considius, who was considered highly experienced in military affairs and had served in the army of Lucius Sulla and later in that of Marcus Crassus, was sent ahead with the scouts.
CHAPTER 1.22
SECTION 1.22.1At daybreak, while the summit of the mountain was held by Lucius Labienus and Caesar himself was no more than a mile and a half from the enemy’s camp, neither his approach nor Labienus’s had been detected, as Caesar later learned from prisoners.
SECTION 1.22.2Considius galloped up to him and said that the mountain Caesar had wanted Labienus to occupy was held by the enemy; he had recognized them by their Gallic weapons and insignia.
SECTION 1.22.3Caesar withdrew his forces to the nearest hill and drew them up in battle formation. Labienus, in accordance with Caesar’s order not to engage unless Caesar’s forces were seen near the enemy’s camp, so that the attack on the enemy could be made from all sides at the same time, had occupied the mountain and was waiting for our men, refraining from battle.
SECTION 1.22.4At last, well into the day, Caesar learned from his scouts that the mountain was held by his own men, that the Helvetii had broken camp, and that Considius, terrified by fear, had reported as seen something he had not seen. That day Caesar followed the enemy at his customary distance and pitched camp three miles from their camp.
CHAPTER 1.23
SECTION 1.23.1The following day, since only two days remained before grain had to be issued to the army and since he was no more than eighteen miles from Bibracte, by far the largest and best-supplied town of the Haedui, Caesar thought he had to provide for his grain supply. He therefore turned away from the Helvetii and hurried toward Bibracte.
SECTION 1.23.2This was reported to the enemy by deserters from the unit of Lucius Aemilius, a decurion of the Gallic cavalry.
SECTION 1.23.3The Helvetii may have thought that the Romans were withdrawing because they were terrified, especially since the day before they had occupied higher ground but had not engaged in battle; or they may have been confident that they could cut the Romans off from their grain supply. In either case, they changed their plan, reversed their march, and began pursuing and harassing our rear guard.
CHAPTER 1.24
SECTION 1.24.1When Caesar noticed this, he withdrew his forces to the nearest hill and sent the cavalry to hold off the enemy’s attack.
SECTION 1.24.2Meanwhile, halfway up the hill, he drew up his four veteran legions in three lines. On the summit of the ridge he stationed the two legions he had most recently recruited in Cisalpine Gaul, together with all the auxiliary troops,
SECTION 1.24.3so that he filled the entire hill above him with men. He ordered all the baggage and packs to be collected in one place and that position to be fortified by the troops stationed in the upper battle line.
SECTION 1.24.4The Helvetii, who had followed with all their wagons, gathered their baggage in one place. They themselves drove back our cavalry, formed a phalanx in a very tightly packed battle line, and advanced to the foot of our first line.
CHAPTER 1.25
SECTION 1.25.1Caesar first had his own horse, and then everyone else’s, removed from sight, so that by making the danger equal for all he would eliminate any hope of flight. After encouraging his men, he joined battle.
SECTION 1.25.2Our soldiers, throwing their pila from higher ground, easily broke through the enemy’s phalanx. Once it was shattered, they drew their swords and charged.
SECTION 1.25.3It was a great hindrance to the Gauls in fighting that a single cast of the pila had pierced and fastened together several of their shields. Since the iron points had bent, they could neither pull them out nor fight effectively with their left arms obstructed,
SECTION 1.25.4so that many, after shaking their arms for a long time, preferred to let their shields fall from their hands and fight with their bodies unprotected.
SECTION 1.25.5At last, exhausted by wounds, they began to give ground and withdraw to a mountain about a mile away.
SECTION 1.25.6After they had occupied the mountain and our men were advancing after them, the Boi and Tulingi, who numbered about fifteen thousand and had been closing the enemy’s column and guarding its rear, attacked our exposed flank from the line of march and began to surround our men. When the Helvetii who had withdrawn to the mountain saw this, they began to press forward again and renew the battle.
SECTION 1.25.7The Romans turned their standards and advanced in two directions: the first and second lines resisted the enemy who had already been defeated and driven back, while the third held off the newly arriving forces.
CHAPTER 1.26
SECTION 1.26.1Thus the battle continued for a long time, fiercely fought on two fronts. When the enemy could no longer withstand our attacks, one group withdrew to the mountain, as they had begun to do, while the other went to their baggage and wagons.
SECTION 1.26.2Throughout this entire battle, although the fighting lasted from the seventh hour until evening, no one saw an enemy turn his back.
SECTION 1.26.3The fighting around the baggage continued late into the night, because the enemy had placed their wagons in the way as a defensive wall and hurled missiles from higher ground at our men as they approached. Some, from between the wagons and wheels, thrust pikes and light javelins at our men and wounded them.
SECTION 1.26.4After a long struggle, our men took possession of the baggage and the camp. There Orgetorix’s daughter and one of his sons were captured.
SECTION 1.26.5About 130,000 people survived the battle. They marched continuously throughout the entire night, without interrupting their march for any part of it, and reached the territory of the Lingones on the fourth day. Because of the soldiers’ wounds and the need to bury the dead, our men were delayed for three days and had been unable to pursue them.
SECTION 1.26.6Caesar sent letters and messengers to the Lingones ordering them not to assist the Helvetii with grain or anything else; if they did assist them, he would regard them in the same way as the Helvetii. After a three-day interval, he began pursuing them with all his forces.
CHAPTER 1.27
SECTION 1.27.1Driven by a complete lack of supplies, the Helvetii sent envoys to Caesar to negotiate their surrender.
SECTION 1.27.2They met him on the march, threw themselves at his feet, addressed him as suppliants, and tearfully asked for peace. He ordered them to wait for his arrival in the place where they then were, and they obeyed.
SECTION 1.27.3After Caesar arrived there, he demanded hostages, their weapons, and the slaves who had deserted to them.
SECTION 1.27.4While these things were being collected and brought together, after night had intervened, about 6,000 people from the canton called the Verbigenus left the Helvetian camp early in the night and hurried toward the Rhine and the territory of the Germans. Either they were terrified that, once they had surrendered their weapons, they would be put to death, or they were led on by the hope of escape, because they thought that amid such a great multitude of people surrendering, their flight could either be concealed or go entirely unnoticed.
CHAPTER 1.28
SECTION 1.28.1When Caesar learned of this, he ordered the peoples through whose territories they had passed to search for them and bring them back, if they wished to clear themselves in his eyes. Those who were brought back he treated as enemies;
SECTION 1.28.2all the rest he accepted in surrender after they had handed over hostages, weapons, and deserters.
SECTION 1.28.3He ordered the Helvetii, Tulingi, and Latobrigi to return to their own territories, from which they had set out. Since all their crops had been lost and there was nothing at home with which they could stave off hunger, he ordered the Allobroges to provide them with a supply of grain; and he ordered the Helvetii themselves to rebuild the towns and villages they had burned. His chief reason for doing this was that he did not want the region from which the Helvetii had departed to remain empty, for fear that the Germans who lived across the Rhine, attracted by the quality of the land, might cross from their own territory into that of the Helvetii and become neighbors of the Roman province of Gaul and of the Allobroges.
SECTION 1.28.4At the request of the Haedui, because the Boii were known for their outstanding courage, he allowed them to settle the Boii within their territory. The Haedui gave them land and later admitted them to the same legal rights and freedom that they themselves enjoyed.
CHAPTER 1.29
SECTION 1.29.1In the camp of the Helvetii, records written in Greek characters were found and brought to Caesar. These records contained a detailed list by name of the number who had left home and were able to bear arms, and also, in separate totals, the number of children, old people, and women.
SECTION 1.29.2The total of all these was 263,000 Helvetii, 36,000 Tulingi, 14,000 Latobrigi, 23,000 Rauraci, and 32,000 Boii. Of these, about 92,000 were able to bear arms.
SECTION 1.29.3The total number of them all was about 368,000. When a census was taken of those who returned home, as Caesar had ordered, their number was found to be 110,000.
CHAPTER 1.30
SECTION 1.30.1After the war with the Helvetii had been concluded, delegates from almost all of Gaul, the leading men of their states, came together to congratulate Caesar.
SECTION 1.30.2They said that they understood that, although he had waged war to exact punishment from the Helvetii for their old injuries against the Roman people, the outcome had nevertheless served the interests of the land of Gaul no less than those of the Roman people,
SECTION 1.30.3because the Helvetii had abandoned their homes at the height of their prosperity with the intention of making war on all Gaul and gaining mastery over it, choosing from a wide range of possibilities whatever place in all Gaul they judged the most suitable and productive for their settlement, and making the remaining states pay them tribute.
SECTION 1.30.4They asked that they be permitted to call a council of all Gaul for a fixed date and to do so with Caesar’s approval. They said that there were certain requests they wished to make of him by common agreement.
SECTION 1.30.5After permission was granted, they fixed a date for the council and bound one another by oath not to disclose its proceedings except to those authorized by their common decision.
CHAPTER 1.31
SECTION 1.31.1When that council had been dismissed, the same leaders of the states who had visited Caesar before returned and asked to be allowed to speak with him privately and in secret about their own safety and that of them all.
SECTION 1.31.2When this request was granted, they all threw themselves weeping at Caesar’s feet. They said that they were striving and laboring no less to keep what they said from being disclosed than to obtain what they wanted, because they saw that, if it were disclosed, they would be subjected to the most terrible torture.
SECTION 1.31.3Diviciacus the Haeduan spoke on their behalf. He said that all Gaul was divided into two factions; the Haedui held the leadership of one, and the Arverni of the other.
SECTION 1.31.4Because these peoples had struggled fiercely with one another for supremacy for many years, the result was that the Arverni and Sequani hired Germans as mercenaries.
SECTION 1.31.5At first about 15,000 of them had crossed the Rhine. Later, after those fierce and barbarous men had come to love the lands, civilization, and resources of the Gauls, more were brought across. There were now about 120,000 of them in Gaul.
SECTION 1.31.6The Haedui and their dependents had fought them in arms repeatedly. They had suffered a great disaster in defeat, losing all their nobility, all their senate, and all their cavalry.
SECTION 1.31.7Broken by these battles and disasters, the Haedui, who previously had possessed the greatest influence in Gaul both through their own courage and through their ties of hospitality and friendship with the Roman people, had been forced to give the Sequani the most distinguished men of their state as hostages and to bind their state by oath neither to demand the hostages back, nor to appeal to the Roman people for aid, nor to refuse to remain perpetually under the Sequani’s rule and dominion.
SECTION 1.31.8He himself was the only man in the entire state of the Haedui who could not be induced either to take the oath or to give his children as hostages.
SECTION 1.31.9For that reason he had fled from his state and gone to Rome to ask the Senate for help, because he alone was bound by neither oath nor hostages.
SECTION 1.31.10But a worse fate had befallen the victorious Sequani than the defeated Haedui, because Ariovistus, king of the Germans, had settled within their territory and seized one-third of the Sequanian land, which was the best in all Gaul. He was now ordering the Sequani to withdraw from another third, because a few months earlier 24,000 Harudes had come to him, for whom land and settlements had to be prepared.
SECTION 1.31.11Within a few years, all the Gauls would be driven from the territory of Gaul and all the Germans would cross the Rhine; for Gallic land could not be compared with that of the Germans, nor could this way of life be compared with theirs.
SECTION 1.31.12Ever since Ariovistus had defeated the forces of the Gauls in the battle fought at Magetobriga, he had ruled arrogantly and cruelly. He demanded the children of every leading noble as hostages and inflicted every kind of exemplary punishment and torture upon them if anything was not done at his nod or according to his wishes.
SECTION 1.31.13He was a barbarous, hot-tempered, and reckless man. His commands could no longer be endured.
SECTION 1.31.14Unless there was some help to be found in Caesar and the Roman people, all the Gauls would have to do what the Helvetii had done: emigrate from their homes, seek another country and other settlements far from the Germans, and face whatever fortune might befall them. If these statements were reported to Ariovistus, Diviciacus had no doubt that he would inflict the most terrible punishment on all the hostages in his possession.
SECTION 1.31.15Caesar, either by his own authority and that of his army, by his recent victory, or by the name of the Roman people, could prevent a larger multitude of Germans from being brought across the Rhine and could defend all Gaul from Ariovistus’s violence.
CHAPTER 1.32
SECTION 1.32.1After Diviciacus delivered this speech, all who were present began weeping bitterly and asking Caesar for help.
SECTION 1.32.2Caesar noticed that the Sequani alone did none of the things the others were doing, but remained sad, their heads lowered and their eyes fixed on the ground. Wondering what the reason was, he questioned them directly.
SECTION 1.32.3The Sequani made no reply but remained silent in the same state of dejection. When Caesar questioned them repeatedly but could not draw a single word from them, the same Diviciacus the Haeduan answered:
SECTION 1.32.4the fate of the Sequani was more wretched and oppressive than that of the others, because they alone did not dare even in secret to complain or appeal for help, and they shuddered at Ariovistus’s cruelty even while he was absent,
SECTION 1.32.5just as if he were there in person. The others, after all, still had the possibility of escape; but the Sequani, who had received Ariovistus within their own territory and whose towns were all under his control, had to endure every kind of torture.
CHAPTER 1.33
SECTION 1.33.1After learning these facts, Caesar reassured the Gauls with his words and promised that he would take care of the matter. He said that he had great hope that Ariovistus, influenced by Caesar’s favor and authority, would put an end to his abuses. After making this speech, he dismissed the council.
SECTION 1.33.2Besides these considerations, many circumstances urged him to believe that he should consider and undertake the matter. Most important, he saw that the Haedui, who had repeatedly been called brothers and kinsmen by the Senate, were being held in servitude and under the dominion of the Germans, and he understood that their hostages were in the hands of Ariovistus and the Sequani. Given the vast dominion of the Roman people, he considered this utterly disgraceful both to himself and to the Republic.
SECTION 1.33.3Moreover, it seemed dangerous to the Roman people for the Germans gradually to become accustomed to crossing the Rhine and for a great multitude of them to enter Gaul. He did not believe that these fierce and barbarous people would restrain themselves after seizing all Gaul, but that, as the Cimbri and Teutones had done before, they would march into the province and from there advance into Italy, especially since only the Rhône separated the Sequani from the Roman province. He therefore believed these developments had to be stopped as quickly as possible.
SECTION 1.33.4Ariovistus himself had assumed such pride and arrogance that he seemed intolerable.
CHAPTER 1.34
SECTION 1.34.1For this reason Caesar decided to send delegates to Ariovistus to demand that he choose some place midway between them for a conference. Caesar wished to discuss matters of state and issues of the highest importance to them both.
SECTION 1.34.2Ariovistus replied to this delegation that if he needed anything from Caesar, he would have gone to him; if Caesar wanted anything from him, Caesar ought to come to him.
SECTION 1.34.3Furthermore, he did not dare to enter without an army those parts of Gaul that Caesar controlled, and he could not assemble his army in one place without great supplies and effort.
SECTION 1.34.4He also found it strange that Caesar, or indeed the Roman people at all, had any business in his part of Gaul, which he had conquered in war.
CHAPTER 1.35
SECTION 1.35.1When these replies were reported to Caesar, he again sent delegates to Ariovistus with the following instructions:
SECTION 1.35.2since Ariovistus, despite having received so great a favor from Caesar and the Roman people when during Caesar’s consulship he had been named king and friend by the Senate, was showing his gratitude to Caesar and the Roman people by refusing an invitation to a conference and by not considering it necessary to discuss and learn about a matter of common concern, these were Caesar’s demands:
SECTION 1.35.3first, that he no longer bring any body of people across the Rhine into Gaul; next, that he return the hostages he held from the Haedui and allow the Sequani, with his consent, to return the hostages they held; and that he not provoke the Haedui with acts of violence or make war on them or their allies.
SECTION 1.35.4If he did this, Caesar and the Roman people would enjoy lasting goodwill and friendship with him. If Caesar did not obtain these demands, then, since in the consulship of Marcus Messala and Marcus Piso the Senate had decreed that whoever governed the province of Gaul should, insofar as he could do so without harm to the Republic, defend the Haedui and the other friends of the Roman people, Caesar would not ignore the wrongs inflicted on the Haedui.
CHAPTER 1.36
SECTION 1.36.1Ariovistus replied to these demands that it was a right of war for victors to rule those they had defeated in whatever manner they wished. Likewise, the Roman people were accustomed to ruling the defeated according to their own judgment, not according to another’s instructions.
SECTION 1.36.2If he did not dictate to the Roman people how they should exercise their rights, then the Roman people ought not to obstruct him in the exercise of his own rights.
SECTION 1.36.3The Haedui had become his tributaries because they had tested the fortunes of war, met him in battle, and been defeated.
SECTION 1.36.4Caesar was doing him a great wrong by coming there and reducing the revenues paid to him.
SECTION 1.36.5He would not return the hostages to the Haedui. He would not wrongfully make war on them or their allies if they abided by the agreement and paid tribute every year; but if they did not, the Roman people’s title of “brothers” would be far from helping them.
SECTION 1.36.6As for Caesar’s warning that he would not ignore the wrongs inflicted on the Haedui, no one had ever fought Ariovistus without bringing destruction upon himself.
SECTION 1.36.7Caesar could engage him whenever he wished. He would then learn what courage the undefeated Germans were capable of—men highly trained in arms who had not been under a roof for fourteen years.
CHAPTER 1.37
SECTION 1.37.1These messages were being reported to Caesar at the same time that delegates were arriving from the Haedui and the Treveri:
SECTION 1.37.2the Haedui came to complain that the Harudes who had recently been transported into Gaul were ravaging their territory; they had been unable to purchase peace from Ariovistus even by giving hostages;
SECTION 1.37.3the Treveri reported that one hundred cantons of the Suebi had settled on the banks of the Rhine and were attempting to cross it; the brothers Nasua and Cimberius were in command of them. Deeply alarmed by these developments, Caesar believed that he had to act quickly, for fear that, if the new force of Suebi joined Ariovistus’s existing troops, resistance would become more difficult.
SECTION 1.37.4Accordingly, after securing grain supplies as quickly as he could, he advanced against Ariovistus by forced marches.
CHAPTER 1.38
SECTION 1.38.1After he had advanced for three days, he was informed that Ariovistus was hurrying with all his forces to seize Vesontio, the largest town of the Sequani, and had advanced three days’ march from his own territory. Caesar believed that he had to take the greatest care to prevent this. The town had an abundant supply of everything useful for war,
SECTION 1.38.2and its natural position fortified it in such a way as to make it an excellent base for conducting a war, because the river Dubis, curving around as though drawn with a compass, almost completely surrounds the town.
SECTION 1.38.3The remaining space, where the river leaves a gap, is no more than 1,600 feet wide and is enclosed by a mountain of great height, whose base reaches the riverbanks on both sides.
SECTION 1.38.4A wall built around this mountain turns it into a citadel and connects it with the town.
SECTION 1.38.5Caesar hurried there by long marches both night and day, seized the town, and stationed a garrison there.
CHAPTER 1.39
SECTION 1.39.1While he remained at Vesontio for a few days to obtain grain and other supplies, the inquiries made by our men and the statements of Gauls and merchants—who declared that the Germans were of enormous physical size, possessed incredible courage, and were highly trained in arms, and who said that, although they had often met them, they had been unable to endure even the expression on their faces and the fierceness of their gaze—suddenly filled the entire army with such great fear that it seriously disturbed the minds and spirits of them all.
SECTION 1.39.2This fear first arose among the military tribunes, prefects, and the others who had followed Caesar from Rome for the sake of friendship and had little experience in military affairs.
SECTION 1.39.3Each of them offered a different reason that he claimed made it necessary for him to leave and asked Caesar’s permission to depart. Some, driven by shame and wishing to avoid the suspicion of fear, remained.
SECTION 1.39.4They could neither control their expressions nor, at times, hold back their tears. Hiding in their tents, they either lamented their own fate or commiserated with their friends over the danger they all shared. Wills were being sealed everywhere throughout the camp.
SECTION 1.39.5Their talk and fear gradually began to unsettle even those who had extensive experience in camp—the soldiers, centurions, and cavalry commanders.
SECTION 1.39.6Those among them who wanted to be considered less afraid said that they did not fear the enemy, but were concerned about the narrow roads and the vast forests lying between themselves and Ariovistus, or about whether the grain supply could be transported adequately.
SECTION 1.39.7Some even reported to Caesar that when he ordered the camp to be struck and the standards carried forward, the soldiers would not obey his command and, because of their fear, would refuse to carry the standards.
CHAPTER 1.40
SECTION 1.40.1When Caesar became aware of this, he called a council, summoned centurions of every rank to attend it, and severely reprimanded them. First, he rebuked them for thinking that it was their place to ask or consider in what direction or for what purpose they were being led.
SECTION 1.40.2During his consulship, Ariovistus had been extremely eager to obtain the friendship of the Roman people. Why should anyone so rashly suppose that he would abandon his obligations?
SECTION 1.40.3For his own part, Caesar was convinced that once Ariovistus learned his demands and understood the fairness of the terms, he would reject neither Caesar’s goodwill nor that of the Roman people.
SECTION 1.40.4But if, driven by rage and madness, he did make war, what, after all, were they afraid of? Why did they despair either of their own courage or of their commander’s vigilance?
SECTION 1.40.5That enemy had been put to the test within the memory of their fathers, when the Cimbri and Teutones were defeated by Gaius Marius [and the army appeared to have earned no less glory than the commander himself]. The Germans had also been tested recently in Italy during the slave uprising, although the slaves had received some assistance from the experience and training they had acquired from the Romans.
SECTION 1.40.6From this it could be judged how much strength there was in steadfastness: although for some time the Romans had been needlessly afraid of them while they were unarmed, they later defeated them when they were armed and victorious.
SECTION 1.40.7Finally, these were the same Germans whom the Helvetii had often confronted and usually defeated, not only in their own territory but also in that of the Germans; yet the Helvetii had been unable to stand against our army.
SECTION 1.40.8If anyone was disturbed by the Gauls’ defeat and flight, he could discover, if he investigated, that after the Gauls had been exhausted by the long duration of the war, Ariovistus had kept himself in his camp and among the marshes for many months without giving them an opportunity to fight. Then, when they had already despaired of battle and had dispersed, he attacked them suddenly and defeated them more by calculation and strategy than by courage.
SECTION 1.40.9Although there had been an opportunity for such a strategy to succeed against barbarous and inexperienced men, not even Ariovistus himself could expect our armies to be caught by it.
SECTION 1.40.10Those who concealed their fear behind the pretense of concern about the grain supply and the narrowness of the route were behaving arrogantly, since they appeared either to despair of their commander’s ability to perform his duty or to dictate to him.
SECTION 1.40.11These matters were his responsibility. The Sequani, Leuci, and Lingones were supplying grain, and the grain in the fields was already ripe. As for the route, they themselves would soon be able to judge it.
SECTION 1.40.12As for the claim that they would not obey his commands or carry the standards, he was not at all disturbed by it. He knew that whenever an army had not obeyed its commander, either he had suffered bad luck because the campaign had been badly conducted, or his greed had been exposed when some crime was discovered.
SECTION 1.40.13His integrity had been demonstrated throughout his life, and his good fortune in the war with the Helvetii.
SECTION 1.40.14He would therefore do immediately what he had intended to postpone until a later day, and would strike camp during the fourth watch of the coming night, so that he could learn as quickly as possible whether honor and duty or fear had more influence over them.
SECTION 1.40.15Even if no one else followed him, he would still go with the Tenth Legion alone. He had no doubts about that legion, and it would serve as his bodyguard cohort. Caesar had shown this legion particular favor and, because of its courage, trusted it more than any other.
CHAPTER 1.41
SECTION 1.41.1After this speech, everyone’s attitude changed remarkably, and the entire army was filled with the greatest enthusiasm and eagerness to wage war.
SECTION 1.41.2The Tenth Legion was the first to thank him, through its military tribunes, for having formed such an excellent opinion of it, and declared that it was completely ready to wage war.
SECTION 1.41.3Then the other legions approached their military tribunes and senior centurions to have them satisfy Caesar on their behalf. They said that they had never doubted or been afraid, and had never thought that judgment concerning the overall conduct of the war belonged to them rather than to their commander.
SECTION 1.41.4After accepting their explanation, Caesar had Diviciacus, the Gaul he trusted more than any other, investigate a route by which he could lead the army through open country, even though it required a detour of more than fifty miles. He then set out during the fourth watch, as he had said he would.
SECTION 1.41.5On the seventh day, during which he had continued the march without interruption, his scouts informed him that Ariovistus’ forces were twenty-four miles from ours.
CHAPTER 1.42
SECTION 1.42.1When Ariovistus learned of Caesar’s arrival, he sent envoys to him. Since Caesar had previously requested a conference, Ariovistus said that it could now take place, because Caesar had come nearer and he believed he could attend it without danger.
SECTION 1.42.2Caesar did not reject the proposal and now believed that Ariovistus was returning to his senses, since he was voluntarily offering what he had previously denied when Caesar requested it.
SECTION 1.42.3Caesar became very hopeful that, in view of the great favors that he and the Roman people had conferred upon Ariovistus, the king would learn his demands and abandon his obstinacy.
SECTION 1.42.4The conference was set for the fifth day from that day.
SECTION 1.42.5Meanwhile, as envoys were frequently passing back and forth between them, Ariovistus demanded that Caesar bring no infantryman to the conference. He said that he was afraid Caesar might surround him in an ambush. Each of them should come with cavalry; otherwise, he would not come.
SECTION 1.42.6Caesar did not want the conference to be canceled because of an imposed condition, but he did not dare entrust his safety to the Gallic cavalry. He therefore decided that the most practical course was to take all the horses away from the Gallic cavalrymen and mount on them legionary soldiers from the Tenth Legion, which he trusted most, so that if any action became necessary, he would have the most loyal possible guard.
SECTION 1.42.7As this was being done, one of the soldiers of the Tenth Legion remarked, not without humor, that Caesar was doing more than he had promised. He had promised to treat the Tenth Legion as his bodyguard cohort, but now he was enrolling it in the cavalry.
CHAPTER 1.43
SECTION 1.43.1There was a large plain, and on it stood a fairly large earthen mound. This place was at approximately the same distance from the camps of Ariovistus and Caesar. As agreed, they came there for the conference.
SECTION 1.43.2Caesar stationed the legion he had brought on horseback two hundred paces from that mound. Ariovistus’ cavalry likewise halted at an equal distance.
SECTION 1.43.3Ariovistus requested that they conduct the conference on horseback and that each of them bring ten men with him to the meeting.
SECTION 1.43.4When they arrived there, Caesar began his speech by recounting the favors that he and the Senate had conferred upon Ariovistus: that the Senate had given him the title of king, that it had declared him a friend, and that magnificent gifts had been sent to him. Caesar explained that such distinctions had fallen to only a few men and were customarily granted in return for great services.
SECTION 1.43.5Although Ariovistus had neither access to Rome nor any legitimate grounds for requesting these honors, he had received those rewards through Caesar’s and the Senate’s kindness and generosity.
SECTION 1.43.6Caesar also explained how old and legitimate were the bonds of friendship between the Romans and the Haedui,
SECTION 1.43.7how many decrees the Senate had passed concerning them and how honorable those decrees were, and how the Haedui had always held the leading position in all Gaul, even before they sought our friendship.
SECTION 1.43.8It was the custom of the Roman people to want their allies and friends not only to lose none of what belonged to them, but also to increase in influence, standing, and honor. Who could permit them to be deprived of what they had possessed when they entered into friendship with the Roman people?
SECTION 1.43.9Caesar then made the same demands that he had given his envoys: Ariovistus must not make war upon either the Haedui or their allies; he must return their hostages; and if he could not send any part of the Germans back home, he must at least permit no more of them to cross the Rhine.
CHAPTER 1.44
SECTION 1.44.1Ariovistus said little in reply to Caesar’s demands but spoke at length about his own merits.
SECTION 1.44.2He had crossed the Rhine not on his own initiative, but at the request and invitation of the Gauls. He had not left his home and relatives without great expectations and great rewards. He occupied settlements in Gaul that the Gauls themselves had granted him; they had given hostages voluntarily; and he collected tribute by the right of war, which victors customarily imposed upon the defeated.
SECTION 1.44.3He had not made war upon the Gauls; the Gauls had made war upon him. All the states of Gaul had come to attack him and had camped against him, and he had routed and defeated all their forces in a single battle.
SECTION 1.44.4If they wanted to try again, he was ready to fight it out again. If they wanted to enjoy peace, it was unjust for them to refuse the tribute that they had paid voluntarily up to that time.
SECTION 1.44.5The friendship of the Roman people ought to bring him honor and protection, not harm, and he had sought it with that expectation. If, through the intervention of the Roman people, the tribute was canceled and his subjects were taken away from him, he would reject the friendship of the Roman people just as gladly as he had sought it.
SECTION 1.44.6As for his bringing a large number of Germans into Gaul, he was doing this to protect himself, not to attack Gaul. The proof was that he had not come except at the Gauls’ request and had not started the war but had defended himself.
SECTION 1.44.7He had come to Gaul before the Roman people. Never before that time had an army of the Roman people gone beyond the borders of the province of Gaul.
SECTION 1.44.8What did Caesar want with him? Why was he coming into his possessions? This part of Gaul was his province, just as the other part was ours. Just as Ariovistus ought not to be permitted to invade our territory, so the Romans were equally unjust to interfere with him in the exercise of his rights.
SECTION 1.44.9As for Caesar’s claim that the Senate had called the Haedui brothers, Ariovistus was not so barbarous or so ignorant of affairs that he did not know that in the recent war with the Allobroges the Haedui had neither brought assistance to the Romans nor themselves received assistance from the Roman people in the struggles they had waged against him and the Sequani.
SECTION 1.44.10He had to suspect that Caesar was pretending friendship and maintaining an army in Gaul for the purpose of destroying him.
SECTION 1.44.11Unless Caesar withdrew and led his army away from these regions, Ariovistus would regard him not as a friend but as an enemy.
SECTION 1.44.12If he killed Caesar, he would be doing a favor to many nobles and leading men of the Roman people—something he had learned from them personally through their messengers—and by Caesar’s death he could purchase the favor and friendship of them all.
SECTION 1.44.13But if Caesar withdrew and surrendered to him the unrestricted possession of Gaul, he would reward him generously and would conclude, without any effort or danger to Caesar, whatever wars Caesar wanted to have waged.
CHAPTER 1.45
SECTION 1.45.1Caesar said much in reply to explain why he could not abandon the matter. Neither his own practice nor that of the Roman people permitted him to abandon allies who had rendered outstanding service, and he did not believe that Gaul belonged to Ariovistus rather than to the Roman people.
SECTION 1.45.2The Arverni and Ruteni had been defeated in war by Quintus Fabius Maximus, but the Roman people had pardoned them, had not reduced their territory to a province, and had not imposed tribute upon them.
SECTION 1.45.3If the most ancient claim had to be considered, then the authority of the Roman people in Gaul was the most legitimate. If the judgment of the Senate had to be respected, then Gaul ought to be free, since the Senate had wished it, although conquered in war, to live under its own laws.
CHAPTER 1.46
SECTION 1.46.1While this discussion was taking place at the conference, Caesar was informed that Ariovistus’ cavalry was approaching nearer to the mound, riding toward our men, and throwing stones and javelins at them.
SECTION 1.46.2Caesar ended the discussion, withdrew to his men, and ordered them not to throw any weapon at all back at the enemy.
SECTION 1.46.3Although he saw that a battle between his chosen legion and the enemy cavalry would involve no danger, he nevertheless thought he must not allow a situation in which, after the enemy had been defeated, it could be said that he had treacherously trapped them during a conference.
SECTION 1.46.4After word spread among the common soldiers of the arrogance with which Ariovistus had barred the Romans from all Gaul during the conference, of the attack his cavalry had made upon our men, and of how that incident had broken off the conference, the army was filled with far greater enthusiasm and a much stronger desire to fight.
CHAPTER 1.47
SECTION 1.47.1Two days later Ariovistus sent envoys to Caesar. He said that he wanted to discuss with him the matters they had begun but had not finished discussing. Caesar should either set another day for a conference or, if he was unwilling to do that, send one of his envoys to Ariovistus.
SECTION 1.47.2Caesar saw no reason to hold another conference, especially because the day before, the Germans could not be restrained from throwing weapons at our men.
SECTION 1.47.3He believed that sending one of his own envoys to Ariovistus would expose that man to great danger and place him at the mercy of savage men.
SECTION 1.47.4He decided that the most practical course was to send Gaius Valerius Procillus, the son of Gaius Valerius Caburus, a young man of the highest courage and refinement whose father had been granted Roman citizenship by Gaius Valerius Flaccus. He chose Procillus both because of his loyalty and because of his knowledge of the Gallic language, in which Ariovistus, through long familiarity, was now quite fluent, and because the Germans had no reason to mistreat him. With him Caesar sent Marcus Metius, who had ties of hospitality with Ariovistus.
SECTION 1.47.5Caesar instructed them to learn what Ariovistus said and report it to him. When Ariovistus saw them in his camp, he shouted in the presence of his army, “Why have you come to me? Is it to spy?” He prevented them from trying to speak and threw them into chains.
CHAPTER 1.48
SECTION 1.48.1That same day Ariovistus moved his camp forward and established it beneath a mountain, six miles from Caesar’s camp.
SECTION 1.48.2The following day he led his forces past Caesar’s camp and established a camp two miles beyond it, intending to cut Caesar off from the grain and supplies being transported from the Sequani and Haedui.
SECTION 1.48.3For five consecutive days from that day onward, Caesar led his forces out in front of the camp and kept them drawn up in battle formation, so that if Ariovistus wanted to fight, he would have the opportunity.
SECTION 1.48.4Throughout all these days Ariovistus kept his army inside the camp but engaged in cavalry combat every day. This was the method of fighting in which the Germans had trained themselves:
SECTION 1.48.5there were six thousand cavalrymen and an equal number of extremely swift and courageous infantrymen, each of whom an individual cavalryman had selected from the entire force for his personal protection.
SECTION 1.48.6The cavalrymen fought alongside them in battle and withdrew to them for safety. If the situation became especially difficult, the infantrymen rushed forward; if any cavalryman fell from his horse after receiving a serious wound, they surrounded him;
SECTION 1.48.7If they had to advance farther than usual or withdraw more quickly, their training gave them such speed that, supporting themselves by the horses’ manes, they could keep pace with them at a gallop.
CHAPTER 1.49
SECTION 1.49.1When Caesar realized that Ariovistus was remaining in his camp, Caesar chose a suitable site for a camp beyond the place where the Germans had settled, about six hundred paces from them, so that he would not be cut off from supplies any longer. He formed his army in three lines and advanced to that site.
SECTION 1.49.2He ordered the first and second lines to remain under arms and the third to fortify the camp.
SECTION 1.49.3[This site, as has been stated, was about six hundred paces from the enemy.] Ariovistus sent about sixteen thousand lightly equipped men there with all his cavalry to intimidate our men and prevent them from building the fortifications.
SECTION 1.49.4Nevertheless, as Caesar had previously decided, he ordered two lines to drive back the enemy and the third to complete the work. Once the camp was fortified, he left two legions and part of the auxiliary forces there and led the other four legions back to the larger camp.
CHAPTER 1.50
SECTION 1.50.1The next day, following his established plan, Caesar led his forces out of both camps, advanced a short distance from the larger camp, formed his battle line, and gave the enemy an opportunity to fight.
SECTION 1.50.2When he realized that even then they would not come out, he led his army back into camp around noon. Only then did Ariovistus send part of his forces to attack the smaller camp. Both sides fought fiercely until evening. At sunset Ariovistus led his troops back into camp after many wounds had been both inflicted and received.
SECTION 1.50.3When Caesar asked the prisoners why Ariovistus would not decide the issue in battle, he learned that the reason was a German custom under which their married women used lots and prophecies to declare whether or not it would be advantageous to engage in battle. The women said:
SECTION 1.50.4The Germans were not destined to win if they fought a battle before the new moon.
CHAPTER 1.51
SECTION 1.51.1The day after that, Caesar left what seemed to be an adequate garrison in each camp and stationed all the auxiliary troops in full view of the enemy in front of the smaller camp. Because he was at a disadvantage in the number of legionary soldiers compared with the enemy, he intended to use the auxiliaries to create the appearance of greater strength. He himself formed his army in three lines and advanced as far as the enemy’s camp.
SECTION 1.51.2Only then, compelled by necessity, did the Germans lead their forces out of camp. They arranged them by tribe at equal intervals—the Harudes, Marcomani, Triboci, Vangiones, Nemetes, Sedusii, and Suebi—and surrounded their entire battle line with wagons and carts so that no hope of escape would remain.
SECTION 1.51.3They placed their women on the wagons, and as the soldiers set out for battle, the women stretched out their hands, weeping and begging them not to surrender them to slavery under the Romans.
CHAPTER 1.52
SECTION 1.52.1Caesar placed one lieutenant or the quaestor in command of each legion, so that every man would have one of them as a witness to his courage.
SECTION 1.52.2He himself began the battle from the right wing because he had noticed that this was the enemy’s weakest point.
SECTION 1.52.3At the signal, our men charged the enemy so fiercely, and the enemy suddenly rushed forward so quickly, that there was no room to throw the javelins at them.
SECTION 1.52.4The javelins were cast aside, and the fighting was carried on at close quarters with swords. But the Germans quickly formed a phalanx in their customary manner and met the assault of the swords.
SECTION 1.52.5A considerable number of our men were found who leaped onto the phalanx, tore away the shields with their hands, and struck the enemy from above.
SECTION 1.52.6Although the enemy’s line on the left wing had been driven back and put to flight, on their right wing they were pressing our line hard through the sheer weight of their numbers.
SECTION 1.52.7When the young Publius Crassus, who commanded the cavalry, noticed this, he was freer to observe the battle than those engaged in the fighting and sent the third line to reinforce our hard-pressed men.
CHAPTER 1.53
SECTION 1.53.1The battle was thus restored, and all the enemy turned their backs. They did not stop fleeing until they reached the Rhine, about fifty miles from that place.
SECTION 1.53.2There, a very few trusted in their strength and tried to swim across, or found small boats and escaped.
SECTION 1.53.3Among them was Ariovistus, who found a small boat tied to the bank and escaped in it. Our cavalry overtook and killed all the rest.
SECTION 1.53.4Ariovistus had two wives: one was a Suebi by birth, whom he had brought with him from home; the other was a Norican, the sister of King Voccio, whom he had married in Gaul after her brother sent her there. Both died during the flight. He also had two daughters: one of them was killed and the other captured.
SECTION 1.53.5Gaius Valerius Procillus, who was being dragged along by his guards during the flight, bound in three sets of chains, came upon Caesar himself as he pursued the enemy with the cavalry.
SECTION 1.53.6This event gave Caesar no less pleasure than the victory itself, because he saw the most honorable man in the Province of Gaul, his personal friend and guest, rescued from the enemy’s hands and restored to him. Fortune had not diminished the pleasure and rejoicing of so great a victory by bringing disaster upon Procillus.
SECTION 1.53.7Procillus said that, in his presence, the lots had been consulted three times to determine whether he should be burned to death immediately or kept for another time. By the favor of the lots, he was still alive.
SECTION 1.53.8Marcus Metius was likewise found and brought back to Caesar.
CHAPTER 1.54
SECTION 1.54.1When news of this battle was reported across the Rhine, the Suebi who had reached its banks began to return home. When the peoples living nearest the Rhine saw that they were terrified, they pursued them and killed a great number.
SECTION 1.54.2Having concluded two very great wars in a single summer, Caesar led his army into winter quarters among the Sequani somewhat earlier than the season required. He placed Labienus in command of the winter quarters.
SECTION 1.54.3He himself departed for Cisalpine Gaul to hold the judicial assemblies.
Book 2
Latin
CHAPTER 2.1
SECTION 2.1.1Cum esset Caesar in citeriore Gallia [in hibernis], ita uti supra demonstravimus, crebri ad eum rumores adferebantur litterisque item Labieni certior fiebat omnes Belgas, quam tertiam esse Galliae partem dixeramus, contra populum Romanum coniurare obsidesque inter se dare.
SECTION 2.1.2Coniurandi has esse causas: primum quod vererentur ne, omni pacata Gallia, ad eos exercitus noster adduceretur;
SECTION 2.1.3deinde quod ab non nullis Gallis sollicitarentur, partim qui, ut Germanos diutius in Gallia versari noluerant, ita populi Romani exercitum hiemare atque inveterascere in Gallia moleste ferebant, partim qui mobilitate et levitate animi novis imperiis studebant;
SECTION 2.1.4ab non nullis etiam quod in Gallia a potentioribus atque iis qui ad conducendos homines facultates habebant vulgo regna occupabantur; qui minus facile eam rem imperio nostro consequi poterant.
CHAPTER 2.2
SECTION 2.2.1His nuntiis litterisque commotus Caesar duas legiones in citeriore Gallia novas conscripsit et inita aestate in ulteriorem Galliam qui deduceret Q. Pedium legatum misit.
SECTION 2.2.2Ipse, cum primum pabuli copia esse inciperet, ad exercitum venit.
SECTION 2.2.3Dat negotium Senonibus reliquisque Gallis qui finitimi Belgis erant uti ea quae apud eos gerantur cognoscant seque de his rebus certiorem faciant.
SECTION 2.2.4Hi constanter omnes nuntiaverunt manus cogi, exercitum in unum locum conduci. Tum vero dubitandum non existimavit quin ad eos proficisceretur. Re frumentaria provisa castra movet diebusque circiter XV ad fines Belgarum pervenit.
CHAPTER 2.3
SECTION 2.3.1Eo cum de improviso celeriusque omnium opinione venisset, Remi, qui proximi Galliae ex Belgis sunt, ad eum legatos Iccium et Andebrogium, primos civitatis, miserunt,
SECTION 2.3.2qui dicerent se suaque omnia in fidem atque potestatem populi Romani permittere, neque se cum reliquis Belgis consensisse neque contra populum Romanum coniurasse,
SECTION 2.3.3paratosque esse et obsides dare et imperata facere et oppidis recipere et frumento ceterisque rebus iuvare;
SECTION 2.3.4reliquos omnes Belgas in armis esse, Germanosque qui cis Rhenum incolant sese cum his coniunxisse,
SECTION 2.3.5tantumque esse eorum omnium furorem ut ne Suessiones quidem, fratres consanguineosque suos, qui eodem iure et isdem legibus utantur, unum imperium unumque magistratum cum ipsis habeant, deterrere potuerint quin cum iis consentirent.
CHAPTER 2.4
SECTION 2.4.1Cum ab iis quaereret quae civitates quantaeque in armis essent et quid in bello possent, sic reperiebat: plerosque Belgas esse ortos a Germanis Rhenumque antiquitus traductos propter loci fertilitatem ibi consedisse Gallosque qui ea loca incolerent expulisse, solosque esse qui,
SECTION 2.4.2patrum nostrorum memoria omni Gallia vexata, Teutonos Cimbrosque intra suos fines ingredi prohibuerint;
SECTION 2.4.3qua ex re fieri uti earum rerum memoria magnam sibi auctoritatem magnosque spiritus in re militari sumerent.
SECTION 2.4.4De numero eorum omnia se habere explorata Remi dicebant, propterea quod propinquitatibus adfinitatibusque coniuncti quantam quisque multitudinem in communi Belgarum concilio ad id bellum pollicitus sit cognoverint.
SECTION 2.4.5Plurimum inter eos Bellovacos et virtute et auctoritate et hominum numero valere: hos posse conficere armata milia centum, pollicitos ex eo numero electa milia LX totiusque belli imperium sibi postulare.
SECTION 2.4.6Suessiones suos esse finitimos; fines latissimos feracissimosque agros possidere.
SECTION 2.4.7Apud eos fuisse regem nostra etiam memoria Diviciacum, totius Galliae potentissimum, qui cum magnae partis harum regionum, tum etiam Britanniae imperium obtinuerit; nunc esse regem Galbam: ad hunc propter iustitiam prudentiamque summam totius belli omnium voluntate deferri; oppida habere numero XII, polliceri milia armata L; totidem Nervios,
SECTION 2.4.8qui maxime feri inter ipsos habeantur longissimeque absint;
SECTION 2.4.9XV milia Atrebates, Ambianos X milia, Morinos XXV milia, Menapios VII milia, Caletos X milia, Veliocasses et Viromanduos totidem, Atuatucos XVIIII milia;
SECTION 2.4.10Condrusos, Eburones, Caerosos, Paemanos, qui uno nomine Germani appellantur, arbitrari ad XL milia.
CHAPTER 2.5
SECTION 2.5.1Caesar Remos cohortatus liberaliterque oratione prosecutus omnem senatum ad se convenire principumque liberos obsides ad se adduci iussit. Quae omnia ab his diligenter ad diem facta sunt.
SECTION 2.5.2Ipse Diviciacum Haeduum magnopere cohortatus docet quanto opere rei publicae communisque salutis intersit manus hostium distineri, ne cum tanta multitudine uno tempore confligendum sit.
SECTION 2.5.3Id fieri posse, si suas copias Haedui in fines Bellovacorum introduxerint et eorum agros populari coeperint.
SECTION 2.5.4His datis mandatis eum a se dimittit. Postquam omnes Belgarum copias in unum locum coactas ad se venire vidit neque iam longe abesse ab iis quos miserat exploratoribus et ab Remis cognovit, flumen Axonam, quod est in extremis Remorum finibus, exercitum traducere maturavit atque ibi castra posuit.
SECTION 2.5.5Quae res et latus unum castrorum ripis fluminis muniebat et post eum quae erant tuta ab hostibus reddebat et commeatus ab Remis reliquisque civitatibus ut sine periculo ad eum portari possent efficiebat.
SECTION 2.5.6In eo flumine pons erat. Ibi praesidium ponit et in altera parte fluminis Q. Titurium Sabinum legatum cum sex cohortibus relinquit; castra in altitudinem pedum XII vallo fossaque duodeviginti pedum muniri iubet.
CHAPTER 2.6
SECTION 2.6.1Ab his castris oppidum Remorum nomine Bibrax aberat milia passuum VIII. Id ex itinere magno impetu Belgae oppugnare coeperunt. Aegre eo die sustentatum est.
SECTION 2.6.2Gallorum eadem atque Belgarum oppugnatio est haec: ubi circumiecta multitudine hominum totis moenibus undique in murum lapides iaci coepti sunt murusque defensoribus nudatus est, testudine facta portas succedunt murumque subruunt. Quod tum facile fiebat.
SECTION 2.6.3Nam cum tanta multitudo lapides ac tela coicerent, in muro consistendi potestas erat nulli.
SECTION 2.6.4Cum finem oppugnandi nox fecisset, Iccius Remus, summa nobilitate et gratia inter suos, qui tum oppido praeerat, unus ex iis qui legati de pace ad Caesarem venerant, nuntium ad eum mittit, nisi subsidium sibi submittatur, sese diutius sustinere non posse.
CHAPTER 2.7
SECTION 2.7.1Eo de media nocte Caesar isdem ducibus usus qui nuntii ab Iccio venerant, Numidas et Cretas sagittarios et funditores Baleares subsidio oppidanis mittit;
SECTION 2.7.2quorum adventu et Remis cum spe defensionis studium propugnandi accessit et hostibus eadem de causa spes potiundi oppidi discessit.
SECTION 2.7.3Itaque paulisper apud oppidum morati agrosque Remorum depopulati, omnibus vicis aedificiisque quo adire potuerant incensis, ad castra Caesaris omnibus copiis contenderunt et a milibus passuum minus duobus castra posuerunt;
SECTION 2.7.4quae castra, ut fumo atque ignibus significabatur, amplius milibus passuum VIII latitudinem patebant.
CHAPTER 2.8
SECTION 2.8.1Caesar primo et propter multitudinem hostium et propter eximiam opinionem virtutis proelio supersedere statuit;
SECTION 2.8.2cotidie tamen equestribus proeliis quid hostis virtute posset et quid nostri auderent periclitabatur.
SECTION 2.8.3Ubi nostros non esse inferiores intellexit, loco pro castris ad aciem instruendam natura oportuno atque idoneo, quod is collis ubi castra posita erant paululum ex planitie editus tantum adversus in latitudinem patebat quantum loci acies instructa occupare poterat, atque ex utraque parte lateris deiectus habebat et in fronte leniter fastigatus paulatim ad planitiem redibat, ab utroque latere eius collis transversam fossam obduxit circiter passuum CCCC
SECTION 2.8.4et ad extremas fossas castella constituit ibique tormenta conlocavit, ne, cum aciem instruxisset, hostes, quod tantum multitudine poterant, ab lateribus pugnantes suos circumvenire possent.
SECTION 2.8.5Hoc facto, duabus legionibus quas proxime conscripserat in castris relictis ut, si quo opus esset, subsidio duci possent, reliquas VI legiones pro castris in acie constituit. Hostes item suas copias ex castris eductas instruxerunt.
CHAPTER 2.9
SECTION 2.9.1Palus erat non magna inter nostrum atque hostium exercitum. Hanc si nostri transirent hostes expectabant; nostri autem, si ab illis initium transeundi fieret, ut impeditos adgrederentur parati in armis erant.
SECTION 2.9.2Interim proelio equestri inter duas acies contendebatur. Ubi neutri transeundi initium faciunt, secundiore equitum proelio nostris Caesar suos in castra reduxit.
SECTION 2.9.3Hostes protinus ex eo loco ad flumen Axonam contenderunt, quod esse post nostra castra demonstratum est.
SECTION 2.9.4Ibi vadis repertis partem suarum copiarum traducere conati sunt eo consilio ut, si possent, castellum, cui praeerat Q. Titurius legatus, expugnarent pontemque interscinderent,
SECTION 2.9.5si minus potuissent, agros Remorum popularentur, qui magno nobis usui ad bellum gerendum erant, commeatuque nostros prohiberent.
CHAPTER 2.10
SECTION 2.10.1Caesar certior factus ab Titurio omnem equitatum et levis armaturae Numidas, funditores sagittariosque pontem traducit atque ad eos contendit. Acriter in eo loco pugnatum est.
SECTION 2.10.2Hostes impeditos nostri in flumine adgressi magnum eorum numerum occiderunt;
SECTION 2.10.3per eorum corpora reliquos audacissime transire conantes multitudine telorum reppulerunt primosque, qui transierant, equitatu circumventos interfecerunt.
SECTION 2.10.4Hostes, ubi et de expugnando oppido et de flumine transeundo spem se fefellisse intellexerunt neque nostros in locum iniquiorum progredi pugnandi causa viderunt atque ipsos res frumentaria deficere coepit, concilio convocato constituerunt optimum esse domum suam quemque reverti, et quorum in fines primum Romani exercitum introduxissent, ad eos defendendos undique convenirent, ut potius in suis quam in alienis finibus decertarent et domesticis copiis rei frumentariae uterentur.
SECTION 2.10.5Ad eam sententiam cum reliquis causis haec quoque ratio eos deduxit, quod Diviciacum atque Haeduos finibus Bellovacorum adpropinquare cognoverant. His persuaderi ut diutius morarentur neque suis auxilium terrent non poterat.
CHAPTER 2.11
SECTION 2.11.1Ea re constituta, secunda vigilia magno cum, strepitu ac tumultu castris egressi nullo certo ordine neque imperio, cum sibi quisque primum itineris locum peteret et domum pervenire properaret, fecerunt ut consimilis fugae profectio videretur.
SECTION 2.11.2Hac re statim Caesar per speculatores cognita insidias veritus, quod qua de causa discederent nondum perspexerat, exercitum equitatumque castris continuit.
SECTION 2.11.3Prima luce, confirmata re ab exploratoribus, omnem equitatum, qui novissimum agmen moraretur, praemisit. His Q. Pedium et L. Aurunculeium Cottam legatos praefecit; T. Labienum legatum cum legionibus tribus subsequi iussit.
SECTION 2.11.4Hi novissimos adorti et multa milia passuum prosecuti magnam multitudinem eorum fugientium conciderunt, cum ab extremo agmine, ad quos ventum erat, consisterent fortiterque impetum nostrorum militum sustinerent,
SECTION 2.11.5priores, quod abesse a periculo viderentur neque ulla necessitate neque imperio continerentur, exaudito clamore perturbatis ordinibus omnes in fuga sibi praesidium ponerent.
SECTION 2.11.6Ita sine ullo periculo tantam eorum multitudinem nostri interfecerunt quantum fuit diei spatium; sub occasum solis sequi destiterunt seque in castra, ut erat imperatum, receperunt.
CHAPTER 2.12
SECTION 2.12.1Postridie eius diei Caesar, prius quam se hostes ex terrore ac fuga reciperent, in fines Suessionum, qui proximi Remis erant, exercitum duxit et magno itinere [confecto] ad oppidum Noviodunum contendit.
SECTION 2.12.2Id ex itinere oppugnare conatus, quod vacuum ab defensoribus esse audiebat, propter latitudinem fossae murique altitudinem paucis defendentibus expugnare non potuit.
SECTION 2.12.3Castris munitis vineas agere quaeque ad oppugnandum usui erant comparare coepit.
SECTION 2.12.4Interim omnis ex fuga Suessionum multitudo in oppidum proxima nocte convenit.
SECTION 2.12.5Celeriter vineis ad oppidum actis, aggere iacto turribusque constitutis, magnitudine operum, quae neque viderant ante Galli neque audierant, et celeritate Romanorum permoti legatos ad Caesarem de deditione mittunt et petentibus Remis ut conservarentur impetrant.
CHAPTER 2.13
SECTION 2.13.1Caesar, obsidibus acceptis primis civitatis atque ipsius Galbae regis duobus filiis armisque omnibus ex oppido traditis, in deditionem Suessiones accipit exercitumque in Bellovacos ducit.
SECTION 2.13.2Qui cum se suaque omnia in oppidum Bratuspantium contulissent atque ab eo oppido Caesar cum exercitu circiter milia passuum V abesset, omnes maiores natu ex oppido egressi manus ad Caesarem tendere et voce significare coeperunt sese in eius fidem ac potestatem venire neque contra populum Romanum armis contendere.
SECTION 2.13.3Item, cum ad oppidum accessisset castraque ibi poneret, pueri mulieresque ex muro passis manibus suo more pacem ab Romanis petierunt.
CHAPTER 2.14
SECTION 2.14.1Pro his Diviciacus (nam post discessum Belgarum dimissis Haeduorum copiis ad eum reverterat) facit verba:
SECTION 2.14.2Bellovacos omni tempore in fide atque amicitia civitatis Haeduae fuisse;
SECTION 2.14.3impulsos ab suis principibus, qui dicerent Haeduos a Caesare in servitutem redactos omnes indignitates contumeliasque perferre, et ab Haeduis defecisse et populo Romano bellum intulisse.
SECTION 2.14.4Qui eius consilii principes fuissent, quod intellegerent quantam calamitatem civitati intulissent, in Britanniam profugisse.
SECTION 2.14.5Petere non solum Bellovacos, sed etiam pro his Haeduos, ut sua clementia ac mansuetudine in eos utatur.
SECTION 2.14.6Quod si fecerit, Haeduorum auctoritatem apud omnes Belgas amplificaturum, quorum auxiliis atque opibus, si qua bella inciderint, sustentare consuerint.
CHAPTER 2.15
SECTION 2.15.1Caesar honoris Diviciaci atque Haeduorum causa sese eos in fidem recepturum et conservaturum dixit, et quod erat civitas magna inter Belgas auctoritate atque hominum multitudine praestabat, DC obsides poposcit.
SECTION 2.15.2His traditis omnibusque armis ex oppido conlatis, ab eo loco in fines Ambianorum pervenit; qui se suaque omnia sine mora dediderunt.
SECTION 2.15.3Eorum fines Nervii attingebant. Quorum de natura moribusque Caesar cum quaereret, sic reperiebat:
SECTION 2.15.4nullum esse aditum ad eos mercatoribus; nihil pati vini reliquarumque rerum ad luxuriam pertinentium inferri, quod his rebus relanguescere animos eorum et remitti virtutem existimarent;
SECTION 2.15.5esse homines feros magnaeque virtutis; increpitare atque incusare reliquos Belgas, qui se populo Romano dedidissent patriamque virtutem proiecissent;
SECTION 2.15.6confirmare sese neque legatos missuros neque ullam condicionem pacis accepturos.
CHAPTER 2.16
SECTION 2.16.1Cum per eorum fines triduum iter fecisset, inveniebat ex captivis Sabim flumen a castris suis non amplius milibus passuum X abesse;
SECTION 2.16.2trans id flumen omnes Nervios consedisse adventumque ibi Romanorum expectare una cum Atrebatibus et Viromanduis, finitimis suis
SECTION 2.16.3(nam his utrisque persuaserant uti eandem belli fortunam experirentur);
SECTION 2.16.4expectari etiam ab iis Atuatucorum copias atque esse in itinere;
SECTION 2.16.5mulieres quique per aetatem ad pugnam inutiles viderentur in eum locum coniecisse quo propter paludes exercitui aditus non esset.
CHAPTER 2.17
SECTION 2.17.1His rebus cognitis, exploratores centurionesque praemittit qui locum castris idoneum deligant.
SECTION 2.17.2Cum ex dediticiis Belgis reliquisque Gallis complures Caesarem secuti una iter facerent, quidam ex his, ut postea ex captivis cognitum est, eorum dierum consuetudine itineris nostri exercitus perspecta, nocte ad Nervios pervenerunt atque his demonstrarunt inter singulas legiones impedimentorum magnum numerum intercedere, neque esse quicquam negotii, cum prima legio in castra venisset reliquaeque legiones magnum spatium abessent, hanc sub sarcinis adoriri;
SECTION 2.17.3qua pulsa impedimentisque direptis, futurum ut reliquae contra consistere non auderent.
SECTION 2.17.4Adiuvabat etiam eorum consilium qui rem deferebant quod Nervii antiquitus, cum equitatu nihil possent (neque enim ad hoc tempus ei rei student, sed quicquid possunt, pedestribus valent copiis), quo facilius finitimorum equitatum, si praedandi causa ad eos venissent, impedirent, teneris arboribus incisis atque inflexis crebrisque in latitudinem ramis enatis [et] rubis sentibusque interiectis effecerant ut instar muri hae saepes munimentum praeberent, quo non modo non intrari sed ne perspici quidem posset.
SECTION 2.17.5His rebus cum iter agminis nostri impediretur, non omittendum sibi consilium Nervii existimaverunt.
CHAPTER 2.18
SECTION 2.18.1Loci natura erat haec, quem locum nostri castris delegerant. Collis ab summo aequaliter declivis ad flumen Sabim, quod supra nominavimus, vergebat.
SECTION 2.18.2Ab eo flumine pari acclivitate collis nascebatur adversus huic et contrarius, passus circiter CC infimus apertus, ab superiore parte silvestris, ut non facile introrsus perspici posset.
SECTION 2.18.3Intra eas silvas hostes in occulto sese continebant; in aperto loco secundum flumen paucae stationes equitum videbantur. Fluminis erat altitudo pedum circiter trium.
CHAPTER 2.19
SECTION 2.19.1Caesar equitatu praemisso subsequebatur omnibus copiis; sed ratio ordoque agminis aliter se habebat ac Belgae ad Nervios detulerant.
SECTION 2.19.2Nam quod hostibus adpropinquabat, consuetudine sua Caesar VI legiones expeditas ducebat;
SECTION 2.19.3post eas totius exercitus impedimenta conlocarat; inde duae legiones quae proxime conscriptae erant totum agmen claudebant praesidioque impedimentis erant.
SECTION 2.19.4Equites nostri cum funditoribus sagittariisque flumen transgressi cum hostium equitatu proelium commiserunt.
SECTION 2.19.5Cum se illi identidem in silvis ad suos reciperent ac rursus ex silva in nostros impetum facerent, neque nostri longius quam quem ad finem porrecta [ac] loca aperta pertinebant cedentes insequi auderent, interim legiones VI quae primae venerant, opere dimenso, castra munire coeperunt.
SECTION 2.19.6Ubi prima impedimenta nostri exercitus ab iis qui in silvis abditi latebant visa sunt, quod tempus inter eos committendi proelii convenerat, ut intra silvas aciem ordinesque constituerant atque ipsi sese confirmaverant, subito omnibus copiis provolaverunt impetumque in nostros equites fecerunt.
SECTION 2.19.7His facile pulsis ac proturbatis, incredibili celeritate ad flumen decucurrerunt, ut paene uno tempore et ad silvas et in flumine [et iam in manibus nostris] hostes viderentur.
SECTION 2.19.8Eadem autem celeritate adverso colle ad nostra castra atque eos qui in opere occupati erant contenderunt.
CHAPTER 2.20
SECTION 2.20.1Caesari omnia uno tempore erant agenda: vexillum proponendum, quod erat insigne, cum ad arma concurri oporteret; signum tuba dandum; ab opere revocandi milites; qui paulo longius aggeris petendi causa processerant arcessendi; acies instruenda; milites cohortandi; signum dandum.
SECTION 2.20.2Quarum rerum magnam partem temporis brevitas et incursus hostium impediebat.
SECTION 2.20.3His difficultatibus duae res erant subsidio, scientia atque usus militum, quod superioribus proeliis exercitati quid fieri oporteret non minus commode ipsi sibi praescribere quam ab aliis doceri poterant, et quod ab opere singulisque legionibus singulos legatos Caesar discedere nisi munitis castris vetuerat.
SECTION 2.20.4Hi propter propinquitatem et celeritatem hostium nihil iam Caesaris imperium expectabant, sed per se quae videbantur administrabant.
CHAPTER 2.21
SECTION 2.21.1Caesar, necessariis rebus imperatis, ad cohortandos milites, quam [in] partem fors obtulit, decucurrit et ad legionem decimam devenit.
SECTION 2.21.2Milites non longiore oratione cohortatus quam uti suae pristinae virtutis memoriam retinerent neu perturbarentur animo hostiumque impetum fortiter sustinerent,
SECTION 2.21.3quod non longius hostes aberant quam quo telum adigi posset, proelii committendi signum dedit.
SECTION 2.21.4Atque in alteram item cohortandi causa profectus pugnantibus occurrit.
SECTION 2.21.5Temporis tanta fuit exiguitas hostiumque tam paratus ad dimicandum animus ut non modo ad insignia accommodanda sed etiam ad galeas induendas scutisque tegimenta detrahenda tempus defuerit.
SECTION 2.21.6Quam quisque ab opere in partem casu devenit quaeque prima signa conspexit, ad haec constitit, ne in quaerendis suis pugnandi tempus dimitteret.
CHAPTER 2.22
SECTION 2.22.1Instructo exercitu magis ut loci natura [delectusque collis] et necessitas temporis quam ut rei militaris ratio atque ordo postulabat, cum diversae legiones aliae alia in parte hostibus resisterent saepibusque densissimis, ut ante demonstravimus, interiectis prospectus impediretur, neque certa subsidia conlocari neque quid in quaque parte opus esset provideri neque ab uno omnia imperia administrari poterant.
SECTION 2.22.2Itaque in tanta rerum iniquitate fortunae quoque eventus varii sequebantur.
CHAPTER 2.23
SECTION 2.23.1Legionis VIIII. et X. milites, ut in sinistra parte aciei constiterant, pilis emissis cursu ac lassitudine exanimatos vulneribusque confectos Atrebates (nam his ea pars obvenerat) celeriter ex loco superiore in flumen compulerunt et transire conantes insecuti gladiis magnam partem eorum impeditam interfecerunt.
SECTION 2.23.2Ipsi transire flumen non dubitaverunt et in locum iniquum progressi rursus resistentes hostes redintegrato proelio in fugam coniecerunt.
SECTION 2.23.3Item alia in parte diversae duae legiones, XI. et VIII., profligatis Viromanduis, quibuscum erant congressae, ex loco superiore in ipsis fluminis ripis proeliabantur.
SECTION 2.23.4At totis fere castris a fronte et a sinistra parte nudatis, cum in dextro cornu legio XII. et non magno ab ea intervallo VII. constitisset, omnes Nervii confertissimo agmine duce Boduognato, qui summam imperii tenebat, ad eum locum contenderunt; quorum pars ab aperto latere legiones circumvenire, pars summum castrorum locum petere coepit.
CHAPTER 2.24
SECTION 2.24.1Eodem tempore equites nostri levisque armaturae pedites, qui cum iis una fuerant, quos primo hostium impetu pulsos dixeram, cum se in castra reciperent, adversis hostibus occurrebant ac rursus aliam in partem fugam petebant;
SECTION 2.24.2et calones, qui ab decumana porta ac summo iugo collis nostros victores flumen transire conspexerant, praedandi causa egressi, cum respexissent et hostes in nostris castris versari vidissent, praecipites fugae sese mandabant.
SECTION 2.24.3Simul eorum qui cum impedimentis veniebant clamor fremitusque oriebatur, aliique aliam in partem perterriti ferebantur.
SECTION 2.24.4Quibus omnibus rebus permoti equites Treveri, quorum inter Gallos virtutis opinio est singularis, qui auxilii causa a civitate missi ad Caesarem venerant, cum multitudine hostium castra [nostra] compleri, legiones premi et paene circumventas teneri, calones, equites, funditores, Numidas diversos dissipatosque in omnes partes fugere vidissent, desperatis nostris rebus domum contenderunt:
SECTION 2.24.5Romanos pulsos superatosque, castris impedimentisque eorum hostes potitos civitati renuntiaverunt.
CHAPTER 2.25
SECTION 2.25.1Caesar ab X. legionis cohortatione ad dextrum cornu profectus, ubi suos urgeri signisque in unum locum conlatis XII. legionis confertos milites sibi ipsos ad pugnam esse impedimento vidit, quartae cohortis omnibus centurionibus occisis signiferoque interfecto, signo amisso, reliquarum cohortium omnibus fere centurionibus aut vulneratis aut occisis, in his primipilo P. Sextio Baculo, fortissimo viro, multis gravibusque vulneribus confecto, ut iam se sustinere non posset, reliquos esse tardiores et non nullos ab novissimis deserto loco proelio excedere ac tela vitare, hostes neque a fronte ex inferiore loco subeuntes intermittere et ab utroque latere instare et rem esse in angusto vidit, neque ullum esse subsidium quod submitti posset,
SECTION 2.25.2scuto ab novissimis [uni] militi detracto, quod ipse eo sine scuto venerat, in primam aciem processit centurionibusque nominatim appellatis reliquos cohortatus milites signa inferre et manipulos laxare iussit, quo facilius gladiis uti possent.
SECTION 2.25.3Cuius adventu spe inlata militibus ac redintegrato animo, cum pro se quisque in conspectu imperatoris etiam in extremis suis rebus operam navare cuperet, paulum hostium impetus tardatus est.
CHAPTER 2.26
SECTION 2.26.1Caesar, cum VII. legionem, quae iuxta constiterat, item urgeri ab hoste vidisset, tribunos militum monuit ut paulatim sese legiones coniungerent et conversa signa in hostes inferrent.
SECTION 2.26.2Quo facto cum aliis alii subsidium ferrent neque timerent ne aversi ab hoste circumvenirentur, audacius resistere ac fortius pugnare coeperunt.
SECTION 2.26.3Interim milites legionum duarum quae in novissimo agmine praesidio impedimentis fuerant, proelio nuntiato, cursu incitato in summo colle ab hostibus conspiciebantur,
SECTION 2.26.4et T. Labienus castris hostium potitus et ex loco superiore quae res in nostris castris gererentur conspicatus X. legionem subsidio nostris misit.
SECTION 2.26.5Qui cum ex equitum et calonum fuga quo in loco res esset quantoque in periculo et castra et legiones et imperator versaretur cognovissent, nihil ad celeritatem sibi reliqui fecerunt.
CHAPTER 2.27
SECTION 2.27.1Horum adventu tanta rerum commutatio est facta ut nostri, etiam qui vulneribus confecti procubuissent, scutis innixi proelium redintegrarent, calones perterritos hostes conspicati etiam inermes armatis occurrerent,
SECTION 2.27.2equites vero, ut turpitudinem fugae virtute delerent, omnibus in locis pugnae se legionariis militibus praeferrent.
SECTION 2.27.3At hostes, etiam in extrema spe salutis, tantam virtutem praestiterunt ut, cum primi eorum cecidissent, proximi iacentibus insisterent atque ex eorum corporibus pugnarent,
SECTION 2.27.4his deiectis et coacervatis cadaveribus qui superessent ut ex tumulo tela in nostros coicerent et pila intercepta remitterent:
SECTION 2.27.5ut non nequiquam tantae virtutis homines iudicari deberet ausos esse transire latissimum flumen, ascendere altissimas ripas, subire iniquissimum locum; quae facilia ex difficillimis animi magnitudo redegerat.
CHAPTER 2.28
SECTION 2.28.1Hoc proelio facto et prope ad internecionem gente ac nomine Nerviorum redacto, maiores natu, quos una cum pueris mulieribusque in aestuaria ac paludes coniectos dixeramus, hac pugna nuntiata, cum victoribus nihil impeditum, victis nihil tutum arbitrarentur,
SECTION 2.28.2omnium qui supererant consensu legatos ad Caesarem miserunt seque ei dediderunt; et in commemoranda civitatis calamitate ex DC ad tres senatores, ex hominum milibus LX vix ad D, qui arma ferre possent, sese redactos esse dixerunt.
SECTION 2.28.3Quos Caesar, ut in miseros ac supplices usus misericordia videretur, diligentissime conservavit suisque finibus atque oppidis uti iussit et finitimis imperavit ut ab iniuria et maleficio se suosque prohiberent.
CHAPTER 2.29
SECTION 2.29.1Atuatuci, de quibus supra diximus, cum omnibus copiis auxilio Nerviis venirent, hac pugna nuntiata ex itinere domum reverterunt;
SECTION 2.29.2cunctis oppidis castellisque desertis sua omnia in unum oppidum egregie natura munitum contulerunt.
SECTION 2.29.3Quod cum ex omnibus in circuitu partibus altissimas rupes deiectusque haberet, una ex parte leniter acclivis aditus in latitudinem non amplius pedum CC relinquebatur; quem locum duplici altissimo muro munierant; tum magni ponderis saxa et praeacutas trabes in muro conlocabant.
SECTION 2.29.4Ipsi erant ex Cimbris Teutonisque prognati, qui, cum iter in provinciam nostram atque Italiam; facerent, iis impedimentis quae secum agere ac portare non poterant citra flumen Rhenum depositis custodiae [ex suis] ac praesidio VI milia hominum una reliquerant.
SECTION 2.29.5Hi post eorum obitum multos annos a finitimis exagitati, cum alias bellum inferrent, alias inlatum defenderent, consensu eorum omnium pace facta hunc sibi domicilio locum delegerant.
CHAPTER 2.30
SECTION 2.30.1Ac primo adventu exercitus nostri crebras ex oppido excursiones faciebant parvulisque proeliis cum nostris contendebant;
SECTION 2.30.2postea vallo pedum XII in circuitu XV milium crebrisque castellis circummuniti oppido sese continebant.
SECTION 2.30.3Ubi vineis actis aggere extructo turrim procul constitui viderunt, primum inridere ex muro atque increpitare vocibus, quod tanta machinatio a tanto spatio institueretur:
SECTION 2.30.4quibusnam manibus aut quibus viribus praesertim homines tantulae staturae (nam plerumque omnibus Gallis prae magnitudine corporum quorum brevitas nostra contemptui est) tanti oneris turrim in muro sese posse conlocare confiderent?
CHAPTER 2.31
SECTION 2.31.1Ubi vero moveri et adpropinquare muris viderunt, nova atque inusitata specie commoti legatos ad Caesarem de pace miserunt, qui ad hunc modum locuti,
SECTION 2.31.2non se existimare Romanos sine ope divina bellum gerere, qui tantae altitudinis machinationes tanta celeritate promovere possent,
SECTION 2.31.3se suaque omnia eorum potestati permittere dixerunt.
SECTION 2.31.4Unum petere ac deprecari: si forte pro sua clementia ac mansuetudine, quam ipsi ab aliis audirent, statuisset Atuatucos esse conservandos, ne se armis despoliaret.
SECTION 2.31.5Sibi omnes fere finitimos esse inimicos ac suae virtuti invidere; a quibus se defendere traditis armis non possent.
SECTION 2.31.6Sibi praestare, si in eum casum deducerentur, quamvis fortunam a populo Romano pati quam ab his per cruciatum interfici inter quos dominari consuessent.
CHAPTER 2.32
SECTION 2.32.1Ad haec Caesar respondit: se magis consuetudine sua quam merito eorum civitatem conservaturum, si prius quam murum aries attigisset se dedidissent;
SECTION 2.32.2sed deditionis nullam esse condicionem nisi armis traditis. Se id quod in Nerviis fecisset facturum finitimisque imperaturum ne quam dediticiis populi Romani iniuriam inferrent.
SECTION 2.32.3Re renuntiata ad suos illi se quae imperarentur facere dixerunt.
SECTION 2.32.4Armorum magna multitudine de muro in fossam, quae erat ante oppidum, iacta, sic ut prope summam muri aggerisque altitudinem acervi armorum adaequarent, et tamen circiter parte tertia, ut postea perspectum est, celata atque in oppido retenta, portis patefactis eo die pace sunt usi.
CHAPTER 2.33
SECTION 2.33.1Sub vesperum Caesar portas claudi militesque ex oppido exire iussit, ne quam noctu oppidani a militibus iniuriam acciperent.
SECTION 2.33.2Illi ante inito, ut intellectum est, consilio, quod deditione facta nostros praesidia deducturos aut denique indiligentius servaturos crediderant, partim cum iis quae retinuerant et celaverant armis, partim scutis ex cortice factis aut viminibus intextis, quae subito, ut temporis exiguitas postulabat, pellibus induxerant, tertia vigilia, qua minime arduus ad nostras munitiones ascensus videbatur, omnibus copiis repente ex oppido eruptionem fecerunt.
SECTION 2.33.3Celeriter, ut ante Caesar imperaverat, ignibus significatione facta, ex proximis castellis eo concursum est,
SECTION 2.33.4pugnatumque ab hostibus ita acriter est ut a viris fortibus in extrema spe salutis iniquo loco contra eos qui ex vallo turribusque tela iacerent pugnari debuit, cum in una virtute omnis spes consisteret.
SECTION 2.33.5Occisis ad hominum milibus IIII reliqui in oppidum reiecti sunt.
SECTION 2.33.6Postridie eius diei refractis portis, cum iam defenderet nemo, atque intromissis militibus nostris, sectionem eius oppidi universa Caesar vendidit.
SECTION 2.33.7Ab iis qui emerant capitum numerus ad eum relatus est milium LIII.
CHAPTER 2.34
SECTION 2.34.1Eodem tempore a P. Crasso, quem cum legione una miserat ad Venetos, Venellos, Osismos, Coriosolitas, Esuvios, Aulercos, Redones, quae sunt maritimae civitates Oceanumque attingunt, certior factus est omnes eas civitates in dicionem potestatemque populi Romani esse redactas.
CHAPTER 2.35
SECTION 2.35.1His rebus gestis omni Gallia pacata, tanta huius belli ad barbaros opinio perlata est uti ab iis nationibus quae trans Rhenum incolerent legationes ad Caesarem mitterentur, quae se obsides daturas, imperata facturas pollicerentur.
SECTION 2.35.2Quas legationes Caesar, quod in Italiam Illyricumque properabat, inita proxima aestate ad se reverti iussit.
SECTION 2.35.3Ipse in Carnutes, Andes, Turonos quaeque civitates propinquae iis locis erant ubi bellum gesserat, legionibus in hiberna deductis, in Italiam profectus est.
SECTION 2.35.4Ob easque res ex litteris Caesaris dierum XV supplicatio decreta est, quod ante id tempus accidit nulli.
English · Plain English translation · Mouseia
CHAPTER 2.1
SECTION 2.1.1While Caesar was in Cisalpine Gaul [in winter quarters], as we have explained above, frequent reports were brought to him, and he was also informed by letters from Labienus, that all the Belgae—who, as we have said, made up one-third of Gaul—were conspiring against the Roman people and exchanging hostages with one another.
SECTION 2.1.2The reasons for the conspiracy were these: first, they feared that once all Gaul had been pacified, our army would be led against them;
SECTION 2.1.3second, they were being urged on by certain Gauls. Some of these, just as they had not wanted the Germans to remain in Gaul any longer, resented the Roman people’s army wintering in Gaul and establishing a permanent presence there. Others, because of their fickle and impulsive nature, were eager for new governments.
SECTION 2.1.4Still others urged them on because, in Gaul, kingships were commonly seized by the more powerful men and by those who had the resources to hire retainers; under our rule, these men could not achieve that objective so easily.
CHAPTER 2.2
SECTION 2.2.1Moved by these reports and letters, Caesar raised two new legions in Cisalpine Gaul and, at the beginning of summer, sent his lieutenant Quintus Pedius to lead them into Transalpine Gaul.
SECTION 2.2.2He himself went to the army as soon as forage began to be available.
SECTION 2.2.3He instructed the Senones and the other Gauls bordering the Belgae to find out what was happening among them and keep him informed of these matters.
SECTION 2.2.4They all consistently reported that armed bands were being assembled and an army was being concentrated in one place. Caesar then concluded that he should have no hesitation about marching against them. After arranging for grain supplies, he broke camp and reached the borders of the Belgae in about fifteen days.
CHAPTER 2.3
SECTION 2.3.1When he arrived there unexpectedly and sooner than anyone had anticipated, the Remi, the Belgic people nearest Gaul, sent Iccius and Andebrogius, the leading men of their state, as envoys to him.
SECTION 2.3.2They said that they were entrusting themselves and all they possessed to the protection and authority of the Roman people; that they had neither joined the other Belgae nor conspired against the Roman people;
SECTION 2.3.3and that they were prepared to give hostages, carry out his orders, receive him into their towns, and assist him with grain and other supplies.
SECTION 2.3.4All the other Belgae were under arms, and the Germans living on this side of the Rhine had joined them.
SECTION 2.3.5The frenzy of them all was so great that the Remi had been unable to deter even the Suessiones—their own brothers and blood relatives, who enjoyed the same rights and laws and shared one government and one chief magistrate with them—from joining the others.
CHAPTER 2.4
SECTION 2.4.1When Caesar asked them which states were under arms, how large they were, and what military strength they possessed, he learned the following: most of the Belgae were descended from Germans, had crossed the Rhine long ago, had settled there because of the fertility of the land, and had driven out the Gauls who inhabited those regions. They alone were the people who,
SECTION 2.4.2within the memory of our fathers, when all Gaul was being ravaged, had prevented the Teutones and Cimbri from entering their territory.
SECTION 2.4.3As a result, the memory of those events led them to claim great authority and to have great confidence in their military ability.
SECTION 2.4.4The Remi said that they had obtained complete information about the Belgae’s numbers because, being connected with them by ties of blood and marriage, they had learned how large a force each people had promised for that war at the general council of the Belgae.
SECTION 2.4.5The Bellovaci were the strongest among them in courage, influence, and population. They could muster one hundred thousand armed men, had promised sixty thousand picked men from that number, and demanded supreme command of the entire war.
SECTION 2.4.6The Suessiones were their neighbors and possessed a very extensive territory and extremely fertile fields.
SECTION 2.4.7Within our own memory their king had been Diviciacus, the most powerful man in all Gaul, who had ruled not only a large part of these regions but also Britain. Galba was now their king. Because of his justice and exceptional judgment, the supreme command of the entire war was being conferred upon him by unanimous consent. They had twelve towns and promised fifty thousand armed men. The Nervii promised the same number,
SECTION 2.4.8and were regarded as the fiercest of all the Belgae and lived farthest away.
SECTION 2.4.9The Atrebates promised fifteen thousand, the Ambiani ten thousand, the Morini twenty-five thousand, the Menapii seven thousand, the Caleti ten thousand, the Veliocasses and Viromandui the same number, and the Atuatuci nineteen thousand.
SECTION 2.4.10They estimated that the Condrusi, Eburones, Caerosi, and Paemani, who are collectively called Germans, would supply about forty thousand.
CHAPTER 2.5
SECTION 2.5.1Caesar encouraged the Remi and addressed them graciously. He ordered their entire senate to assemble before him and the children of their leading men to be brought to him as hostages. They carefully fulfilled all these requirements by the appointed day.
SECTION 2.5.2Caesar himself strongly urged Diviciacus the Haeduan to act, explaining how important it was to the Roman state and to their common security for the enemy’s forces to be kept apart, so that they would not have to fight so great a multitude at one time.
SECTION 2.5.3This could be accomplished if the Haedui led their forces into the territory of the Bellovaci and began ravaging their fields.
SECTION 2.5.4After giving him these instructions, Caesar sent him away. When Caesar saw that all the forces of the Belgae had been assembled in one place and were advancing against him, and learned from the scouts he had sent out and from the Remi that they were no longer far away, he hurried to lead his army across the Axona River, which lies at the farthest edge of the Remi’s territory, and pitched camp there.
SECTION 2.5.5This position protected one side of the camp with the riverbanks, secured the area behind him against the enemy, and made it possible for supplies from the Remi and the other states to be brought to him without danger.
SECTION 2.5.6There was a bridge over the river. Caesar stationed a garrison there and left his lieutenant Quintus Titurius Sabinus with six cohorts on the opposite side of the river. He ordered the camp to be fortified with a rampart twelve feet high and a trench eighteen feet wide.
CHAPTER 2.6
SECTION 2.6.1A town of the Remi called Bibrax was eight miles from this camp. On their march, the Belgae began to attack it with great force. It was defended with difficulty that day.
SECTION 2.6.2The Gauls and the Belgae use the same method of attacking towns. After a great mass of men has surrounded the entire circuit of the walls, stones begin to be hurled against the wall from every direction. Once the wall has been stripped of defenders, the attackers form a testudo, advance to the gates, and undermine the wall. This was easily done on that occasion.
SECTION 2.6.3For when so great a multitude was hurling stones and missiles, no one had any possibility of holding his position on the wall.
SECTION 2.6.4When night brought the assault to an end, Iccius the Remian, a man of the highest birth and influence among his people, who was then in command of the town and was one of the envoys who had come to Caesar to discuss peace, sent him a message saying that unless reinforcements were sent to him, he could not hold out any longer.
CHAPTER 2.7
SECTION 2.7.1Around midnight Caesar used as guides the same men who had brought the message from Iccius and sent Numidians, Cretan archers, and Balearic slingers to reinforce the townspeople.
SECTION 2.7.2Their arrival gave the Remi both hope of successful defense and greater eagerness to resist, while for the same reason the enemy lost hope of capturing the town.
SECTION 2.7.3Accordingly, after remaining near the town for a short time and devastating the fields of the Remi, the enemy burned every village and building they could reach, then marched with all their forces toward Caesar’s camp and pitched camp less than two miles away.
SECTION 2.7.4Their camp, as the smoke and fires indicated, extended more than eight miles across.
CHAPTER 2.8
SECTION 2.8.1At first Caesar decided to avoid battle, both because of the enemy’s great numbers and because of their exceptional reputation for courage.
SECTION 2.8.2Nevertheless, through daily cavalry engagements he tested the enemy’s fighting ability and the boldness of our own men.
SECTION 2.8.3When he realized that our men were not inferior, he chose the naturally advantageous and suitable ground in front of the camp for drawing up his battle line. The hill on which the camp stood rose slightly above the plain and extended across the front only as far as a deployed battle line could occupy. It had steep slopes on both flanks, while at the front it descended gently and gradually returned to the level of the plain. From each side of this hill Caesar dug a crosswise trench about four hundred paces long
SECTION 2.8.4and built redoubts at the ends of the trenches, where he positioned artillery. Thus, when he had formed his battle line, the enemy, who were so powerful because of their numbers, would not be able to fight around the flanks and surround his men.
SECTION 2.8.5After doing this, he left the two legions he had most recently raised in camp so that they could be brought up as reinforcements wherever they were needed, and formed the other six legions in battle line in front of the camp. The enemy likewise led their forces out of camp and formed their line.
CHAPTER 2.9
SECTION 2.9.1There was a small marsh between our army and the enemy’s. The enemy waited to see whether our men would cross it, while our men remained under arms, ready to attack them while they were encumbered if they began crossing first.
SECTION 2.9.2Meanwhile, a cavalry engagement was fought between the two battle lines. When neither side began to cross, Caesar, after the cavalry action had gone more favorably for our men, led his forces back into camp.
SECTION 2.9.3The enemy immediately marched from that place to the Axona River, which, as has been explained, lay behind our camp.
SECTION 2.9.4There, after finding fords, they tried to lead part of their forces across, intending, if they could, to storm the fort commanded by the lieutenant Quintus Titurius and destroy the bridge;
SECTION 2.9.5or, if they could not, to ravage the lands of the Remi, who were of great assistance to us in conducting the war, and cut our men off from supplies.
CHAPTER 2.10
SECTION 2.10.1When Titurius informed Caesar of this, Caesar led all the cavalry, the lightly armed Numidians, the slingers, and the archers across the bridge and hurried toward them. There was fierce fighting at that spot.
SECTION 2.10.2Our men attacked the enemy while they were encumbered in the river and killed a great number of them;
SECTION 2.10.3they drove back with a barrage of missiles the rest, who were making a most daring attempt to cross over the bodies of their comrades, and surrounded with cavalry and killed those who had crossed first.
SECTION 2.10.4When the enemy realized that their hopes had failed both of storming the town and of crossing the river, saw that our men would not advance onto less favorable ground for the sake of fighting, and began themselves to run short of grain, they called a council and decided that the best course was for each people to return home and for them all to assemble from every direction to defend whichever people’s territory the Romans first invaded with their army. In this way they would fight in their own territory rather than another’s and use their domestic supplies of grain.
SECTION 2.10.5Among the other reasons, this consideration also led them to that decision: they had learned that Diviciacus and the Haedui were approaching the territory of the Bellovaci. It was impossible to persuade the Bellovaci to delay any longer and not bring aid to their own people.
CHAPTER 2.11
SECTION 2.11.1Once this decision had been made, they left camp during the second watch with great noise and confusion, without any fixed order or command. Since each man sought the first place on the march for himself and hurried to reach home, their departure looked very much like a rout.
SECTION 2.11.2Caesar immediately learned of this from his scouts, but because he had not yet discovered why they were leaving, he feared an ambush and kept the army and cavalry in camp.
SECTION 2.11.3At daybreak, after scouts confirmed the facts, he sent all the cavalry ahead to delay the enemy’s rear guard. He placed the lieutenants Quintus Pedius and Lucius Aurunculeius Cotta in command of them and ordered the lieutenant Titus Labienus to follow with three legions.
SECTION 2.11.4They attacked the rear guard, pursued it for many miles, and cut down a great multitude of the fleeing enemy. The men at the end of the column whom they overtook would halt and bravely withstand the attack of our soldiers,
SECTION 2.11.5but those farther ahead, because they seemed removed from danger and were restrained by neither necessity nor command, broke ranks when they heard the shouting and all sought safety in flight.
SECTION 2.11.6Thus, without any danger to themselves, our men killed as great a number of them as the daylight allowed. At sunset they stopped the pursuit and, as ordered, withdrew to camp.
CHAPTER 2.12
SECTION 2.12.1The next day, before the enemy could recover from their panic and flight, Caesar led his army into the territory of the Suessiones, who were nearest to the Remi, and, after completing a forced march, hurried to the town of Noviodunum.
SECTION 2.12.2He attempted to storm it directly from the march because he had heard that it was without defenders, but despite the small number defending it, he could not take it because of the width of the ditch and the height of the wall.
SECTION 2.12.3After fortifying his camp, he began moving covered galleries forward and preparing everything needed for an assault.
SECTION 2.12.4Meanwhile, during the following night, the entire host of Suessiones who had escaped the rout assembled in the town.
SECTION 2.12.5The covered galleries were quickly brought up to the town, a siege ramp was built, and towers were erected. Shaken by the scale of these works, which the Gauls had neither seen nor heard of before, and by the speed of the Romans, they sent envoys to Caesar to negotiate their surrender and, at the request of the Remi, obtained permission for their lives to be spared.
CHAPTER 2.13
SECTION 2.13.1After receiving as hostages the leading men of the state, along with two sons of King Galba himself, and after all the weapons in the town had been handed over, Caesar accepted the surrender of the Suessiones and led his army against the Bellovaci.
SECTION 2.13.2They had taken themselves and all their possessions into the town of Bratuspantium. When Caesar and his army were about five miles from that town, all the older men came out, stretched out their hands toward Caesar, and began declaring aloud that they were placing themselves under his protection and authority and would not take up arms against the Roman people.
SECTION 2.13.3Likewise, when he approached the town and began establishing his camp there, the boys and women, with outstretched hands, asked the Romans for peace from the wall in their customary manner.
CHAPTER 2.14
SECTION 2.14.1Diviciacus spoke on their behalf—for after the Belgae’s departure, he had dismissed the forces of the Haedui and returned to Caesar:
SECTION 2.14.2The Bellovaci had always been loyal to and on friendly terms with the Haeduan state;
SECTION 2.14.3they had been incited by their leaders, who said that Caesar had reduced the Haedui to slavery and that they were enduring every kind of outrage and humiliation, and had therefore revolted from the Haedui and made war on the Roman people.
SECTION 2.14.4The leaders responsible for that policy, realizing what a great disaster they had brought upon their state, had fled to Britain.
SECTION 2.14.5Not only the Bellovaci but also the Haedui on their behalf were asking Caesar to treat them with his customary clemency and mercy.
SECTION 2.14.6If he did so, he would increase the authority of the Haedui among all the Belgae, by whose military support and resources they were accustomed to sustain themselves whenever wars arose.
CHAPTER 2.15
SECTION 2.15.1Out of regard for Diviciacus and the Haedui, Caesar said that he would accept the Bellovaci under his protection and spare them. Because their state possessed great authority among the Belgae and had a very large population, he demanded six hundred hostages.
SECTION 2.15.2After these had been handed over and all the weapons had been brought out of the town, he proceeded from there into the territory of the Ambiani, who surrendered themselves and all their possessions without delay.
SECTION 2.15.3The territory of the Nervii bordered theirs. When Caesar inquired into the character and customs of the Nervii, he learned the following:
SECTION 2.15.4Merchants had no access to them; they permitted no wine or other articles associated with luxury to be imported because they believed that such things weakened their spirit and relaxed their courage;
SECTION 2.15.5they were fierce people of great courage; they rebuked and condemned the other Belgae for surrendering to the Roman people and casting aside their ancestral valor;
SECTION 2.15.6they declared emphatically that they would neither send envoys nor accept any terms of peace.
CHAPTER 2.16
SECTION 2.16.1After marching through their territory for three days, Caesar learned from prisoners that the River Sabis was no more than ten miles from his camp;
SECTION 2.16.2all the Nervii had taken up positions across that river and were awaiting the Romans’ arrival there together with the Atrebates and Viromandui, their neighbors
SECTION 2.16.3(for they had persuaded both peoples to share the same fortunes in the war);
SECTION 2.16.4the forces of the Atuatuci were also expected by them and were on the way;
SECTION 2.16.5they had gathered the women and those who seemed too young or too old to be useful in battle at a place that an army could not approach because of the marshes.
CHAPTER 2.17
SECTION 2.17.1After learning these facts, Caesar sent scouts and centurions ahead to select a suitable site for a camp.
SECTION 2.17.2A number of the surrendered Belgae and other Gauls were accompanying Caesar and marching with him. Some of them, as was later learned from prisoners, had observed the army’s marching routine during those days and went to the Nervii by night. They explained that a large quantity of baggage came between each legion and the next and that it would be no difficult matter, once the first legion had entered camp and the remaining legions were still a long distance away, to attack it while it was burdened with its packs;
SECTION 2.17.3once that legion had been routed and the baggage plundered, the others would not dare to stand against them.
SECTION 2.17.4The plan of those bringing this intelligence was also assisted by the fact that from ancient times the Nervii, being powerless in cavalry—for even now they pay no attention to that arm but possess all their strength in infantry—had cut into young trees and bent them over so that numerous branches grew out sideways, then planted brambles and thornbushes among them. In this way they had made these hedges provide a fortification like a wall, which not only could not be penetrated but could not even be seen through, so that they could more easily obstruct the cavalry of neighboring peoples if it entered their territory to raid.
SECTION 2.17.5Since these obstacles hindered the march of our column, the Nervii decided that they must not let this plan pass unused.
CHAPTER 2.18
SECTION 2.18.1The terrain of the place our men had selected for the camp was as follows. A hill sloped evenly downward from its summit to the River Sabis, which we mentioned above.
SECTION 2.18.2Across from and opposite this hill, another rose from the river with an equally steep slope. Its lower two hundred paces were open, but its upper part was wooded, so that it was not easy to see into it.
SECTION 2.18.3The enemy kept themselves hidden within these woods; in the open ground along the river, only a few cavalry outposts could be seen. The river was about three feet deep.
CHAPTER 2.19
SECTION 2.19.1Caesar sent the cavalry ahead and followed with all his forces, but the arrangement and order of the column differed from what the Belgae had reported to the Nervii.
SECTION 2.19.2Since he was approaching the enemy, Caesar, following his customary practice, led six legions unencumbered by baggage;
SECTION 2.19.3behind them he had placed the baggage of the entire army; then the two legions most recently raised brought up the rear of the whole column and guarded the baggage.
SECTION 2.19.4Our cavalry, together with the slingers and archers, crossed the river and engaged the enemy’s cavalry.
SECTION 2.19.5The enemy repeatedly withdrew into the woods to their own men and then charged our men again from the woods, while our men did not dare pursue them in retreat beyond the point to which the open ground extended. Meanwhile, the six legions that had arrived first marked out the work and began fortifying the camp.
SECTION 2.19.6When the men concealed in the woods saw the first part of our army’s baggage—the moment they had agreed among themselves to begin the battle—they suddenly charged out with all their forces and attacked our cavalry, having drawn up their battle line and ranks within the woods and encouraged one another.
SECTION 2.19.7After easily routing and driving them off, the enemy ran down to the river with incredible speed, so that almost at the same moment they appeared at the woods, in the river, and already at close quarters with our men.
SECTION 2.19.8With the same speed, they charged uphill toward our camp and the men occupied with the fortification work.
CHAPTER 2.20
SECTION 2.20.1Caesar had to do everything at once: display the flag, which was the signal that the men had to rush to arms; give the trumpet call; recall the soldiers from the work; summon those who had gone a little farther away to gather materials for the rampart; form the battle line; encourage the soldiers; and give the signal for battle.
SECTION 2.20.2The shortage of time and the enemy’s assault prevented a large part of these measures.
SECTION 2.20.3Two things provided support amid these difficulties: the soldiers’ knowledge and experience, because their training in previous battles enabled them to decide for themselves what needed to be done no less effectively than they could be instructed by others; and the fact that Caesar had forbidden each lieutenant to leave the work and his assigned legion until the camp had been fortified.
SECTION 2.20.4Because the enemy was so close and moved so quickly, these officers no longer waited for Caesar’s commands but carried out on their own whatever measures seemed best.
CHAPTER 2.21
SECTION 2.21.1After issuing the necessary orders, Caesar ran down to encourage the soldiers in whatever direction chance presented and came to the Tenth Legion.
SECTION 2.21.2He encouraged the soldiers with no longer a speech than to remember their former courage, not to lose heart, and to withstand the enemy’s attack bravely;
SECTION 2.21.3and because the enemy was no farther away than the distance a missile could be thrown, he gave the signal to begin battle.
SECTION 2.21.4Then, as he set out in another direction to encourage the troops there as well, he found them already fighting.
SECTION 2.21.5So little time was available and so ready was the enemy to fight that there was no time not only to attach their insignia but even to put on their helmets and remove the covers from their shields.
SECTION 2.21.6Each man took his position wherever he happened to arrive from the work and beside whatever standards he first saw, so that he would not waste time for fighting by searching for his own unit.
CHAPTER 2.22
SECTION 2.22.1The army was drawn up more as the nature of the ground, the choice of the hill, and the urgency of the moment demanded than as military method and order required. The separate legions were resisting the enemy in different sectors, and the extremely dense hedges lying between them, as described above, obstructed their view. Consequently, definite reserves could not be posted, what was needed in each sector could not be foreseen, and all commands could not be directed by one man.
SECTION 2.22.2Therefore, amid such unfavorable circumstances, the outcomes produced by fortune also varied.
CHAPTER 2.23
SECTION 2.23.1The soldiers of the Ninth and Tenth Legions, who had taken position on the left side of the battle line, threw their javelins and quickly drove the Atrebates—for that was the enemy assigned to their sector—down from the higher ground into the river, exhausted and out of breath from running and covered with wounds. They pursued them as they tried to cross and killed with their swords a large part of them while they were encumbered in the river.
SECTION 2.23.2They did not hesitate to cross the river themselves, and after advancing onto unfavorable ground, they renewed the battle and put the enemy to flight when they resisted again.
SECTION 2.23.3Likewise, in another sector, two separate legions, the Eleventh and the Eighth, routed the Viromandui, whom they had engaged, and fought from the higher ground along the riverbanks themselves.
SECTION 2.23.4But almost the entire camp had been left exposed at the front and on the left side. The Twelfth Legion was positioned on the right wing, with the Seventh not far from it, and all the Nervii, massed in a very dense formation and led by Boduognatus, who held supreme command, hurried toward that point. Some of them began to outflank the legions on their exposed side, while others made for the highest point of the camp.
CHAPTER 2.24
SECTION 2.24.1At the same time, our cavalry and lightly armed infantry who had been with them—the men I said had been routed by the enemy’s first assault—encountered the enemy head-on as they withdrew into camp and again fled in another direction;
SECTION 2.24.2and the camp servants, who had gone out through the rear gate and from the crest of the hill after seeing our victorious men cross the river, intending to plunder, looked back and saw the enemy moving about in our camp, whereupon they threw themselves headlong into flight.
SECTION 2.24.3At the same time, shouting and uproar arose among those arriving with the baggage, and in their terror they rushed off in different directions.
SECTION 2.24.4Shaken by all these events, the Treveran cavalrymen, whose reputation for courage is outstanding among the Gauls and who had been sent by their state to Caesar as auxiliaries, saw our camp filling with enemy troops, the legions being hard-pressed and nearly surrounded, and the camp servants, cavalrymen, slingers, and Numidians fleeing in different directions and scattering everywhere. Despairing of our situation, they hurried home.
SECTION 2.24.5They reported to their state that the Romans had been routed and defeated and that the enemy had taken possession of their camp and baggage.
CHAPTER 2.25
SECTION 2.25.1After encouraging the Tenth Legion, Caesar went to the right wing. There he saw that his men were being hard-pressed and that, because the standards of the Twelfth Legion had been brought together in one place, the soldiers were packed so tightly that they hindered one another in fighting. All the centurions of the fourth cohort had been killed, its standard-bearer had been slain, and its standard had been lost. Nearly all the centurions of the remaining cohorts had either been wounded or killed, among them the chief centurion, Publius Sextius Baculus, a man of exceptional courage, who had been disabled by many severe wounds and could no longer support himself. Caesar saw that the other soldiers were losing momentum, that some in the rear were abandoning their positions, withdrawing from the battle, and trying to avoid the missiles, that the enemy coming up from lower ground did not let up their frontal attack and were pressing in from both sides, that the situation was desperate, and that there were no reserves available to send in.
SECTION 2.25.2Since he himself had come there without a shield, he took one from a soldier in the rear and advanced to the front line. Calling the centurions by name and encouraging the rest of the soldiers, he ordered them to advance the standards and spread out the maniples so that they could use their swords more easily.
SECTION 2.25.3His arrival gave the soldiers hope and renewed their spirit. Since each man, even in this most desperate situation, wanted to do his best under the commander’s eyes, the enemy’s attack was slowed somewhat.
CHAPTER 2.26
SECTION 2.26.1When Caesar saw that the Seventh Legion, which had taken its position nearby, was likewise being hard-pressed by the enemy, he instructed the military tribunes to have the two legions gradually join together, turn their standards, and advance against the enemy.
SECTION 2.26.2Once this was done, the men could support one another and no longer feared being surrounded by the enemy from behind, so they began to resist more boldly and fight more fiercely.
SECTION 2.26.3Meanwhile, the soldiers of the two legions that had been guarding the baggage at the rear of the column were informed of the battle, broke into a run, and came into view of the enemy on the crest of the hill.
SECTION 2.26.4Titus Labienus had taken possession of the enemy’s camp and, after observing from the higher ground what was happening in our camp, sent the Tenth Legion to support our men.
SECTION 2.26.5When its soldiers learned from the flight of the cavalry and camp servants what the situation was and how great a danger threatened the camp, the legions, and the commander, they made every possible effort to move quickly.
CHAPTER 2.27
SECTION 2.27.1Their arrival produced such a complete reversal that even our men who had collapsed from their wounds leaned on their shields and resumed the fighting, while the camp servants, seeing the enemy terrified, attacked armed men even though they themselves were unarmed.
SECTION 2.27.2The cavalrymen, meanwhile, wanting to erase the shame of their flight through courage, placed themselves ahead of the legionaries at every point in the battle.
SECTION 2.27.3But even when their last hope of survival was gone, the enemy displayed such courage that, when the men in their front rank fell, those behind them stood on their bodies and fought from there.
SECTION 2.27.4When these men too were struck down and the bodies were piled up, the survivors used the heap as a mound from which to hurl missiles at our men and catch our javelins and throw them back.
SECTION 2.27.5It must therefore be judged that men of such courage had not acted without reason when they dared to cross a very broad river, climb its extremely high banks, and advance over the most unfavorable ground. Their greatness of spirit had turned the most difficult tasks into easy ones.
CHAPTER 2.28
SECTION 2.28.1After this battle, the people and very name of the Nervii had nearly been annihilated. When news of the battle reached the elders, whom, as we said, they had sent with the children and women into the tidal marshes and swamps, they believed that nothing could obstruct the victors and that nowhere was safe for the defeated.
SECTION 2.28.2With the unanimous consent of all the survivors, they sent envoys to Caesar and surrendered to him. In describing their state’s disaster, they said that their senators had been reduced from six hundred to three and that, out of sixty thousand men, barely five hundred remained capable of bearing arms.
SECTION 2.28.3To show that he was treating these wretched suppliants with mercy, Caesar took the greatest care to preserve them. He ordered them to continue using their own territory and towns, and commanded their neighbors to refrain from injuring or mistreating them or their people.
CHAPTER 2.29
SECTION 2.29.1The Atuatuci, whom we mentioned above, were coming with all their forces to assist the Nervii. When they received news of this battle, they turned around on the march and returned home.
SECTION 2.29.2They abandoned all their towns and forts and brought everything they possessed into a single town exceptionally well fortified by nature.
SECTION 2.29.3On every side around it, this town had very high cliffs and steep slopes. On only one side was there a gently rising approach no more than two hundred feet wide. They had fortified this place with a very high double wall and were now placing heavy stones and sharply pointed beams on the wall.
SECTION 2.29.4They were descended from the Cimbri and Teutones. When those peoples were marching toward our province and Italy, they had left on this side of the Rhine the baggage that they could not drive or carry with them, together with six thousand of their own men to guard and defend it.
SECTION 2.29.5For many years after the destruction of the Cimbri and Teutones, these men were continually harassed by neighboring peoples, sometimes attacking them and sometimes defending themselves against attack. At last, after making peace by common agreement with all of them, they chose this place as their home.
CHAPTER 2.30
SECTION 2.30.1When our army first arrived, they made frequent sorties from the town and engaged our men in minor skirmishes.
SECTION 2.30.2Later, after they had been surrounded by a rampart twelve feet high and fifteen miles in circumference, with forts at frequent intervals, they kept themselves inside the town.
SECTION 2.30.3When they saw covered galleries being advanced, a siege ramp being constructed, and a tower being erected some distance away, they at first mocked us from the wall and shouted insults because such a massive piece of machinery was being set up so far away.
SECTION 2.30.4With what hands or what strength, they asked, did men of such short stature expect to place a tower of such enormous weight against the wall? For because of their own great size, the Gauls generally regard our shortness with contempt.
CHAPTER 2.31
SECTION 2.31.1But when they saw the tower moving and approaching the walls, they were shaken by this strange and unfamiliar sight and sent envoys to Caesar to negotiate peace. The envoys spoke as follows:
SECTION 2.31.2They did not believe that the Romans were waging war without divine assistance, since they could move forward machines of such great height with such speed.
SECTION 2.31.3They said that they entrusted themselves and everything they possessed to Roman power.
SECTION 2.31.4They had only one request and plea: if Caesar, in keeping with the clemency and gentleness of which they had heard from others, decided to spare the Atuatuci, he should not strip them of their weapons.
SECTION 2.31.5Nearly all their neighbors were their enemies and envied their courage, and they would be unable to defend themselves against them once they had surrendered their weapons.
SECTION 2.31.6If they were reduced to that condition, it would be better for them to suffer any fate at the hands of the Roman people than to be tortured to death by those over whom they had been accustomed to rule.
CHAPTER 2.32
SECTION 2.32.1Caesar replied that he would spare their state more because of his own customary practice than because they deserved it, provided that they surrendered before the battering ram touched their wall.
SECTION 2.32.2But there could be no terms of surrender unless they handed over their weapons. He would do what he had done in the case of the Nervii and would order their neighbors not to inflict any injury on people who had surrendered to the Roman people.
SECTION 2.32.3When this reply was reported to their people, they said that they would do as commanded.
SECTION 2.32.4They threw such a great quantity of weapons from the wall into the ditch in front of the town that the piles of weapons almost reached the top of the wall and the siege ramp. Nevertheless, as was later discovered, they concealed and retained about one-third of them in the town. The gates were opened, and for that day they enjoyed peace.
CHAPTER 2.33
SECTION 2.33.1Toward evening Caesar ordered the gates closed and the soldiers to leave the town, so that the townspeople would not suffer any abuse from them during the night.
SECTION 2.33.2As was later learned, the townspeople had already formed a plan. They believed that, once their surrender had been accepted, our men would withdraw their guards or at least keep watch less carefully. Some armed themselves with the weapons they had retained and concealed; others used shields made of bark or woven from wicker, which, because time was short, they had hurriedly covered with hides. During the third watch, at the point where the climb to our fortifications appeared least steep, they suddenly made a sortie from the town with all their forces.
SECTION 2.33.3As Caesar had previously ordered, a signal was quickly given with fires, and men rushed there from the nearest forts.
SECTION 2.33.4The enemy fought as fiercely as brave men in their last hope of survival were bound to fight on unfavorable ground against troops hurling missiles from the rampart and towers, when all hope depended on courage alone.
SECTION 2.33.5About four thousand of them were killed, and the rest were driven back into the town.
SECTION 2.33.6The next day, since no one was now defending the gates, they were broken down and our soldiers were admitted. Caesar sold the entire population and property of the town at auction.
SECTION 2.33.7The purchasers reported to him that the number of persons sold was fifty-three thousand.
CHAPTER 2.34
SECTION 2.34.1At the same time, Caesar received a report from Publius Crassus, whom he had sent with one legion against the Veneti, Venelli, Osismi, Coriosolites, Esuvii, Aulerci, and Redones—the coastal states bordering the Ocean—that all those states had been brought under the dominion and authority of the Roman people.
CHAPTER 2.35
SECTION 2.35.1After these achievements had brought peace to all Gaul, the fame of this war spread so widely among the barbarians that peoples living across the Rhine sent delegations to Caesar promising to give hostages and obey his commands.
SECTION 2.35.2Because Caesar was hurrying to Italy and Illyricum, he ordered these delegations to return to him at the beginning of the following summer.
SECTION 2.35.3After leading the legions into winter quarters among the Carnutes, Andes, Turoni, and the states near the regions where he had waged war, Caesar himself departed for Italy.
SECTION 2.35.4As a result of these achievements, the Senate, upon receiving Caesar’s dispatches, decreed fifteen days of public thanksgiving, an honor that had never before been granted to anyone.
Book 3
Latin
CHAPTER 3.1
SECTION 3.1.1Cum in Italiam proficisceretur Caesar, Ser. Galbam cum legione XII. et parte equitatus in Nantuates, Veragros Sedunosque misit, qui a finibus Allobrogum et lacu Lemanno et flumine Rhodano ad summas Alpes pertinent.
SECTION 3.1.2Causa mittendi fuit quod iter per Alpes, quo magno cum periculo magnisque cum portoriis mercatores ire consuerant, patefieri volebat.
SECTION 3.1.3Huic permisit, si opus esse arbitraretur, uti in his locis legionem hiemandi causa conlocaret.
SECTION 3.1.4Galba secundis aliquot proeliis factis castellisque compluribus eorum expugnatis, missis ad eum undique legatis obsidibusque datis et pace facta, constituit cohortes duas in Nantuatibus conlocare et ipse cum reliquis eius legionis cohortibus in vico Veragrorum, qui appellatur Octodurus hiemare;
SECTION 3.1.5qui vicus positus in valle non magna adiecta planitie altissimis montibus undique continetur.
SECTION 3.1.6Cum hic in duas partes flumine divideretur, alteram partem eius vici Gallis [ad hiemandum] concessit, alteram vacuam ab his relictam cohortibus attribuit. Eum locum vallo fossaque munivit.
CHAPTER 3.2
SECTION 3.2.1Cum dies hibernorum complures transissent frumentumque eo comportari iussisset, subito per exploratores certior factus est ex ea parte vici, quam Gallis concesserat, omnes noctu discessisse montesque qui impenderent a maxima multitudine Sedunorum et Veragrorum teneri.
SECTION 3.2.2Id aliquot de causis acciderat, ut subito Galli belli renovandi legionisque opprimendae consilium caperent:
SECTION 3.2.3primum, quod legionem neque eam plenissimam detractis cohortibus duabus et compluribus singillatim, qui commeatus petendi causa missi erant, absentibus propter paucitatem despiciebant;
SECTION 3.2.4tum etiam, quod propter iniquitatem loci, cum ipsi ex montibus in vallem decurrerent et tela coicerent, ne primum quidem impetum suum posse sustineri existimabant.
SECTION 3.2.5Accedebat quod suos ab se liberos abstractos obsidum nomine dolebant, et Romanos non solum itinerum causa sed etiam perpetuae possessionis culmina Alpium occupare conari et ea loca finitimae provinciae adiungere sibi persuasum habebant.
CHAPTER 3.3
SECTION 3.3.1His nuntiis acceptis Galba, cum neque opus hibernorum munitionesque plene essent perfectae neque de frumento reliquoque commeatu satis esset provisum quod deditione facta obsidibusque acceptis nihil de bello timendum existimaverat, consilio celeriter convocato sententias exquirere coepit.
SECTION 3.3.2Quo in consilio, cum tantum repentini periculi praeter opinionem accidisset ac iam omnia fere superiora loca multitudine armatorum completa conspicerentur neque subsidio veniri neque commeatus supportari interclusis itineribus possent,
SECTION 3.3.3prope iam desperata salute non nullae eius modi sententiae dicebantur, ut impedimentis relictis eruptione facta isdem itineribus quibus eo pervenissent ad salutem contenderent.
SECTION 3.3.4Maiori tamen parti placuit, hoc reservato ad extremum casum consilio interim rei eventum experiri et castra defendere.
CHAPTER 3.4
SECTION 3.4.1Brevi spatio interiecto, vix ut iis rebus quas constituissent conlocandis atque administrandis tempus daretur, hostes ex omnibus partibus signo dato decurrere, lapides gaesaque in vallum coicere.
SECTION 3.4.2Nostri primo integris viribus fortiter propugnare neque ullum flustra telum ex loco superiore mittere, et quaecumque pars castrorum nudata defensoribus premi videbatur, eo occurrere et auxilium ferre,
SECTION 3.4.3sed hoc superari quod diuturnitate pugnae hostes defessi proelio excedebant, alii integris viribus succedebant;
SECTION 3.4.4quarum rerum a nostris propter paucitatem fieri nihil poterat, ac non modo defesso ex pugna excedendi, sed ne saucio quidem eius loci ubi constiterat relinquendi ac sui recipiendi facultas dabatur.
CHAPTER 3.5
SECTION 3.5.1Cum iam amplius horis sex continenter pugnaretur, ac non solum vires sed etiam tela nostros deficerent, atque hostes acrius instarent languidioribusque nostris vallum scindere et fossas complere coepissent, resque esset iam ad extremum perducta casum,
SECTION 3.5.2P. Sextius Baculus, primi pili centurio, quem Nervico proelio compluribus confectum vulneribus diximus, et item C. Volusenus, tribunus militum, vir et consilii magni et virtutis, ad Galbam accurrunt atque unam esse spem salutis docent, si eruptione facta extremum auxilium experirentur.
SECTION 3.5.3Itaque convocatis centurionibus celeriter milites certiores facit, paulisper intermitterent proelium ac tantum modo tela missa exciperent seque ex labore reficerent, post dato signo ex castris erumperent, atque omnem spem salutis in virtute ponerent.
CHAPTER 3.6
SECTION 3.6.1Quod iussi sunt faciunt, ac subito omnibus portis eruptione facta neque cognoscendi quid fieret neque sui colligendi hostibus facultatem relinquunt.
SECTION 3.6.2Ita commutata fortuna eos qui in spem potiundorum castrorum venerant undique circumventos intercipiunt, et ex hominum milibus amplius XXX, quem numerum barbarorum ad castra venisse constabat, plus tertia parte interfecta reliquos perterritos in fugam coiciunt ac ne in locis quidem superioribus consistere patiuntur.
SECTION 3.6.3Sic omnibus hostium copiis fusis armisque exutis se intra munitiones suas recipiunt.
SECTION 3.6.4Quo proelio facto, quod saepius fortunam temptare Galba nolebat atque alio se in hiberna consilio venisse meminerat, aliis occurrisse rebus videbat, maxime frumenti [commeatusque] inopia permotus postero die omnibus eius vici aedificiis incensis in provinciam reverti contendit,
SECTION 3.6.5ac nullo hoste prohibente aut iter demorante incolumem legionem in Nantuates, inde in Allobroges perduxit ibique hiemavit.
CHAPTER 3.7
SECTION 3.7.1His rebus gestis cum omnibus de causis Caesar pacatam Galliam existimaret, [superatis Belgis, expulsis Germanis, victis in Alpibus Sedunis,] atque ita inita hieme in Illyricum profectus esset, quod eas quoque nationes adire et regiones cognoscere volebat, subitum bellum in Gallia coortum est.
SECTION 3.7.2Eius belli haec fuit causa. P. Crassus adulescens cum legione VII. proximus mare Oceanum in Andibus hiemabat.
SECTION 3.7.3Is, quod in his locis inopia frumenti erat, praefectos tribunosque militum complures in finitimas civitates frumenti causa dimisit;
SECTION 3.7.4quo in numero est T. Terrasidius missus in Esuvios, M. Trebius Gallus in Coriosolites, Q. Velanius eum T. Silio in Venetos.
CHAPTER 3.8
SECTION 3.8.1Huius est civitatis longe amplissima auctoritas omnis orae maritimae regionum earum, quod et naves habent Veneti plurimas, quibus in Britanniam navigare consuerunt, et scientia atque usu rerum nauticarum ceteros antecedunt et in magno impetu maris atque aperto paucis portibus interiectis, quos tenent ipsi, omnes fere qui eo mari uti consuerunt habent vectigales.
SECTION 3.8.2Ab his fit initium retinendi Silii atque Velanii, quod per eos suos se obsides, quos Crasso dedissent, recuperaturos existimabant.
SECTION 3.8.3Horum auctoritate finitimi adducti, ut sunt Gallorum subita et repentina consilia, eadem de causa Trebium Terrasidiumque retinent et celeriter missis legatis per suos principes inter se coniurant nihil nisi communi consilio acturos eundemque omnes fortunae exitum esse laturos,
SECTION 3.8.4reliquasque civitates sollicitant, ut in ea libertate quam a maioribus acceperint permanere quam Romanorum servitutem perferre malint.
SECTION 3.8.5Omni ora maritima celeriter ad suam sententiam perducta communem legationem ad P. Crassum mittunt, si velit suos recuperare, obsides sibi remittat.
CHAPTER 3.9
SECTION 3.9.1Quibus de rebus Caesar a Crasso certior factus, quod ipse aberat longius, naves interim longas aedificari in flumine Ligeri, quod influit in Oceanum, remiges ex provincia institui, nautas gubernatoresque comparari iubet.
SECTION 3.9.2His rebus celeriter administratis ipse, cum primum per anni tempus potuit, ad exercitum contendit.
SECTION 3.9.3Veneti reliquaeque item civitates cognito Caesaris adventu [certiores facti], simul quod quantum in se facinus admisissent intellegebant, [legatos, quod nomen ad omnes nationes sanctum inviolatumque semper fuisset, retentos ab se et in vincula coniectos,] pro magnitudine periculi bellum parare et maxime ea quae ad usum navium pertinent providere instituunt, hoc maiore spe quod multum natura loci confidebant.
SECTION 3.9.4Pedestria esse itinera concisa aestuariis, navigationem impeditam propter inscientiam locorum paucitatemque portuum sciebant,
SECTION 3.9.5neque nostros exercitus propter inopiam frumenti diutius apud se morari posse confidebant;
SECTION 3.9.6ac iam ut omnia contra opinionem acciderent, tamen se plurimum navibus posse, [quam] Romanos neque ullam facultatem habere navium, neque eorum locorum ubi bellum gesturi essent vada, portus, insulas novisse;
SECTION 3.9.7ac longe aliam esse navigationem in concluso mari atque in vastissimo atque apertissimo Oceano perspiciebant.
SECTION 3.9.8His initis consiliis oppida muniunt,
SECTION 3.9.9frumenta ex agris in oppida comportant, naves in Venetiam, ubi Caesarem primum bellum gesturum
SECTION 3.9.10constabat, quam plurimas possunt cogunt. Socios sibi ad id bellum Osismos, Lexovios, Namnetes, Ambiliatos, Morinos, Diablintes, Menapios adsciscunt; auxilia ex Britannia, quae contra eas regiones posita est, arcessunt.
CHAPTER 3.10
SECTION 3.10.1Erant hae difficultates belli gerendi quas supra ostendimus, sed tamen multa Caesarem ad id bellum incitabant:
SECTION 3.10.2iniuria retentorum equitum Romanorum, rebellio facta post deditionem, defectio datis obsidibus, tot civitatum coniuratio, in primis ne hac parte neglecta reliquae nationes sibi idem licere arbitrarentur.
SECTION 3.10.3Itaque cum intellegeret omnes fere Gallos novis rebus studere et ad bellum mobiliter celeriterque excitari, omnes autem homines natura libertati studere et condicionem servitutis odisse, prius quam plures civitates conspirarent, partiendum sibi ac latius distribuendum exercitum putavit.
CHAPTER 3.11
SECTION 3.11.1Itaque T. Labienum legatum in Treveros, qui proximi flumini Rheno sunt, cum equitatu mittit.
SECTION 3.11.2Huic mandat, Remos reliquosque Belgas adeat atque in officio contineat Germanosque, qui auxilio a Belgis arcessiti dicebantur, si per vim navibus flumen transire conentur, prohibeat.
SECTION 3.11.3P. Crassum cum cohortibus legionariis XII et magno numero equitatus in Aquitaniam proficisci iubet, ne ex his nationibus auxilia in Galliam mittantur ac tantae nationes coniungantur.
SECTION 3.11.4Q. Titurium Sabinum legatum cum legionibus tribus in Venellos, Coriosolites Lexoviosque mittit, qui eam manum distinendam curet.
SECTION 3.11.5D. Brutum adulescentem classi Gallicisque navibus, quas ex Pictonibus et Santonis reliquisque pacatis regionibus convenire iusserat, praeficit et, cum primum possit, in Venetos proficisci iubet. Ipse eo pedestribus copiis contendit.
CHAPTER 3.12
SECTION 3.12.1Erant eius modi fere situs oppidorum ut posita in extremis lingulis promunturiisque neque pedibus aditum haberent, cum ex alto se aestus incitavisset, quod [bis] accidit semper horarum XII spatio, neque navibus, quod rursus minuente aestu naves in vadis adflictarentur.
SECTION 3.12.2Ita utraque re oppidorum oppugnatio impediebatur.
SECTION 3.12.3Ac si quando magnitudine operis forte superati, extruso mari aggere ac molibus atque his oppidi moenibus adaequatis, suis fortunis desperare coeperant, magno numero navium adpulso, cuius rei summam facultatem habebant, omnia sua deportabant seque in proxima oppida recipiebant:
SECTION 3.12.4ibi se rursus isdem oportunitatibus loci defendebant.
SECTION 3.12.5Haec eo facilius magnam partem aestatis faciebant quod nostrae naves tempestatibus detinebantur summaque erat vasto atque aperto mari, magnis aestibus, raris ac prope nullis portibus difficultas navigandi.
CHAPTER 3.13
SECTION 3.13.1Namque ipsorum naves ad hunc modum factae armataeque erant: carinae aliquanto planiores quam nostrarum navium, quo facilius vada ac decessum aestus excipere possent;
SECTION 3.13.2prorae admodum erectae atque item puppes, ad magnitudinem fluctuum tempestatumque accommodatae;
SECTION 3.13.3naves totae factae ex robore ad quamvis vim et contumeliam perferendam;
SECTION 3.13.4transtra ex pedalibus in altitudinem trabibus, confixa clavis ferreis digiti pollicis crassitudine;
SECTION 3.13.5ancorae pro funibus ferreis catenis revinctae;
SECTION 3.13.6pelles pro velis alutaeque tenuiter confectae, [hae] sive propter inopiam lini atque eius usus inscientiam, sive eo, quod est magis veri simile, quod tantas tempestates Oceani tantosque impetus ventorum sustineri ac tanta onera navium regi velis non satis commode posse arbitrabantur.
SECTION 3.13.7Cum his navibus nostrae classi eius modi congressus erat ut una celeritate et pulsu remorum praestaret, reliqua pro loci natura, pro vi tempestatum illis essent aptiora et accommodatiora.
SECTION 3.13.8Neque enim iis nostrae rostro nocere poterant (tanta in iis erat firmitudo), neque propter altitudinem facile telum adigebatur, et eadem de causa minus commode copulis continebantur.
SECTION 3.13.9Accedebat ut, cum [saevire ventus coepisset et] se vento dedissent, et tempestatem ferrent facilius et in vadis consisterent tutius et ab aestu relictae nihil saxa et cotes timerent; quarum rerum omnium nostris navibus casus erat extimescendus.
CHAPTER 3.14
SECTION 3.14.1Compluribus expugnatis oppidis Caesar, ubi intellexit frustra tantum laborem sumi neque hostium fugam captis oppidis reprimi neque iis noceri posse, statuit expectandam classem.
SECTION 3.14.2Quae ubi convenit ac primum ab hostibus visa est, circiter CCXX naves eorum paratissimae atque omni genere armorum ornatissimae profectae ex portu nostris adversae constiterunt;
SECTION 3.14.3neque satis Bruto, qui classi praeerat, vel tribunis militum centurionibusque, quibus singulae naves erant attributae, constabat quid agerent aut quam rationem pugnae insisterent.
SECTION 3.14.4Rostro enim noceri non posse cognoverant; turribus autem excitatis tamen has altitudo puppium ex barbaris navibus superabat, ut neque ex inferiore loco satis commode tela adigi possent et missa a Gallis gravius acciderent.
SECTION 3.14.5Una erat magno usui res praeparata a nostris, falces praeacutae insertae adfixaeque longuriis, non absimili forma muralium falcium.
SECTION 3.14.6His cum funes qui antemnas ad malos destinabant comprehensi adductique erant, navigio remis incitato praerumpebantur.
SECTION 3.14.7Quibus abscisis antemnae necessario concidebant, ut, cum omnis Gallicis navibus spes in velis armamentisque consisteret, his ereptis omnis usus navium uno tempore eriperetur.
SECTION 3.14.8Reliquum erat certamen positum in virtute, qua nostri milites facile superabant, atque eo magis quod in conspectu Caesaris atque omnis exercitus res gerebatur, ut nullum paulo fortius factum latere posset;
SECTION 3.14.9omnes enim colles ac loca superiora, unde erat propinquus despectus in mare, ab exercitu tenebantur.
CHAPTER 3.15
SECTION 3.15.1Deiectis, ut diximus, antemnis, cum singulas binae ac ternae naves circumsteterant, milites summa vi transcendere in hostium naves contendebant.
SECTION 3.15.2Quod postquam barbari fieri animadverterunt, expugnatis compluribus navibus, cum ei rei nullum reperiretur auxilium, fuga salutem petere contenderunt.
SECTION 3.15.3Ac iam conversis in eam partem navibus quo ventus ferebat, tanta subito malacia ac tranquillitas extitit ut se ex loco movere non possent.
SECTION 3.15.4Quae quidem res ad negotium conficiendum maximae fuit oportunitati:
SECTION 3.15.5nam singulas nostri consectati expugnaverunt, ut perpaucae ex omni numero noctis interventu ad terram per venirent, cum ab hora fere IIII usque ad solis occasum pugnaretur.
CHAPTER 3.16
SECTION 3.16.1Quo proelio bellum Venetorum totiusque orae maritimae confectum est.
SECTION 3.16.2Nam cum omnis iuventus, omnes etiam gravioris aetatis in quibus aliquid consilii aut dignitatis fuit eo convenerant, tum navium quod ubique fuerat in unum locum coegerant;
SECTION 3.16.3quibus amissis reliqui neque quo se reciperent neque quem ad modum oppida defenderent habebant.
SECTION 3.16.4Itaque se suaque omnia Caesari dediderunt. In quos eo gravius Caesar vindicandum statuit quo diligentius in reliquum tempus a barbaris ius legatorum conservaretur. Itaque omni senatu necato reliquos sub corona vendidit.
CHAPTER 3.17
SECTION 3.17.1Dum haec in Venetis geruntur, Q. Titurius Sabinus cum iis copiis quas a Caesare acceperat in fines Venellorum pervenit.
SECTION 3.17.2His praeerat Viridovix ac summam imperii tenebat earum omnium civitatum quae defecerant, ex quibus exercitum [magnasque copias] coegerat;
SECTION 3.17.3atque his paucis diebus Aulerci Eburovices Lexoviique, senatu suo interfecto quod auctores belli esse nolebant, portas clauserunt seque cum Viridovice coniunxerunt;
SECTION 3.17.4magnaque praeterea multitudo undique ex Gallia perditorum hominum latronumque convenerat, quos spes praedandi studiumque bellandi ab agri cultura et cotidiano labore revocabat.
SECTION 3.17.5Sabinus idoneo omnibus rebus loco castris sese tenebat, cum Viridovix contra eum duorum milium spatio consedisset cotidieque productis copiis pugnandi potestatem faceret, ut iam non solum hostibus in contemptionem Sabinus veniret, sed etiam nostrorum militum vocibus non nihil carperetur;
SECTION 3.17.6tantamque opinionem timoris praebuit ut iam ad vallum castrorum hostes accedere auderent.
SECTION 3.17.7Id ea de causa faciebat quod cum tanta multitudine hostium, praesertim eo absente qui summam imperii teneret, nisi aequo loco aut oportunitate aliqua data legato dimicandum non existimabat.
CHAPTER 3.18
SECTION 3.18.1Hac confirmata opinione timoris idoneum quendam hominem et callidum deligit, Gallum, ex iis quos auxilii causa secum habebat.
SECTION 3.18.2Huic magnis praemiis pollicitationibusque persuadet uti ad hostes transeat, et quid fieri velit edocet.
SECTION 3.18.3Qui ubi pro perfuga ad eos venit, timorem Romanorum proponit, quibus angustiis ipse Caesar a Venetis prematur docet,
SECTION 3.18.4neque longius abesse quin proxima nocte Sabinus clam ex castris exercitum educat et ad Caesarem auxilii ferendi causa proficiscatur.
SECTION 3.18.5Quod ubi auditum est, conclamant omnes occasionem negotii bene gerendi amittendam non esse:
SECTION 3.18.6ad castra iri oportere. Multae res ad hoc consilium Gallos hortabantur: superiorum dierum Sabini cunctatio, perfugae confirmatio, inopia cibariorum, cui rei parum diligenter ab iis erat provisum, spes Venetici belli, et quod fere libenter homines id quod volunt credunt.
SECTION 3.18.7His rebus adducti non prius Viridovicem reliquosque duces ex concilio dimittunt quam ab iis sit concessum arma uti capiant et ad castra contendant.
SECTION 3.18.8Qua re concessa laeti, ut explorata victoria, sarmentis virgultisque collectis, quibus fossas Romanorum compleant, ad castra pergunt.
CHAPTER 3.19
SECTION 3.19.1Locus erat castrorum editus et paulatim ab imo acclivis circiter passus mille. Huc magno cursu contenderunt, ut quam minimum spatii ad se colligendos armandosque Romanis daretur, exanimatique pervenerunt.
SECTION 3.19.2Sabinus suos hortatus cupientibus signum dat. Impeditis hostibus propter ea quae ferebant onera subito duabus portis eruptionem fieri iubet.
SECTION 3.19.3Factum est oportunitate loci, hostium inscientia ac defatigatione, virtute militum et superiorum pugnarum exercitatione, ut ne unum quidem nostrorum impetum ferrent ac statim terga verterent.
SECTION 3.19.4Quos impeditos integris viribus milites nostri consecuti magnum numerum eorum occiderunt; reliquos equites consectati paucos, qui ex fuga evaserant, reliquerunt.
SECTION 3.19.5Sic uno tempore et de navali pugna Sabinus et de Sabini victoria Caesar est certior factus, civitatesque omnes se statim Titurio dediderunt.
SECTION 3.19.6Nam ut ad bella suscipienda Gallorum alacer ac promptus est animus, sic mollis ac minime resistens ad calamitates ferendas mens eorum est.
CHAPTER 3.20
SECTION 3.20.1Eodem fere tempore P. Crassus., cum in Aquitaniam pervenisset, quae [pars], ut ante dictum est, [et regionum latitudine et multitudine hominum] tertia pars Galliae est [aestimanda], cum intellegeret in iis locis sibi bellum gerendum ubi paucis ante annis L. Valerius Praeconinus legatus exercitu pulso interfectus esset atque unde L. Manlius proconsul impedimentis amissis profugisset, non mediocrem sibi diligentiam adhibendam intellegebat.
SECTION 3.20.2Itaque re frumentaria provisa, auxiliis equitatuque comparato, multis praeterea viris fortibus Tolosa et Carcasone et Narbone, quae sunt civitates Galliae provinciae finitimae, ex his regionibus nominatim evocatis, in Sotiatium fines exercitum introduxit.
SECTION 3.20.3Cuius adventu cognito Sotiates magnis copiis coactis, equitatuque, quo plurimum valebant, in itinere agmen nostrum adorti primum equestre proelium commiserunt,
SECTION 3.20.4deinde equitatu suo pulso atque insequentibus nostris subito pedestres copias, quas in convalle in insidiis conlocaverant, ostenderunt. Hi nostros disiectos adorti proelium renovarunt.
CHAPTER 3.21
SECTION 3.21.1Pugnatum est diu atque acriter, cum Sotiates superioribus victoriis freti in sua virtute totius Aquitaniae salutem positam putarent, nostri autem quid sine imperatore et sine reliquis legionibus adulescentulo duce efficere possent perspici cuperent; tandem confecti vulneribus hostes terga verterunt.
SECTION 3.21.2Quorum magno numero interfecto Crassus ex itinere oppidum Sotiatium oppugnare coepit. Quibus fortiter resistentibus vineas turresque egit.
SECTION 3.21.3Illi alias eruptione temptata, alias cuniculis ad aggerem vineasque actis (cuius rei sunt longe peritissimi Aquitani, propterea quod multis locis apud eos aerariae secturaeque sunt), ubi diligentia nostrorum nihil his rebus profici posse intellexerunt, legatos ad Crassum mittunt seque in deditionem ut recipiat petunt. Qua re impetrata arma tradere iussi faciunt.
CHAPTER 3.22
SECTION 3.22.1Atque in eam rem omnium nostrorum intentis animis alia ex parte oppidi Adiatunnus, qui summam imperii tenebat, cum DC devotis, quos illi soldurios appellant,
SECTION 3.22.2quorum haec est condicio, ut omnibus in vita commodis una cum iis fruantur quorum se amicitiae dediderint, si quid his per vim accidat, aut eundem casum una ferant aut sibi mortem consciscant;
SECTION 3.22.3neque adhuc hominum memoria repertus est quisquam qui, eo interfecto cuius se amicitiae devovisset, mortem recusaret—
SECTION 3.22.4cum his Adiatunnus eruptionem facere conatus clamore ab ea parte munitionis sublato cum ad arma milites concurrissent vehementerque ibi pugnatum esset, repulsus in oppidum tamen uti eadem deditionis condicione uteretur a Crasso impetravit.
CHAPTER 3.23
SECTION 3.23.1Armis obsidibusque acceptis, Crassus in fines Vocatium et Tarusatium profectus est.
SECTION 3.23.2Tum vero barbari commoti, quod oppidum et natura loci et manu munitum paucis diebus quibus eo ventum erat expugnatum cognoverant, legatos quoque versus dimittere, coniurare, obsides inter se dare, copias parare coeperunt.
SECTION 3.23.3Mittuntur etiam ad eas civitates legati quae sunt citerioris Hispaniae finitimae Aquitaniae: inde auxilia ducesque arcessuntur.
SECTION 3.23.4Quorum adventu magna cum auctoritate et magna [cum] hominum multitudine bellum gerere conantur.
SECTION 3.23.5Duces vero ii deliguntur qui una cum Q. Sertorio omnes annos fuerant summamque scientiam rei militaris habere existimabantur.
SECTION 3.23.6Hi consuetudine populi Romani loca capere, castra munire, commeatibus nostros intercludere instituunt.
SECTION 3.23.7Quod ubi Crassus animadvertit, suas copias propter exiguitatem non facile diduci, hostem et vagari et vias obsidere et castris satis praesidii relinquere, ob eam causam minus commode frumentum commeatumque sibi supportari, in dies hostium numerum augeri, non cunctandum existimavit quin pugna decertaret.
SECTION 3.23.8Hac re ad consilium delata, ubi omnes idem sentire intellexit, posterum diem pugnae constituit.
CHAPTER 3.24
SECTION 3.24.1Prima luce productis omnibus copiis duplici acie instituta, auxiliis in mediam aciem coniectis, quid hostes consilii caperent expectabat.
SECTION 3.24.2Illi, etsi propter multitudinem et veterem belli gloriam paucitatemque nostrorum se tuto dimicaturos existimabant, tamen tutius esse arbitrabantur obsessis viis commeatu intercluso sine vulnere victoria potiri,
SECTION 3.24.3et si propter inopiam rei frumentariae Romani se recipere coepissent, impeditos in agmine et sub sarcinis infirmiores animo adoriri cogitabant.
SECTION 3.24.4Hoc consilio probato ab ducibus, productis Romanorum copiis, sese castris tenebant.
SECTION 3.24.5Hac re perspecta Crassus, cum sua cunctatione atque opinione timoris hostes nostros milites alacriores ad pugnandum effecissent atque omnium voces audirentur expectari diutius non oportere quin ad castra iretur, cohortatus suos omnibus cupientibus ad hostium castra contendit.
CHAPTER 3.25
SECTION 3.25.1Ibi cum alii fossas complerent, alii multis telis coniectis defensores vallo munitionibusque depellerent, auxiliaresque, quibus ad pugnam non multum Crassus confidebat, lapidibus telisque subministrandis et ad aggerem caespitibus comportandis speciem atque opinionem pugnantium praeberent, cum item ab hostibus constanter ac non timide pugnaretur telaque ex loco superiore missa non frustra acciderent,
SECTION 3.25.2equites circumitis hostium castris Crasso renuntiaverunt non eadem esse diligentia ab decumana porta castra munita facilemque aditum habere.
CHAPTER 3.26
SECTION 3.26.1Crassus equitum praefectos cohortatus, ut magnis praemiis pollicitationibusque suos excitarent, quid fieri vellet ostendit.
SECTION 3.26.2Illi, ut erat imperatum, eductis iis cohortibus quae praesidio castris relictae intritae ab labore erant, et longiore itinere circumductis, ne ex hostium castris conspici possent, omnium oculis mentibusque ad pugnam intentis celeriter ad eas quas diximus munitiones pervenerunt
SECTION 3.26.3atque his prorutis prius in hostium castris constiterunt quam plane ab his videri aut quid rei gereretur cognosci posset.
SECTION 3.26.4Tum vero clamore ab ea parte audito nostri redintegratis viribus, quod plerumque in spe victoriae accidere consuevit, acrius impugnare coeperunt.
SECTION 3.26.5Hostes undique circumventi desperatis omnibus rebus se per munitiones deicere et fuga salutem petere contenderunt.
SECTION 3.26.6Quos equitatus apertissimis campis consectatus ex milium L numero, quae ex Aquitania Cantabrisque convenisse constabat, vix quarta parte relicta, multa nocte se in castra recepit.
CHAPTER 3.27
SECTION 3.27.1Hac audita pugna maxima pars Aquitaniae sese Crasso dedidit obsidesque ultro misit; quo in numero fuerunt Tarbelli, Bigerriones, Ptianii, Vocates, Tarusates, Elusates, Gates, Ausci, Garumni, Sibusates, Cocosates:
SECTION 3.27.2paucae ultimae nationes anni tempore confisae, quod hiems suberat, id facere neglexerunt.
CHAPTER 3.28
SECTION 3.28.1Eodem fere tempore Caesar, etsi prope exacta iam aestas erat, tamen, quod omni Gallia pacata Morini Menapiique supererant, qui in armis essent neque ad eum umquam legatos de pace misissent, arbitratus id bellum celeriter confici posse eo exercitum duxit; qui longe alia ratione ac reliqui Galli bellum gerere coeperunt.
SECTION 3.28.2Nam quod intellegebant maximas nationes, quae proelio contendissent, pulsas superatasque esse, continentesque silvas ac paludes habebant, eo se suaque omnia contulerunt.
SECTION 3.28.3Ad quarum initium silvarum cum Caesar pervenisset castraque munire instituisset neque hostis interim visus esset, dispersis in opere nostris subito ex omnibus partibus silvae evolaverunt et in nostros impetum fecerunt.
SECTION 3.28.4Nostri celeriter arma ceperunt eosque in silvas repulerunt et compluribus interfectis longius impeditioribus locis secuti paucos ex suis deperdiderunt.
CHAPTER 3.29
SECTION 3.29.1Reliquis deinceps diebus Caesar silvas caedere instituit, et ne quis inermibus imprudentibusque militibus ab latere impetus fieri posset, omnem eam materiam quae erat caesa conversam ad hostem conlocabat et pro vallo ad utrumque latus extruebat.
SECTION 3.29.2Incredibili celeritate magno spatio paucis diebus confecto, cum iam pecus atque extrema impedimenta a nostris tenerentur, ipsi densiores silvas peterent, eius modi sunt tempestates consecutae uti opus necessario intermitteretur et continuatione imbrium diutius sub pellibus milites contineri non possent.
SECTION 3.29.3Itaque vastatis omnibus eorum agris, vicis aedificiisque incensis, Caesar exercitum reduxit et in Aulercis Lexoviisque, reliquis item civitatibus quae proxime bellum fecerant, in hibernis conlocavit.
English · Plain English translation · Mouseia
CHAPTER 3.1
SECTION 3.1.1When Caesar was leaving for Italy, he sent Servius Galba with the Twelfth Legion and part of the cavalry against the Nantuates, Veragri, and Seduni, whose territory extends from the borders of the Allobroges, Lake Geneva, and the Rhône River to the highest Alps.
SECTION 3.1.2His reason for sending Galba was that he wanted to open the route through the Alps, along which merchants had been accustomed to travel at great risk and after paying heavy tolls.
SECTION 3.1.3He authorized Galba, if he considered it necessary, to station the legion in that region for the winter.
SECTION 3.1.4After fighting several successful battles and storming a number of their forts, Galba received envoys from every direction, accepted hostages, and made peace. He then decided to station two cohorts among the Nantuates and to spend the winter himself with the remaining cohorts of that legion in a village of the Veragri called Octodurus.
SECTION 3.1.5This village lies in a fairly narrow valley with a small area of level ground adjoining it and is enclosed on every side by very high mountains.
SECTION 3.1.6Since a river divided the village into two sections, Galba granted one section to the Gauls for their winter quarters and assigned the other, which they had vacated, to his cohorts. He fortified this position with a rampart and ditch.
CHAPTER 3.2
SECTION 3.2.1Several days of the winter had passed, and Galba had ordered grain to be brought there, when his scouts suddenly informed him that all the Gauls had left during the night from the section of the village he had granted them and that a vast force of Seduni and Veragri held the mountains overlooking the village.
SECTION 3.2.2The Gauls had suddenly decided to renew the war and overwhelm the legion for several reasons.
SECTION 3.2.3First, they held the legion in contempt because of its small numbers, especially since it was not at full strength: two cohorts had been detached, and a number of individual soldiers sent out to obtain supplies were absent.
SECTION 3.2.4They also believed that, because of the unfavorable terrain, when they charged down from the mountains into the valley and hurled their missiles, not even their first assault could be withstood.
SECTION 3.2.5In addition, they resented having their children taken away from them as hostages and were convinced that the Romans were trying to occupy the summits of the Alps not merely to secure the roads but to hold them permanently and annex the region to the neighboring province.
CHAPTER 3.3
SECTION 3.3.1On receiving these reports, Galba saw that the work on the winter camp and its fortifications was not yet fully completed and that insufficient provision had been made for grain and other supplies, since after the surrender and the acceptance of hostages he had believed there was no reason to fear war. He quickly called a council and began asking for opinions.
SECTION 3.3.2In this council, since so great and unexpected a danger had arisen, nearly all the higher ground could already be seen covered by a mass of armed men, and neither reinforcements nor supplies could reach them because the roads had been cut off,
SECTION 3.3.3some, almost despairing of survival, proposed that they abandon the baggage, break out of the camp, and seek safety by the same routes along which they had come.
SECTION 3.3.4The majority, however, decided to reserve this plan for the last extremity and meanwhile await the outcome and defend the camp.
CHAPTER 3.4
SECTION 3.4.1After a short interval, barely enough time for the men to arrange and carry out the measures they had decided upon, the signal was given and the enemy charged down from every direction, hurling stones and heavy Gallic javelins onto the rampart.
SECTION 3.4.2At first our men, with their strength unimpaired, defended the fortifications bravely and threw no missile from their higher position without effect. Whenever any part of the camp seemed to be stripped of defenders and hard-pressed, they rushed there and brought assistance.
SECTION 3.4.3But they were at a disadvantage because, as the battle continued, enemy soldiers who became tired withdrew from the fighting and others with fresh strength took their places.
SECTION 3.4.4Because of their small numbers, our men could do none of these things. Not only was a soldier exhausted by fighting given no opportunity to withdraw, but even a wounded man could not leave the place where he stood and retire to safety.
CHAPTER 3.5
SECTION 3.5.1The fighting had now continued without interruption for more than six hours, and our men were running out not only of strength but also of missiles. The enemy pressed their attack more fiercely and, as our men weakened, began tearing down the rampart and filling the ditches. The situation had now reached the ultimate crisis.
SECTION 3.5.2Publius Sextius Baculus, the chief centurion whom we said had been disabled by numerous wounds in the battle against the Nervii, and Gaius Volusenus, a military tribune and a man of great judgment and courage, ran to Galba and told him that their one hope of survival was to break out and attempt this last resort.
SECTION 3.5.3Accordingly, he quickly called the centurions together and instructed them to inform the soldiers to break off the fighting for a short time, merely intercept the missiles being thrown at them, and recover from their exertions; then, when the signal was given, they were to burst out of the camp and place all hope of safety in their courage.
CHAPTER 3.6
SECTION 3.6.1They did as they were ordered, and by suddenly making a sortie from every gate, they left the enemy no opportunity either to understand what was happening or to regroup.
SECTION 3.6.2With the situation thus reversed, they surrounded on every side and cut down the men who had come there hoping to take the camp. Of the more than thirty thousand barbarians known to have come to the camp, they killed over a third, threw the rest into panic and flight, and did not allow them to make a stand even on higher ground.
SECTION 3.6.3Thus, after routing the entire enemy force and stripping them of their weapons, they withdrew within their own fortifications.
SECTION 3.6.4After this battle, Galba was unwilling to test fortune too often. He remembered that he had come to winter quarters with a different plan and saw that he had encountered entirely different circumstances. Moved above all by the shortage of grain and supplies, on the following day he burned all the buildings of that village and hurried to return to the province.
SECTION 3.6.5With no enemy obstructing or delaying his march, he brought the legion safely into the territory of the Nantuates, and from there into that of the Allobroges, where he spent the winter.
CHAPTER 3.7
SECTION 3.7.1After these events, Caesar believed for every reason that Gaul had been pacified—the Belgae had been defeated, the Germans expelled, and the Seduni conquered in the Alps—and so, at the beginning of winter, he had departed for Illyricum because he also wished to visit those peoples and become acquainted with those regions. Then war suddenly broke out in Gaul.
SECTION 3.7.2The cause of this war was as follows. The young Publius Crassus was wintering with the Seventh Legion among the Andes, near the Atlantic Ocean.
SECTION 3.7.3Because grain was scarce in that area, he sent several prefects and military tribunes into the neighboring states to obtain it.
SECTION 3.7.4Among them, Titus Terrasidius was sent to the Esuvii, Marcus Trebius Gallus to the Coriosolites, and Quintus Velanius with Titus Silius to the Veneti.
CHAPTER 3.8
SECTION 3.8.1The state of the Veneti possessed by far the greatest authority along the entire coast of those regions. The Veneti had the largest number of ships, in which they regularly sailed to Britain; they surpassed all the others in their knowledge and experience of nautical matters; and, on a coast exposed to the violent open sea, where there were only a few scattered harbors, all of which they controlled, they made nearly everyone accustomed to sailing those waters pay them tribute.
SECTION 3.8.2They began by detaining Silius and Velanius, believing that through them they would recover the hostages they had given to Crassus.
SECTION 3.8.3Influenced by their authority, the neighboring peoples—with the sudden and impulsive decision-making characteristic of the Gauls—detained Trebius and Terrasidius for the same reason. They quickly exchanged envoys and, through their leading men, jointly swore that they would do nothing except by common agreement and that they would all accept the same outcome of fortune.
SECTION 3.8.4They urged the remaining states to choose to retain the freedom inherited from their ancestors rather than endure slavery under Rome.
SECTION 3.8.5After quickly bringing the entire coast over to their position, they sent a joint delegation to Publius Crassus, telling him that if he wished to recover his men, he must return their hostages to them.
CHAPTER 3.9
SECTION 3.9.1When Crassus informed Caesar of these events, Caesar, because he himself was some distance away, meanwhile ordered warships to be built on the Liger River, which flows into the Atlantic Ocean, rowers to be recruited from the province, and sailors and pilots to be assembled.
SECTION 3.9.2These arrangements were carried out quickly, and as soon as the season allowed, Caesar himself hurried to the army.
SECTION 3.9.3When the Veneti and the other states learned of Caesar’s arrival, they also understood the enormity of the crime they had committed by detaining envoys—a title always regarded as sacred and inviolable among every nation—and throwing them into chains. They therefore began to prepare for war in proportion to the danger and, above all, to provide everything needed for the use of their ships. Their hopes were all the greater because they had great confidence in the natural character of the region.
SECTION 3.9.4They knew that overland routes were broken up by tidal inlets and that navigation was obstructed by ignorance of the area and the small number of harbors.
SECTION 3.9.5They were also confident that because of the shortage of grain, our armies could not remain among them very long.
SECTION 3.9.6Even if everything should turn out contrary to their expectations, they were still far more powerful in ships, while the Romans had no supply of ships at all and were unfamiliar with the shallows, harbors, and islands of the regions where they would be fighting.
SECTION 3.9.7They clearly understood that sailing in an enclosed sea was very different from sailing on the vast and completely open Atlantic Ocean.
SECTION 3.9.8Having formed these plans, they fortified their towns.
SECTION 3.9.9They transported grain from the countryside into the towns and gathered as many ships as they could in the territory of the Veneti, where it was known that Caesar would first conduct the war.
SECTION 3.9.10They enlisted as allies for this war the Osismi, Lexovii, Namnetes, Ambiliati, Morini, Diablintes, and Menapii, and summoned reinforcements from Britain, which lies opposite those regions.
CHAPTER 3.10
SECTION 3.10.1These were the difficulties of conducting the war that we have described above, but nevertheless many considerations urged Caesar to undertake it:
SECTION 3.10.2the outrage of detaining Roman knights, a revolt after surrender, rebellion after hostages had been given, and the conspiracy of so many states; above all, he feared that if he neglected this region, the remaining peoples would think themselves free to do the same.
SECTION 3.10.3Accordingly, since he understood that nearly all the Gauls were eager for political change and were quickly and readily stirred to war, while all people naturally desire freedom and hate the condition of slavery, he thought that before more states could conspire together, he must divide his army and distribute it more widely.
CHAPTER 3.11
SECTION 3.11.1He therefore sent his lieutenant Titus Labienus with the cavalry to the Treveri, who lived nearest the Rhine River.
SECTION 3.11.2He instructed him to visit the Remi and the other Belgae and keep them loyal, and to prevent the Germans—who were said to have been summoned by the Belgae as reinforcements—from crossing the river by force in ships if they attempted to do so.
SECTION 3.11.3He ordered Publius Crassus to depart for Aquitania with twelve legionary cohorts and a large force of cavalry, to prevent reinforcements from being sent from those peoples into Gaul and such powerful nations from joining together.
SECTION 3.11.4He sent his lieutenant Quintus Titurius Sabinus with three legions against the Venelli, Coriosolites, and Lexovii, to make sure that force was kept occupied.
SECTION 3.11.5He placed the young Decimus Brutus in command of the fleet and of the Gallic ships that he had ordered to assemble from the Pictones, Santoni, and other pacified regions, and ordered him to set out against the Veneti as soon as he could. Caesar himself hurried there with the infantry forces.
CHAPTER 3.12
SECTION 3.12.1The towns were generally situated in such a way that, built at the ends of narrow spits and promontories, they could not be reached on foot when the tide had risen from the open sea—something that always happened twice in a period of twelve hours—or by ship, because when the tide receded again, the ships would be stranded in the shallows.
SECTION 3.12.2Thus both circumstances obstructed an assault on the towns.
SECTION 3.12.3If at any time they happened to be overcome by the scale of our siege works, after the sea had been forced back by an embankment and massive earthworks and these had been raised to the level of the town walls, and they began to despair of their fortunes, they would bring in a large number of ships—which they had every ability to do—carry away all their possessions, and withdraw to the nearest towns.
SECTION 3.12.4There they would again defend themselves with the same advantages of terrain.
SECTION 3.12.5They were able to do this all the more easily during a large part of the summer because our ships were held back by storms, and navigation was extremely difficult on the vast and open sea, with its powerful tides and rare, almost nonexistent harbors.
CHAPTER 3.13
SECTION 3.13.1Their ships were built and equipped as follows. Their hulls were considerably flatter than those of our ships, so that they could more easily handle the shallows and the ebbing tide.
SECTION 3.13.2Their bows stood very high, as did their sterns, making them suitable for the size of the waves and the violence of the storms.
SECTION 3.13.3The ships were built entirely of oak, enabling them to withstand any force or impact.
SECTION 3.13.4Their crossbeams were made of timbers a foot thick and fastened with iron nails as thick as a man’s thumb.
SECTION 3.13.5The anchors were secured with iron chains instead of ropes.
SECTION 3.13.6They used hides and thinly dressed leather in place of sails, either because they lacked flax and did not know how to use it, or—more probably—because they believed that ordinary sails could not adequately withstand such violent Atlantic storms and powerful winds or control ships of such great weight.
SECTION 3.13.7When our fleet encountered these ships, it was superior only in speed and the drive provided by its oars; in all other respects, the enemy’s ships were better suited and adapted to the nature of the region and the violence of the storms.
SECTION 3.13.8Our ships could not damage them with their rams, so great was their strength; because of their height, a missile could not easily be hurled onto them, and for the same reason they could not readily be held fast with grappling hooks.
SECTION 3.13.9Moreover, when the wind began to rage and they let themselves run before it, they could endure the storm more easily, settle more safely in the shallows, and, when left aground by the tide, had nothing to fear from rocks and reefs. Our ships had reason to fear every one of these dangers.
CHAPTER 3.14
SECTION 3.14.1After storming several towns, Caesar realized that so much labor was being spent in vain, since taking the towns neither prevented the enemy’s escape nor enabled him to harm them. He therefore decided that he must wait for the fleet.
SECTION 3.14.2When it assembled and was first seen by the enemy, about 220 of their ships, fully prepared and equipped with every kind of weapon, sailed out of the harbor and took up a position opposite ours.
SECTION 3.14.3Neither Brutus, who commanded the fleet, nor the military tribunes and centurions, each of whom had been assigned an individual ship, were at all certain what they should do or what method of fighting they should adopt.
SECTION 3.14.4They knew that the enemy could not be damaged with the ram. Even after towers had been erected on our ships, the sterns of the barbarians’ ships still rose higher than they did, so that our missiles could not be thrown effectively from the lower position, while those thrown by the Gauls struck with greater force.
SECTION 3.14.5One device prepared by our men proved extremely useful: very sharp hooks inserted into and fastened to long poles, similar in shape to the hooks used against walls.
SECTION 3.14.6With these, they caught and pulled taut the ropes that fastened the yards to the masts; then, when our ship was driven forward by its oars, the ropes snapped.
SECTION 3.14.7Once these ropes were cut, the yards necessarily fell. Since all the Gallic ships’ effectiveness depended on their sails and rigging, when these were taken away, the ships were rendered entirely useless in a single moment.
SECTION 3.14.8The rest of the contest depended on courage, in which our soldiers easily surpassed them, especially because the action was taking place in sight of Caesar and the entire army, so that no particularly courageous deed could go unnoticed.
SECTION 3.14.9The army occupied all the hills and higher ground from which there was a close view down onto the sea.
CHAPTER 3.15
SECTION 3.15.1Once the yards had been brought down, as we have described, two or three of our ships would surround each enemy vessel, and the soldiers would strive with all their strength to board it.
SECTION 3.15.2After the barbarians saw this happening and several of their ships had been stormed, they could find no remedy for the situation and attempted to seek safety in flight.
SECTION 3.15.3Their ships had already turned in the direction the wind was carrying them when such a sudden calm and stillness arose that they could not move from the spot.
SECTION 3.15.4This circumstance provided the greatest possible opportunity to finish the engagement.
SECTION 3.15.5Our men pursued and stormed the ships one by one, so that only a very few of their entire number reached land under cover of night, although the fighting lasted from about the fourth hour until sunset.
CHAPTER 3.16
SECTION 3.16.1That battle brought the war against the Veneti and the entire coast to an end.
SECTION 3.16.2Not only had all their young men and all their older men who possessed any judgment or standing gathered there, but they had also assembled in one place every ship they had anywhere.
SECTION 3.16.3After losing these, the survivors had neither anywhere to retreat nor any means of defending their towns.
SECTION 3.16.4They therefore surrendered themselves and all their possessions to Caesar. Caesar decided that they must be punished all the more severely so that in the future the barbarians would more carefully respect the rights of envoys. Accordingly, he executed their entire senate and sold the rest into slavery.
CHAPTER 3.17
SECTION 3.17.1While these events were taking place among the Veneti, Quintus Titurius Sabinus reached the territory of the Venelli with the forces he had received from Caesar.
SECTION 3.17.2They were commanded by Viridovix, who also held supreme command over all the states that had rebelled and from which he had assembled an army and large forces.
SECTION 3.17.3During the preceding few days, the Aulerci Eburovices and the Lexovii had killed their own senates because they had been unwilling to support the war, closed their gates, and joined Viridovix.
SECTION 3.17.4In addition, a great multitude of desperate men and brigands had gathered from all over Gaul, drawn away from farming and daily labor by the hope of plunder and enthusiasm for war.
SECTION 3.17.5Sabinus remained in his camp at a location suitable in every respect, while Viridovix had encamped opposite him at a distance of two miles and, each day, led out his forces and offered him the opportunity to fight. As a result, Sabinus was now not only despised by the enemy but was also criticized to some extent in the remarks of our own soldiers.
SECTION 3.17.6He created so strong an impression of fear that the enemy now dared to approach the rampart of the camp.
SECTION 3.17.7He acted this way because he did not believe that a lieutenant should fight such a great multitude of enemies—especially in the absence of the man holding supreme command—unless he had level ground or some other favorable opportunity.
CHAPTER 3.18
SECTION 3.18.1Once this impression of fear had become firmly established, he selected a suitable and cunning man, a Gaul from among those he had with him as auxiliaries.
SECTION 3.18.2By promising him great rewards, he persuaded the man to go over to the enemy and instructed him in what he wanted done.
SECTION 3.18.3When the man came to them pretending to be a deserter, he described the Romans’ fear and explained the desperate straits in which Caesar himself was being pressed by the Veneti.
SECTION 3.18.4He said that no later than the following night, Sabinus would secretly lead his army out of camp and set out to bring assistance to Caesar.
SECTION 3.18.5When they heard this, they all shouted that the opportunity for a successful operation must not be lost.
SECTION 3.18.6They must march on the camp. Many considerations encouraged the Gauls to adopt this plan: Sabinus’s hesitation during the preceding days, the deserter’s assurance, their shortage of provisions, for which they had made insufficient preparations, their hopes concerning the war against the Veneti, and the fact that people generally like to believe what they want to believe.
SECTION 3.18.7Persuaded by these arguments, they refused to dismiss Viridovix and the other commanders from the council until they had agreed to take up arms and march on the camp.
SECTION 3.18.8Once this was agreed, they happily set out for the camp as though victory were assured, after gathering brushwood and branches with which to fill the Romans’ trenches.
CHAPTER 3.19
SECTION 3.19.1The camp stood on high ground that rose gradually from the bottom of the slope for about a mile. They rushed up to it at full speed, to give the Romans as little time as possible to assemble and arm themselves, and arrived completely out of breath.
SECTION 3.19.2Sabinus encouraged his men and, when they eagerly demanded it, gave the signal. Since the enemy were encumbered by the loads they were carrying, he ordered a sudden sortie through two gates.
SECTION 3.19.3Because of the favorable terrain, the enemy’s lack of preparation and exhaustion, the soldiers’ courage, and the experience they had gained in earlier battles, the enemy could not withstand even a single charge by our men and immediately turned and fled.
SECTION 3.19.4Our soldiers, still at full strength, overtook them while they were encumbered and killed a great many of them. The cavalry pursued the rest and allowed only a few who had escaped the rout to get away.
SECTION 3.19.5Thus, at the same time, Sabinus was informed of the naval battle and Caesar of Sabinus’s victory, and all the states immediately surrendered to Titurius.
SECTION 3.19.6For although the Gauls are eager and ready to undertake wars, their spirits are weak and not at all resilient when it comes to enduring disasters.
CHAPTER 3.20
SECTION 3.20.1At about the same time, Publius Crassus reached Aquitania, which, as stated before, must be regarded as a third of Gaul in both geographical extent and population. He understood that he would have to wage war in the region where, only a few years earlier, the legate Lucius Valerius Praeconinus had been killed after his army was defeated, and from which the proconsul Lucius Manlius had fled after losing his baggage. He therefore realized that he would have to exercise exceptional care.
SECTION 3.20.2Accordingly, after securing the grain supply, assembling auxiliary troops and cavalry, and personally summoning many brave men from Tolosa, Carcaso, and Narbo—communities in the Roman province of Gaul bordering those regions—he led his army into the territory of the Sotiates.
SECTION 3.20.3When the Sotiates learned of his arrival, they assembled a large force and attacked our column on the march with their cavalry, in which their chief strength lay. They first engaged us in a cavalry battle,
SECTION 3.20.4and then, after their cavalry had been driven back and ours were pursuing them, they suddenly revealed the infantry forces they had stationed in ambush in a valley. These attacked our scattered men and renewed the battle.
CHAPTER 3.21
SECTION 3.21.1The fighting was long and fierce. The Sotiates, relying on their earlier victories, believed that the safety of all Aquitania depended on their courage, while our men wanted it to be seen what they could accomplish without their commander and the other legions, under the leadership of a young man. At last, worn down by wounds, the enemy turned and fled.
SECTION 3.21.2After killing a great many of them, Crassus marched directly to the town of the Sotiates and began to besiege it. When they resisted bravely, he brought forward covered siege galleries and towers.
SECTION 3.21.3At times they attempted sorties, and at others they drove tunnels toward the siege ramp and covered galleries. The Aquitani are by far the most skilled at this, because they have copper mines and quarries in many places. When they realized that the vigilance of our men made it impossible to accomplish anything by these methods, they sent envoys to Crassus and asked him to accept their surrender. Their request was granted, and when ordered to hand over their weapons, they did so.
CHAPTER 3.22
SECTION 3.22.1While the attention of all our men was focused on this matter, Adiatunnus, who held supreme command, attempted from another part of the town, together with six hundred devoted retainers whom they call soldurii,
SECTION 3.22.2whose condition is that they share all the benefits of life with those to whose friendship they have devoted themselves, but if anything violent happens to those men, they either suffer the same fate with them or take their own lives;
SECTION 3.22.3and within living memory no one has yet been found who refused death after the man to whose friendship he had devoted himself was killed—
SECTION 3.22.4Adiatunnus attempted to make a sortie with these men. A shout went up from that part of the fortifications, the soldiers rushed to arms, and a fierce battle was fought there. Although driven back into the town, he nevertheless obtained Crassus’s permission to surrender on the same terms.
CHAPTER 3.23
SECTION 3.23.1After receiving their weapons and hostages, Crassus marched into the territories of the Vocates and Tarusates.
SECTION 3.23.2The natives were now truly alarmed because they had learned that a town fortified both by its natural position and by human labor had been captured within a few days of the Romans’ arrival. They began sending envoys in every direction, swearing mutual oaths, exchanging hostages, and preparing forces.
SECTION 3.23.3Envoys were also sent to the states of Nearer Spain bordering Aquitania, and auxiliary troops and commanders were summoned from there.
SECTION 3.23.4With their arrival, the Aquitani attempted to wage war with great confidence and a large number of men.
SECTION 3.23.5The commanders selected were men who had spent all those years with Quintus Sertorius and were believed to possess the highest degree of military expertise.
SECTION 3.23.6Following Roman practice, they began occupying strategic positions, fortifying their camp, and cutting our men off from supplies.
SECTION 3.23.7When Crassus observed that his forces were too small to be divided easily, while the enemy could roam freely, blockade the roads, and still leave a sufficient guard in camp; that for this reason grain and other supplies were reaching him only with difficulty; and that the enemy’s numbers were increasing daily, he decided that he must not delay giving battle.
SECTION 3.23.8He brought the matter before a council of war, and when he saw that everyone held the same opinion, he set the following day for the battle.
CHAPTER 3.24
SECTION 3.24.1At daybreak he led out all his forces, formed them in two battle lines, placed the auxiliaries in the center, and waited to see what plan the enemy would adopt.
SECTION 3.24.2Although the enemy believed that, because of their numbers, their old military reputation, and the small size of our force, they could fight safely, they nevertheless considered it safer to blockade the roads, cut off supplies, and win a bloodless victory.
SECTION 3.24.3If the Romans began to retreat because of a shortage of grain, they planned to attack them on the march, when encumbered and carrying their packs and therefore weaker in spirit.
SECTION 3.24.4The commanders approved this plan, and though the Roman forces had been led out, they remained in their camp.
SECTION 3.24.5When Crassus saw this, the enemy’s hesitation and apparent fear made our soldiers more eager to fight, and voices were heard everywhere saying that they should wait no longer before advancing on the camp. Crassus encouraged his men and, with everyone eager for battle, marched against the enemy camp.
CHAPTER 3.25
SECTION 3.25.1There some filled the trenches, while others drove the defenders from the rampart and fortifications by hurling large numbers of missiles. The auxiliaries, in whom Crassus did not place much confidence as fighters, created the appearance and impression that they were taking part in the battle by supplying stones and missiles and carrying blocks of turf to the siege ramp. Meanwhile, the enemy also fought steadily and fearlessly, and the missiles thrown from their higher position did not fall without effect.
SECTION 3.25.2After riding around the enemy camp, the cavalry reported to Crassus that the camp was not fortified with equal care at the rear gate and that access there was easy.
CHAPTER 3.26
SECTION 3.26.1Crassus urged the cavalry commanders to inspire their men by promising great rewards, and explained what he wanted done.
SECTION 3.26.2As ordered, they led out the cohorts that had been left to guard the camp and were still fresh and unworn by exertion. They took them around by a longer route so that they could not be seen from the enemy camp, and, while everyone’s eyes and attention were fixed on the battle, they quickly reached the fortifications already mentioned.
SECTION 3.26.3They tore them down and entered the enemy camp before they could be clearly seen or the enemy could understand what was happening.
SECTION 3.26.4Then, when a shout was heard from that quarter, our men renewed their strength, as usually happens when victory is in sight, and began to attack more fiercely.
SECTION 3.26.5Surrounded on every side and despairing of everything, the enemy tried to throw themselves over the fortifications and seek safety in flight.
SECTION 3.26.6The cavalry pursued them across completely open country. Of the fifty thousand men known to have assembled from Aquitania and among the Cantabri, scarcely a quarter were left alive when the cavalry returned to camp late at night.
CHAPTER 3.27
SECTION 3.27.1When news of this battle was received, the greater part of Aquitania surrendered to Crassus and voluntarily sent hostages. Among these peoples were the Tarbelli, Bigerriones, Ptianii, Vocates, Tarusates, Elusates, Gates, Ausci, Garumni, Sibusates, and Cocosates.
SECTION 3.27.2A few remote tribes, relying on the season because winter was approaching, neglected to do so.
CHAPTER 3.28
SECTION 3.28.1At about the same time, although summer was now nearly over, Caesar led his army against the Morini and Menapii. All the rest of Gaul had been pacified, but they remained under arms and had never sent him envoys to seek peace, so he believed that this war could be quickly concluded. They began to wage war in a completely different manner from the other Gauls.
SECTION 3.28.2They understood that the greatest nations that had contested the issue in battle had been routed and defeated, and they had vast forests and marshes. They therefore withdrew there with all their possessions.
SECTION 3.28.3When Caesar reached the edge of these forests and began fortifying his camp, without any enemy having been seen in the meantime, they suddenly burst out of the forest from every direction while our men were scattered at their work and attacked them.
SECTION 3.28.4Our men quickly took up their weapons, drove them back into the forests, and killed a number of them. They pursued them too far into difficult terrain and lost a few of their own men.
CHAPTER 3.29
SECTION 3.29.1During the following days Caesar began cutting down the forests. To prevent anyone from attacking the unarmed and unsuspecting soldiers from the flank, he placed all the felled timber facing the enemy and piled it up like a rampart on both sides.
SECTION 3.29.2Within a few days an astonishingly large area had been cleared with incredible speed. Our men had already seized the enemy’s livestock and the rearmost parts of their baggage, while the enemy themselves were seeking denser forests, when such storms followed that the work necessarily had to be suspended, and the continuous rain made it impossible to keep the soldiers under canvas any longer.
SECTION 3.29.3Accordingly, after devastating all their fields and burning their villages and buildings, Caesar withdrew his army and stationed it in winter quarters among the Aulerci, Lexovii, and the other states that had most recently made war.
Book 4
Latin
CHAPTER 4.1
SECTION 4.1.1Ea quae secuta est hieme, qui fuit annus Cn. Pompeio, M. Crasso consulibus, Usipetes Germani et item Tencteri magna [cum] multitudine hominum flumen Rhenum transierunt, non longe a mari, quo Rhenus influit.
SECTION 4.1.2Causa transeundi fuit quod ab Suebis complures annos exagitati bello premebantur et agri cultura prohibebantur.
SECTION 4.1.3Sueborum gens est longe maxima et bellicosissima Germanorum omnium.
SECTION 4.1.4Hi centum pagos habere dicuntur, ex quibus quotannis singula milia armatorum bellandi causa ex finibus educunt. Reliqui, qui domi manserunt, se atque illos alunt;
SECTION 4.1.5hi rursus in vicem anno post in armis sunt, illi domi remanent.
SECTION 4.1.6Sic neque agri cultura nec ratio atque usus belli intermittitur.
SECTION 4.1.7Sed privati ac separati agri apud eos nihil est, neque longius anno remanere uno in loco colendi causa licet.
SECTION 4.1.8Neque multum frumento, sed maximam partem lacte atque pecore vivunt multum sunt in venationibus;
SECTION 4.1.9quae res et cibi genere et cotidiana exercitatione et libertate vitae, quod a pueris nullo officio aut disciplina adsuefacti nihil omnino contra voluntatem faciunt, et vires alit et immani corporum magnitudine homines efficit.
SECTION 4.1.10Atque in eam se consuetudinem adduxerunt ut locis frigidissimis neque vestitus praeter pelles habeant quicquam, quarum propter exiguitatem magna est corporis pars aperta, et laventur in fluminibus.
CHAPTER 4.2
SECTION 4.2.1Mercatoribus est aditus magis eo ut quae bello ceperint quibus vendant habeant, quam quo ullam rem ad se importari desiderent.
SECTION 4.2.2Quin etiam iumentis, quibus maxime Galli delectantur quaeque impenso parant pretio, Germani importatis non utuntur, sed quae sunt apud eos nata, parva atque deformia, haec cotidiana exercitatione summi ut sint laboris efficiunt.
SECTION 4.2.3Equestribus proeliis saepe ex equis desiliunt ac pedibus proeliantur, equos eodem remanere vestigio adsuefecerunt, ad quos se celeriter, cum usus est, recipiunt:
SECTION 4.2.4neque eorum moribus turpius quicquam aut inertius habetur quam ephippiis uti.
SECTION 4.2.5Itaque ad quemvis numerum ephippiatorum equitum quamvis pauci adire audent.
SECTION 4.2.6Vinum omnino ad se importari non patiuntur, quod ea re ad laborem ferendum remollescere homines atque effeminari arbitrantur.
CHAPTER 4.3
SECTION 4.3.1Publice maximam putant esse laudem quam latissime a suis finibus vacare agros: hac re significari magnum numerum civitatum suam vim sustinere non posse.
SECTION 4.3.2Itaque una ex parte a Suebis circiter milia passuum C agri vacare dicuntur.
SECTION 4.3.3Ad alteram partem succedunt Ubii, quorum fuit civitas ampla atque florens, ut est captus Germanorum; ii paulo, quamquam sunt eiusdem generis, sunt ceteris humaniores, propterea quod Rhenum attingunt multum ad eos mercatores ventitant et ipsi propter propinquitatem [quod] Gallicis sunt moribus adsuefacti.
SECTION 4.3.4Hos cum Suebi multis saepe bellis experti propter amplitudinem gravitatem civitatis finibus expellere non potuissent, tamen vectigales sibi fecerunt ac multo humiliores infirmiores redegerunt.
CHAPTER 4.4
SECTION 4.4.1In eadem causa fuerunt Usipetes et Tencteri, quos supra diximus; qui complures annos Sueborum vim sustinuerunt,
SECTION 4.4.2ad extremum tamen agris expulsi et multis locis Germaniae triennium vagati ad Rhenum pervenerunt, quas regiones Menapii incolebant. Hi ad utramque ripam fluminis agros, aedificia vicosque habebant;
SECTION 4.4.3sed tantae multitudinis adventu perterriti ex iis aedificiis quae trans flumen habuerant demigraverant, et cis Rhenum dispositis praesidiis Germanos transire prohibebant.
SECTION 4.4.4Illi omnia experti, cum neque vi contendere propter inopiam navium neque clam transire propter custodias Menapiorum possent,
SECTION 4.4.5reverti se in suas sedes regionesque simulaverunt et tridui viam progressi rursus reverterunt atque omni hoc itinere una nocte equitatu confecto inscios inopinantes Menapios oppresserunt,
SECTION 4.4.6qui de Germanorum discessu per exploratores certiores facti sine metu trans Rhenum in suos vicos remigraverant.
SECTION 4.4.7His interfectis navibus eorum occupatis, prius quam ea pars Menapiorum quae citra Rhenum erat certior fieret, flumen transierunt atque omnibus eorum aedificiis occupatis reliquam partem hiemis se eorum copiis aluerunt.
CHAPTER 4.5
SECTION 4.5.1His de rebus Caesar certior factus et infirmitatem Gallorum veritus, quod sunt in consiliis capiendis mobiles et novis plerumque rebus student, nihil his committendum existimavit.
SECTION 4.5.2Est enim hoc Gallicae consuetudinis, uti et viatores etiam invitos consistere cogant et quid quisque eorum de quaque re audierit aut cognoverit quaerant et mercatores in oppidis vulgus circumsistat quibus ex regionibus veniant quas ibi res cognoverint pronuntiare cogat.
SECTION 4.5.3His rebus atque auditionibus permoti de summis saepe rebus consilia ineunt, quorum eos in vestigio paenitere necesse est, cum incertis rumoribus serviant et pleri ad voluntatem eorum ficta respondeant.
CHAPTER 4.6
SECTION 4.6.1Qua consuetudine cognita Caesar, ne graviori bello, occurreret, maturius quam consuerat ad exercitum proficiscitur.
SECTION 4.6.2Eo cum venisset, ea quae fore suspicatus erat facta cognovit:
SECTION 4.6.3missas legationes ab non nullis civitatibus ad Germanos invitatos eos uti ab Rheno discederent: omnia quae[que] postulassent ab se fore parata.
SECTION 4.6.4Qua spe adducti Germani latius iam vagabantur et in fines Eburonum et Condrusorum, qui sunt Treverorum clientes, pervenerant.
SECTION 4.6.5Principibus Gallice evocatis Caesar ea quae cognoverat dissimulanda sibi existimavit, eorumque animis permulsis et confirmatis equitatu imperato bellum cum Germanis gerere constituit.
CHAPTER 4.7
SECTION 4.7.1Re frumentaria comparata equitibusque delectis iter in ea loca facere coepit, quibus in locis esse Germanos audiebat.
SECTION 4.7.2A quibus cum paucorum dierum iter abesset, legati ab iis venerunt, quorum haec fuit oratio:
SECTION 4.7.3Germanos neque priores populo Romano bellum inferre neque tamen recusare, si lacessantur, quin armis contendant, quod Germanorum consuetudo [haec] sit a maioribus tradita, Quicumque bellum inferant, resistere neque deprecari. Haec tamen dicere venisse invitos, eiectos domo;
SECTION 4.7.4si suam gratiam Romani velint, posse iis utiles esse amicos; vel sibi agros attribuant vel patiantur eos tenere quos armis possederint:
SECTION 4.7.5sese unis Suebis concedere, quibus ne di quidem immortales pares esse possint; reliquum quidem in terris esse neminem quem non superare possint.
CHAPTER 4.8
SECTION 4.8.1Ad haec Caesar quae visum est respondit; sed exitus fuit orationis: sibi nullam cum iis amicitiam esse posse, si in Gallia remanerent;
SECTION 4.8.2neque verum esse, qui suos fines tueri non potuerint alienos occupare; neque ullos in Gallia vacare agros qui dari tantae praesertim multitudini sine iniuria possint;
SECTION 4.8.3sed licere, si velint, in Ubiorum finibus considere, quorum sint legati apud se et de Sueborum iniuriis querantur et a se auxilium petant: hoc se Ubiis imperaturum.
CHAPTER 4.9
SECTION 4.9.1Legati haec se ad suos relaturos dixerunt et re deliberata post diem tertium ad Caesarem reversuros: interea ne propius se castra moveret petierunt.
SECTION 4.9.2Ne id quidem Caesar ab se impetrari posse dixit.
SECTION 4.9.3Cognoverat enim magnam partem equitatus ab iis aliquot diebus ante praedandi frumentandi causa ad Ambivaritos trans Mosam missam: hos expectari equites atque eius rei causa moram interponi arbitrabatur.
CHAPTER 4.10
SECTION 4.10.1[Mosa profluit ex monte Vosego, qui est in finibus Lingonum, et parte quadam ex Rheno recepta, quae appellatur Vacalus insulam efficit Batavorum, in Oceanum influit
SECTION 4.10.2neque longius ab Oceano milibus passuum LXXX in Rhenum influit.
SECTION 4.10.3Rhenus autem oritur ex Lepontiis, qui Alpes incolunt, et longo spatio per fines Nantuatium, Helvetiorum, Sequanorum, Mediomatricorum, Tribocorum, Treverorum citatus fertur et,
SECTION 4.10.4ubi Oceano adpropinquavit, in plures diffluit partes multis ingentibus insulis effectis, quarum pars magna a feris barbaris nationibus incolitur,
SECTION 4.10.5ex quibus sunt qui piscibus atque ovis avium vivere existimantur, multis capitibus in Oceanum influit.]
CHAPTER 4.11
SECTION 4.11.1Caesar cum ab hoste non amplius passuum XII milibus abesset, ut erat constitutum, ad eum legati revertuntur; qui in itinere congressi magnopere ne longius progrederetur orabant.
SECTION 4.11.2Cum id non impetrassent, petebant uti ad eos [equites] qui agmen antecessissent praemitteret eos pugna prohiberet, sibique ut potestatem faceret in Ubios legatos mittendi;
SECTION 4.11.3quorum si principes ac senatus sibi iure iurando fidem fecisset, ea condicione quae a Caesare ferretur se usuros ostendebant: ad has res conficiendas sibi tridui spatium daret.
SECTION 4.11.4Haec omnia Caesar eodem illo pertinere arbitrabatur ut tridui mora interposita equites eorum qui abessent reverterentur; tamen sese non longius milibus passuum IIII aquationis causa processurum eo die dixit:
SECTION 4.11.5huc postero die quam frequentissimi convenirent, ut de eorum postulatis cognosceret.
SECTION 4.11.6Interim ad praefectos, qui cum omni equitatu antecesserant, mittit qui nuntiarent ne hostes proelio lacesserent, et si ipsi lacesserentur, sustinerent quoad ipse cum exercitu propius accessisset.
CHAPTER 4.12
SECTION 4.12.1At hostes, ubi primum nostros equites conspexerunt, quorum erat V milium numerus, cum ipsi non amplius DCCC equites haberent, quod ii qui frumentandi causa ierant trans Mosam profecti nondum redierant, nihil timentibus nostris, quod legati eorum paulo ante a Caesare discesserant atque is dies indutiis erat ab his petitus, impetu facto celeriter nostros perturbaverunt;
SECTION 4.12.2rursus his resistentibus consuetudine sua ad pedes desiluerunt subfossis equis compluribus nostris deiectis reliquos in fugam coniecerunt atque ita perterritos egerunt ut non prius fuga desisterent quam in conspectum agminis nostri venissent.
SECTION 4.12.3In eo proelio ex equitibus nostris interficiuntur IIII et LXX,
SECTION 4.12.4in his vir fortissimus Piso Aquitanus, amplissimo genere natus, cuius avus in civitate sua regnum obtinuerat amicus a senatu nostro appellatus.
SECTION 4.12.5Hic cum fratri intercluso ab hostibus auxilium ferret, illum ex periculo eripuit, ipse equo vulnerato deiectus, quoad potuit, fortissime restitit;
SECTION 4.12.6cum circumventus multis vulneribus acceptis cecidisset atque id frater, qui iam proelio excesserat, procul animadvertisset, incitato equo se hostibus obtulit atque interfectus est.
CHAPTER 4.13
SECTION 4.13.1Hoc facto proelio Caesar neque iam sibi legatos audiendos neque condiciones accipiendas arbitrabatur ab iis qui per dolum atque insidias petita pace ultro bellum intulissent;
SECTION 4.13.2expectare vero dum hostium copiae augerentur equitatus reverteretur summae dementiae esse iudicabat,
SECTION 4.13.3et cognita Gallorum infirmitate quantum iam apud eos hostes uno proelio auctoritatis essent consecuti sentiebat; quibus ad consilia capienda nihil spatii dandum existimabat.
SECTION 4.13.4His constitutis rebus et consilio cum legatis et quaestore communicato, ne quem diem pugnae praetermitteret, oportunissima res accidit, quod postridie eius diei mane eadem et perfidia et simulatione usi Germani frequentes, omnibus principibus maioribusque natu adhibitis, ad eum in castra venerunt,
SECTION 4.13.5simul, ut dicebatur, sui purgandi causa, quod contra atque esset dictum et ipsi petissent, proelium pridie commisissent, simul ut, si quid possent, de indutiis fallendo impetrarent.
SECTION 4.13.6Quos sibi Caesar oblatos gavisus illos retineri iussit; ipse omnes copias castris eduxit equitatumque, quod recenti proelio perterritum esse existimabat, agmen subsequi iussit.
CHAPTER 4.14
SECTION 4.14.1Acie triplici instituta et celeriter VIII milium itinere confecto, prius ad hostium castra pervenit quam quid ageretur Germani sentire possent.
SECTION 4.14.2Qui omnibus rebus subito perterriti et celeritate adventus nostri et discessu suorum, neque consilii habendi neque arma capiendi spatio dato perturbantur, copiasne adversus hostem ducere an castra defendere an fuga salutem petere praestaret.
SECTION 4.14.3Quorum timor cum fremitu et concursu significaretur, milites nostri pristini diei perfidia incitati in castra inruperunt.
SECTION 4.14.4Quo loco qui celeriter arma capere potuerunt paulisper nostris restiterunt atque inter carros impedimenta proelium commiserunt;
SECTION 4.14.5at reliqua multitudo puerorum mulierumque (nam cum omnibus suis domo excesserant Rhenum transierant) passim fugere coepit, ad quos consectandos Caesar equitatum misit.
CHAPTER 4.15
SECTION 4.15.1Germani post tergum clamore audito, cum suos interfici viderent, armis abiectis signis militaribus relictis se ex castris eiecerunt,
SECTION 4.15.2et cum ad confluentem Mosae et Rheni pervenissent, reliqua fuga desperata, magno numero interfecto, reliqui se in flumen praecipitaverunt atque ibi timore, lassitudine, vi fluminis oppressi perierunt.
SECTION 4.15.3Nostri ad unum omnes incolumes, perpaucis vulneratis, ex tanti belli timore, cum hostium numerus capitum CCCCXXX milium fuisset, se in castra receperunt.
SECTION 4.15.4Caesar iis quos in castris retinuerat discedendi potestatem fecit.
SECTION 4.15.5Illi supplicia cruciatusque Gallorum veriti, quorum agros vexaverant, remanere se apud eum velle dixerunt. His Caesar libertatem concessit.
CHAPTER 4.16
SECTION 4.16.1Germanico bello confecto multis de causis Caesar statuit sibi Rhenum esse transeundum; quarum illa fuit iustissima quod, cum videret Germanos tam facile impelli ut in Galliam venirent, suis quoque rebus eos timere voluit, cum intellegerent et posse et audere populi Romani exercitum Rhenum transire.
SECTION 4.16.2Accessit etiam quod illa pars equitatus Usipetum et Tencterorum, quam supra commemoravi praedandi frumentandique causa Mosam transisse neque proelio interfuisse, post fugam suorum se trans Rhenum in fines Sugambrorum receperat seque cum his coniunxerat.
SECTION 4.16.3Ad quos cum Caesar nuntios misisset, qui postularent eos qui sibi Galliae bellum intulissent sibi dederent, responderunt:
SECTION 4.16.4populi Romani imperium Rhenum finire; si se invito Germanos in Galliam transire non aequum existimaret, cur sui quicquam esse imperii aut potestatis trans Rhenum postularet?
SECTION 4.16.5Ubii autem, qui uni ex Transrhenanis ad Caesarem legatos miserant, amicitiam fecerant, obsides dederant, magnopere orabant ut sibi auxilium ferret, quod graviter ab Suebis premerentur;
SECTION 4.16.6vel, si id facere occupationibus rei publicae prohiberetur, exercitum modo Rhenum transportaret: id sibi ad auxilium spemque reliqui temporis satis futurum.
SECTION 4.16.7Tantum esse nomen atque opinionem eius exercitus Ariovisto pulso et hoc novissimo proelio facto etiam ad ultimas Germanorum nationes, uti opinione et amicitia populi Romani tuti esse possint.
SECTION 4.16.8Navium magnam copiam ad transportandum exercitum pollicebantur.
CHAPTER 4.17
SECTION 4.17.1Caesar his de causis quas commemoravi Rhenum transire decreverat; sed navibus transire neque satis tutum esse arbitrabatur neque suae neque populi Romani dignitatis esse statuebat.
SECTION 4.17.2Itaque, etsi summa difficultas faciendi pontis proponebatur propter latitudinem, rapiditatem altitudinemque fluminis, tamen id sibi contendendum aut aliter non traducendum exercitum existimabat.
SECTION 4.17.3Rationem pontis hanc instituit. Tigna bina sesquipedalia paulum ab imo praeacuta dimensa ad altitudinem fluminis intervallo pedum duorum inter se iungebat.
SECTION 4.17.4Haec cum machinationibus immissa in flumen defixerat fistucisque adegerat, non sublicae modo derecte ad perpendiculum, sed prone ac fastigate, ut secundum naturam fluminis procumberent,
SECTION 4.17.5iis item contraria duo ad eundem modum iuncta intervallo pedum quadragenum ab inferiore parte contra vim atque impetu fluminis conversa statuebat.
SECTION 4.17.6Haec utraque insuper bipedalibus trabibus immissis, quantum eorum tignorum iunctura distabat, binis utrimque fibulis ab extrema parte distinebantur;
SECTION 4.17.7quibus disclusis atque in contrariam partem revinctis, tanta erat operis firmitudo atque ea rerum natura ut, quo maior vis aquae se incitavisset, hoc artius inligata tenerentur.
SECTION 4.17.8Haec derecta materia iniecta contexebantur ac longuriis cratibusque consternebantur;
SECTION 4.17.9ac nihilo setius sublicae et ad inferiorem partem fluminis oblique agebantur, quae pro ariete subiectae et cum omni opere coniunctae vim fluminis exciperent,
SECTION 4.17.10et aliae item supra pontem mediocri spatio, ut, si arborum trunci sive naves deiciendi operis causa essent a barbaris missae, his defensoribus earum rerum vis minueretur neu ponti nocerent.
CHAPTER 4.18
SECTION 4.18.1Diebus X, quibus materia coepta erat comportari, omni opere effecto exercitus traducitur.
SECTION 4.18.2Caesar ad utramque partem pontis firmo praesidio relicto in fines Sugambrorum contendit.
SECTION 4.18.3Interim a compluribus civitatibus ad eum legati veniunt; quibus pacem atque amicitiam petentibus liberaliter respondet obsidesque ad se adduci iubet.
SECTION 4.18.4At Sugambri, ex eo tempore quo pons institui coeptus est fuga comparata, hortantibus iis quos ex Tencteris atque Usipetibus apud se habebant, finibus suis excesserant suaque omnia exportaverant seque in solitudinem ac silvas abdiderant.
CHAPTER 4.19
SECTION 4.19.1Caesar paucos dies in eorum finibus moratus, omnibus vicis aedificiisque incensis frumentisque succisis, se in fines Ubiorum recepit atque his auxilium suum pollicitus, si a Suebis premerentur, haec ab iis cognovit:
SECTION 4.19.2Suebos, postea quam per exploratores pontem fieri comperissent, more suo concilio habito nuntios in omnes partes dimisisse, uti de oppidis demigrarent, liberos, uxores suaque omnia in silvis deponerent atque omnes qui arma ferre possent unum in locum convenirent.
SECTION 4.19.3Hunc esse delectum medium fere regionum earum quas Suebi obtinerent; hic Romanorum adventum expectare atque ibi decertare constituisse.
SECTION 4.19.4Quod ubi Caesar comperit, omnibus iis rebus confectis, quarum rerum causa exercitum traducere constituerat, ut Germanis metum iniceret, ut Sugambros ulcisceretur, ut Ubios obsidione liberaret, diebus omnino XVIII trans Rhenum consumptis, satis et ad laudem et ad utilitatem profectum arbitratus se in Galliam recepit pontemque rescidit.
CHAPTER 4.20
SECTION 4.20.1Exigua parte aestatis reliqua Caesar, etsi in his locis, quod omnis Gallia ad septentriones vergit, maturae sunt hiemes, tamen in Britanniam proficisci contendit, quod omnibus fere Gallicis bellis hostibus nostris inde subministrata auxilia intellegebat,
SECTION 4.20.2et si tempus anni ad bellum gerendum deficeret, tamen magno sibi usui fore arbitrabatur, si modo insulam adiisset, genus hominum perspexisset, loca, portus, aditus cognovisset; quae omnia fere Gallis erant incognita.
SECTION 4.20.3Neque enim temere praeter mercatores illo adit quisquam, neque his ipsis quicquam praeter oram maritimam atque eas regiones quae sunt contra Galliam notum est.
SECTION 4.20.4Itaque vocatis ad se undique mercatoribus, neque quanta esset insulae magnitudo neque quae aut quantae nationes incolerent, neque quem usum belli haberent aut quibus institutis uterentur, neque qui essent ad maiorem navium multitudinem idonei portus reperire poterat.
CHAPTER 4.21
SECTION 4.21.1Ad haec cognoscenda, prius quam periculum faceret, idoneum esse arbitratus C. Volusenum cum navi longa praemittit.
SECTION 4.21.2Huic mandat ut exploratis omnibus rebus ad se quam primum revertatur.
SECTION 4.21.3Ipse cum omnibus copiis in Morinos proficiscitur, quod inde erat brevissimus in Britanniam traiectus.
SECTION 4.21.4Huc naves undique ex finitimis regionibus et quam superiore aestate ad Veneticum bellum fecerat classem iubet convenire.
SECTION 4.21.5Interim, consilio eius cognito et per mercatores perlato ad Britannos, a compluribus insulae civitatibus ad eum legati veniunt, qui polliceantur obsides dare atque imperio populi Romani obtemperare.
SECTION 4.21.6Quibus auditis, liberaliter pollicitus hortatusque ut in ea sententia permanerent,
SECTION 4.21.7eos domum remittit et cum iis una Commium, quem ipse Atrebatibus superatis regem ibi constituerat, cuius et virtutem et consilium probabat et quem sibi fidelem esse arbitrabatur cuiusque auctoritas in his regionibus magni habebatur, mittit.
SECTION 4.21.8Huic imperat quas possit adeat civitates horteturque ut populi Romani fidem sequantur seque celeriter eo venturum nuntiet.
SECTION 4.21.9Volusenus perspectis regionibus omnibus quantum ei facultatis dari potuit, qui navi egredi ac se barbaris committere non auderet, V die ad Caesarem revertitur quaeque ibi perspexisset renuntiat.
CHAPTER 4.22
SECTION 4.22.1Dum in his locis Caesar navium parandarum causa moratur, ex magna parte Morinorum ad eum legati venerunt, qui se de superioris temporis consilio excusarent, quod homines barbari et nostrae consuetudinis imperiti bellum populo Romano fecissent, seque ea quae imperasset facturos pollicerentur.
SECTION 4.22.2Hoc sibi Caesar satis oportune accidisse arbitratus, quod neque post tergum hostem relinquere volebat neque belli gerendi propter anni tempus facultatem habebat neque has tantularum rerum occupationes Britanniae anteponendas iudicabat, magnum iis numerum obsidum imperat.
SECTION 4.22.3Quibus adductis eos in fidem recipit. Navibus circiter LXXX onerariis coactis contractisque, quot satis esse ad duas transportandas legiones existimabat, quod praeterea navium longarum habebat quaestori, legatis praefectisque distribuit.
SECTION 4.22.4Huc accedebant XVIII onerariae naves, quae ex eo loco a milibus passuum VIII vento tenebantur quo minus in eundem portum venire possent: has equitibus tribuit.
SECTION 4.22.5Reliquum exercitum Q. Titurio Sabino et L. Aurunculeio Cottae legatis in Menapios atque in eos pagos Morinorum a quibus ad eum legati non venerant ducendum dedit;
SECTION 4.22.6Sulpicium Rufum legatum cum eo praesidio quod satis esse arbitrabatur portum tenere iussit.
CHAPTER 4.23
SECTION 4.23.1His constitutis rebus, nactus idoneam ad navigandum tempestatem III. fere vigilia solvit equitesque in ulteriorem portum progredi et naves conscendere et se sequi iussit.
SECTION 4.23.2A quibus cum paulo tardius esset administratum, ipse hora diei circiter IIII. cum primis navibus Britanniam attigit atque ibi in omnibus collibus expositas hostium copias armatas conspexit.
SECTION 4.23.3Cuius loci haec erat natura atque ita montibus angustis mare continebatur, uti ex locis superioribus in litus telum adigi posset.
SECTION 4.23.4Hunc ad egrediendum nequaquam idoneum locum arbitratus, dum reliquae naves eo convenirent ad horam nonam in ancoris expectavit.
SECTION 4.23.5Interim legatis tribunisque militum convocatis et quae ex Voluseno cognovisset et quae fieri vellet ostendit monuitque, ut rei militaris ratio, maximeque ut maritimae res postularent, ut, cum celerem atque instabilem motum haberent, ad nutum et ad tempus omnes res ab iis administrarentur.
SECTION 4.23.6His dimissis et ventum et aestum uno tempore nactus secundum, dato signo et sublatis ancoris, circiter milia passuum VII ab eo loco progressus aperto ac plano litore naves constituit.
CHAPTER 4.24
SECTION 4.24.1At barbari, consilio Romanorum cognito praemisso equitatu et essedariis, quo plerumque genere in proeliis uti consuerunt, reliquis copiis subsecuti nostros navibus egredi prohibebant.
SECTION 4.24.2Erat ob has causas summa difficultas, quod naves propter magnitudinem nisi in alto constitui non poterant, militibus autem, ignotis locis, impeditis manibus, magno et gravi onere armorum oppressis simul et de navibus desiliendum et in fluctibus consistendum et cum hostibus erat pugnandum,
SECTION 4.24.3cum illi aut ex arido aut paulum in aquam progressi omnibus membris expeditis, notissimis locis, audacter tela coicerent et equos insuefactos incitarent.
SECTION 4.24.4Quibus rebus nostri perterriti atque huius omnino generis pugnae imperiti, non eadem alacritate ac studio quo in pedestribus uti proeliis consuerant utebantur.
CHAPTER 4.25
SECTION 4.25.1Quod ubi Caesar animadvertit, naves longas, quarum et species erat barbaris inusitatior et motus ad usum expeditior, paulum removeri ab onerariis navibus et remis incitari et ad latus apertum hostium constitui atque inde fundis, sagittis, tormentis hostes propelli ac submoveri iussit; quae res magno usui nostris fuit.
SECTION 4.25.2Nam et navium figura et remorum motu et inusitato genere tormentorum permoti barbari constiterunt ac paulum modo pedem rettulerunt.
SECTION 4.25.3Atque nostris militibus cunctantibus, maxime propter altitudinem maris, qui X legionis aquilam gerebat, obtestatus deos, ut ea res legioni feliciter eveniret, ' desilite', inquit, ' milites, nisi vultis aquilam hostibus prodere; ego certe meum rei publicae atque imperatori officium praestitero.'
SECTION 4.25.4Hoc cum voce magna dixisset, se ex navi proiecit atque in hostes aquilam ferre coepit.
SECTION 4.25.5Tum nostri cohortati inter se, ne tantum dedecus admitteretur, universi ex navi desiluerunt.
SECTION 4.25.6Hos item ex proximis primi navibus cum conspexissent, subsecuti hostibus adpropinquaverunt.
CHAPTER 4.26
SECTION 4.26.1Pugnatum est ab utrisque acriter. Nostri tamen, quod neque ordines servare neque firmiter insistere neque signa subsequi poterant atque alius alia ex navi quibuscumque signis occurrerat se adgregabat, magnopere perturbabantur;
SECTION 4.26.2hostes vero, notis omnibus vadis, ubi ex litore aliquos singulares ex navi egredientes conspexerant, incitatis equis impeditos adoriebantur,
SECTION 4.26.3plures paucos circumsistebant, alii ab latere aperto in universos tela coniciebant.
SECTION 4.26.4Quod cum animadvertisset Caesar, scaphas longarum navium, item speculatoria navigia militibus compleri iussit, et quos laborantes conspexerat, his subsidia submittebat.
SECTION 4.26.5Nostri, simul in arido constiterunt, suis omnibus consecutis, in hostes impetum fecerunt atque eos in fugam dederunt; neque longius prosequi potuerunt, quod equites cursum tenere atque insulam capere non potuerant. Hoc unum ad pristinam fortunam Caesari defuit.
CHAPTER 4.27
SECTION 4.27.1Hostes proelio superati, simul atque se ex fuga receperunt, statim ad Caesarem legatos de pace miserunt; obsides sese daturos quaeque imperasset facturos polliciti sunt.
SECTION 4.27.2Una cum his legatis Commius Atrebas venit, quem supra demonstraveram a Caesare in Britanniam praemissum.
SECTION 4.27.3Hunc illi e navi egressum, cum ad eos oratoris modo Caesaris mandata deferret, comprehenderant atque in vincula coniecerant;
SECTION 4.27.4tum proelio facto remiserunt et in petenda pace eius rei culpam in multitudinem contulerunt et propter imprudentiam ut ignosceretur petiverunt.
SECTION 4.27.5Caesar questus quod, cum ultro in continentem legatis missis pacem ab se petissent, bellum sine causa intulissent, ignoscere se imprudentiae dixit obsidesque imperavit;
SECTION 4.27.6quorum illi partem statim dederunt, partem ex longinquioribus locis arcessitam paucis diebus sese daturos dixerunt.
SECTION 4.27.7Interea suos in agros remigrare iusserunt, principesque undique convenire et se civitatesque suas Caesari commendare coeperunt.
CHAPTER 4.28
SECTION 4.28.1His rebus pace confirmata, post diem quartum quam est in Britanniam ventum naves XVIII, de quibus supra demonstratum est, quae equites sustulerant, ex superiore portu leni vento solverunt.
SECTION 4.28.2Quae cum adpropinquarent Britanniae et ex castris viderentur, tanta tempestas subito coorta est ut nulla earum cursum tenere posset, sed aliae eodem unde erant profectae referrentur, aliae ad inferiorem partem insulae, quae est propius solis occasum, magno suo cum periculo deicerentur;
SECTION 4.28.3quae tamen ancoris iactis cum fluctibus complerentur, necessario adversa nocte in altum provectae continentem petierunt.
CHAPTER 4.29
SECTION 4.29.1Eadem nocte accidit ut esset luna plena, qui dies maritimos aestus maximos in Oceano efficere consuevit, nostrisque id erat incognitum.
SECTION 4.29.2Ita uno tempore et longas naves, [quibus Caesar exercitum transportandum curaverat,] quas Caesar in aridum subduxerat, aestus complebat, et onerarias, quae ad ancoras erant deligatae, tempestas adflictabat, neque ulla nostris facultas aut administrandi aut auxiliandi dabatur.
SECTION 4.29.3Compluribus navibus fractis, reliquae cum essent funibus, ancoris reliquisque armamentis amissis ad navigandum inutiles, magna, id quod necesse erat accidere, totius exercitus perturbatio facta est.
SECTION 4.29.4Neque enim naves erant aliae quibus reportari possent, et omnia deerant quae ad reficiendas naves erant usui, et, quod omnibus constabat hiemari in Gallia oportere, frumentum in his locis in hiemem provisum non erat.
CHAPTER 4.30
SECTION 4.30.1Quibus rebus cognitis, principes Britanniae, qui post proelium ad Caesarem convenerant, inter se conlocuti, cum et equites et naves et frumentum Romanis deesse intellegerent et paucitatem militum ex castrorum exiguitate cognoscerent, quae hoc erant etiam angustiora quod sine impedimentis Caesar legiones transportaverat,
SECTION 4.30.2optimum factu esse duxerunt rebellione facta frumento commeatuque nostros prohibere et rem in hiemem producere, quod his superatis aut reditu interclusis neminem postea belli inferendi causa in Britanniam transiturum confidebant.
SECTION 4.30.3Itaque rursus coniuratione facta paulatim ex castris discedere et suos clam ex agris deducere coeperunt.
CHAPTER 4.31
SECTION 4.31.1At Caesar, etsi nondum eorum consilia cognoverat, tamen et ex eventu navium suarum et ex eo quod obsides dare intermiserant fore id quod accidit suspicabatur.
SECTION 4.31.2Itaque ad omnes casus subsidia comparabat. Nam et frumentum ex agris cotidie in castra conferebat et, quae gravissime adflictae erant naves, earum materia atque aere ad reliquas reficiendas utebatur et quae ad eas res erant usui ex continenti comportari iubebat.
SECTION 4.31.3Itaque, cum summo studio a militibus administraretur, XII navibus amissis, reliquis ut navigari satis commode posset effecit.
CHAPTER 4.32
SECTION 4.32.1Dum ea geruntur, legione ex consuetudine una frumentatum missa, quae appellabatur VII., neque ulla ad id tempus belli suspicione interposita, cum pars hominum in agris remaneret, pars etiam in castra ventitaret, ii qui pro portis castrorum in statione erant Caesari nuntiaverunt pulverem maiorem quam consuetudo ferret in ea parte videri quam in partem legio iter fecisset.
SECTION 4.32.2Caesar—id quod erat—suspicatus aliquid novi a barbaris initum consilii, cohortes quae in statione erant secum in eam partem proficisci, ex reliquis duas in stationem succedere, reliquas armari et confestim sese subsequi iussit.
SECTION 4.32.3Cum paulo longius a castris processisset, suos ab hostibus premi atque aegre sustinere et conferta legione ex omnibus partibus tela coici animadvertit.
SECTION 4.32.4Nam quod omni ex reliquis partibus demesso frumento pars una erat reliqua, suspicati hostes huc nostros esse venturos noctu in silvis delituerant;
SECTION 4.32.5tum dispersos depositis armis in metendo occupatos subito adorti paucis interfectis reliquos incertis ordinibus perturbaverant, simul equitatu atque essedis circumdederant.
CHAPTER 4.33
SECTION 4.33.1Genus hoc est ex essedis pugnae. Primo per omnes partes perequitant et tela coiciunt atque ipso terrore equorum et strepitu rotarum ordines plerumque perturbant, et cum se inter equitum turmas insinuaverunt, ex essedis desiliunt et pedibus proeliantur.
SECTION 4.33.2Aurigae interim paulatim ex proelio excedunt atque ita currus conlocant ut, si illi a multitudine hostium premantur, expeditum ad suos receptum habeant.
SECTION 4.33.3Ita mobilitatem equitum, stabilitatem peditum in proeliis praestant, ac tantum usu cotidiano et exercitatione efficiunt uti in declivi ac praecipiti loco incitatos equos sustinere et brevi moderari ac flectere et per temonem percurrere et in iugo insistere et se inde in currus citissime recipere consuerint.
CHAPTER 4.34
SECTION 4.34.1Quibus rebus perturbatis nostris [novitate pugnae] tempore oportunissimo Caesar auxilium tulit: namque eius adventu hostes constiterunt, nostri se ex timore receperunt.
SECTION 4.34.2Quo facto, ad lacessendum hostem et committendum proelium alienum esse tempus arbitratus suo se loco continuit et brevi tempore intermisso in castra legiones reduxit.
SECTION 4.34.3Dum haec geruntur, nostris omnibus occupatis qui erant in agris reliqui discesserunt.
SECTION 4.34.4Secutae sunt continuos complures dies tempestates, quae et nostros in castris continerent et hostem a pugna prohiberent.
SECTION 4.34.5Interim barbari nuntios in omnes partes dimiserunt paucitatemque nostrorum militum suis praedicaverunt et quanta praedae faciendae atque in perpetuum sui liberandi facultas daretur, si Romanos castris expulissent, demonstraverunt. His rebus celeriter magna multitudine peditatus equitatusque coacta ad castra venerunt.
CHAPTER 4.35
SECTION 4.35.1Caesar, etsi idem quod superioribus diebus acciderat fore videbat, ut, si essent hostes pulsi, celeritate periculum effugerent, tamen nactus equites circiter XXX, quos Commius Atrebas, de quo ante dictum est, secum transportaverat, legiones in acie pro castris constituit.
SECTION 4.35.2Commisso proelio diutius nostrorum militum impetum hostes ferre non potuerunt ac terga verterunt.
SECTION 4.35.3Quos tanto spatio secuti quantum cursu et viribus efficere potuerunt, complures ex iis occiderunt, deinde omnibus longe lateque aedificiis incensis se in castra receperunt.
CHAPTER 4.36
SECTION 4.36.1Eodem die legati ab hostibus missi ad Caesarem de pace venerunt.
SECTION 4.36.2His Caesar numerum obsidum quem ante imperaverat duplicavit eosque in continentem adduci iussit, quod propinqua die aequinoctii infirmis navibus hiemi navigationem subiciendam non existimabat.
SECTION 4.36.3Ipse idoneam tempestatem nactus paulo post mediam noctem naves solvit,
SECTION 4.36.4quae omnes incolumes ad continentem pervenerunt; sed ex iis onerariae duae eosdem portus quos reliquae capere non potuerunt et paulo infra delatae sunt.
CHAPTER 4.37
SECTION 4.37.1Quibus ex navibus cum essent expositi milites circiter CCC atque in castra contenderent, Morini, quos Caesar in Britanniam proficiscens pacatos reliquerat, spe praedae adducti primo non ita magno suorum numero circumsteterunt ac, si sese interfici nollent, arma ponere iusserunt.
SECTION 4.37.2Cum illi orbe facto sese defenderent, celeriter ad clamorem hominum circiter milia VI convenerunt. Qua re nuntiata, Caesar omnem ex castris equitatum suis auxilio misit.
SECTION 4.37.3Interim nostri milites impetum hostium sustinuerunt atque amplius horis IIII fortissime pugnaverunt et paucis vulneribus acceptis complures ex iis occiderunt.
SECTION 4.37.4Postea vero quam equitatus noster in conspectum venit, hostes abiectis armis terga verterunt magnusque eorum numerus est occisus.
CHAPTER 4.38
SECTION 4.38.1Caesar postero die T. Labienum legatum cum iis legionibus quas ex Britannia reduxerat in Morinos qui rebellionem fecerant misit.
SECTION 4.38.2Qui cum propter siccitates paludum quo se reciperent non haberent, quo perfugio superiore anno erant usi, omnes fere in potestatem Labieni venerunt.
SECTION 4.38.3At Q. Titurius et L. Cotta legati, qui in Menapiorum fines legiones duxerant, omnibus eorum agris vastatis, frumentis succisis, aedificiis incensis, quod Menapii se omnes in densissimas silvas abdiderant, se ad Caesarem receperunt.
SECTION 4.38.4Caesar in Belgis omnium legionum hiberna constituit. Eo duae omnino civitates ex Britannia obsides miserunt, reliquae neglexerunt.
SECTION 4.38.5His rebus gestis ex litteris Caesaris dierum XX supplicatio a senatu decreta est.
English · Plain English translation · Mouseia
CHAPTER 4.1
SECTION 4.1.1During the following winter, in the year when Gnaeus Pompey and Marcus Crassus were consuls, the German Usipetes and Tencteri crossed the Rhine with a great multitude of people, not far from the sea into which the Rhine flows.
SECTION 4.1.2Their reason for crossing was that the Suebi had harassed them for several years, oppressed them through warfare, and prevented them from cultivating their land.
SECTION 4.1.3The nation of the Suebi is by far the largest and most warlike of all the Germans.
SECTION 4.1.4They are said to have a hundred districts, from each of which they annually lead one thousand armed men out of their territory to wage war. The rest, who remain at home, support themselves and the fighting men.
SECTION 4.1.5The following year these in turn bear arms, while the others remain at home.
SECTION 4.1.6In this way, neither agriculture nor the theory and practice of war is interrupted.
SECTION 4.1.7But among them there is no privately owned or separately allotted land, nor is anyone permitted to remain in one place for more than a year for the purpose of cultivation.
SECTION 4.1.8They do not live much on grain, but mostly on milk and livestock, and they spend much of their time hunting.
SECTION 4.1.9This way of life—their diet, daily exercise, and freedom, since from childhood they are accustomed to no duty or discipline and do absolutely nothing against their will—both maintains their strength and makes them people of enormous physical size.
SECTION 4.1.10They have trained themselves to such habits that even in the coldest regions they wear nothing but skins, which are so small that a large part of the body remains exposed, and they bathe in rivers.
CHAPTER 4.2
SECTION 4.2.1Merchants are allowed access to them more so that they may have buyers for what they capture in war than because they want anything imported.
SECTION 4.2.2The Germans do not even use imported draft animals, which the Gauls especially prize and purchase at great expense. Instead, through daily exercise they train the animals bred among them, which are small and unattractive, to have the greatest endurance.
SECTION 4.2.3In cavalry battles they often leap from their horses and fight on foot. They have trained their horses to remain in the same spot, and when necessary they quickly retreat to them.
SECTION 4.2.4According to their customs, nothing is considered more shameful or cowardly than using saddles.
SECTION 4.2.5Consequently, however few they may be, they dare to attack any number of saddled cavalrymen.
SECTION 4.2.6They do not allow wine to be imported at all, because they believe that it makes men soft and effeminate and less able to endure hardship.
CHAPTER 4.3
SECTION 4.3.1As a nation, they consider it their greatest glory to have the land around their borders remain uninhabited for as great a distance as possible. They believe that this demonstrates that a great number of states cannot withstand their power.
SECTION 4.3.2Thus, on one side of the Suebi, the land is said to be uninhabited for about one hundred miles.
SECTION 4.3.3On the other side live the Ubii, whose state was large and prosperous by German standards. Although they are of the same race, they are somewhat more civilized than the others because their territory reaches the Rhine, merchants frequently visit them, and their proximity to Gaul has accustomed them to Gallic customs.
SECTION 4.3.4The Suebi had often tested them in many wars but had been unable to drive them from their territory because of the size and importance of their state. Nevertheless, they made them tributaries and reduced them to a much humbler and weaker condition.
CHAPTER 4.4
SECTION 4.4.1The Usipetes and Tencteri, whom we mentioned above, were in the same situation. For several years they withstood the power of the Suebi,
SECTION 4.4.2but in the end they were driven from their lands and, after wandering through many parts of Germany for three years, reached the Rhine in regions inhabited by the Menapii. The Menapii had fields, buildings, and villages on both banks of the river.
SECTION 4.4.3Terrified by the arrival of so great a multitude, however, they had moved out of the buildings they possessed across the river and stationed guards on this side of the Rhine to prevent the Germans from crossing.
SECTION 4.4.4After trying every possible means, the Germans found that they could neither force a crossing because they lacked boats nor cross secretly because of the Menapii’s guards.
SECTION 4.4.5They pretended to return to their own homes and regions, marched away for three days, and then turned back. Their cavalry covered the entire return journey in a single night and overwhelmed the Menapii, who were unaware and expecting no attack.
SECTION 4.4.6The Menapii had been informed of the Germans’ departure by scouts and had fearlessly moved back across the Rhine into their villages.
SECTION 4.4.7After killing them and seizing their boats, the Germans crossed the river before the part of the Menapii living on this side of the Rhine could learn what had happened. They occupied all their buildings and supported themselves on the Menapii’s provisions for the rest of the winter.
CHAPTER 4.5
SECTION 4.5.1When Caesar was informed of these events, he feared the fickleness of the Gauls, because they are changeable in forming plans and generally eager for political upheaval, and decided that he should entrust nothing to them.
SECTION 4.5.2For it is a Gallic custom to compel travelers, even against their will, to stop and to ask what each of them has heard or learned about every matter. In the towns, the common people crowd around merchants and force them to state what regions they come from and what events they have learned about there.
SECTION 4.5.3Influenced by such reports and hearsay, they often form plans concerning matters of the highest importance, only to be forced to regret them immediately afterward, since they are guided by uncertain rumors and most people give them invented answers designed to please them.
CHAPTER 4.6
SECTION 4.6.1Knowing this custom, Caesar set out for the army earlier than usual, to avoid having to confront a more serious war.
SECTION 4.6.2When he arrived there, he learned that what he had suspected would happen had in fact occurred:
SECTION 4.6.3several states had sent delegations to the Germans, inviting them to leave the Rhine and promising that everything they requested would be made ready for them.
SECTION 4.6.4Encouraged by this prospect, the Germans were already ranging more widely and had reached the territory of the Eburones and the Condrusi, who are dependents of the Treveri.
SECTION 4.6.5After summoning the Gallic leaders, Caesar decided that he should conceal what he had learned. He soothed and reassured them, ordered them to provide cavalry, and resolved to wage war against the Germans.
CHAPTER 4.7
SECTION 4.7.1After securing provisions and selecting his cavalrymen, he began marching toward the places where he heard the Germans were located.
SECTION 4.7.2When he was only a few days’ march from them, delegates came from them and spoke as follows:
SECTION 4.7.3The Germans did not make war on the Roman people first, but neither did they refuse to fight with weapons if attacked, because the Germans had inherited from their ancestors the custom of resisting anyone who made war on them and never begging for mercy. They had nevertheless come to say that they were in Gaul against their will, driven from their homeland.
SECTION 4.7.4If the Romans wanted their goodwill, they could be useful friends to them. The Romans should either assign them lands of their own or allow them to retain those they had taken by force of arms.
SECTION 4.7.5They yielded only to the Suebi, whom not even the immortal gods could equal; as for everyone else on earth, there was no one they could not defeat.
CHAPTER 4.8
SECTION 4.8.1Caesar gave the reply he thought appropriate, but the conclusion of his statement was that no friendship between him and them was possible if they remained in Gaul;
SECTION 4.8.2that it was not right for men who had been unable to defend their own territory to seize that of others; and that no lands in Gaul were unoccupied and could be granted, especially to so great a multitude, without wronging others.
SECTION 4.8.3But, if they wished, they could settle in the territory of the Ubii, whose delegates were then with him complaining about the injuries inflicted by the Suebi and requesting his assistance. He would order the Ubii to accept them.
CHAPTER 4.9
SECTION 4.9.1The delegates said that they would report this reply to their people and, after deliberating on the matter, return to Caesar on the third day. Meanwhile, they asked him not to move his camp any closer to them.
SECTION 4.9.2Caesar said that he could not grant even that request.
SECTION 4.9.3For he had learned that several days before, they had sent a large part of their cavalry across the Meuse to the Ambivariti to plunder and obtain grain. He believed that they were waiting for these cavalrymen and were seeking a delay for that reason.
CHAPTER 4.10
SECTION 4.10.1[The Meuse rises in the Vosges Mountains, which are in the territory of the Lingones, and, after receiving a branch of the Rhine called the Waal, forms the island of the Batavi and flows into the Atlantic Ocean.
SECTION 4.10.2No more than eighty miles from the Atlantic, it flows into the Rhine.
SECTION 4.10.3The Rhine, however, rises in the territory of the Lepontii, who inhabit the Alps, and flows swiftly for a great distance through the territories of the Nantuates, Helvetii, Sequani, Mediomatrici, Triboci, and Treveri.
SECTION 4.10.4As it approaches the Atlantic, it divides into several branches, forming many enormous islands, a large number of which are inhabited by fierce barbarian peoples,
SECTION 4.10.5including some who are believed to live on fish and birds’ eggs, and it flows into the Atlantic through many mouths.]
CHAPTER 4.11
SECTION 4.11.1When Caesar was no more than twelve miles from the enemy, their delegates returned to him as agreed. Meeting him on the march, they earnestly begged him not to advance any farther.
SECTION 4.11.2When they failed to obtain this request, they asked him to send orders ahead to the cavalrymen who had advanced in front of the column and prevent them from fighting, and to give the Germans an opportunity to send delegates to the Ubii.
SECTION 4.11.3They explained that if the leaders and senate of the Ubii guaranteed their good faith under oath, they would accept the terms offered by Caesar. They asked him to give them three days to settle these matters.
SECTION 4.11.4Caesar believed that all these requests had the same purpose: to create a three-day delay in which their absent cavalry could return. Nevertheless, he said that he would advance no more than four miles that day in order to obtain water.
SECTION 4.11.5He told them to assemble there the next day in the greatest possible numbers, so that he could consider their demands.
SECTION 4.11.6Meanwhile, he sent messengers to the commanders who had gone ahead with all the cavalry, instructing them not to provoke the enemy into battle and, if they themselves were attacked, to hold their ground until he came closer with the army.
CHAPTER 4.12
SECTION 4.12.1But as soon as the enemy saw our cavalry, which numbered five thousand, although they themselves had no more than eight hundred cavalrymen because those who had gone across the Meuse to obtain grain had not yet returned, they launched an attack and quickly threw our men into confusion. Our men suspected nothing, because the enemy’s delegates had left Caesar only a short time before and had requested a truce for that day.
SECTION 4.12.2When our men resisted in turn, the Germans followed their usual practice and jumped down to fight on foot. They stabbed several of our horses from below, threw our riders down, put the rest to flight, and drove them on in such terror that they did not stop fleeing until they came within sight of our marching column.
SECTION 4.12.3Seventy-four of our cavalrymen were killed in that battle.
SECTION 4.12.4Among them was the exceptionally brave Aquitanian Piso, a man of the highest birth, whose grandfather had held royal power in his state and had been officially named a friend by our Senate.
SECTION 4.12.5When Piso went to the assistance of his brother, who had been cut off by the enemy, he rescued him from danger. Piso himself was thrown when his horse was wounded, but he resisted with the greatest courage for as long as he could.
SECTION 4.12.6After he had been surrounded, suffered many wounds, and fallen, his brother, who had already withdrawn from the battle, noticed this from a distance, spurred his horse forward, threw himself upon the enemy, and was killed.
CHAPTER 4.13
SECTION 4.13.1After this battle, Caesar believed that he should no longer listen to delegates or accept terms from people who had sought peace as a trick and an ambush and then made an unprovoked attack.
SECTION 4.13.2He judged that it would be the height of madness to wait until the enemy’s forces increased and their cavalry returned.
SECTION 4.13.3Knowing the fickleness of the Gauls, he understood how much prestige the enemy had already gained among them through this single battle, and he believed that they should be given no time to form plans.
SECTION 4.13.4After making these decisions and sharing his plan with his staff officers and quaestor, so that he would not let any opportunity for battle pass, an extremely favorable event occurred. On the morning of the following day, employing the same treachery and deception, the Germans came in great numbers to his camp, bringing all their leaders and elders with them.
SECTION 4.13.5Their purpose, as they claimed, was partly to clear themselves of blame for having engaged in battle the day before, contrary to what had been said and to what they themselves had requested, and partly, if they could, to obtain a truce by deception.
SECTION 4.13.6Caesar was pleased that they had placed themselves in his hands and ordered them detained. He then led all his forces out of camp and ordered the cavalry, which he believed had been badly frightened by the recent battle, to follow behind the column.
CHAPTER 4.14
SECTION 4.14.1He formed his army in three lines and, after rapidly completing an eight-mile march, reached the enemy’s camp before the Germans could realize what was happening.
SECTION 4.14.2Terrified by everything at once—by the speed of our arrival and by the absence of their leaders—and given no time either to form a plan or to take up arms, they were thrown into confusion over whether it would be better to lead their forces against the enemy, defend the camp, or seek safety in flight.
SECTION 4.14.3When their fear became evident in their shouting and frantic rushing about, our soldiers, enraged by the treachery of the previous day, burst into the camp.
SECTION 4.14.4There, those who had been able to take up arms quickly resisted our men for a short time and fought among the wagons and baggage.
SECTION 4.14.5But the rest of the population, including the children and women—for they had left their homeland and crossed the Rhine with all their families—began to flee in every direction. Caesar sent the cavalry to pursue them.
CHAPTER 4.15
SECTION 4.15.1When the Germans heard shouting behind them and saw their people being killed, they threw away their weapons, abandoned their military standards, and rushed out of the camp.
SECTION 4.15.2When they reached the confluence of the Meuse and the Rhine and despaired of escaping any farther, a great number were killed. The rest threw themselves into the river and perished there, overcome by fear, exhaustion, and the force of the current.
SECTION 4.15.3Our men, every one of them safe and only a very few wounded, returned to camp freed from the fear of so great a war, although the enemy’s total population had numbered 430,000.
SECTION 4.15.4Caesar gave those whom he had detained in camp permission to leave.
SECTION 4.15.5Fearing punishment and torture at the hands of the Gauls whose lands they had devastated, they said that they wished to remain with him. Caesar granted them their freedom.
CHAPTER 4.16
SECTION 4.16.1After the German war was concluded, Caesar decided for many reasons that he had to cross the Rhine. The strongest of these was that, since he saw how easily the Germans could be induced to enter Gaul, he wanted them to fear for their own possessions as well, when they understood that an army of the Roman people both could and would dare to cross the Rhine.
SECTION 4.16.2Another consideration was that the part of the cavalry of the Usipetes and Tencteri which, as I mentioned above, had crossed the Meuse to plunder and obtain grain and had not taken part in the battle, had retreated after the flight of their people across the Rhine into the territory of the Sugambri and had joined them.
SECTION 4.16.3Caesar sent messengers to the Sugambri demanding that they surrender to him those who had made war on him and on Gaul. They replied:
SECTION 4.16.4“The Rhine marks the limit of the Roman people’s rule. If Caesar thinks it unjust for Germans to cross into Gaul against his wishes, why does he claim any rule or authority beyond the Rhine?”
SECTION 4.16.5The Ubii, however, who alone among the peoples across the Rhine had sent delegates to Caesar, established friendship with him, and given hostages, urgently begged him to assist them because they were being severely oppressed by the Suebi.
SECTION 4.16.6Or, if the affairs of the Republic prevented him from doing so, they asked him merely to transport his army across the Rhine. That would be enough to help them and give them hope for the future.
SECTION 4.16.7They said that, after the defeat of Ariovistus and this latest battle, the fame and reputation of Caesar’s army were so great, even among the most distant German peoples, that the Ubii could remain safe through the prestige and friendship of the Roman people.
SECTION 4.16.8They promised a large number of boats for transporting the army.
CHAPTER 4.17
SECTION 4.17.1For the reasons I have mentioned, Caesar had decided to cross the Rhine. But he believed that crossing in boats would not be sufficiently safe and considered it inconsistent with both his own dignity and that of the Roman people.
SECTION 4.17.2Therefore, although the width, swiftness, and depth of the river presented the greatest difficulty in building a bridge, he nevertheless believed that he must make the attempt or else not take the army across at all.
SECTION 4.17.3He designed the bridge as follows. He joined pairs of timbers, each a foot and a half thick, sharpened slightly at the lower end and cut to match the depth of the river, fastening them two feet apart.
SECTION 4.17.4He had these pairs lowered into the river by machinery, planted in the riverbed, and driven in with pile drivers—not straight down vertically like ordinary pilings, but slanting forward at an incline, so that they leaned in the direction of the current.
SECTION 4.17.5Opposite each pair, forty feet downstream, he placed two more timbers joined in the same way, angled against the force and impact of the current.
SECTION 4.17.6The two pairs were held apart by beams two feet thick inserted across their tops, matching the distance between the joined timbers, and were secured by two clamps, one on each side, at the outer ends.
SECTION 4.17.7With the pairs held apart and fastened in opposite directions, the structure had such strength, and its design was such, that the greater the force with which the water drove against it, the more tightly its components were locked together.
SECTION 4.17.8These supports were connected by laying timbers lengthwise across them, and these were covered with poles and wickerwork.
SECTION 4.17.9In addition, pilings were driven obliquely into the riverbed downstream. These were set beneath the bridge like buttresses and connected with the entire structure so that they would absorb the force of the current.
SECTION 4.17.10Other pilings were likewise driven a moderate distance upstream from the bridge, so that if the barbarians sent tree trunks or boats downstream to demolish the structure, these defenses would lessen the force of such objects and prevent them from damaging the bridge.
CHAPTER 4.18
SECTION 4.18.1Within ten days from the time the gathering of timber began, the entire structure was completed and the army was taken across.
SECTION 4.18.2Caesar left strong guards at both ends of the bridge and hurried into the territory of the Sugambri.
SECTION 4.18.3Meanwhile, delegates came to him from several states. When they asked for peace and friendship, he answered them generously and ordered them to bring him hostages.
SECTION 4.18.4But from the moment construction of the bridge began, the Sugambri had prepared to flee. At the urging of the Tencteri and Usipetes whom they had among them, they had left their territory, carried away all their possessions, and hidden themselves in the wilderness and forests.
CHAPTER 4.19
SECTION 4.19.1Caesar remained in their territory for a few days, burned all their villages and buildings, cut down their grain, and then withdrew into the territory of the Ubii. He promised them his assistance if they were oppressed by the Suebi and learned the following from them:
SECTION 4.19.2After the Suebi learned from scouts that a bridge was being built, they held a council according to their custom and sent messengers in every direction, ordering the people to leave their towns, place their children, wives, and all their possessions in the forests, and have every man capable of bearing arms assemble in one place.
SECTION 4.19.3The place selected was approximately at the center of the regions occupied by the Suebi. There they had decided to await the Romans’ arrival and fight a decisive battle.
SECTION 4.19.4When Caesar learned this, having accomplished everything for which he had decided to lead his army across—to strike fear into the Germans, punish the Sugambri, and free the Ubii from siege—and having spent a total of eighteen days across the Rhine, he considered that he had achieved enough for both honor and practical advantage. He therefore withdrew into Gaul and destroyed the bridge.
CHAPTER 4.20
SECTION 4.20.1Although only a small part of the summer remained, and although winters come early in these regions because all Gaul lies toward the north, Caesar nevertheless made determined preparations to set out for Britain, because he understood that in nearly all the Gallic wars assistance had been supplied to our enemies from there.
SECTION 4.20.2Even if there were not enough time left in the year to conduct a war, he still thought it would be of great use to him if he merely visited the island, observed what kind of people lived there, and learned about the terrain, harbors, and approaches—all of which were almost entirely unknown to the Gauls.
SECTION 4.20.3For hardly anyone except merchants goes there without good reason, and even they know nothing beyond the seacoast and the regions facing Gaul.
SECTION 4.20.4Accordingly, he summoned merchants from every quarter, but he could not discover how large the island was, what peoples inhabited it or how numerous they were, what experience they had in warfare or what customs they followed, or which harbors were suitable for a large number of ships.
CHAPTER 4.21
SECTION 4.21.1To learn these things before taking the risk himself, Caesar considered Gaius Volusenus a suitable man and sent him ahead in a warship.
SECTION 4.21.2He instructed him to investigate everything and return to him as quickly as possible.
SECTION 4.21.3Caesar himself set out with all his forces for the territory of the Morini, because the crossing from there to Britain was the shortest.
SECTION 4.21.4He ordered ships from all the neighboring regions to assemble there from every direction, along with the fleet he had built the previous summer for the war against the Veneti.
SECTION 4.21.5Meanwhile, after his plan became known and was reported to the Britons by merchants, envoys came to him from several states of the island, promising to give hostages and submit to the authority of the Roman people.
SECTION 4.21.6After hearing them, Caesar made generous promises and urged them to remain of that mind.
SECTION 4.21.7He sent them home and dispatched Commius with them. After defeating the Atrebates, Caesar himself had appointed Commius king over them; he approved of his courage and judgment, believed him loyal to himself, and knew that his authority was highly regarded in those regions.
SECTION 4.21.8He ordered Commius to visit as many states as he could, urge them to place themselves under the protection of the Roman people, and announce that Caesar would soon arrive there.
SECTION 4.21.9Volusenus surveyed all the regions as far as he had the opportunity, since he did not dare leave his ship and entrust himself to the barbarians. On the fifth day he returned to Caesar and reported what he had observed there.
CHAPTER 4.22
SECTION 4.22.1While Caesar remained in that area to prepare the ships, envoys came to him from a large part of the Morini. They offered excuses for their conduct in the recent past, saying that, as barbarous people unfamiliar with our customs, they had made war on the Roman people, and they promised to do whatever he commanded.
SECTION 4.22.2Caesar considered their arrival quite timely, because he did not want to leave an enemy behind him, had no opportunity to wage war because of the season, and did not think that dealing with such minor matters should take precedence over Britain. He demanded a large number of hostages from them.
SECTION 4.22.3When the hostages were brought, he accepted the Morini under his protection. After gathering and assembling about eighty transports, as many as he considered sufficient to carry two legions across, he distributed the warships he had in addition among his quaestor, legates, and prefects.
SECTION 4.22.4There were also eighteen transports that were being prevented by the wind from reaching the same harbor from a place eight miles away. These he assigned to the cavalry.
SECTION 4.22.5He placed the rest of the army under his legates Quintus Titurius Sabinus and Lucius Aurunculeius Cotta, with orders to lead it against the Menapii and those districts of the Morini from which no envoys had come to him.
SECTION 4.22.6He ordered his legate Sulpicius Rufus to hold the harbor with the garrison he considered sufficient.
CHAPTER 4.23
SECTION 4.23.1After making these arrangements, Caesar found weather suitable for sailing and put to sea at about the third watch. He ordered the cavalry to proceed to the farther harbor, board their ships, and follow him.
SECTION 4.23.2Because they carried this out somewhat slowly, Caesar himself reached Britain with the leading ships at about the fourth hour of the day and saw the enemy’s armed forces drawn up on all the hills there.
SECTION 4.23.3The nature of the place was such, and the sea was so closely confined by steep hills, that a weapon could be hurled from the higher ground onto the shore.
SECTION 4.23.4Considering this place completely unsuitable for landing, he waited at anchor until the ninth hour for the remaining ships to assemble there.
SECTION 4.23.5Meanwhile, he summoned his legates and military tribunes, explained what he had learned from Volusenus and what he wanted done, and warned them that, as military practice—and especially naval operations—required, since conditions at sea involved rapid and unstable movement, they must carry out every action at his signal and at the proper moment.
SECTION 4.23.6After dismissing them, Caesar took advantage of a favorable wind and tide occurring at the same time. He gave the signal, raised anchor, advanced about seven miles from that place, and stationed his ships off an open, level beach.
CHAPTER 4.24
SECTION 4.24.1But the barbarians, understanding the Romans’ plan, sent their cavalry and chariot fighters ahead—the kind of force they generally used in battle—and followed with the rest of their troops, preventing our men from disembarking from the ships.
SECTION 4.24.2The difficulty was extreme for these reasons: because of their size, the ships could not be stationed except in deep water, while the soldiers, in unfamiliar surroundings, with their hands encumbered and weighed down by the great, heavy burden of their armor, had to jump down from the ships, keep their footing in the waves, and fight the enemy all at the same time.
SECTION 4.24.3The enemy, meanwhile, either stood on dry ground or advanced only a short distance into the water. With all their limbs unencumbered and in terrain completely familiar to them, they boldly hurled their weapons and spurred forward horses accustomed to such conditions.
SECTION 4.24.4Terrified by these circumstances and completely inexperienced in this kind of fighting, our men did not display the same energy and enthusiasm they usually showed in battles on land.
CHAPTER 4.25
SECTION 4.25.1When Caesar noticed this, he ordered the warships, whose appearance was more unfamiliar to the barbarians and whose maneuverability made them better suited for the purpose, to move a short distance away from the transports, be driven forward by their oars, and take up positions against the enemy’s exposed flank. From there the enemy was to be driven back and dislodged with slings, arrows, and artillery. This was of great assistance to our men.
SECTION 4.25.2For the barbarians, alarmed by the shape of the ships, the movement of the oars, and the unfamiliar kind of artillery, halted and drew back only a little.
SECTION 4.25.3While our soldiers were hesitating, chiefly because of the depth of the water, the man who carried the eagle of the Tenth Legion called upon the gods to make his action turn out successfully for the legion. “Jump down, soldiers,” he said, “unless you want to betray your eagle to the enemy. I, at least, will have done my duty to the republic and to my commander.”
SECTION 4.25.4After saying this in a loud voice, he threw himself from the ship and began carrying the eagle toward the enemy.
SECTION 4.25.5Then our men urged one another not to allow so great a disgrace, and all jumped down from the ship.
SECTION 4.25.6When the soldiers in the nearest ships saw them, the first among them followed and advanced toward the enemy.
CHAPTER 4.26
SECTION 4.26.1Both sides fought fiercely. Our men, however, were greatly disordered because they could neither keep their ranks, maintain a firm footing, nor follow their own standards; instead, each man joined whatever standard he happened to encounter after leaving his particular ship.
SECTION 4.26.2The enemy, by contrast, knew all the shallows, and whenever they saw individuals leaving a ship separately, they spurred their horses forward and attacked them while they were encumbered.
SECTION 4.26.3Many surrounded a few, while others hurled weapons against the whole body of our men from their exposed flank.
SECTION 4.26.4When Caesar noticed this, he ordered the boats belonging to the warships, as well as the scout vessels, to be filled with soldiers, and sent reinforcements to those he saw in difficulty.
SECTION 4.26.5As soon as our men gained a firm position on dry ground and all their comrades had joined them, they charged the enemy and put them to flight. They could not pursue them any farther, however, because the cavalry had been unable to maintain its course and reach the island. This alone was lacking from Caesar’s customary good fortune.
CHAPTER 4.27
SECTION 4.27.1After being defeated in battle, the enemy, as soon as they recovered from their flight, immediately sent envoys to Caesar to seek peace. They promised to give hostages and do whatever he commanded.
SECTION 4.27.2Commius the Atrebate came with these envoys—the man I explained above had been sent ahead to Britain by Caesar.
SECTION 4.27.3When Commius disembarked and delivered Caesar’s instructions to them in the capacity of an envoy, they had seized him and put him in chains.
SECTION 4.27.4After the battle, they released him. In seeking peace, they blamed the general population for this act and asked to be pardoned because of their ignorance.
SECTION 4.27.5Caesar complained that, although they had voluntarily sent envoys to the mainland to ask him for peace, they had made war without cause. He said that he would pardon their ignorance and demanded hostages.
SECTION 4.27.6They gave some of these at once and said that they would send for the rest from more distant places and deliver them within a few days.
SECTION 4.27.7Meanwhile, they ordered their people to return to their farms, and their leading men began assembling from every direction and entrusting themselves and their states to Caesar.
CHAPTER 4.28
SECTION 4.28.1With peace established by these actions, on the fourth day after the arrival in Britain, the eighteen ships mentioned above, which had taken the cavalry aboard, put to sea from the farther harbor in a gentle wind.
SECTION 4.28.2As they approached Britain and came into view from the camp, so violent a storm suddenly arose that none of them could maintain its course. Some were carried back to the same place from which they had departed, while others were driven, at great danger to themselves, toward the lower part of the island, which lies closer to the setting sun.
SECTION 4.28.3Although they dropped anchor, the ships began filling with water from the waves. They were therefore forced to put out to sea during the adverse night and make for the mainland.
CHAPTER 4.29
SECTION 4.29.1That same night there was a full moon, the phase that usually produces the highest ocean tides, a fact unknown to our men.
SECTION 4.29.2Thus, at the same time, the tide flooded the warships [in which Caesar had arranged for the army to be transported], which Caesar had hauled onto dry land, while the storm battered the transports that were secured at anchor. Our men had no opportunity either to handle the ships or to assist them.
SECTION 4.29.3Several ships were wrecked, and the rest, having lost their ropes, anchors, and other equipment, were unfit for sailing. As was inevitable, this caused great alarm throughout the entire army.
SECTION 4.29.4There were no other ships in which they could be carried back, everything needed to repair the ships was lacking, and because everyone knew that they had to winter in Gaul, no grain had been provided in that region for the winter.
CHAPTER 4.30
SECTION 4.30.1When the leading men of Britain who had come to Caesar after the battle learned of these circumstances, they conferred among themselves. They understood that the Romans had no cavalry, ships, or grain, and they recognized the small number of soldiers from the limited size of the camp, which was even smaller because Caesar had transported the legions without baggage.
SECTION 4.30.2They concluded that the best course was to renew the rebellion, prevent our men from obtaining grain and other supplies, and prolong the affair into the winter, because they were confident that, if this force were defeated or prevented from returning, no one would afterward cross into Britain to make war.
SECTION 4.30.3Accordingly, they formed another conspiracy and began gradually leaving the camp and secretly bringing their people in from the countryside.
CHAPTER 4.31
SECTION 4.31.1Although Caesar did not yet know their plans, he nevertheless suspected, both from the fate of his ships and from the fact that they had stopped delivering hostages, that what did happen was going to happen.
SECTION 4.31.2He therefore prepared safeguards against every possibility. Each day he brought grain from the countryside into the camp, used the timber and bronze from the ships that had been most seriously damaged to repair the others, and ordered the materials needed for this work to be brought over from the mainland.
SECTION 4.31.3Accordingly, because the soldiers carried out the work with the greatest effort, he lost twelve ships but made the others sufficiently seaworthy for reasonably convenient navigation.
CHAPTER 4.32
SECTION 4.32.1While this work was being done, one legion, called the Seventh, was sent out as usual to gather grain. Up to that time there had been no suspicion of war: some of the people remained in the countryside, while others continued visiting the camp. The men stationed on guard before the camp gates reported to Caesar that an unusually large cloud of dust could be seen in the direction in which the legion had marched.
SECTION 4.32.2Caesar suspected—correctly—that the barbarians had begun some new plan. He ordered the cohorts on guard to set out with him in that direction, two of the remaining cohorts to take their place on guard, and the rest to arm themselves and follow him immediately.
SECTION 4.32.3When he had advanced a little distance from the camp, he saw that our men were being hard-pressed by the enemy and were barely holding out, and that, with the legion packed tightly together, weapons were being hurled at it from every direction.
SECTION 4.32.4Since all the grain in the other areas had been harvested and only one section remained, the enemy, suspecting that our men would come there, had hidden in the woods during the night.
SECTION 4.32.5They then made a sudden attack on our men while they were scattered, had laid down their weapons, and were occupied with reaping. After killing a few, they threw the rest into disorder before they could form definite ranks, while at the same time surrounding them with cavalry and chariots.
CHAPTER 4.33
SECTION 4.33.1This is their method of fighting from chariots. First they drive in every direction, hurling weapons, and generally disrupt the ranks by the very terror inspired by the horses and by the noise of the wheels. Once they have worked their way in among the cavalry squadrons, they leap down from their chariots and fight on foot.
SECTION 4.33.2Meanwhile, the drivers gradually withdraw from the battle and position their chariots so that, if the fighters are hard-pressed by a large number of enemies, they have an unobstructed retreat to their own men.
SECTION 4.33.3Thus in battle they combine the mobility of cavalry with the steadiness of infantry. Through daily experience and training they acquire such skill that, even on a sloping and precipitous site, they can check their horses at full gallop, control and turn them in a short distance, run along the chariot pole, stand on the yoke, and then return from there to their chariots with the greatest speed.
CHAPTER 4.34
SECTION 4.34.1While our men were disordered by these circumstances [and by the unfamiliar kind of fighting], Caesar brought assistance at the most opportune moment. At his arrival the enemy halted, and our men recovered from their fear.
SECTION 4.34.2After this, Caesar considered the time unsuitable for provoking the enemy and beginning a battle, so he held his position and, after a short interval, led the legions back to camp.
SECTION 4.34.3While this was taking place and all our men were occupied, the rest of the enemy who were in the fields withdrew.
SECTION 4.34.4Several days of storms followed without interruption, keeping our men in camp and preventing the enemy from fighting.
SECTION 4.34.5Meanwhile, the barbarians sent messengers in every direction, proclaimed to their people how few our soldiers were, and showed them what an opportunity they had to obtain plunder and free themselves forever if they drove the Romans from their camp. In this way they quickly assembled a large force of infantry and cavalry and came to the camp.
CHAPTER 4.35
SECTION 4.35.1Although Caesar foresaw that the same thing would happen as on the preceding days—that if the enemy were driven back, they would escape danger by their speed—he nevertheless formed the legions in battle line before the camp, having obtained about thirty cavalrymen whom Commius the Atrebatian, mentioned above, had brought across with him.
SECTION 4.35.2When battle was joined, the enemy could not withstand the attack of our soldiers for long and turned and fled.
SECTION 4.35.3Our men pursued them as far as their speed and strength allowed and killed many of them. Then, after setting fire to every building over a wide area, they returned to camp.
CHAPTER 4.36
SECTION 4.36.1That same day, envoys sent by the enemy came to Caesar to ask for peace.
SECTION 4.36.2Caesar doubled the number of hostages he had previously demanded from them and ordered them to be brought to the mainland, because the day of the equinox was near and he did not think that his damaged ships should be exposed to winter sailing.
SECTION 4.36.3When he obtained suitable weather, he himself set sail shortly after midnight,
SECTION 4.36.4and all the ships reached the mainland safely. Two of the transports, however, could not make the same harbors as the others and were carried a little farther down the coast.
CHAPTER 4.37
SECTION 4.37.1About three hundred soldiers disembarked from these ships and were making for the camp when the Morini, whom Caesar had left at peace when he departed for Britain, were drawn by the hope of plunder. At first, they surrounded the soldiers with a force of their own that was not very large and ordered them to lay down their arms if they did not want to be killed.
SECTION 4.37.2When the soldiers formed a circle and defended themselves, about six thousand men quickly gathered at the shouting. When this was reported, Caesar sent all the cavalry from the camp to assist his men.
SECTION 4.37.3Meanwhile, our soldiers withstood the enemy’s attack and fought with the greatest courage for more than four hours. They suffered only a few wounds and killed many of the enemy.
SECTION 4.37.4But when our cavalry came into sight, the enemy threw down their weapons, turned and fled, and a great number of them were killed.
CHAPTER 4.38
SECTION 4.38.1The next day Caesar sent his lieutenant Titus Labienus, with the legions he had brought back from Britain, against the Morini who had rebelled.
SECTION 4.38.2Because the marshes had dried up, the Morini had no place to retreat to—the refuge they had used the previous year—and almost all of them fell into Labienus’s power.
SECTION 4.38.3But the lieutenants Quintus Titurius and Lucius Cotta, who had led their legions into the territory of the Menapii, returned to Caesar after ravaging all their fields, cutting down their grain, and burning their buildings, since the Menapii had all hidden themselves in the densest forests.
SECTION 4.38.4Caesar established the winter quarters of all the legions among the Belgae. Only two states in Britain sent hostages there; the rest failed to do so.
SECTION 4.38.5After these achievements, the Senate, upon receiving Caesar’s dispatch, decreed a public thanksgiving of twenty days.
Book 5
Latin
CHAPTER 5.1
SECTION 5.1.1L. Domitio Ap. Claudio consulibus, discedens ab hibernis Caesar in Italiam, ut quotannis facere consuerat, legatis imperat quos legionibus praefecerat uti quam plurimas possent hieme naves aedificandas veteresque reficiendas curarent. Earum modum formamque demonstrat.
SECTION 5.1.2Ad celeritatem onerandi subductionesque paulo facit humiliores quam quibus in nostro mari uti consuevimus, atque id eo magis, quod propter crebras commutationes aestuum minus magnos ibi fluctus fieri cognoverat; ad onera, ad multitudinem iumentorum transportandam paulo latiores quam quibus in reliquis utimur maribus.
SECTION 5.1.3Has omnes actuarias imperat fieri, quam ad rem multum humilitas adiuvat.
SECTION 5.1.4Ea quae sunt usui ad armandas naves ex Hispania apportari iubet.
SECTION 5.1.5Ipse conventibus Galliae citerioris peractis in Illyricum proficiscitur, quod a Pirustis finitimam partem provinciae incursionibus vastari audiebat.
SECTION 5.1.6Eo cum venisset, civitatibus milites imperat certumque in locum convenire iubet.
SECTION 5.1.7Qua re nuntiata Pirustae legatos ad eum mittunt qui doceant nihil earum rerum publico factum consilio, seseque paratos esse demonstrant omnibus rationibus de iniuriis satisfacere.
SECTION 5.1.8Accepta oratione eorum Caesar obsides imperat eosque ad certam diem adduci iubet; nisi ita fecerint, sese bello civitatem persecuturum demonstrat.
SECTION 5.1.9Eis ad diem adductis, ut imperaverat, arbitros inter civitates dat qui litem aestiment poenamque constituant.
CHAPTER 5.2
SECTION 5.2.1His confectis rebus conventibusque peractis, in citeriorem Galliam revertitur atque inde ad exercitum proficiscitur.
SECTION 5.2.2Eo cum venisset, circumitis omnibus hibernis, singulari militum studio in summa omnium rerum inopia circiter sescentas eius generis cuius supra demonstravimus naves et longas XXVIII invenit instructas neque multum abesse ab eo quin paucis diebus deduci possint.
SECTION 5.2.3Collaudatis militibus atque eis qui negotio praefuerant, quid fieri velit ostendit atque omnes ad portum Itium convenire iubet, quo ex portu commodissimum in Britanniam traiectum esse cognoverat, circiter milium passuum XXX transmissum a continenti: huic rei quod satis esse visum est militum reliquit;
SECTION 5.2.4ipse cum legionibus expeditis IIII et equitibus DCCC in fines Treverorum proficiscitur, quod hi neque ad concilia veniebant neque imperio parebant Germanosque Transrhenanos sollicitare dicebantur.
CHAPTER 5.3
SECTION 5.3.1Haec civitas longe plurimum totius Galliae equitatu valet magnasque habet copias peditum Rhenumque, ut supra demonstravimus, tangit.
SECTION 5.3.2In ea civitate duo de principatu inter se contendebant, Indutiomarus et Cingetorix;
SECTION 5.3.3e quibus alter, simul atque de Caesaris legionumque adventu cognitum est, ad eum venit, se suosque omnes in officio futuros neque ab amicitia populi Romani defecturos confirmavit quaeque in Treveris gererentur ostendit.
SECTION 5.3.4At Indutiomarus equitatum peditatumque cogere, eisque qui per aetatem in armis esse non poterant in silvam Arduennam abditis, quae ingenti magnitudine per medios fines Treverorum a flumine Rheno ad initium Remorum pertinet, bellum parare instituit.
SECTION 5.3.5Sed posteaquam nonnulli principes ex ea civitate et familiaritate Cingetorigis adducti et adventu nostri exercitus perterriti ad Caesarem venerunt et de suis privatim rebus ab eo petere coeperunt, quoniam civitati consulere non possent, veritus ne ab omnibus desereretur Indutiomarus legatos ad Caesarem mittit:
SECTION 5.3.6sese idcirco ab suis discedere atque ad eum venire noluisse, quo facilius civitatem in officio contineret, ne omnis nobilitatis discessu plebs propter imprudentiam laberetur:
SECTION 5.3.7itaque esse civitatem in sua potestate, seseque, si Caesar permitteret, ad eum in castra venturum, suas civitatisque fortunas eius fidei permissurum.
CHAPTER 5.4
SECTION 5.4.1Caesar, etsi intellegebat qua de causa ea dicerentur quaeque eum res ab instituto consilio deterreret, tamen, ne aestatem in Treveris consumere cogeretur omnibus ad Britannicum bellum rebus comparatis, Indutiomarum ad se cum CC obsidibus venire iussit.
SECTION 5.4.2His adductis, in eis filio propinquisque eius omnibus, quos nominatim evocaverat, consolatus Indutiomarum hortatusque est uti in officio maneret;
SECTION 5.4.3nihilo tamen setius principibus Treverorum ad se convocatis hos singillatim Cingetorigi conciliavit, quod cum merito eius a se fieri intellegebat, tum magni interesse arbitrabatur eius auctoritatem inter suos quam plurimum valere, cuius tam egregiam in se voluntatem perspexisset.
SECTION 5.4.4Id tulit factum graviter Indutiomarus, suam gratiam inter suos minui, et, qui iam ante inimico in nos animo fuisset, multo gravius hoc dolore exarsit.
CHAPTER 5.5
SECTION 5.5.1His rebus constitutis Caesar ad portum Itium cum legionibus pervenit.
SECTION 5.5.2Ibi cognoscit LX naves, quae in Meldis factae erant, tempestate reiectas cursum tenere non potuisse atque eodem unde erant profectae revertisse; reliquas paratas ad navigandum atque omnibus rebus instructas invenit.
SECTION 5.5.3Eodem equitatus totius Galliae convenit, numero milium quattuor, principesque ex omnibus civitatibus.
SECTION 5.5.4Ex quibus perpaucos, quorum in se fidem perspexerat, relinquere in Gallia, reliquos obsidum loco secum ducere decreverat, quod, cum ipse abesset, motum Galliae verebatur.
CHAPTER 5.6
SECTION 5.6.1Erat una cum ceteris Dumnorix Aeduus, de quo ante ab nobis dictum est. Hunc secum habere in primis constituerat, quod eum cupidum rerum novarum, cupidum imperi, magni animi, magnae inter Gallos auctoritatis cognoverat.
SECTION 5.6.2Accedebat huc quod in concilio Aeduorum Dumnorix dixerat sibi a Caesare regnum civitatis deferri; quod dictum Aedui graviter ferebant, neque recusandi aut deprecandi causa legatos ad Caesarem mittere audebant.
SECTION 5.6.3Id factum ex suis hospitibus Caesar cognoverat. Ille omnibus primo precibus petere contendit ut in Gallia relinqueretur, partim quod insuetus navigandi mare timeret, partim quod religionibus impediri sese diceret.
SECTION 5.6.4Posteaquam id obstinate sibi negari vidit, omni spe impetrandi adempta principes Galliae sollicitare, sevocare singulos hortarique coepit uti in continenti remanerent;
SECTION 5.6.5metu territare: non sine causa fieri, ut Gallia omni nobilitate spoliaretur; id esse consilium Caesaris, ut quos in conspectu Galliae interficere vereretur, hos omnes in Britanniam traductos necaret;
SECTION 5.6.6fidem reliquis interponere, iusiurandum poscere, ut quod esse ex usu Galliae intellexissent communi consilio administrarent. Haec a compluribus ad Caesarem deferebantur.
CHAPTER 5.7
SECTION 5.7.1Qua re cognita Caesar, quod tantum civitati Aeduae dignitatis tribuebat, coercendum atque deterrendum quibuscumque rebus posset Dumnorigem statuebat;
SECTION 5.7.2quod longius eius amentiam progredi videbat, prospiciendum, ne quid sibi ac rei publicae nocere posset. Itaque dies circiter XXV in eo loco commoratus,
SECTION 5.7.3quod Carus ventus navigationem impediebat, qui magnam partem omnis temporis in his locis flare consuevit, dabat operam ut in officio Dumnorigem contineret, nihilo tamen setius omnia eius consilia cognosceret.
SECTION 5.7.4Tandem idoneam nactus tempestatem milites equitesque conscendere in naves iubet.
SECTION 5.7.5At omnium impeditis animis Dumnorix cum equitibus Aeduorum a castris insciente Caesare domum discedere coepit.
SECTION 5.7.6Qua re nuntiata Caesar intermissa profectione atque omnibus rebus postpositis magnam partem equitatus ad eum insequendum mittit retrahique imperat;
SECTION 5.7.7si vim faciat neque pareat, interfici iubet, nihil hunc se absente pro sano facturum arbitratus, qui praesentis imperium neglexisset.
SECTION 5.7.8Ille enim revocatus resistere ac se manu defendere suorumque fidem implorare coepit, saepe clamitans liberum se liberaeque esse civitatis.
SECTION 5.7.9Illi, ut erat imperatum, circumsistunt hominem atque interficiunt: at equites Aedui ad Caesarem omnes revertuntur.
CHAPTER 5.8
SECTION 5.8.1His rebus gestis, Labieno in continente cum tribus legionibus et equitum milibus duobus relicto ut portus tueretur et rem frumentariam provideret quaeque in Gallia gererentur cognosceret consiliumque pro tempore et pro re caperet,
SECTION 5.8.2ipse cum quinque legionibus et pari numero equitum, quem in continenti reliquerat, ad solis occasum naves solvit et leni Africo provectus media circiter nocte vento intermisso cursum non tenuit, et longius delatus aestu orta luce sub sinistra Britanniam relictam conspexit.
SECTION 5.8.3Tum rursus aestus commutationem secutus remis contendit ut eam partem insulae caperet, qua optimum esse egressum superiore aestate cognoverat.
SECTION 5.8.4Qua in re admodum fuit militum virtus laudanda, qui vectoriis gravibusque navigiis non intermisso remigandi labore longarum navium cursum adaequarunt.
SECTION 5.8.5Accessum est ad Britanniam omnibus navibus meridiano fere tempore, neque in eo loco hostis est visus;
SECTION 5.8.6sed, ut postea Caesar ex captivis cognovit, cum magnae manus eo convenissent, multitudine navium perterritae, quae cum annotinis privatisque quas sui quisque commodi fecerat amplius octingentae uno erant visae tempore, a litore discesserant ac se in superiora loca abdiderant.
CHAPTER 5.9
SECTION 5.9.1Caesar exposito exercitu et loco castris idoneo capto, ubi ex captivis cognovit quo in loco hostium copiae consedissent, cohortibus decem ad mare relictis et equitibus trecentis, qui praesidio navibus essent, de tertia vigilia ad hostes contendit, eo minus veritus navibus, quod in litore molli atque aperto deligatas ad ancoram relinquebat,
SECTION 5.9.2et praesidio navibus Q. Atrium praefecit. Ipse noctu progressus milia passuum circiter XII hostium copias conspicatus est.
SECTION 5.9.3Illi equitatu atque essedis ad flumen progressi ex loco superiore nostros prohibere et proelium committere coeperunt.
SECTION 5.9.4Repulsi ab equitatu se in silvas abdiderunt, locum nacti egregie et natura et opere munitum, quem domestici belli, ut videbantur, causa iam ante praeparaverant;
SECTION 5.9.5nam crebris arboribus succisis omnes introitus erant praeclusi.
SECTION 5.9.6Ipsi ex silvis rari propugnabant nostrosque intra munitiones ingredi prohibebant.
SECTION 5.9.7At milites legionis septimae, testudine facta et aggere ad munitiones adiecto, locum ceperunt eosque ex silvis expulerunt paucis vulneribus acceptis.
SECTION 5.9.8Sed eos fugientes longius Caesar prosequi vetuit, et quod loci naturam ignorabat, et quod magna parte diei consumpta munitioni castrorum tempus relinqui volebat.
CHAPTER 5.10
SECTION 5.10.1Postridie eius diei mane tripertito milites equitesque in expeditionem misit, ut eos qui fugerant persequerentur.
SECTION 5.10.2His aliquantum itineris progressis, cum iam extremi essent in prospectu, equites a Quinto Atrio ad Caesarem venerunt, qui nuntiarent superiore nocte maxima coorta tempestate prope omnes naves adflictas atque in litore eiectas esse, quod neque ancorae funesque subsisterent, neque nautae gubernatoresque vim tempestatis pati possent;
SECTION 5.10.3itaque ex eo concursu navium magnum esse incommodum acceptum.
CHAPTER 5.11
SECTION 5.11.1His rebus cognitis Caesar legiones equitatumque revocari atque in itinere resistere iubet, ipse ad naves revertitur;
SECTION 5.11.2eadem fere quae ex nuntiis litterisque cognoverat coram perspicit, sic ut amissis circiter XL navibus reliquae tamen refici posse magno negotio viderentur.
SECTION 5.11.3Itaque ex legionibus fabros deligit et ex continenti alios arcessi iubet;
SECTION 5.11.4Labieno scribit, ut quam plurimas posset eis legionibus, quae sunt apud eum, naves instituat.
SECTION 5.11.5Ipse, etsi res erat multae operae ac laboris, tamen commodissimum esse statuit omnes naves subduci et cum castris una munitione coniungi.
SECTION 5.11.6In his rebus circiter dies X consumit ne nocturnis quidem temporibus ad laborem militum intermissis.
SECTION 5.11.7Subductis navibus castrisque egregie munitis easdem copias, quas ante, praesidio navibus reliquit: ipse eodem unde redierat proficiscitur.
SECTION 5.11.8Eo cum venisset, maiores iam undique in eum locum copiae Britannorum convenerant summa imperi bellique administrandi communi consilio permissa Cassivellauno, cuius fines a maritimis civitatibus flumen dividit, quod appellatur Tamesis, a mari circiter milia passuum LXXX.
SECTION 5.11.9Huic superiore tempore cum reliquis civitatibus continentia bella intercesserant; sed nostro adventu permoti Britanni hunc toti bello imperioque praefecerant.
CHAPTER 5.12
SECTION 5.12.1Britanniae pars interior ab eis incolitur quos natos in insula ipsi memoria proditum dicunt,
SECTION 5.12.2maritima pars ab eis, qui praedae ac belli inferendi causa ex Belgio transierunt (qui omnes fere eis nominibus civitatum appellantur, quibus orti ex civitatibus eo pervenerunt) et bello illato ibi permanserunt atque agros colere coeperunt.
SECTION 5.12.3Hominum est infinita multitudo creberrimaque aedificia fere Gallicis consimilia, pecorum magnus numerus.
SECTION 5.12.4Vtuntur aut aere aut nummo aureo aut taleis ferreis ad certum pondus examinatis pro nummo.
SECTION 5.12.5Nascitur ibi plumbum album in mediterraneis regionibus, in maritimis ferrum, sed eius exigua est copia; aere utuntur importato. Materia cuiusque generis ut in Gallia est, praeter fagum atque abietem.
SECTION 5.12.6Leporem et gallinam et anserem gustare fas non putant; haec tamen alunt animi voluptatisque causa. Loca sunt temperatiora quam in Gallia, remissioribus frigoribus.
CHAPTER 5.13
SECTION 5.13.1Insula natura triquetra, cuius unum latus est contra Galliam. Huius lateris alter angulus, qui est ad Cantium, quo fere omnes ex Gallia naves appelluntur, ad orientem solem, inferior ad meridiem spectat. Hoc pertinet circiter millia passuum quingenta.
SECTION 5.13.2Alterum vergit ad Hispaniam atque occidentem solem; qua ex parte est Hibernia, dimidio minor, ut aestimatur, quam Britannia, sed pari spatio transmissus atque ex Gallia est in Britanniam.
SECTION 5.13.3In hoc medio cursu est insula, quae appellatur Mona: complures praeterea minores subiectae insulae existimantur, de quibus insulis nonnulli scripserunt dies continuos triginta sub bruma esse noctem.
SECTION 5.13.4Nos nihil de eo percontationibus reperiebamus, nisi certis ex aqua mensuris breviores esse quam in continenti noctes videbamus.
SECTION 5.13.5Huius est longitudo lateris, ut fert illorum opinio, septingentorum milium.
SECTION 5.13.6Tertium est contra septentriones; cui parti nulla est obiecta terra, sed eius angulus lateris maxime ad Germaniam spectat. Hoc milia passuum octingenta in longitudinem esse existimatur.
SECTION 5.13.7Ita omnis insula est in circuitu vicies centum milium passuum.
CHAPTER 5.14
SECTION 5.14.1Ex his omnibus longe sunt humanissimi qui Cantium incolunt, quae regio est maritima omnis, neque multum a Gallica differunt consuetudine.
SECTION 5.14.2Interiores plerique frumenta non serunt, sed lacte et carne vivunt pellibusque sunt vestiti. Omnes vero se Britanni vitro inficiunt, quod caeruleum efficit colorem, atque hoc horridiores sunt in pugna aspectu;
SECTION 5.14.3capilloque sunt promisso atque omni parte corporis rasa praeter caput et labrum superius.
SECTION 5.14.4Vxores habent deni duodenique inter se communes et maxime fratres cum fratribus parentesque cum liberis; sed qui sunt ex his nati, eorum habentur liberi, quo primum virgo quaeque deducta est.
CHAPTER 5.15
SECTION 5.15.1Equites hostium essedariique acriter proelio cum equitatu nostro in itinere conflixerunt, tamen ut nostri omnibus partibus superiores fuerint atque eos in silvas collesque compulerint.
SECTION 5.15.2Sed compluribus interfectis cupidius insecuti nonnullos ex suis amiserunt.
SECTION 5.15.3At illi intermisso spatio imprudentibus nostris atque occupatis in munitione castrorum subito se ex silvis eiecerunt, impetuque in eos facto qui erant in statione pro castris collocati,
SECTION 5.15.4acriter pugnaverunt, duabusque missis subsidio cohortibus a Caesare atque eis primis legionum duarum, cum hae perexiguo intermisso loci spatio inter se constitissent, novo genere pugnae perterritis nostris per medios audacissime perruperunt seque inde incolumes receperunt.
SECTION 5.15.5Eo die Quintus Laberius Durus, tribunus militum, interficitur. Illi pluribus submissis cohortibus repelluntur.
CHAPTER 5.16
SECTION 5.16.1Toto hoc in genere pugnae, cum sub oculis omnium ac pro castris dimicaretur, intellectum est nostros propter gravitatem armorum, quod neque insequi cedentes possent neque ab signis discedere auderent, minus aptos esse ad huius generis hostem,
SECTION 5.16.2equites autem magno cum periculo proelio dimicare, propterea quod illi etiam consulto plerumque cederent et, cum paulum ab legionibus nostros removissent, ex essedis desilirent et pedibus dispari proelio contenderent.
SECTION 5.16.3Equestris autem proeli ratio et cedentibus et insequentibus par atque idem periculum inferebat.
SECTION 5.16.4Accedebat huc ut numquam conferti sed rari magnisque intervallis proeliarentur stationesque dispositas haberent, atque alios alii deinceps exciperent, integrique et recentes defetigatis succederent.
CHAPTER 5.17
SECTION 5.17.1Postero die procul a castris hostes in collibus constiterunt rarique se ostendere et lenius quam pridie nostros equites proelio lacessere coeperunt.
SECTION 5.17.2Sed meridie, cum Caesar pabulandi causa tres legiones atque omnem equitatum cum Gaio Trebonio legato misisset, repente ex omnibus partibus ad pabulatores advolaverunt, sic uti ab signis legionibusque non absisterent.
SECTION 5.17.3Nostri acriter in eos impetu facto reppulerunt neque finem sequendi fecerunt, quoad subsidio confisi equites, cum post se legiones viderent,
SECTION 5.17.4praecipites hostes egerunt magnoque eorum numero interfecto neque sui colligendi neque consistendi aut ex essedis desiliendi facultatem dederunt.
SECTION 5.17.5Ex hac fuga protinus, quae undique convenerant, auxilia discesserunt, neque post id tempus umquam summis nobiscum copiis hostes contenderunt.
CHAPTER 5.18
SECTION 5.18.1Caesar cognito consilio eorum ad flumen Tamesim in fines Cassivellauni exercitum duxit; quod flumen uno omnino loco pedibus, atque hoc aegre, transiri potest.
SECTION 5.18.2Eo cum venisset, animum advertit ad alteram fluminis ripam magnas esse copias hostium instructas;
SECTION 5.18.3ripa autem erat acutis sudibus praefixis munita, eiusdemque generis sub aqua defixae sudes flumine tegebantur.
SECTION 5.18.4His rebus cognitis a captivis perfugisque Caesar praemisso equitatu confestim legiones subsequi iussit.
SECTION 5.18.5Sed ea celeritate atque eo impetu milites ierunt, cum capite solo ex aqua exstarent, ut hostes impetum legionum atque equitum sustinere non possent ripasque dimitterent ac se fugae mandarent.
CHAPTER 5.19
SECTION 5.19.1Cassivellaunus, ut supra demonstravimus, omni deposita spe contentionis dimissis amplioribus copiis milibus circiter quattuor essedariorum relictis itinera nostra servabat paulumque ex via excedebat locisque impeditis ac silvestribus sese occultabat, atque eis regionibus quibus nos iter facturos cognoverat pecora atque homines ex agris in silvas compellebat et,
SECTION 5.19.2cum equitatus noster liberius praedandi vastandique causa se in agros eiecerat, omnibus viis semitisque essedarios ex silvis emittebat et magno cum periculo nostrorum equitum cum eis confligebat atque hoc metu latius vagari prohibebat.
SECTION 5.19.3Relinquebatur ut neque longius ab agmine legionum discedi Caesar pateretur, et tantum in agris vastandis incendiisque faciendis hostibus noceretur, quantum labore atque itinere legionarii milites efficere poterant.
CHAPTER 5.20
SECTION 5.20.1Interim Trinobantes, prope firmissima earum regionum civitas, ex qua Mandubracius adulescens Caesaris fidem secutus ad eum in continentem Galliam venerat, cuius pater in ea civitate regnum obtinuerat interfectusque erat a Cassivellauno, ipse fuga mortem vitaverat, legatos ad Caesarem mittunt pollicenturque sese ei dedituros atque imperata facturos;
SECTION 5.20.2petunt ut Mandubracium ab iniuria Cassivellauni defendat atque in civitatem mittat, qui praesit imperiumque obtineat.
SECTION 5.20.3His Caesar imperat obsides quadraginta frumentumque exercitui Mandubraciumque ad eos mittit.
SECTION 5.20.4Illi imperata celeriter fecerunt, obsides ad numerum frumentumque miserunt.
CHAPTER 5.21
SECTION 5.21.1Trinobantibus defensis atque ab omni militum iniuria prohibitis Cenimagni, Segontiaci, Ancalites, Bibroci, Cassi legationibus missis sese Caesari dedunt.
SECTION 5.21.2Ab his cognoscit non longe ex eo loco oppidum Cassivellauni abesse silvis paludibusque munitum, quo satis magnus hominum pecorisque numerus convenerit.
SECTION 5.21.3Oppidum autem Britanni vocant, cum silvas impeditas vallo atque fossa munierunt, quo incursionis hostium vitandae causa convenire consuerunt.
SECTION 5.21.4Eo proficiscitur cum legionibus: locum reperit egregie natura atque opere munitum; tamen hunc duabus ex partibus oppugnare contendit.
SECTION 5.21.5Hostes paulisper morati militum nostrorum impetum non tulerunt seseque alia ex parte oppidi eiecerunt.
SECTION 5.21.6Magnus ibi numerus pecoris repertus, multique in fuga sunt comprehensi atque interfecti.
CHAPTER 5.22
SECTION 5.22.1Dum haec in his locis geruntur, Cassivellaunus ad Cantium, quod esse ad mare supra demonstravimus, quibus regionibus quattuor reges praeerant, Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taximagulus, Segovax, nuntios mittit atque eis imperat uti coactis omnibus copiis castra navalia de improviso adoriantur atque oppugnent.
SECTION 5.22.2Ei cum ad castra venissent, nostri eruptione facta multis eorum interfectis, capto etiam nobili duce Lugotorige suos incolumes reduxerunt.
SECTION 5.22.3Cassivellaunus hoc proelio nuntiato tot detrimentis acceptis, vastatis finibus, maxime etiam permotus defectione civitatum legatos per Atrebatem Commium de deditione ad Caesarem mittit.
SECTION 5.22.4Caesar, cum constituisset hiemare in continenti propter repentinos Galliae motus, neque multum aestatis superesset, atque id facile extrahi posse intellegeret, obsides imperat et quid in annos singulos vectigalis populo Romano Britannia penderet constituit;
SECTION 5.22.5interdicit atque imperat Cassivellauno, ne Mandubracio neu Trinobantibus noceat.
CHAPTER 5.23
SECTION 5.23.1Obsidibus acceptis exercitum reducit ad mare, naves invenit refectas.
SECTION 5.23.2His deductis, quod et captivorum magnum numerum habebat, et nonnullae tempestate deperierant naves, duobus commeatibus exercitum reportare instituit.
SECTION 5.23.3Ac sic accidit, uti ex tanto navium numero tot navigationibus neque hoc neque superiore anno ulla omnino navis,
SECTION 5.23.4quae milites portaret, desideraretur; at ex eis, quae inanes ex continenti ad eum remitterentur et prioris commeatus expositis militibus et quas postea Labienus faciendas curaverat numero LX, perpaucae locum caperent, reliquae fere omnes reicerentur.
SECTION 5.23.5Quas cum aliquamdiu Caesar frustra exspectasset, ne anni tempore a navigatione excluderetur,
SECTION 5.23.6quod aequinoctium suberat, necessario angustius milites collocavit ac summa tranquillitate consecuta, secunda inita cum solvisset vigilia, prima luce terram attigit omnesque incolumes naves perduxit.
CHAPTER 5.24
SECTION 5.24.1Subductis navibus concilioque Gallorum Samarobrivae peracto, quod eo anno frumentum in Gallia propter siccitates angustius provenerat, coactus est aliter ac superioribus annis exercitum in hibernis collocare legionesque in plures civitates distribuere;
SECTION 5.24.2ex quibus unam in Morinos ducendam Gaio Fabio legato dedit, alteram in Nervios Quinto Ciceroni, tertiam in Esubios Lucio Roscio; quartam in Remis cum Tito Labieno in confinio Treverorum hiemare iussit. Tres in Belgis collocavit:
SECTION 5.24.3eis Marcum Crassum quaestorem et Lucium Munatium Plancum et Gaium Trebonium legatos praefecit.
SECTION 5.24.4Vnam legionem, quam proxime trans Padum conscripserat, et cohortes V in Eburones, quorum pars maxima est inter Mosam ac Rhenum, qui sub imperio Ambiorigis et Catuvolci erant, misit.
SECTION 5.24.5Eis militibus Quintum Titurium Sabinum et Lucium Aurunculeium Cottam legatos praeesse iussit.
SECTION 5.24.6Ad hunc modum distributis legionibus facillime inopiae frumentariae sese mederi posse existimavit.
SECTION 5.24.7Atque harum tamen omnium legionum hiberna praeter eam, quam Lucio Roscio in pacatissimam et quietissimam partem ducendam dederat, milibus passuum centum continebantur.
SECTION 5.24.8Ipse interea, quoad legiones collocatas munitaque hiberna cognovisset, in Gallia morari constituit.
CHAPTER 5.25
SECTION 5.25.1Erat in Carnutibus summo loco natus Tasgetius, cuius maiores in sua civitate regnum obtinuerant.
SECTION 5.25.2Huic Caesar pro eius virtute atque in se benevolentia, quod in omnibus bellis singulari eius opera fuerat usus, maiorum locum restituerat.
SECTION 5.25.3Tertium iam hunc annum regnantem inimici, multis palam ex civitate eius auctoribus, eum interfecerunt.
SECTION 5.25.4Defertur ea res ad Caesarem. Ille veritus, quod ad plures pertinebat, ne civitas eorum impulsu deficeret, Lucium Plancum cum legione ex Belgio celeriter in Carnutes proficisci iubet ibique hiemare quorumque opera cognoverat Tasgetium interfectum, hos comprehensos ad se mittere.
SECTION 5.25.5Interim ab omnibus legatis quaestoreque, quibus legiones tradiderat, certior factus est in hiberna perventum locumque hibernis esse munitum.
CHAPTER 5.26
SECTION 5.26.1Diebus circiter XV, quibus in hiberna ventum est, initium repentini tumultus ac defectionis ortum est ab Ambiorige et Catuvolco;
SECTION 5.26.2qui, cum ad fines regni sui Sabino Cottaeque praesto fuissent frumentumque in hiberna comportavissent, Indutiomari Treveri nuntiis impulsi suos concitaverunt subitoque oppressis lignatoribus magna manu ad castra oppugnatum venerunt.
SECTION 5.26.3Cum celeriter nostri arma cepissent vallumque adscendissent atque una ex parte Hispanis equitibus emissis equestri proelio superiores fuissent, desperata re hostes suos ab oppugnatione reduxerunt.
SECTION 5.26.4Tum suo more conclamaverunt, uti aliqui ex nostris ad colloquium prodiret: habere sese, quae de re communi dicere vellent, quibus rebus controversias minui posse sperarent.
CHAPTER 5.27
SECTION 5.27.1Mittitur ad eos colloquendi causa Gaius Arpineius, eques Romanus, familiaris Quinti Tituri, et Quintus Iunius ex Hispania quidam, qui iam ante missu Caesaris ad Ambiorigem ventitare consuerat; apud quos Ambiorix ad hunc modum locutus est:
SECTION 5.27.2sese pro Caesaris in se beneficiis plurimum ei confiteri debere, quod eius opera stipendio liberatus esset, quod Aduatucis, finitimis suis, pendere consuesset, quodque ei et filius et fratris filius ab Caesare remissi essent, quos Aduatuci obsidum numero missos apud se in servitute et catenis tenuissent;
SECTION 5.27.3neque id, quod fecerit de oppugnatione castrorum, aut iudicio aut voluntate sua fecisse, sed coactu civitatis, suaque esse eiusmodi imperia, ut non minus haberet iuris in se multitudo quam ipse in multitudinem.
SECTION 5.27.4Civitati porro hanc fuisse belli causam, quod repentinae Gallorum coniurationi resistere non potuerit. Id se facile ex humilitate sua probare posse, quod non adeo sit imperitus rerum ut suis copiis populum Romanum superari posse confidat.
SECTION 5.27.5Sed esse Galliae commune consilium: omnibus hibernis Caesaris oppugnandis hunc esse dictum diem, ne qua legio alterae legioni subsidio venire posset;
SECTION 5.27.6non facile Gallos Gallis negare potuisse, praesertim cum de recuperanda communi libertate consilium initum videretur.
SECTION 5.27.7Quibus quoniam pro pietate satisfecerit, habere nunc se rationem offici pro beneficiis Caesaris: monere, orare Titurium pro hospitio, ut suae ac militum saluti consulat.
SECTION 5.27.8Magnam manum Germanorum conductam Rhenum transisse; hanc adfore biduo.
SECTION 5.27.9Ipsorum esse consilium, velintne priusquam finitimi sentiant eductos ex hibernis milites aut ad Ciceronem aut ad Labienum deducere, quorum alter milia passuum circiter quinquaginta, alter paulo amplius ab eis absit.
SECTION 5.27.10Illud se polliceri et iureiurando confirmare tutum iter per fines daturum;
SECTION 5.27.11quod cum faciat, et civitati sese consulere, quod hibernis levetur, et Caesari pro eius meritis gratiam referre. Hac oratione habita discedit Ambiorix.
CHAPTER 5.28
SECTION 5.28.1Arpineius et Iunius, quae audierunt, ad legatos deferunt. Illi repentina re perturbati, etsi ab hoste ea dicebantur, tamen non neglegenda existimabant maximeque hac re permovebantur, quod civitatem ignobilem atque humilem Eburonum sua sponte populo Romano bellum facere ausam vix erat credendum.
SECTION 5.28.2Itaque ad consilium rem deferunt magnaque inter eos exsistit controversia.
SECTION 5.28.3Lucius Aurunculeius compluresque tribuni militum et primorum ordinum centuriones nihil temere agendum neque ex hibernis iniussu Caesaris discedendum existimabant: quantasvis [magnas] copias etiam Germanorum sustineri posse munitis hibernis docebant: rem esse testimonio, quod primum hostium impetum multis ultro vulneribus illatis fortissime sustinuerint: re frumentaria non premi; interea et ex proximis hibernis et a Caesare conventura subsidia: postremo quid esse levius aut turpius, quam auctore hoste de summis rebus capere consilium?
CHAPTER 5.29
SECTION 5.29.1Contra ea Titurius sero facturos clamitabat, cum maiores manus hostium adiunctis Germanis convenissent, aut cum aliquid calamitatis in proximis hibernis esset acceptum. Brevem consulendi esse occasionem. Caesarem arbitrari profectum in Italiam;
SECTION 5.29.2neque aliter Carnutes interficiendi Tasgeti consilium fuisse capturos, neque Eburones, si ille adesset, tanta contemptione nostri ad castra venturos esse.
SECTION 5.29.3Non hostem auctorem, sed rem spectare: subesse Rhenum; magno esse Germanis dolori Ariovisti mortem et superiores nostras victorias;
SECTION 5.29.4ardere Galliam tot contumeliis acceptis sub populi Romani imperium redactam superiore gloria rei militaris exstincta.
SECTION 5.29.5Postremo quis hoc sibi persuaderet, sine certa re Ambiorigem ad eiusmodi consilium descendisse?
SECTION 5.29.6Suam sententiam in utramque partem esse tutam: si nihil esset durius, nullo cum periculo ad proximam legionem perventuros; si Gallia omnis cum Germanis consentiret, unam esse in celeritate positam salutem.
SECTION 5.29.7Cottae quidem atque eorum, qui dissentirent, consilium quem habere exitum? In quo si non praesens periculum, at certe longinqua obsidione fames esset timenda.
CHAPTER 5.30
SECTION 5.30.1Hac in utramque partem disputatione habita, cum a Cotta primisque ordinibus acriter resisteretur, "Vincite," inquit, "si ita vultis," Sabinus, et id clariore voce, ut magna pars militum exaudiret;
SECTION 5.30.2"neque is sum," inquit, "qui gravissime ex vobis mortis periculo terrear: hi sapient; si gravius quid acciderit, abs te rationem reposcent,
SECTION 5.30.3qui, si per te liceat, perendino die cum proximis hibernis coniuncti communem cum reliquis belli casum sustineant, non reiecti et relegati longe ab ceteris aut ferro aut fame intereant."
CHAPTER 5.31
SECTION 5.31.1Consurgitur ex consilio; comprehendunt utrumque et orant, ne sua dissensione et pertinacia rem in summum periculum deducant:
SECTION 5.31.2facilem esse rem, seu maneant, seu proficiscantur, si modo unum omnes sentiant ac probent; contra in dissensione nullam se salutem perspicere. Res disputatione ad mediam noctem perducitur.
SECTION 5.31.3Tandem dat Cotta permotus manus: superat sententia Sabini. Pronuntiatur prima luce ituros.
SECTION 5.31.4Consumitur vigiliis reliqua pars noctis, cum sua quisque miles circumspiceret, quid secum portare posset, quid ex instrumento hibernorum relinquere cogeretur.
SECTION 5.31.5Omnia excogitantur, quare nec sine periculo maneatur, et languore militum et vigiliis periculum augeatur.
SECTION 5.31.6Prima luce sic ex castris proficiscuntur, ut quibus esset persuasum non ab hoste, sed ab homine amicissimo Ambiorige consilium datum, longissimo agmine maximisque impedimentis.
CHAPTER 5.32
SECTION 5.32.1At hostes, posteaquam ex nocturno fremitu vigiliisque de profectione eorum senserunt, collocatis insidiis bipertito in silvis opportuno atque occulto loco a milibus passuum circiter duobus Romanorum adventum exspectabant,
SECTION 5.32.2et cum se maior pars agminis in magnam convallem demisisset, ex utraque parte eius vallis subito se ostenderunt novissimosque premere et primos prohibere ascensu atque iniquissimo nostris loco proelium committere coeperunt.
CHAPTER 5.33
SECTION 5.33.1Tum demum Titurius, qui nihil ante providisset, trepidare et concursare cohortesque disponere, haec tamen ipsa timide atque ut eum omnia deficere viderentur; quod plerumque eis accidere consuevit, qui in ipso negotio consilium capere coguntur.
SECTION 5.33.2At Cotta, qui cogitasset haec posse in itinere accidere atque ob eam causam profectionis auctor non fuisset, nulla in re communi saluti deerat et in appellandis cohortandisque militibus imperatoris et in pugna militis officia praestabat.
SECTION 5.33.3Cum propter longitudinem agminis minus facile omnia per se obire et, quid quoque loco faciendum esset, providere possent, iusserunt pronuntiare, ut impedimenta relinquerent atque in orbem consisterent.
SECTION 5.33.4Quod consilium etsi in eiusmodi casu reprehendendum non est, tamen incommode accidit:
SECTION 5.33.5nam et nostris militibus spem minuit et hostes ad pugnam alacriores effecit, quod non sine summo timore et desperatione id factum videbatur. Praeterea accidit, quod fieri necesse erat, ut vulgo milites ab signis discederent, quae quisque eorum carissima haberet, ab impedimentis petere atque arripere properaret, clamore et fletu omnia complerentur.
CHAPTER 5.34
SECTION 5.34.1At barbaris consilium non defuit. Nam duces eorum tota acie pronuntiare iusserunt, ne quis ab loco discederet: illorum esse praedam atque illis reservari quaecumque Romani reliquissent: proinde omnia in victoria posita existimarent.
SECTION 5.34.2Erant et virtute et studio pugnandi pares; nostri, tametsi ab duce et a fortuna deserebantur, tamen omnem spem salutis in virtute ponebant, et quotiens quaeque cohors procurrerat, ab ea parte magnus numerus hostium cadebat.
SECTION 5.34.3Qua re animadversa Ambiorix pronuntiari iubet, ut procul tela coniciant neu propius accedant et, quam in partem Romani impetum fecerint, cedant (levitate armorum et cotidiana exercitatione nihil eis noceri posse),
SECTION 5.34.4rursus se ad signa recipientes insequantur.
CHAPTER 5.35
SECTION 5.35.1Quo praecepto ab eis diligentissime observato, cum quaepiam cohors ex orbe excesserat atque impetum fecerat, hostes velocissime refugiebant.
SECTION 5.35.2Interim eam partem nudari necesse erat et ab latere aperto tela recipi.
SECTION 5.35.3Rursus cum in eum locum unde erant egressi reverti coeperant, et ab eis qui cesserant et ab eis qui proximi steterant circumveniebantur;
SECTION 5.35.4sin autem locum tenere vellent, nec virtuti locus relinquebatur, neque ab tanta multitudine coniecta tela conferti vitare poterant.
SECTION 5.35.5Tamen tot incommodis conflictati, multis vulneribus acceptis resistebant et magna parte diei consumpta, cum a prima luce ad horam octavam pugnaretur, nihil quod ipsis esset indignum committebant.
SECTION 5.35.6Tum Tito Balventio, qui superiore anno primum pilum duxerat, viro forti et magnae auctoritatis, utrumque femur tragula traicitur;
SECTION 5.35.7Quintus Lucanius, eiusdem ordinis, fortissime pugnans, dum circumvento filio subvenit, interficitur;
SECTION 5.35.8Lucius Cotta legatus omnes cohortes ordinesque adhortans in adversum os funda vulneratur.
CHAPTER 5.36
SECTION 5.36.1His rebus permotus Quintus Titurius, cum procul Ambiorigem suos cohortantem conspexisset, interpretem suum Gnaeum Pompeium ad eum mittit rogatum ut sibi militibusque parcat.
SECTION 5.36.2Ille appellatus respondit: si velit secum colloqui, licere; sperare a multitudine impetrari posse, quod ad militum salutem pertineat; ipsi vero nihil nocitum iri, inque eam rem se suam fidem interponere. Ille cum Cotta saucio communicat,
SECTION 5.36.3si videatur, pugna ut excedant et cum Ambiorige una colloquantur: sperare ab eo de sua ac militum salute impetrari posse. Cotta se ad armatum hostem iturum negat atque in eo perseverat.
CHAPTER 5.37
SECTION 5.37.1Sabinus quos in praesentia tribunos militum circum se habebat et primorum ordinum centuriones se sequi iubet et, cum propius Ambiorigem accessisset, iussus arma abicere imperatum facit suisque ut idem faciant imperat.
SECTION 5.37.2Interim, dum de condicionibus inter se agunt longiorque consulto ab Ambiorige instituitur sermo, paulatim circumventus interficitur.
SECTION 5.37.3Tum vero suo more victoriam conclamant atque ululatum tollunt impetuque in nostros facto ordines perturbant.
SECTION 5.37.4Ibi Lucius Cotta pugnans interficitur cum maxima parte militum. Reliqui se in castra recipiunt unde erant egressi;
SECTION 5.37.5ex quibus Lucius Petrosidius aquilifer, cum magna multitudine hostium premeretur, aquilam intra vallum proiecit; ipse pro castris fortissime pugnans occiditur. Illi aegre ad noctem oppugnationem sustinent;
SECTION 5.37.6noctu ad unum omnes desperata salute se ipsi interficiunt.
SECTION 5.37.7Pauci ex proelio lapsi incertis itineribus per silvas ad Titum Labienum legatum in hiberna perveniunt atque eum de rebus gestis certiorem faciunt.
CHAPTER 5.38
SECTION 5.38.1Hac victoria sublatus Ambiorix statim cum equitatu in Aduatucos, qui erant eius regno finitimi, proficiscitur; neque noctem neque diem intermittit peditatumque se subsequi iubet.
SECTION 5.38.2Re demonstrata Aduatucisque concitatis postero die in Nervios pervenit hortaturque, ne sui in perpetuum liberandi atque ulciscendi Romanos pro eis quas acceperint iniuriis occasionem dimittant:
SECTION 5.38.3interfectos esse legatos duos magnamque partem exercitus interisse demonstrat;
SECTION 5.38.4nihil esse negoti subito oppressam legionem quae cum Cicerone hiemet interfici; se ad eam rem profitetur adiutorem. Facile hac oratione Nerviis persuadet.
CHAPTER 5.39
SECTION 5.39.1Itaque confestim dimissis nuntiis ad Ceutrones, Grudios, Levacos, Pleumoxios, Geidumnos, qui omnes sub eorum imperio sunt, quam maximas manus possunt cogunt et de improviso ad Ciceronis hiberna advolant nondum ad eum fama de Tituri morte perlata.
SECTION 5.39.2Huic quoque accidit, quod fuit necesse, ut nonnulli milites, qui lignationis munitionisque causa in silvas discessissent, repentino equitum adventu interciperentur.
SECTION 5.39.3His circumventis magna manu Eburones, Nervii, Aduatuci atque horum omnium socii et clientes legionem oppugnare incipiunt. Nostri celeriter ad arma concurrunt, vallum conscendunt.
SECTION 5.39.4Aegre is dies sustentatur, quod omnem spem hostes in celeritate ponebant atque hanc adepti victoriam in perpetuum se fore victores confidebant.
CHAPTER 5.40
SECTION 5.40.1Mittuntur ad Caesarem confestim ab Cicerone litterae magnis propositis praemiis, si pertulissent: obsessis omnibus viis missi intercipiuntur.
SECTION 5.40.2Noctu ex materia, quam munitionis causa comportaverant, turres admodum CXX excitantur incredibili celeritate; quae deesse operi videbantur, perficiuntur.
SECTION 5.40.3Hostes postero die multo maioribus coactis copiis castra oppugnant, fossam complent. Eadem ratione, qua pridie, ab nostris resistitur:
SECTION 5.40.4hoc idem reliquis deinceps fit diebus.
SECTION 5.40.5Nulla pars nocturni temporis ad laborem intermittitur; non aegris, non vulneratis facultas quietis datur.
SECTION 5.40.6Quaecumque ad proximi diei oppugnationem opus sunt noctu comparantur; multae praeustae sudes, magnus muralium pilorum numerus instituitur; turres contabulantur, pinnae loricaeque ex cratibus attexuntur.
SECTION 5.40.7Ipse Cicero, cum tenuissima valetudine esset, ne nocturnum quidem sibi tempus ad quietem relinquebat, ut ultro militum concursu ac vocibus sibi parcere cogeretur.
CHAPTER 5.41
SECTION 5.41.1Tunc duces principesque Nerviorum qui aliquem sermonis aditum causamque amicitiae cum Cicerone habebant colloqui sese velle dicunt.
SECTION 5.41.2Facta potestate eadem quae Ambiorix cum Titurio egerat commemorant: omnem esse in armis Galliam;
SECTION 5.41.3Germanos Rhenum transisse; Caesaris reliquorumque hiberna oppugnari.
SECTION 5.41.4Addunt etiam de Sabini morte: Ambiorigem ostentant fidei faciendae causa.
SECTION 5.41.5Errare eos dicunt, si quidquam ab his praesidi sperent, qui suis rebus diffidant; sese tamen hoc esse in Ciceronem populumque Romanum animo, ut nihil nisi hiberna recusent atque hanc inveterascere consuetudinem nolint:
SECTION 5.41.6licere illis incolumibus per se ex hibernis discedere et quascumque in partes velint sine metu proficisci.
SECTION 5.41.7Cicero ad haec unum modo respondit: non esse consuetudinem populi Romani accipere ab hoste armato condicionem:
SECTION 5.41.8si ab armis discedere velint, se adiutore utantur legatosque ad Caesarem mittant; sperare pro eius iustitia, quae petierint, impetraturos.
CHAPTER 5.42
SECTION 5.42.1Ab hac spe repulsi Nervii vallo pedum IX et fossa pedum XV hiberna cingunt.
SECTION 5.42.2Haec et superiorum annorum consuetudine ab nobis cognoverant et, quosdam de exercitu habebant captivos, ab eis docebantur;
SECTION 5.42.3sed nulla ferramentorum copia quae esset ad hunc usum idonea, gladiis caespites circumcidere, manibus sagulisque terram exhaurire nitebantur.
SECTION 5.42.4Qua quidem ex re hominum multitudo cognosci potuit: nam minus horis tribus milium pedum XV in circuitu munitionem perfecerunt
SECTION 5.42.5reliquisque diebus turres ad altitudinem valli, falces testudinesque, quas idem captivi docuerant, parare ac facere coeperunt.
CHAPTER 5.43
SECTION 5.43.1Septimo oppugnationis die maximo coorto vento ferventes fusili ex argilla glandes fundis et fervefacta iacula in casas, quae more Gallico stramentis erant tectae, iacere coeperunt.
SECTION 5.43.2Hae celeriter ignem comprehenderunt et venti magnitudine in omnem locum castrorum distulerunt.
SECTION 5.43.3Hostes maximo clamore sicuti parta iam atque explorata victoria turres testudinesque agere et scalis vallum ascendere coeperunt.
SECTION 5.43.4At tanta militum virtus atque ea praesentia animi fuit, ut, cum undique flamma torrerentur maximaque telorum multitudine premerentur suaque omnia impedimenta atque omnes fortunas conflagrare intellegerent, non modo demigrandi causa de vallo decederet nemo, sed paene ne respiceret quidem quisquam, ac tum omnes acerrime fortissimeque pugnarent.
SECTION 5.43.5Hic dies nostris longe gravissimus fuit; sed tamen hunc habuit eventum, ut eo die maximus numerus hostium vulneraretur atque interficeretur, ut se sub ipso vallo constipaverant recessumque primis ultimi non dabant.
SECTION 5.43.6Paulum quidem intermissa flamma et quodam loco turri adacta et contingente vallum tertiae cohortis centuriones ex eo, quo stabant, loco recesserunt suosque omnes removerunt, nutu vocibusque hostes, si introire vellent, vocare coeperunt; quorum progredi ausus est nemo.
SECTION 5.43.7Tum ex omni parte lapidibus coniectis deturbati, turrisque succensa est.
CHAPTER 5.44
SECTION 5.44.1Erant in ea legione fortissimi viri, centuriones, qui primis ordinibus appropinquarent, Titus Pullo et Lucius Vorenus.
SECTION 5.44.2Hi perpetuas inter se controversias habebant, quinam anteferretur, omnibusque annis de locis summis simultatibus contendebant.
SECTION 5.44.3Ex his Pullo, cum acerrime ad munitiones pugnaretur, "Quid dubitas," inquit, "Vorene? aut quem locum tuae probandae virtutis exspectas?
SECTION 5.44.4Hic dies de nostris controversiis iudicabit." Haec cum dixisset, procedit extra munitiones quaque pars hostium confertissima est visa irrumpit.
SECTION 5.44.5Ne Vorenus quidem tum sese vallo continet, sed omnium veritus existimationem subsequitur.
SECTION 5.44.6Mediocri spatio relicto Pullo pilum in hostes immittit atque unum ex multitudine procurrentem traicit; quo percusso et exanimato hunc scutis protegunt, in hostem tela universi coniciunt neque dant regrediendi facultatem.
SECTION 5.44.7Transfigitur scutum Pulloni et verutum in balteo defigitur.
SECTION 5.44.8Avertit hic casus vaginam et gladium educere conanti dextram moratur manum, impeditumque hostes circumsistunt.
SECTION 5.44.9Succurrit inimicus illi Vorenus et laboranti subvenit.
SECTION 5.44.10Ad hunc se confestim a Pullone omnis multitudo convertit:
SECTION 5.44.11illum veruto arbitrantur occisum. Gladio comminus rem gerit Vorenus atque uno interfecto reliquos paulum propellit;
SECTION 5.44.12dum cupidius instat, in locum deiectus inferiorem concidit. Huic rursus circumvento fert subsidium Pullo,
SECTION 5.44.13atque ambo incolumes compluribus interfectis summa cum laude sese intra munitiones recipiunt.
SECTION 5.44.14Sic fortuna in contentione et certamine utrumque versavit, ut alter alteri inimicus auxilio salutique esset, neque diiudicari posset, uter utri virtute anteferendus videretur.
CHAPTER 5.45
SECTION 5.45.1Quanto erat in dies gravior atque asperior oppugnatio, et maxime quod magna parte militum confecta vulneribus res ad paucitatem defensorum pervenerat, tanto crebriores litterae nuntiique ad Caesarem mittebantur; quorum pars deprehensa in conspectu nostrorum militum cum cruciatu necabatur.
SECTION 5.45.2Erat unus intus Nervius nomine Vertico, loco natus honesto, qui a prima obsidione ad Ciceronem perfugerat suamque ei fidem praestiterat.
SECTION 5.45.3Hic servo spe libertatis magnisque persuadet praemiis, ut litteras ad Caesarem deferat.
SECTION 5.45.4Has ille in iaculo illigatas effert et Gallus inter Gallos sine ulla suspicione versatus ad Caesarem pervenit.
SECTION 5.45.5Ab eo de periculis Ciceronis legionisque cognoscitur.
CHAPTER 5.46
SECTION 5.46.1Caesar acceptis litteris hora circiter XI diei statim nuntium in Bellovacos ad M. Crassum quaestorem mittit, cuius hiberna aberant ab eo milia passuum XXV;
SECTION 5.46.2iubet media nocte legionem proficisci celeriterque ad se venire.
SECTION 5.46.3Exit cum nuntio Crassus. Alterum ad Gaium Fabium legatum mittit, ut in Atrebatium fines legionem adducat, qua sibi iter faciendum sciebat.
SECTION 5.46.4Scribit Labieno, si rei publicae commodo facere posset, cum legione ad fines Nerviorum veniat. Reliquam partem exercitus, quod paulo aberat longius, non putat exspectandam; equites circiter quadringentos ex proximis hibernis colligit.
CHAPTER 5.47
SECTION 5.47.1Hora circiter tertia ab antecursoribus de Crassi adventu certior factus eo die milia passuum XX procedit.
SECTION 5.47.2Crassum Samarobrivae praeficit legionemque attribuit, quod ibi impedimenta exercitus, obsides civitatum, litteras publicas frumentumque omne quod eo tolerandae hiemis causa devexerat relinquebat.
SECTION 5.47.3Fabius, ut imperatum erat, non ita multum moratus in itinere cum legione occurrit.
SECTION 5.47.4Labienus interitu Sabini et caede cohortium cognita, cum omnes ad eum Treverorum copiae venissent, veritus, si ex hibernis fugae similem profectionem fecisset, ut hostium impetum sustinere posset, praesertim quos recenti victoria efferri sciret, litteras Caesari remittit, quanto cum periculo legionem ex hibernis educturus esset; rem gestam in Eburonibus perscribit; docet omnes equitatus peditatusque copias Treverorum tria milia passuum longe ab suis castris consedisse.
CHAPTER 5.48
SECTION 5.48.1Caesar consilio eius probato, etsi opinione trium legionum deiectus ad duas redierat, tamen unum communis salutis auxilium in celeritate ponebat. Venit magnis itineribus in Nerviorum fines.
SECTION 5.48.2Ibi ex captivis cognoscit, quae apud Ciceronem gerantur, quantoque in periculo res sit.
SECTION 5.48.3Tum cuidam ex equitibus Gallis magnis praemiis persuadet uti ad Ciceronem epistolam deferat.
SECTION 5.48.4Hanc Graecis conscriptam litteris mittit, ne intercepta epistola nostra ab hostibus consilia cognoscantur.
SECTION 5.48.5Si adire non possit, monet ut tragulam cum epistola ad amentum deligata intra munitionem castrorum abiciat.
SECTION 5.48.6In litteris scribit se cum legionibus profectum celeriter adfore; hortatur ut pristinam virtutem retineat.
SECTION 5.48.7Gallus periculum veritus, ut erat praeceptum, tragulam mittit.
SECTION 5.48.8Haec casu ad turrim adhaesit neque ab nostris biduo animadversa tertio die a quodam milite conspicitur, dempta ad Ciceronem defertur.
SECTION 5.48.9Ille perlectam in conventu militum recitat maximaque omnes laetitia adficit.
SECTION 5.48.10Tum fumi incendiorum procul videbantur; quae res omnem dubitationem adventus legionum expulit.
CHAPTER 5.49
SECTION 5.49.1Galli re cognita per exploratores obsidionem relinquunt, ad Caesarem omnibus copiis contendunt. Hae erant armata circiter milia LX.
SECTION 5.49.2Cicero data facultate Gallum ab eodem Verticone, quem supra demonstravimus, repetit, qui litteras ad Caesarem deferat; hunc admonet, iter caute diligenterque faciat:
SECTION 5.49.3perscribit in litteris hostes ab se discessisse omnemque ad eum multitudinem convertisse.
SECTION 5.49.4Quibus litteris circiter media nocte Caesar adlatis suos facit certiores eosque ad dimicandum animo confirmat.
SECTION 5.49.5Postero die luce prima movet castra et circiter milia passuum quattuor progressus trans vallem et rivum multitudinem hostium conspicatur.
SECTION 5.49.6Erat magni periculi res tantulis copiis iniquo loco dimicare; tum, quoniam obsidione liberatum Ciceronem sciebat, aequo animo remittendum de celeritate existimabat:
SECTION 5.49.7consedit et quam aequissimo loco potest castra communit atque haec, etsi erant exigua per se vix hominum milium septem praesertim nullis cum impedimentis, tamen angustiis viarum quam maxime potest contrahit, eo consilio, ut in summam contemptionem hostibus veniat.
SECTION 5.49.8Interim speculatoribus in omnes partes dimissis explorat quo commodissime itinere vallem transire possit.
CHAPTER 5.50
SECTION 5.50.1Eo die parvulis equestribus proeliis ad aquam factis utrique sese suo loco continent:
SECTION 5.50.2Galli, quod ampliores copias,
SECTION 5.50.3quae nondum convenerant, exspectabant; Caesar, si forte timoris simulatione hostes in suum locum elicere posset, ut citra vallem pro castris proelio contenderet, si id efficere non posset,
SECTION 5.50.4ut exploratis itineribus minore cum periculo vallem rivumque transiret. Prima luce hostium equitatus ad castra accedit proeliumque cum nostris equitibus committit.
SECTION 5.50.5Caesar consulto equites cedere seque in castra recipere iubet, simul ex omnibus partibus castra altiore vallo muniri portasque obstrui atque in his administrandis rebus quam maxime concursari et cum simulatione agi timoris iubet.
CHAPTER 5.51
SECTION 5.51.1Quibus omnibus rebus hostes invitati copias traducunt aciemque iniquo loco constituunt, nostris vero etiam de vallo deductis propius accedunt et tela intra munitionem ex omnibus partibus coniciunt
SECTION 5.51.2praeconibusque circummissis pronuntiari iubent, seu quis Gallus seu Romanus velit ante horam tertiam ad se transire, sine periculo licere; post id tempus non fore potestatem:
SECTION 5.51.3ac sic nostros contempserunt, ut obstructis in speciem portis singulis ordinibus caespitum, quod ea non posse introrumpere videbantur, alii vallum manu scindere, alii fossas complere inciperent.
SECTION 5.51.4Tum Caesar omnibus portis eruptione facta equitatuque emisso celeriter hostes in fugam dat, sic uti omnino pugnandi causa resisteret nemo, magnumque ex eis numerum occidit atque omnes armis exuit.
CHAPTER 5.52
SECTION 5.52.1Longius prosequi veritus, quod silvae paludesque intercedebant neque etiam parvulo detrimento illorum locum relinqui videbat, omnibus suis incolumibus copiis eodem die ad Ciceronem pervenit.
SECTION 5.52.2Institutas turres, testudines munitionesque hostium admiratur; legione producta cognoscit non decimum quemque esse reliquum militem sine vulnere:
SECTION 5.52.3ex his omnibus iudicat rebus, quanto cum periculo et quanta cum virtute res sint administratae.
SECTION 5.52.4Ciceronem pro eius merito legionemque collaudat; centuriones singillatim tribunosque militum appellat, quorum egregiam fuisse virtutem testimonio Ciceronis cognoverat. De casu Sabini et Cottae certius ex captivis cognoscit.
SECTION 5.52.5Postero die contione habita rem gestam proponit, milites consolatur et confirmat:
SECTION 5.52.6quod detrimentum culpa et temeritate legati sit acceptum, hoc aequiore animo ferendum docet, quod beneficio deorum immortalium et virtute eorum expiato incommodo neque hostibus diutina laetatio neque ipsis longior dolor relinquatur.
CHAPTER 5.53
SECTION 5.53.1Interim ad Labienum per Remos incredibili celeritate de victoria Caesaris fama perfertur, ut, cum ab hibernis Ciceronis milia passuum abesset circiter LX, eoque post horam nonam diei Caesar pervenisset, ante mediam noctem ad portas castrorum clamor oreretur, quo clamore significatio victoriae gratulatioque ab Remis Labieno fieret.
SECTION 5.53.2Hac fama ad Treveros perlata Indutiomarus, qui postero die castra Labieni oppugnare decreverat, noctu profugit copiasque omnes in Treveros reducit.
SECTION 5.53.3Caesar Fabium cum sua legione remittit in hiberna, ipse cum tribus legionibus circum Samarobrivam trinis hibernis hiemare constituit et, quod tanti motus Galliae exstiterant, totam hiemem ipse ad exercitum manere decrevit.
SECTION 5.53.4Nam illo incommodo de Sabini morte perlato omnes fere Galliae civitates de bello consultabant, nuntios legationesque in omnes partes dimittebant et quid reliqui consili caperent atque unde initium belli fieret explorabant nocturnaque in locis desertis concilia habebant.
SECTION 5.53.5Neque ullum fere totius hiemis tempus sine sollicitudine Caesaris intercessit, quin aliquem de consiliis ac motu Gallorum nuntium acciperet.
SECTION 5.53.6In his ab Lucio Roscio, quem legioni tertiae decimae praefecerat, certior factus est magnas Gallorum copias earum civitatum, quae Armoricae appellantur, oppugnandi sui causa convenisse
SECTION 5.53.7neque longius milia passuum octo ab hibernis suis afuisse, sed nuntio allato de victoria Caesaris discessisse, adeo ut fugae similis discessus videretur.
CHAPTER 5.54
SECTION 5.54.1At Caesar principibus cuiusque civitatis ad se evocatis alias territando, cum se scire quae fierent denuntiaret, alias cohortando magnam partem Galliae in officio tenuit.
SECTION 5.54.2Tamen Senones, quae est civitas in primis firma et magnae inter Gallos auctoritatis, Cavarinum, quem Caesar apud eos regem constituerat, cuius frater Moritasgus adventu in Galliam Caesaris cuiusque maiores regnum obtinuerant, interficere publico consilio conati, cum ille praesensisset ac profugisset, usque ad fines insecuti
SECTION 5.54.3regno domoque expulerunt et, missis ad Caesarem satisfaciendi causa legatis, cum is omnem ad se senatum venire iussisset, dicto audientes non fuerunt.
SECTION 5.54.4Ac tantum apud homines barbaros valuit esse aliquos repertos principes inferendi belli tantamque omnibus voluntatum commutationem attulit, ut praeter Aeduos et Remos, quos praecipuo semper honore Caesar habuit, alteros pro vetere ac perpetua erga populum Romanum fide, alteros pro recentibus Gallici belli officiis, nulla fere civitas fuerit non suspecta nobis.
SECTION 5.54.5Idque adeo haud scio mirandumne sit, cum compluribus aliis de causis, tum maxime quod ei, qui virtute belli omnibus gentibus praeferebantur, tantum se eius opinionis deperdidisse ut a populo Romano imperia perferrent gravissime dolebant.
CHAPTER 5.55
SECTION 5.55.1Treveri vero atque Indutiomarus totius hiemis nullum tempus intermiserunt, quin trans Rhenum legatos mitterent, civitates sollicitarent, pecunias pollicerentur, magna parte exercitus nostri interfecta multo minorem superesse dicerent partem.
SECTION 5.55.2Neque tamen ulli civitati Germanorum persuaderi potuit, ut Rhenum transiret, cum se bis expertos dicerent, Ariovisti bello et Tencterorum transitu: non esse amplius fortunam temptaturos. Hac spe lapsus Indutiomarus nihilo minus copias cogere,
SECTION 5.55.3exercere, a finitimis equos parare, exules damnatosque tota Gallia magnis praemiis ad se allicere coepit.
SECTION 5.55.4Ac tantam sibi iam his rebus in Gallia auctoritatem comparaverat ut undique ad eum legationes concurrerent, gratiam atque amicitiam publice privatimque peterent.
CHAPTER 5.56
SECTION 5.56.1Vbi intellexit ultro ad se veniri, altera ex parte Senones Carnutesque conscientia facinoris instigari, altera Nervios Aduatucosque bellum Romanis parare, neque sibi voluntariorum copias defore, si ex finibus suis progredi coepisset, armatum concilium indicit. Hoc more Gallorum est initium belli,
SECTION 5.56.2quo lege communi omnes puberes armati convenire consuerunt; qui ex eis novissimus convenit, in conspectu multitudinis omnibus cruciatibus affectus necatur.
SECTION 5.56.3In eo concilio Cingetorigem, alterius principem factionis, generum suum, quem supra demonstravimus Caesaris secutum fidem ab eo non discessisse, hostem iudicat bonaque eius publicat.
SECTION 5.56.4His rebus confectis, in concilio pronuntiat arcessitum se a Senonibus et Carnutibus aliisque compluribus Galliae civitatibus;
SECTION 5.56.5huc iturum per fines Remorum eorumque agros populaturum ac, priusquam id faciat, castra Labieni oppugnaturum. Quae fieri velit praecipit.
CHAPTER 5.57
SECTION 5.57.1Labienus, cum et loci natura et manu munitissumis castris sese teneret, de suo ac legionis periculo nihil timebat; ne quam occasionem rei bene gerendae dimitteret, cogitabat.
SECTION 5.57.2Itaque a Cingetorige atque eius propinquis oratione Indutiomari cognita, quam in concilio habuerat, nuntios mittit ad finitimas civitates equitesque undique evocat: his certum diem conveniendi dicit.
SECTION 5.57.3Interim prope cotidie cum omni equitatu Indutiomarus sub castris eius vagabatur, alias ut situm castrorum cognosceret, alias colloquendi aut territandi causa: equites plerumque omnes tela intra vallum coniciebant.
SECTION 5.57.4Labienus suos intra munitionem continebat timorisque opinionem, quibuscumque poterat rebus, augebat.
CHAPTER 5.58
SECTION 5.58.1Cum maiore in dies contemptione Indutiomarus ad castra accederet, nocte una intromissis equitibus omnium finitimarum civitatum quos arcessendos curaverat, tanta diligentia omnes suos custodiis intra castra continuit, ut nulla ratione ea res enuntiari aut ad Treveros perferri posset.
SECTION 5.58.2Interim ex consuetudine cotidiana Indutiomarus ad castra accedit atque ibi magnam partem diei consumit; equites tela coniciunt et magna cum contumelia verborum nostros ad pugnam evocant.
SECTION 5.58.3Nullo ab nostris dato responso, ubi visum est, sub vesperum dispersi ac dissipati discedunt.
SECTION 5.58.4Subito Labienus duabus portis omnem equitatum emittit; praecipit atque interdicit, proterritis hostibus atque in fugam coniectis (quod fore, sicut accidit, videbat) unum omnes peterent Indutiomarum, neu quis quem prius vulneret, quam illum interfectum viderit, quod mora reliquorum spatium nactum illum effugere nolebat; magna proponit eis qui occiderint praemia;
SECTION 5.58.5summittit cohortes equitibus subsidio.
SECTION 5.58.6Comprobat hominis consilium fortuna, et cum unum omnes peterent, in ipso fluminis vado deprehensus Indutiomarus interficitur, caputque eius refertur in castra: redeuntes equites quos possunt consectantur atque occidunt.
SECTION 5.58.7Hac re cognita omnes Eburonum et Nerviorum quae convenerant copiae discedunt, pauloque habuit post id factum Caesar quietiorem Galliam.
English · Plain English translation · Mouseia
CHAPTER 5.1
SECTION 5.1.1In the consulship of Lucius Domitius and Appius Claudius, Caesar left winter quarters for Italy, as he had made a practice of doing every year. He ordered the lieutenants whom he had placed in command of the legions to see that as many ships as possible were built during the winter and that the old ones were repaired. He specified their dimensions and design.
SECTION 5.1.2To make loading and hauling ashore faster, he had them built somewhat lower than the ships we normally use on our own sea. He did this all the more because he had learned that the frequent changes of the tides made the waves there less high. To carry cargo and large numbers of draft animals, he had them built somewhat broader than the ships we use on other seas.
SECTION 5.1.3He ordered all of them to be built for sailing and rowing, a purpose for which their low profile was a great advantage.
SECTION 5.1.4He ordered the equipment needed to outfit the ships to be brought from Spain.
SECTION 5.1.5After completing his judicial sessions in Cisalpine Gaul, he himself left for Illyricum because he heard that the Pirustae were raiding and ravaging a neighboring part of the province.
SECTION 5.1.6When he arrived there, he ordered the states to provide soldiers and directed them to assemble at a specified place.
SECTION 5.1.7When this was reported to them, the Pirustae sent envoys to tell him that none of these acts had been committed by public decision, and they declared that they were ready to make full compensation for the injuries by every means.
SECTION 5.1.8After hearing their statement, Caesar demanded hostages and ordered them to be brought by a specified day. He informed them that unless they did so, he would wage war against their state.
SECTION 5.1.9When the hostages were brought on the appointed day as he had ordered, he appointed arbitrators between the states to assess the damages and determine the penalty.
CHAPTER 5.2
SECTION 5.2.1After settling these matters and completing his judicial sessions, he returned to Cisalpine Gaul and from there departed for the army.
SECTION 5.2.2When he arrived, he toured all the winter quarters and found that, through the extraordinary zeal of the soldiers and despite an extreme shortage of all supplies, about six hundred ships of the kind described above and twenty-eight warships had been fully equipped and were not far from being ready to launch within a few days.
SECTION 5.2.3After warmly praising the soldiers and those who had supervised the work, he explained what he wanted done and ordered everyone to assemble at Portus Itius, from which he had learned that the crossing to Britain was most convenient, a passage of about thirty miles from the mainland. He left behind as many soldiers as seemed sufficient for this task;
SECTION 5.2.4he himself set out for the territory of the Treveri with four lightly equipped legions and eight hundred cavalry, because they neither attended the councils nor obeyed his authority and were said to be soliciting the Germans across the Rhine.
CHAPTER 5.3
SECTION 5.3.1This state has by far the strongest cavalry in all Gaul, possesses large infantry forces, and borders the Rhine, as we explained above.
SECTION 5.3.2In that state, two men, Indutiomarus and Cingetorix, were competing with each other for supremacy.
SECTION 5.3.3One of them, as soon as Caesar’s approach with the legions became known, came to him and assured him that he and all his people would remain loyal and would not abandon their friendship with the Roman people. He also informed Caesar of what was taking place among the Treveri.
SECTION 5.3.4Indutiomarus, however, began assembling cavalry and infantry and preparing for war. He concealed in the Ardennes Forest those who were too old or too young to bear arms. This forest is immense and extends through the middle of the territory of the Treveri from the Rhine to the borders of the Remi.
SECTION 5.3.5But afterward, when several leading men of that state, influenced by their friendship with Cingetorix and alarmed by the arrival of our army, came to Caesar and began making personal requests of him concerning their own affairs, since they could not provide for the welfare of their state, Indutiomarus, fearing that everyone would desert him, sent envoys to Caesar:
SECTION 5.3.6he had refused to leave his people and come to Caesar so that he could more easily keep the state loyal and prevent the common people, through their lack of judgment, from going astray when all the nobles had departed;
SECTION 5.3.7the state was therefore under his control, and, if Caesar permitted it, he would come to him in camp and entrust his own fortunes and those of his state to Caesar’s protection.
CHAPTER 5.4
SECTION 5.4.1Although Caesar understood why these statements were being made and what circumstance was deterring Indutiomarus from his original plan, he did not want to be forced to spend the summer among the Treveri when all preparations had been made for the war in Britain. He therefore ordered Indutiomarus to come to him with two hundred hostages.
SECTION 5.4.2When these were brought, including his son and all his relatives, whom Caesar had summoned by name, Caesar reassured Indutiomarus and urged him to remain loyal.
SECTION 5.4.3Nevertheless, Caesar summoned the leading men of the Treveri and individually reconciled them with Cingetorix. He understood that Cingetorix’s conduct deserved this treatment from him, and he also considered it highly important that the influence among his own people of a man whose exceptional goodwill toward Caesar he had recognized should become as great as possible.
SECTION 5.4.4Indutiomarus deeply resented this action because it diminished his influence among his own people. Though he had already been hostile toward us, this humiliation made his resentment flare up much more fiercely.
CHAPTER 5.5
SECTION 5.5.1After settling these matters, Caesar reached Portus Itius with the legions.
SECTION 5.5.2There he learned that sixty ships built in the territory of the Meldi had been driven back by a storm, had been unable to hold their course, and had returned to the place from which they had departed. He found the rest ready to sail and fully equipped with everything necessary.
SECTION 5.5.3The cavalry of all Gaul, numbering four thousand, assembled there as well, together with the leading men from every state.
SECTION 5.5.4Caesar had decided to leave in Gaul only a very few whose loyalty toward him he had verified, and to take the rest with him as hostages, because he feared an uprising in Gaul while he was away.
CHAPTER 5.6
SECTION 5.6.1Among the others was the Aeduan Dumnorix, whom we have mentioned before. Caesar was especially determined to take him along because he knew that Dumnorix was eager for revolution, eager for power, bold in spirit, and highly influential among the Gauls.
SECTION 5.6.2There was the additional fact that Dumnorix had said in the council of the Aedui that Caesar was offering him the kingship of the state. The Aedui bitterly resented this statement, but did not dare send envoys to Caesar to object or appeal against it.
SECTION 5.6.3Caesar had learned of this from his own guest-friends among them. At first Dumnorix urgently begged in every possible way to be left in Gaul, partly because he was unaccustomed to sailing and feared the sea, and partly because, as he claimed, religious obligations prevented him from going.
SECTION 5.6.4After he saw that his request was being firmly refused and all hope of obtaining it had been taken away, he began to solicit the leading men of Gaul, take them aside one by one, and urge them to remain on the mainland.
SECTION 5.6.5He tried to frighten them by saying that it was not without reason that Gaul was being stripped of its entire nobility; that Caesar’s plan was to transport to Britain and kill all those whom he was afraid to execute in full view of Gaul.
SECTION 5.6.6He pledged his word to the others and demanded an oath from them that they would jointly carry out whatever they judged to be in Gaul’s interest. Many people reported these activities to Caesar.
CHAPTER 5.7
SECTION 5.7.1When Caesar learned of this, because he attached such great importance to the standing of the Aeduan state, he decided that Dumnorix must be restrained and deterred by any means available.
SECTION 5.7.2Since he saw that Dumnorix’s recklessness was going too far, he believed precautions must be taken to prevent him from harming Caesar himself or the Republic. Caesar therefore remained in that place for about twenty-five days,
SECTION 5.7.3because the northwest wind, which usually blows in this region for a large part of the time, was preventing the voyage. He made every effort to keep Dumnorix loyal, while nevertheless continuing to learn of all his plans.
SECTION 5.7.4At last, when he obtained suitable weather, he ordered the soldiers and cavalry to board the ships.
SECTION 5.7.5But while everyone was preoccupied, Dumnorix left the camp with the Aeduan cavalry and began making his way home without Caesar’s knowledge.
SECTION 5.7.6When this was reported, Caesar halted the departure, set everything else aside, and sent a large part of the cavalry in pursuit of Dumnorix, ordering them to bring him back.
SECTION 5.7.7He ordered them to kill Dumnorix if he used force and refused to obey, judging that a man who had disregarded his command while he was present would do nothing rational while he was away.
SECTION 5.7.8When called back, Dumnorix began to resist, defend himself by force, and appeal to his followers to keep faith with him, repeatedly shouting that he was a free man and belonged to a free state.
SECTION 5.7.9As they had been ordered, the cavalry surrounded and killed him. All the Aeduan cavalry then returned to Caesar.
CHAPTER 5.8
SECTION 5.8.1After this was done, Caesar left Labienus on the mainland with three legions and two thousand cavalry to defend the harbors, secure the grain supply, learn what was happening in Gaul, and make decisions according to the circumstances and the situation.
SECTION 5.8.2Caesar himself set sail at sunset with five legions and the same number of cavalry as he had left on the mainland. Carried forward by a gentle southwest wind, he failed to hold his course when the wind died around midnight. Swept too far by the tide, at daybreak he saw that he had left Britain behind on his left.
SECTION 5.8.3Then, following the tide as it reversed, he pressed forward under oars to reach the part of the island where he had learned the previous summer that landing was best.
SECTION 5.8.4In this effort, the soldiers’ courage was especially deserving of praise: without pausing in their labor at the oars, they made the transports and heavily laden vessels match the speed of the warships.
SECTION 5.8.5All the ships reached Britain at about noon, and no enemy was seen at that place.
SECTION 5.8.6But, as Caesar later learned from prisoners, although large forces had assembled there, they had been frightened by the great number of ships. More than eight hundred vessels, including those from the previous year and the privately owned ships that individuals had built for their own convenience, had appeared there at one time. The enemy had therefore withdrawn from the shore and concealed themselves on higher ground.
CHAPTER 5.9
SECTION 5.9.1Caesar disembarked the army and selected a suitable site for the camp. When he learned from prisoners where the enemy’s forces had taken position, he left ten cohorts and three hundred cavalry by the sea to guard the ships and marched against the enemy during the third watch. He was less concerned about the ships because he was leaving them tied at anchor on a soft, open beach,
SECTION 5.9.2and he placed Quintus Atrius in command of the guard for the ships. Advancing by night for about twelve miles, Caesar sighted the enemy’s forces.
SECTION 5.9.3The enemy advanced to the river with cavalry and chariots and, from higher ground, began trying to block our men and engaging them in battle.
SECTION 5.9.4Driven back by our cavalry, they concealed themselves in the woods, where they had found a place exceptionally well fortified both by nature and by construction. They appeared to have prepared it earlier for use in a war among themselves,
SECTION 5.9.5for all the entrances had been blocked by felling trees at close intervals.
SECTION 5.9.6Scattered individuals fought from the woods and prevented our men from entering the defenses.
SECTION 5.9.7But the soldiers of the Seventh Legion formed a tortoise, built a ramp against the fortifications, and captured the position. They drove the enemy from the woods while suffering only a few wounds.
SECTION 5.9.8Caesar, however, forbade his men to pursue the fugitives very far, both because he did not know the terrain and because much of the day had been spent and he wanted to leave time for fortifying the camp.
CHAPTER 5.10
SECTION 5.10.1Early the next morning, he sent the infantry and cavalry out in three divisions to pursue those who had fled.
SECTION 5.10.2After they had advanced some distance, when the rear of the column was still in sight, cavalrymen came to Caesar from Quintus Atrius to report that a tremendous storm had arisen the previous night and that almost all the ships had been damaged and cast ashore, because neither the anchors nor the cables had held, and the sailors and helmsmen had been unable to withstand the force of the storm;
SECTION 5.10.3and so the ships’ collisions with one another had caused extensive damage.
CHAPTER 5.11
SECTION 5.11.1When Caesar learned of these events, he ordered the legions and cavalry to be recalled and to halt on the march, while he himself returned to the ships;
SECTION 5.11.2there he saw in person almost exactly what he had learned from the messengers and dispatches: about forty ships had been lost, but it appeared that the rest could still be repaired, though only with great difficulty.
SECTION 5.11.3He therefore selected craftsmen from the legions and ordered others to be summoned from the mainland;
SECTION 5.11.4he wrote to Labienus instructing him to build as many ships as he could with the legions under his command.
SECTION 5.11.5For his own part, although the undertaking required a great deal of effort and labor, he decided that the best course was to haul all the ships ashore and connect them with the camp inside a single fortification.
SECTION 5.11.6He spent about ten days on these operations, without interrupting the soldiers’ work even at night.
SECTION 5.11.7After the ships had been hauled ashore and the camp had been exceptionally well fortified, he left the same forces as before to guard the ships and set out himself for the place from which he had returned.
SECTION 5.11.8When he arrived there, larger British forces had already assembled at that place from every direction, and by common agreement supreme command and direction of the war had been entrusted to Cassivellaunus, whose territory is separated from the coastal states by a river called the Thames, about eighty miles from the sea.
SECTION 5.11.9In earlier times Cassivellaunus had been continually at war with the other states, but the Britons, alarmed by our arrival, had placed him in command of the entire war and all their forces.
CHAPTER 5.12
SECTION 5.12.1The interior of Britain is inhabited by people who say that their own tradition records that they were born on the island,
SECTION 5.12.2while the coastal region is inhabited by people who crossed over from Belgium for the sake of plunder and warfare. Nearly all of them are called by the names of the states from which they originated before coming there, and after making war they remained and began to cultivate the land.
SECTION 5.12.3The population is immense, the buildings are extremely numerous and generally resemble those of Gaul, and there are great numbers of livestock.
SECTION 5.12.4They use bronze, gold coins, or iron bars weighed to a fixed standard as currency.
SECTION 5.12.5Tin is found there in the inland regions and iron along the coast, though only in small quantities; the bronze they use is imported. Timber of every kind is found there, as in Gaul, except for beech and fir.
SECTION 5.12.6They consider it unlawful to eat hare, chicken, or goose, though they raise them for pleasure and amusement. The climate is milder than in Gaul, with less severe cold.
CHAPTER 5.13
SECTION 5.13.1The island is naturally triangular, with one side facing Gaul. Of the two corners of this side, the one by Kent, where almost all ships from Gaul make landfall, faces east, while the lower corner faces south. This side extends for about five hundred miles.
SECTION 5.13.2The second side runs toward Spain and the west. On that side lies Ireland, which is estimated to be half the size of Britain, but the crossing to it from Britain is the same distance as the crossing from Gaul to Britain.
SECTION 5.13.3Midway across this passage is an island called Mona. In addition, a number of smaller islands are believed to lie nearby, and some writers have stated that at the winter solstice there is continuous night on these islands for thirty days.
SECTION 5.13.4We could discover nothing about this through inquiry, except that by precise measurements with a water clock we observed that the nights were shorter than on the mainland.
SECTION 5.13.5According to the inhabitants’ estimate, the length of this side is seven hundred miles.
SECTION 5.13.6The third side faces north. No land lies opposite this part, but the corner of that side points mainly toward Germany. It is estimated to be eight hundred miles long.
SECTION 5.13.7Thus the entire island has a circumference of two thousand miles.
CHAPTER 5.14
SECTION 5.14.1Of all these inhabitants, by far the most civilized are those who live in Kent, an entirely coastal region, and their customs differ little from those of the Gauls.
SECTION 5.14.2Most of the people of the interior do not sow grain but live on milk and meat and wear animal skins. All the Britons, however, stain themselves with woad, which produces a blue color, and this makes them more terrifying in appearance in battle;
SECTION 5.14.3they wear their hair long and shave every part of the body except the head and upper lip.
SECTION 5.14.4Groups of ten or twelve men share wives in common, especially brothers with brothers and fathers with sons; but children born from these unions are regarded as the children of the man to whose household each woman was first brought as a virgin.
CHAPTER 5.15
SECTION 5.15.1The enemy’s cavalry and chariot warriors fought fiercely with our cavalry along the route, but our men proved superior in every sector and drove them into the woods and hills.
SECTION 5.15.2But after killing a number of them, our men pursued too eagerly and lost some of their own.
SECTION 5.15.3After an interval, however, while our men were off guard and occupied with fortifying the camp, the enemy suddenly rushed out of the woods, attacked the men posted on guard in front of the camp,
SECTION 5.15.4and fought fiercely. Caesar sent two cohorts to reinforce them—the leading cohorts of two legions—but although these took position with only a very small space between them, the enemy, after terrifying our men with this unfamiliar kind of fighting, broke through between them with great daring and withdrew safely.
SECTION 5.15.5That day Quintus Laberius Durus, a military tribune, was killed. The enemy was driven back when more cohorts were sent forward.
CHAPTER 5.16
SECTION 5.16.1Throughout this entire action, which was fought in full view of everyone and in front of the camp, it became clear that because of the weight of their armor, since they could neither pursue the enemy when they retreated nor dared leave the standards, our men were poorly suited to fighting this kind of enemy,
SECTION 5.16.2while the cavalry fought at great risk because the enemy usually retreated deliberately and, once they had drawn our men a short distance away from the legions, leaped down from their chariots and fought on foot under unequal conditions.
SECTION 5.16.3The nature of the cavalry action, moreover, exposed both those retreating and those pursuing to the same degree and kind of danger.
SECTION 5.16.4Another factor was that the enemy never fought in close formation but were spread out with wide intervals between them, and they had relief forces stationed at various points, so that one group after another could receive them and fresh, rested men could replace those who were exhausted.
CHAPTER 5.17
SECTION 5.17.1The next day the enemy took position on the hills some distance from the camp, showed themselves only in scattered groups, and began to challenge our cavalry to battle less aggressively than the day before.
SECTION 5.17.2But at midday, when Caesar had sent three legions and all the cavalry under his lieutenant Gaius Trebonius to gather forage, the enemy suddenly rushed at the foragers from every direction, pressing so close that they did not keep away from the standards and legions.
SECTION 5.17.3Our men attacked them fiercely, drove them back, and did not stop pursuing until the cavalry, relying on the support of the legions they saw behind them,
SECTION 5.17.4drove the enemy headlong, killed a great number of them, and gave them no opportunity to rally, make a stand, or leap down from their chariots.
SECTION 5.17.5Immediately after this rout, the auxiliary forces that had assembled from every direction dispersed, and from that time onward the enemy never again engaged us with their full strength.
CHAPTER 5.18
SECTION 5.18.1After learning of their plan, Caesar led his army to the River Thames, into the territory of Cassivellaunus. The river can be crossed on foot at only one place, and even there only with difficulty.
SECTION 5.18.2When he arrived, he observed that large enemy forces had drawn up on the opposite bank of the river;
SECTION 5.18.3the bank had been fortified with sharpened stakes fixed along its edge, and stakes of the same kind had been driven into the riverbed and were concealed beneath the water.
SECTION 5.18.4After learning these details from prisoners and deserters, Caesar sent the cavalry ahead and ordered the legions to follow immediately.
SECTION 5.18.5The soldiers advanced with such speed and force, although only their heads remained above the water, that the enemy could not withstand the assault of the legions and cavalry, abandoned the banks, and fled.
CHAPTER 5.19
SECTION 5.19.1Cassivellaunus, as explained above, gave up all hope of fighting a pitched battle, dismissed his larger forces, and kept about four thousand chariot warriors. He watched our line of march, moved a short distance away from the road, and concealed himself in difficult, wooded country. In the districts through which he had learned that we intended to march, he drove the livestock and people from the fields into the woods, and,
SECTION 5.19.2whenever our cavalry spread out more freely across the countryside to plunder and devastate it, he sent his chariot warriors out of the woods by every road and path. They engaged our cavalry at great risk to our men, and the fear of these attacks prevented them from ranging very far.
SECTION 5.19.3The result was that Caesar would not allow the cavalry to move far from the marching column of legions, and the enemy could be harmed by the devastation of their fields and the burning of their property only to the extent that the legionaries could accomplish through their labor and marching.
CHAPTER 5.20
SECTION 5.20.1Meanwhile the Trinovantes, nearly the strongest state in that region, sent envoys to Caesar and promised to surrender to him and obey his commands. From this state the young Mandubracius had come to Caesar on the mainland of Gaul and placed himself under his protection. Mandubracius’s father had held the kingship in that state and had been killed by Cassivellaunus, while Mandubracius himself had escaped death by fleeing;
SECTION 5.20.2they asked Caesar to protect Mandubracius from injury by Cassivellaunus and send him back to the state to rule and hold supreme authority.
SECTION 5.20.3Caesar ordered them to provide forty hostages and grain for the army, and he sent Mandubracius to them.
SECTION 5.20.4They quickly carried out his commands and sent the required number of hostages and the grain.
CHAPTER 5.21
SECTION 5.21.1After the Trinovantes had been protected and secured against any mistreatment by the soldiers, the Cenimagni, Segontiaci, Ancalites, Bibroci, and Cassi sent delegations and surrendered to Caesar.
SECTION 5.21.2From them he learned that Cassivellaunus’s stronghold was not far from that place, that it was protected by woods and marshes, and that a fairly large number of people and livestock had gathered there.
SECTION 5.21.3The Britons call it a stronghold when they fortify a dense woodland with a rampart and ditch and use it as their customary place of refuge from enemy raids.
SECTION 5.21.4Caesar marched there with the legions and found the place exceptionally well fortified both by nature and by human construction. Nevertheless, he attempted to assault it from two sides.
SECTION 5.21.5The enemy held out for a short time, but could not withstand our soldiers’ assault and rushed out through another side of the stronghold.
SECTION 5.21.6A great number of livestock was found there, and many of the enemy were caught and killed as they fled.
CHAPTER 5.22
SECTION 5.22.1While these events were taking place in that region, Cassivellaunus sent messengers to Kent, which, as explained above, lies by the sea. Four kings ruled that region—Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taximagulus, and Segovax—and Cassivellaunus ordered them to assemble all their forces and launch a surprise assault on the naval camp.
SECTION 5.22.2When they reached the camp, our men made a sortie, killed many of them, captured even their distinguished leader Lugotorix, and brought their own men back safely.
SECTION 5.22.3When Cassivellaunus received news of this battle, after suffering so many losses and seeing his territory devastated, and especially because he was alarmed by the defection of the states, he sent envoys through Commius the Atrebatian to negotiate his surrender to Caesar.
SECTION 5.22.4Caesar had decided to winter on the mainland because of the sudden unrest in Gaul. Since little of the summer remained and he understood that the negotiations could easily be prolonged, he demanded hostages and fixed the annual tribute Britain was to pay the Roman people;
SECTION 5.22.5he strictly ordered Cassivellaunus not to harm Mandubracius or the Trinovantes.
CHAPTER 5.23
SECTION 5.23.1After receiving the hostages, Caesar led the army back to the sea and found the ships repaired.
SECTION 5.23.2After the ships had been launched, because he had a large number of prisoners and some ships had been lost in the storm, he decided to transport the army back in two voyages.
SECTION 5.23.3And so it happened that, despite the great number of ships and all the voyages made, neither in this year nor in the previous one was any ship carrying soldiers lost at all;
SECTION 5.23.4but of the ships sent back to him empty from the mainland—both those that had landed the soldiers of the first crossing and the sixty that Labienus had later arranged to have built—very few reached their destination, and almost all the rest were driven back.
SECTION 5.23.5After Caesar had waited for them in vain for some time, he feared that the season would prevent him from sailing,
SECTION 5.23.6because the equinox was approaching. He therefore had no choice but to pack the soldiers more tightly aboard the ships. When the sea became completely calm, he set sail at the beginning of the second watch, reached land at first light, and brought every ship safely ashore.
CHAPTER 5.24
SECTION 5.24.1After the ships had been hauled ashore and a council of the Gauls had been held at Samarobriva, Caesar was compelled to station his army in winter quarters differently from previous years and to distribute the legions among a greater number of states, because the grain harvest in Gaul that year had been unusually poor because of drought;
SECTION 5.24.2of these legions, he assigned one to his lieutenant Gaius Fabius to lead into the territory of the Morini, another to Quintus Cicero to lead into the territory of the Nervii, and a third to Lucius Roscius to lead into the territory of the Essuvii. He ordered a fourth to winter among the Remi under Titus Labienus, on the border of the Treveri. He stationed three among the Belgae;
SECTION 5.24.3he placed these under the command of the quaestor Marcus Crassus and the lieutenants Lucius Munatius Plancus and Gaius Trebonius.
SECTION 5.24.4He sent one legion, which he had most recently raised north of the Po, and five cohorts into the territory of the Eburones, most of whom live between the Meuse and the Rhine and were under the rule of Ambiorix and Catuvolcus.
SECTION 5.24.5He ordered his lieutenants Quintus Titurius Sabinus and Lucius Aurunculeius Cotta to command these troops.
SECTION 5.24.6He believed that by distributing the legions in this way he could most easily deal with the shortage of grain.
SECTION 5.24.7Nevertheless, the winter quarters of all these legions, except the one he had assigned to Lucius Roscius to lead into an entirely peaceful and quiet region, were contained within a radius of one hundred miles.
SECTION 5.24.8Meanwhile, Caesar decided to remain in Gaul until he had received confirmation that the legions were in position and their winter quarters fortified.
CHAPTER 5.25
SECTION 5.25.1Among the Carnutes there was a man of the highest birth named Tasgetius, whose ancestors had held the kingship in their state.
SECTION 5.25.2Because of his courage and goodwill toward Caesar, whose exceptional service Caesar had employed in all his wars, Caesar had restored him to the rank his ancestors had held.
SECTION 5.25.3He had now been king for three years when his enemies killed him, with many members of his state openly supporting them.
SECTION 5.25.4The matter was reported to Caesar. Fearing that, because many people were involved, their tribe might revolt at their instigation, he ordered Lucius Plancus to set out quickly from Belgium with his legion for the territory of the Carnutes and spend the winter there, and to arrest those whom he learned had been responsible for Tasgetius’s murder and send them to him.
SECTION 5.25.5Meanwhile, all the legates and the quaestor to whom he had entrusted the legions informed him that they had reached their winter quarters and that the sites had been fortified.
CHAPTER 5.26
SECTION 5.26.1About fifteen days after the troops had entered winter quarters, a sudden uprising and revolt began under Ambiorix and Catuvolcus.
SECTION 5.26.2Although they had met Sabinus and Cotta at the borders of their kingdom and had brought grain into the winter quarters, they were incited by messengers from Indutiomarus of the Treveri and stirred up their people. Then, after suddenly overpowering some soldiers who were out gathering wood, they came in great force to attack the camp.
SECTION 5.26.3Our men quickly took up arms and mounted the rampart, and after Spanish cavalry had been sent out from one side, they gained the advantage in a cavalry engagement. The enemy, abandoning hope of success, withdrew their men from the attack.
SECTION 5.26.4Then, in their usual way, they called out for one of our men to come forward for a conference. They said that they had matters of common concern to discuss and hoped that what they had to say could reduce the points in dispute.
CHAPTER 5.27
SECTION 5.27.1Gaius Arpineius, a Roman knight and close friend of Quintus Titurius, and a certain Quintus Junius from Spain were sent to confer with them. Junius had already been accustomed to visit Ambiorix on Caesar’s instructions. Ambiorix spoke to them as follows:
SECTION 5.27.2He acknowledged that he owed Caesar a very great debt for the favors Caesar had done him: through Caesar’s intervention he had been freed from the tribute that he had regularly paid to the Aduatuci, his neighbors, and Caesar had returned to him both his son and his brother’s son, whom the Aduatuci had held among their hostages in slavery and chains.
SECTION 5.27.3As for his attack on the camp, he had not acted by his own judgment or inclination but under compulsion from his tribe. His authority was such that the people had no less power over him than he had over the people.
SECTION 5.27.4The reason the tribe had gone to war was that it could not resist the sudden conspiracy of the Gauls. He could easily prove this from his own humble position, since he was not so inexperienced as to believe that the Roman people could be defeated by his forces.
SECTION 5.27.5But it was the common plan of all Gaul: this day had been appointed for attacks on all Caesar’s winter quarters, so that no legion could come to the aid of another.
SECTION 5.27.6It had not been easy for Gauls to refuse other Gauls, especially when the plan appeared to concern the recovery of their common freedom.
SECTION 5.27.7Since he had now satisfied the demands of patriotism, he was taking account of his duty in return for Caesar’s favors. Because of their bond of hospitality, he warned and begged Titurius to provide for his own safety and that of his soldiers.
SECTION 5.27.8A large force of hired Germans had crossed the Rhine and would arrive in two days.
SECTION 5.27.9It was for the Romans themselves to decide whether, before the neighboring peoples learned of it, they wished to lead their soldiers out of winter quarters and march either to Cicero or to Labienus, one of whom was about fifty miles away and the other a little farther.
SECTION 5.27.10He promised, and confirmed by oath, that he would grant them safe passage through his territory.
SECTION 5.27.11In doing so, he was both helping his own tribe by relieving it of the winter quarters and repaying Caesar for his favors. After delivering this speech, Ambiorix departed.
CHAPTER 5.28
SECTION 5.28.1Arpineius and Junius reported to the legates what they had heard. Though deeply disturbed by the sudden development, the legates still thought that the warning should not be disregarded, even though it came from an enemy. They were especially troubled because it was scarcely believable that the obscure and insignificant tribe of the Eburones would have dared to make war on the Roman people on its own initiative.
SECTION 5.28.2They therefore referred the matter to a council of war, and a great dispute arose among them.
SECTION 5.28.3Lucius Aurunculeius, several military tribunes, and the senior centurions believed that nothing should be done rashly and that they should not leave winter quarters without Caesar’s orders. They pointed out that however large the forces—even German forces—fortified winter quarters could withstand them. The facts were proof: they had held out with the greatest courage against the enemy’s first assault while inflicting many wounds on them into the bargain. They were not suffering from any shortage of grain. Meanwhile, reinforcements would arrive both from the nearest winter quarters and from Caesar. Finally, what could be more irresponsible or more disgraceful than to make a decision on matters of the greatest importance on the advice of an enemy?
CHAPTER 5.29
SECTION 5.29.1Against this, Titurius kept shouting that they would act too late once larger enemy forces had assembled with the Germans added to them, or once some disaster had been suffered in the nearest winter quarters. Their opportunity for making a decision was brief. He believed that Caesar had left for Italy.
SECTION 5.29.2Otherwise, the Carnutes would not have formed their plan to murder Tasgetius, nor, if Caesar were present, would the Eburones have come against the camp with such contempt for us.
SECTION 5.29.3He was not considering the enemy as an adviser, but the facts themselves: the Rhine was close at hand; the death of Ariovistus and our previous victories caused the Germans great pain.
SECTION 5.29.4Gaul was burning with resentment at the many humiliations it had suffered in being brought under the rule of the Roman people, with its former military glory extinguished.
SECTION 5.29.5Finally, who could persuade himself that Ambiorix had adopted such a plan without reliable information?
SECTION 5.29.6His own proposal was safe under either possibility. If there were no greater danger, they would reach the nearest legion without any risk; but if all Gaul were acting in concert with the Germans, their only hope of safety lay in speed.
SECTION 5.29.7What outcome could Cotta’s plan and that of those who disagreed offer? Even if it involved no immediate danger, they would certainly have to fear starvation during a prolonged siege.
CHAPTER 5.30
SECTION 5.30.1After the arguments had been presented on both sides, and Cotta and the senior centurions continued to resist fiercely, Sabinus said, “Have it your way, if that is what you want,” speaking loudly enough for a large part of the soldiers to hear.
SECTION 5.30.2“I am not the man among you who is most terrified by the danger of death,” he said. “These men will understand. If any serious disaster occurs, they will demand an accounting from you,
SECTION 5.30.3because, if you allowed it, they could join the nearest winter quarters the day after tomorrow and face the common fortunes of war together with the others, instead of being cast off and isolated far from everyone else to die by the sword or from starvation.”
CHAPTER 5.31
SECTION 5.31.1The council rose. The officers took hold of both men and begged them not to bring the situation into the greatest danger through their disagreement and stubbornness.
SECTION 5.31.2The matter was easy, whether they remained or departed, provided only that they all held and approved one opinion. In disagreement, by contrast, they could see no hope of safety. The debate continued until midnight.
SECTION 5.31.3At last Cotta yielded under the pressure. Sabinus’s proposal prevailed. It was announced that they would leave at daybreak.
SECTION 5.31.4The rest of the night was spent awake, as every soldier looked over his possessions to see what he could carry with him and what equipment from the winter quarters he would be forced to leave behind.
SECTION 5.31.5Every reason was devised to show that they could not remain without danger, while the danger was increased by the soldiers’ exhaustion and lack of sleep.
SECTION 5.31.6At daybreak they left the camp as though they were convinced that the advice had come not from an enemy but from their closest friend, Ambiorix. They marched in an extremely long column with an enormous amount of baggage.
CHAPTER 5.32
SECTION 5.32.1But after the enemy realized from the nighttime noise and wakefulness that the Romans intended to depart, they divided into two groups and set an ambush in the woods at a suitable, concealed place about two miles away, where they waited for the Romans to arrive.
SECTION 5.32.2When the greater part of the column had descended into a broad valley, they suddenly revealed themselves on both sides of it and began pressing the rear of the column, preventing the front from climbing out, and engaging our men on ground that was extremely unfavorable to them.
CHAPTER 5.33
SECTION 5.33.1Only then did Titurius, who had foreseen nothing, become agitated, run about, and arrange the cohorts—and even these actions he performed timidly and in a way that made him appear at a complete loss, as commonly happens to those who are forced to make their plans in the midst of the action itself.
SECTION 5.33.2Cotta, however, who had considered that these things might happen on the march and for that reason had not advocated departure, failed in no duty to their common safety. In addressing and encouraging the soldiers he performed the duties of a commander, and in battle those of a soldier.
SECTION 5.33.3Because the length of the column made it difficult for them personally to be everywhere and determine what had to be done at each point, they ordered an announcement that the soldiers should abandon the baggage and form a circle.
SECTION 5.33.4Although this decision cannot be criticized in such circumstances, it nevertheless had unfortunate consequences.
SECTION 5.33.5It both reduced the confidence of our soldiers and made the enemy more eager to fight, since it appeared that the measure had not been taken without the greatest fear and desperation. In addition, what was inevitable happened: soldiers everywhere left their standards, hurried to the baggage to seek out and seize whatever each of them held most dear, and filled the whole place with shouting and weeping.
CHAPTER 5.34
SECTION 5.34.1But the barbarians knew what to do. Their commanders ordered it proclaimed throughout the battle line that no one was to leave his position: the plunder belonged to them, and whatever the Romans abandoned was being reserved for them. They should therefore consider that everything depended on victory.
SECTION 5.34.2The two sides were equal in courage and eagerness to fight. Although our men were being abandoned by their commander and by fortune, they nevertheless placed all their hope of safety in courage, and whenever any cohort charged forward, a large number of the enemy fell in that sector.
SECTION 5.34.3Noticing this, Ambiorix ordered it proclaimed that his men should throw their weapons from a distance and not come closer, and that they should give way in whatever direction the Romans charged, since their light equipment and daily training would keep them from suffering any harm.
SECTION 5.34.4When the Romans withdrew again to their standards, they were to pursue them.
CHAPTER 5.35
SECTION 5.35.1The enemy followed this instruction with the greatest care. Whenever a cohort left the circle and made a charge, the enemy retreated with the utmost speed.
SECTION 5.35.2Meanwhile, that part of the circle was necessarily left unprotected and exposed to missiles on its open flank.
SECTION 5.35.3Then, when the Romans began returning to the position from which they had advanced, they were surrounded both by those who had retreated and by those who had remained nearby.
SECTION 5.35.4But if they chose to hold their position, there was no opportunity for courage, and packed closely together, they could not evade the missiles thrown by so great a multitude.
SECTION 5.35.5Nevertheless, though struggling against so many disadvantages and suffering many wounds, they continued to resist. After a large part of the day had passed, with the fighting lasting from daybreak until the eighth hour, they did nothing unworthy of themselves.
SECTION 5.35.6Then Titus Balventius, a brave man of great authority who had served as chief centurion the previous year, had both thighs pierced by a heavy javelin.
SECTION 5.35.7Quintus Lucanius, a centurion of the same rank, was killed while fighting with the greatest courage as he went to the aid of his surrounded son.
SECTION 5.35.8The legate Lucius Cotta was wounded full in the face by a sling stone while encouraging all the cohorts and ranks.
CHAPTER 5.36
SECTION 5.36.1Deeply affected by these events, Quintus Titurius saw Ambiorix in the distance encouraging his men and sent his interpreter, Gnaeus Pompeius, to ask him to spare Titurius and the soldiers.
SECTION 5.36.2When approached, Ambiorix replied that if Titurius wished to confer with him, he was free to do so. He hoped that he could persuade his people to grant what concerned the soldiers’ safety; Titurius himself would certainly not be harmed, and on this point he pledged his own word. Titurius then consulted the wounded Cotta,
SECTION 5.36.3proposing that, if Cotta approved, they should withdraw from the fighting and confer with Ambiorix together. He hoped that they could persuade Ambiorix to spare them and the soldiers. Cotta said that he would not go to an armed enemy, and he persisted in that decision.
CHAPTER 5.37
SECTION 5.37.1Sabinus ordered the military tribunes and senior centurions whom he happened to have around him to follow. When he came closer to Ambiorix, he was ordered to throw down his weapons. He obeyed and ordered his men to do the same.
SECTION 5.37.2Meanwhile, as they discussed terms, Ambiorix deliberately prolonged the conversation. Sabinus was gradually surrounded and killed.
SECTION 5.37.3Then the enemy, in their usual way, shouted out their victory, raised a howling cry, charged our men, and threw the ranks into confusion.
SECTION 5.37.4There Lucius Cotta was killed fighting, along with the greater part of the soldiers. The rest withdrew into the camp from which they had set out.
SECTION 5.37.5Among them, Lucius Petrosidius, the eagle-bearer, when he was being overwhelmed by a great mass of the enemy, threw the eagle inside the rampart. He himself was killed while fighting with the greatest courage in front of the camp. The survivors barely held out against the attack until nightfall.
SECTION 5.37.6During the night, despairing of survival, every last one of them killed himself.
SECTION 5.37.7A few escaped from the battle and, traveling by uncertain routes through the woods, reached the winter quarters of the legate Titus Labienus and informed him of what had happened.
CHAPTER 5.38
SECTION 5.38.1Elated by this victory, Ambiorix immediately set out with his cavalry for the Aduatuci, whose territory bordered his kingdom. He traveled without stopping by night or day and ordered the infantry to follow him.
SECTION 5.38.2After explaining what had happened and rousing the Aduatuci, he reached the Nervii the next day and urged them not to let slip the opportunity to free themselves forever and take revenge on the Romans for the injuries they had suffered.
SECTION 5.38.3He pointed out that two legates had been killed and a large part of the army destroyed.
SECTION 5.38.4There would be no difficulty in suddenly overwhelming and destroying the legion wintering with Cicero; he declared himself ready to assist in the undertaking. With this speech he easily persuaded the Nervii.
CHAPTER 5.39
SECTION 5.39.1They therefore immediately sent messengers to the Ceutrones, Grudii, Levaci, Pleumoxii, and Geidumni, all of whom were under their rule. They gathered the largest forces they could and rushed unexpectedly to Cicero’s winter quarters, before news of Titurius’s death had yet reached him.
SECTION 5.39.2The inevitable happened to him as well: some soldiers who had gone into the woods to gather timber and materials for fortifications were intercepted by the cavalry’s sudden arrival.
SECTION 5.39.3After surrounding them, the Eburones, Nervii, Aduatuci, and all their allies and dependents began attacking the legion in great force. Our men quickly rushed to arms and mounted the rampart.
SECTION 5.39.4They barely held out that day, because the enemy placed all their hope in speed and were confident that, if they gained this victory, they would remain victorious forever.
CHAPTER 5.40
SECTION 5.40.1Cicero immediately sent letters to Caesar, offering large rewards to the messengers if they delivered them. Since every road was under blockade, all those sent were intercepted.
SECTION 5.40.2During the night, using the timber they had brought in for the fortifications, they erected about 120 towers with incredible speed. Whatever appeared to be lacking in the defensive works was completed.
SECTION 5.40.3The next day the enemy assembled much larger forces, attacked the camp, and filled in the ditch. Our men resisted in the same way as the day before.
SECTION 5.40.4The same thing continued to happen on each of the following days.
SECTION 5.40.5No part of the night was left free from work; neither the sick nor the wounded were given any chance to rest.
SECTION 5.40.6Everything needed to meet the next day’s attack was prepared at night. Large numbers of stakes were sharpened and charred at the tips, and a great quantity of heavy fortification javelins was made; the towers were fitted with platforms, and battlements and breastworks were woven from wicker.
SECTION 5.40.7Cicero himself, though in extremely poor health, did not reserve even the nighttime for his own rest, so that the soldiers had to gather around him of their own accord and insist that he spare himself.
CHAPTER 5.41
SECTION 5.41.1Then the leaders and chiefs of the Nervii who had some basis for speaking with Cicero and some claim to his friendship said that they wished to confer with him.
SECTION 5.41.2When permission was granted, they repeated the same claims that Ambiorix had made to Titurius: all Gaul was under arms;
SECTION 5.41.3the Germans had crossed the Rhine; and Caesar’s winter quarters and those of the other commanders were under attack.
SECTION 5.41.4They also reported Sabinus’s death and produced Ambiorix as proof of the truth of their statement.
SECTION 5.41.5They said the Romans were mistaken if they expected any help from men who had no confidence in their own position. Nevertheless, they claimed that their attitude toward Cicero and the Roman people was such that they objected only to the winter quarters and did not want this practice to become permanent:
SECTION 5.41.6the Romans might, with their permission, leave their winter quarters unharmed and set out without fear in whatever direction they wished.
SECTION 5.41.7Cicero gave only one answer to these proposals: it was not the custom of the Roman people to accept terms from an enemy under arms.
SECTION 5.41.8If they were willing to lay down their arms, they could use him as an intermediary and send envoys to Caesar; he hoped that, in view of Caesar’s sense of justice, they would obtain what they requested.
CHAPTER 5.42
SECTION 5.42.1Disappointed in this hope, the Nervii surrounded the winter quarters with a nine-foot rampart and a fifteen-foot ditch.
SECTION 5.42.2They had learned these methods from us through their experience in previous years, and they were also instructed by some prisoners they held from our army.
SECTION 5.42.3But because they had no supply of iron tools suitable for this purpose, they had to cut out the turf with their swords and remove the earth with their hands and cloaks.
SECTION 5.42.4This very fact showed how great their numbers were, for in less than three hours they completed a fortification fifteen thousand feet in circumference,
SECTION 5.42.5and on the following days they began to prepare and construct towers as high as the rampart, as well as grappling hooks and covered assault sheds, which the same prisoners had taught them to make.
CHAPTER 5.43
SECTION 5.43.1On the seventh day of the attack, when a very strong wind arose, they began slinging red-hot bullets of molded clay and throwing heated javelins onto the huts, which in the Gallic fashion were roofed with thatch.
SECTION 5.43.2The huts quickly caught fire, and the force of the wind spread the flames throughout the camp.
SECTION 5.43.3With tremendous shouting, as though victory were already won and assured, the enemy began moving forward their towers and covered assault sheds and climbing the rampart with ladders.
SECTION 5.43.4But the soldiers showed such courage and such presence of mind that, although they were scorched by flames on every side, were overwhelmed by an enormous quantity of missiles, and understood that all their baggage and every possession they owned were burning, not only did no one leave the rampart to move away, but hardly anyone even looked back; instead, they all fought then with the utmost determination and bravery.
SECTION 5.43.5This was by far the hardest day for our men. Nevertheless, its outcome was that on that day the greatest number of the enemy were wounded and killed, because they had packed themselves together directly beneath the rampart, and those in the rear gave those in front no room to withdraw.
SECTION 5.43.6When the flames had subsided a little and a tower had been pushed forward at one point until it touched the rampart, the centurions of the third cohort withdrew from the position where they were standing and removed all their men. Then, with gestures and shouts, they began inviting the enemy to come in if they wished; but not one of them dared advance.
SECTION 5.43.7Then stones were hurled from every direction and drove them off, and the tower was set on fire.
CHAPTER 5.44
SECTION 5.44.1In that legion there were two exceptionally brave centurions, Titus Pullo and Lucius Vorenus, who were approaching promotion to the highest ranks.
SECTION 5.44.2They were constantly disputing between themselves over which should take precedence, and every year they competed for the highest positions with intense personal rivalry.
SECTION 5.44.3While the fighting at the fortifications was at its fiercest, Pullo said, “Why are you hesitating, Vorenus? What opportunity are you waiting for to prove your courage?
SECTION 5.44.4This day will decide our dispute.” Having said this, he went outside the fortifications and charged into the point where the enemy’s line appeared most densely packed.
SECTION 5.44.5Vorenus also did not remain behind the rampart but, fearing what everyone would think of him, followed close behind.
SECTION 5.44.6When he was a short distance away, Pullo threw his heavy javelin at the enemy and pierced one man who was running forward from the crowd. After the man was struck and killed, the enemy covered his body with their shields, all hurled missiles at Pullo, and gave him no opportunity to retreat.
SECTION 5.44.7Pullo’s shield was pierced, and a light javelin lodged in his sword belt.
SECTION 5.44.8This mishap twisted his scabbard aside and obstructed his right hand as he tried to draw his sword, and the enemy surrounded him while he was entangled.
SECTION 5.44.9His rival Vorenus came to his aid and assisted him in his difficulty.
SECTION 5.44.10The entire crowd immediately turned away from Pullo against Vorenus,
SECTION 5.44.11because they thought Pullo had been killed by the javelin. Vorenus fought them at close quarters with his sword, killed one, and drove the others back a short distance.
SECTION 5.44.12But as he pressed forward too eagerly, he stumbled down into a lower place and fell. When he in turn was surrounded, Pullo came to his aid,
SECTION 5.44.13and after killing several of the enemy, both men withdrew unharmed inside the fortifications, covered with the highest distinction.
SECTION 5.44.14Thus fortune treated each of them in their rivalry and contest in such a way that each rival saved and assisted the other, and it was impossible to decide which of the two appeared superior in courage.
CHAPTER 5.45
SECTION 5.45.1As the attack became more difficult and severe day by day—and especially since a large proportion of the soldiers had been disabled by wounds, leaving only a small number of defenders—letters and messengers were sent to Caesar more and more frequently. Some of the messengers were caught and tortured to death in full view of our soldiers.
SECTION 5.45.2Inside the camp was a Nervian named Vertico, a man of distinguished birth, who at the beginning of the siege had fled to Cicero for protection and had demonstrated his loyalty to him.
SECTION 5.45.3By promising one of his slaves freedom and great rewards, he persuaded him to carry a letter to Caesar.
SECTION 5.45.4The slave carried it out tied to a javelin and, moving among the Gauls as one Gaul among others without arousing any suspicion, reached Caesar.
SECTION 5.45.5From him Caesar learned of the danger facing Cicero and the legion.
CHAPTER 5.46
SECTION 5.46.1On receiving the letter at about the eleventh hour of the day, Caesar immediately sent a messenger into the territory of the Bellovaci to Marcus Crassus, his quaestor, whose winter quarters were twenty-five miles away.
SECTION 5.46.2He ordered him to march with his legion at midnight and come to him quickly.
SECTION 5.46.3Crassus set out with the messenger. Caesar sent another messenger to his lieutenant Gaius Fabius, instructing him to bring his legion into the territory of the Atrebates, through which Caesar knew he would have to march.
SECTION 5.46.4He wrote to Labienus to come with his legion to the borders of the Nervii if he could do so without harming the public interest. He did not think he should wait for the rest of the army because it was somewhat farther away, and he assembled about four hundred cavalrymen from the nearest winter quarters.
CHAPTER 5.47
SECTION 5.47.1At about the third hour, Caesar was informed by his advance scouts of Crassus’s approach, and that day he advanced twenty miles.
SECTION 5.47.2He placed Crassus in command at Samarobriva and assigned him a legion, because he was leaving there the army’s baggage, the hostages given by the Gallic states, the official records, and all the grain he had brought there to sustain the army through the winter.
SECTION 5.47.3Fabius, as ordered, delayed little and met Caesar on the march with his legion.
SECTION 5.47.4Labienus had learned of Sabinus’s death and the massacre of the cohorts, and all the forces of the Treveri had come against him. He feared that if he departed from his winter quarters in a way that resembled flight, he would be unable to withstand an enemy attack, especially since he knew that their recent victory had made them overconfident. He therefore sent a letter back to Caesar explaining how dangerous it would be to lead his legion out of its winter quarters. He gave a full account of what had happened among the Eburones and informed Caesar that all the cavalry and infantry forces of the Treveri had encamped three miles from his own camp.
CHAPTER 5.48
SECTION 5.48.1Caesar approved his decision. Although his expectation of having three legions had fallen to two, he still placed the sole hope of their common safety in speed. He reached the territory of the Nervii by forced marches.
SECTION 5.48.2There he learned from prisoners what was happening at Cicero’s camp and how dangerous the situation was.
SECTION 5.48.3He then persuaded one of his Gallic cavalrymen, with the promise of great rewards, to carry a letter to Cicero.
SECTION 5.48.4He sent the letter written in Greek characters so that, if it were intercepted, the enemy would not discover our plans.
SECTION 5.48.5If the cavalryman could not approach the camp, Caesar instructed him to throw a spear with the letter tied to its throwing strap inside the camp’s fortifications.
SECTION 5.48.6In the letter he wrote that he had set out with the legions and would soon be there; he urged Cicero to maintain his former courage.
SECTION 5.48.7The Gaul was afraid of the danger and, as instructed, threw the spear.
SECTION 5.48.8By chance it stuck in a tower and went unnoticed by our men for two days. On the third day a soldier spotted it, removed it, and took it to Cicero.
SECTION 5.48.9After reading the letter through, Cicero read it aloud to an assembly of the soldiers and filled them all with the greatest joy.
SECTION 5.48.10Then the smoke of fires could be seen in the distance, and this removed all doubt that the legions were approaching.
CHAPTER 5.49
SECTION 5.49.1When the Gauls learned of this from their scouts, they abandoned the siege and hurried against Caesar with all their forces. These numbered about sixty thousand armed men.
SECTION 5.49.2Given the opportunity, Cicero once again asked the same Vertico mentioned above to provide a Gaul to carry a letter to Caesar. He warned the man to make the journey cautiously and carefully.
SECTION 5.49.3In the letter he gave a full report that the enemy had withdrawn from him and had turned their entire host against Caesar.
SECTION 5.49.4The letter was delivered to Caesar at about midnight. He informed his men of its contents and encouraged them to prepare mentally for battle.
SECTION 5.49.5At first light the next day he broke camp, and after advancing about four miles, he sighted the enemy host across a valley and stream.
SECTION 5.49.6It was extremely dangerous to fight with such a small force on unfavorable ground. Since he now knew that Cicero had been freed from the siege, he believed he could safely relax the speed of his advance.
SECTION 5.49.7He halted and fortified a camp on the most favorable ground he could find. Although the camp was already small in itself for barely seven thousand men, especially since they had no baggage, he made it as cramped as possible by narrowing its streets. His purpose was to make the enemy hold him in the greatest possible contempt.
SECTION 5.49.8Meanwhile, he sent scouts in every direction to discover the most convenient route by which he could cross the valley.
CHAPTER 5.50
SECTION 5.50.1That day, after a few minor cavalry skirmishes near the water, both sides remained in their positions:
SECTION 5.50.2the Gauls because they were waiting for larger forces
SECTION 5.50.3that had not yet assembled; Caesar because he hoped that by pretending to be afraid he might lure the enemy onto his own ground and fight a battle in front of his camp on this side of the valley, or, if he could not accomplish this,
SECTION 5.50.4that after reconnoitering the routes he might cross the valley and stream with less danger. At first light the enemy cavalry approached the camp and engaged our cavalry in battle.
SECTION 5.50.5Caesar deliberately ordered his cavalry to give way and withdraw into the camp. At the same time, he ordered the rampart around the camp to be raised on every side and the gates to be barricaded, and he instructed the men to rush about as much as possible while carrying out these tasks and to act as though they were afraid.
CHAPTER 5.51
SECTION 5.51.1Encouraged by all this, the enemy brought their forces across the valley and formed their battle line on unfavorable ground. When our men were even withdrawn from the rampart, they came closer and threw missiles from every direction inside the fortifications.
SECTION 5.51.2They sent heralds around and ordered them to proclaim that any Gaul or Roman who wished to come over to them before the third hour could do so without danger; after that time there would be no further opportunity.
SECTION 5.51.3They held our men in such contempt that, because the gates had been barricaded for appearance’s sake with only a single row of turf blocks and they did not think they could force their way through them, some began tearing down the rampart with their hands while others began filling the ditches.
SECTION 5.51.4Then Caesar launched a sortie from every gate and sent out the cavalry, quickly putting the enemy to flight so completely that not one of them made any attempt to stand and fight. He killed a great number of them and stripped them all of their weapons.
CHAPTER 5.52
SECTION 5.52.1Caesar was afraid to pursue them farther because woods and marshes lay in the way, and he saw no opportunity to inflict even slight additional losses on them. With all his forces unharmed, he reached Cicero that same day.
SECTION 5.52.2He was astonished by the towers, covered assault sheds, and fortifications the enemy had constructed. When the legion was paraded before him, he found that not one soldier in ten remained unwounded.
SECTION 5.52.3From all these facts he judged how great the danger had been and how courageously the operation had been conducted.
SECTION 5.52.4He praised Cicero as his achievement deserved and highly commended the legion. He addressed individually the centurions and military tribunes whose exceptional courage he had learned of from Cicero’s testimony. From prisoners he obtained more definite information about the fate of Sabinus and Cotta.
SECTION 5.52.5The next day he called an assembly, presented an account of what had happened, and consoled and encouraged the soldiers.
SECTION 5.52.6He explained that the loss caused by the lieutenant’s error and recklessness should be borne with greater composure because, through the favor of the immortal gods and their own courage, the disaster had been avenged, leaving the enemy no lasting joy and themselves no prolonged grief.
CHAPTER 5.53
SECTION 5.53.1Meanwhile, news of Caesar’s victory was carried through the Remi to Labienus with incredible speed. Although he was about sixty miles from Cicero’s winter quarters and Caesar had not reached Cicero until after the ninth hour of the day, before midnight shouting arose at the gates of Labienus’s camp, by which the Remi announced the victory and offered him their congratulations.
SECTION 5.53.2When this report reached the Treveri, Indutiomarus, who had decided to attack Labienus’s camp the next day, fled during the night and led all his forces back into the territory of the Treveri.
SECTION 5.53.3Caesar sent Fabius and his legion back to their winter quarters. He himself decided to winter with three legions in three separate winter camps around Samarobriva, and because such great disturbances had arisen throughout Gaul, he determined to remain personally with the army for the entire winter.
SECTION 5.53.4For when the news of the disaster and Sabinus’s death reached them, nearly all the states of Gaul were deliberating about war, sending messengers and delegations in every direction, investigating what further course they should take and where the war should begin, and holding councils at night in isolated places.
SECTION 5.53.5Almost no part of the entire winter passed without causing Caesar anxiety, for he was constantly receiving some report about the plans and movements of the Gauls.
SECTION 5.53.6Among these reports, Lucius Roscius, whom Caesar had placed in command of the Thirteenth Legion, informed him that large forces of Gauls from the states called the Armorican states had assembled to attack him
SECTION 5.53.7and had been no more than eight miles from his winter quarters, but that, when news arrived of Caesar’s victory, they had withdrawn so rapidly that their departure looked like a rout.
CHAPTER 5.54
SECTION 5.54.1But Caesar summoned the leading men of each state to meet with him and kept a large part of Gaul obedient, in some cases by frightening them when he warned them that he knew what was going on, and in others by encouraging them.
SECTION 5.54.2Nevertheless, the Senones, a state that was among the strongest and possessed great authority among the Gauls, made a public decision to attempt to kill Cavarinus, whom Caesar had appointed king over them. Cavarinus’s brother Moritasgus had held the kingship when Caesar arrived in Gaul, as had his ancestors. When Cavarinus discovered the plot and fled, they pursued him all the way to the borders of their territory,
SECTION 5.54.3drove him from his kingdom and home, and sent envoys to Caesar to make amends; but when Caesar ordered their entire senate to come before him, they did not obey his command.
SECTION 5.54.4Among these barbarous people, the mere fact that some leaders had been found willing to begin a war had such influence and produced such a complete change in everyone’s attitude that, apart from the Aedui and Remi, whom Caesar had always treated with special honor—the former because of their old and unbroken loyalty to the Roman people, the latter because of their recent services in the Gallic War—there was hardly a state that we did not regard with suspicion.
SECTION 5.54.5I hardly know whether this should be considered surprising. There were many other reasons, but the chief one was that these men, who were ranked above all other peoples for courage in war, deeply resented having lost so much of that reputation that they now had to submit to the commands of the Roman people.
CHAPTER 5.55
SECTION 5.55.1The Treveri and Indutiomarus, however, let no part of the entire winter pass without sending envoys across the Rhine, stirring up the states there, promising money, and declaring that, since a large part of our army had been destroyed, only a much smaller part remained.
SECTION 5.55.2Nevertheless, no German state could be persuaded to cross the Rhine. They said that they had tried their luck twice, in the war of Ariovistus and during the crossing of the Tencteri, and would not test fortune again. Though disappointed in this hope, Indutiomarus nevertheless began to gather forces,
SECTION 5.55.3train them, obtain horses from neighboring peoples, and attract exiles and condemned men from all over Gaul by offering them large rewards.
SECTION 5.55.4By these measures he had already acquired such authority in Gaul that delegations came to him from every direction, publicly and privately seeking his favor and friendship.
CHAPTER 5.56
SECTION 5.56.1When he realized that people were coming to him of their own accord, that the Senones and Carnutes were being driven on by their guilty awareness of what they had done, that the Nervii and Aduatuci were preparing for war against the Romans, and that he would have no shortage of volunteers if he began to advance beyond his own territory, he summoned an armed council. By Gallic custom, this marks the beginning of a war,
SECTION 5.56.2and under their common law all adult males customarily assemble there under arms. The last of them to arrive is tortured to death in sight of the assembled crowd.
SECTION 5.56.3At this council Indutiomarus declared Cingetorix—his own son-in-law and the leader of the opposing faction, who, as stated above, had remained loyal to Caesar and had not deserted him—a public enemy, and confiscated his property.
SECTION 5.56.4After completing these measures, he announced in the council that the Senones, Carnutes, and many other Gallic states had summoned him;
SECTION 5.56.5that he would go to them through the territory of the Remi and ravage their lands; and that before doing so he would attack Labienus’s camp. He issued orders for what he wanted done.
CHAPTER 5.57
SECTION 5.57.1Because the natural position of his camp and its fortifications made it extremely secure, Labienus had no fear for either himself or his legion. Instead, he was considering how not to let any opportunity for a successful action escape him.
SECTION 5.57.2Accordingly, after learning from Cingetorix and his relatives what Indutiomarus had said in the council, he sent messengers to the neighboring states and summoned cavalry from every direction, setting a definite day for them to assemble.
SECTION 5.57.3Meanwhile, Indutiomarus roamed around beneath his camp almost every day with all his cavalry, sometimes to examine the camp’s position and sometimes to seek a conference or intimidate the Romans. Usually all his cavalrymen hurled missiles inside the rampart.
SECTION 5.57.4Labienus kept his men inside the fortifications and did everything he could to strengthen the impression that he was afraid.
CHAPTER 5.58
SECTION 5.58.1As Indutiomarus approached the camp each day with increasing contempt, Labienus admitted during a single night the cavalrymen from all the neighboring states whom he had arranged to summon. He then kept all his men inside the camp under guard with such care that there was no possible way for the matter to be reported or the news to reach the Treveri.
SECTION 5.58.2Meanwhile, following his daily custom, Indutiomarus approached the camp and spent a large part of the day there. His cavalrymen hurled missiles and, with highly insulting language, challenged our men to fight.
SECTION 5.58.3When our men made no reply, the enemy, when they thought it appropriate, withdrew toward evening, scattered and dispersed.
SECTION 5.58.4Suddenly Labienus sent all his cavalry out through two gates. He gave strict orders that, once the terrified enemy had been put to flight—which he foresaw would happen, just as it did—they must all make for Indutiomarus alone, and that no one was to wound anyone else before seeing him killed. Labienus did not want Indutiomarus to gain time to escape because of a delay caused by pursuit of the others. He offered large rewards to those who killed him
SECTION 5.58.5and sent cohorts forward to support the cavalry.
SECTION 5.58.6Fortune confirmed the wisdom of his plan. Since everyone made for Indutiomarus alone, he was caught and killed at the very ford of the river, and his head was carried back to the camp. On their return, the cavalrymen pursued and killed all those they could.
SECTION 5.58.7When this became known, all the forces of the Eburones and Nervii that had assembled withdrew, and for a short time after this event Caesar found Gaul somewhat quieter.
Book 6
Latin
CHAPTER 6.1
SECTION 6.1.1Multis de causis Caesar maiorem Galliae motum exspectans per Marcum Silanum, Gaium Antistium Reginum, Titum Sextium legatos delectum habere instituit.
SECTION 6.1.2Simul ab Gnaeo Pompeio proconsule petit, quoniam ipse ad urbem cum imperio rei publicae causa remaneret, quos ex Cisalpina Gallia consulis sacramento rogavisset,
SECTION 6.1.3ad signa convenire et ad se proficisci iuberet, magni interesse etiam in reliquum tempus ad opinionem Galliae existimans tantas videri Italiae facultates ut, si quid esset in bello detrimenti acceptum, non modo id brevi tempore sarciri, sed etiam maioribus augeri copiis posset.
SECTION 6.1.4Quod cum Pompeius et rei publicae et amicitiae tribuisset, celeriter confecto per suos dilectu tribus ante exactam hiemem et constitutis et adductis legionibus duplicatoque earum cohortium numero, quas cum Quinto Titurio amiserat, et celeritate et copiis docuit, quid populi Romani disciplina atque opes possent.
CHAPTER 6.2
SECTION 6.2.1Interfecto Indutiomaro, ut docuimus, ad eius propinquos a Treveris imperium defertur. Illi finitimos Germanos sollicitare et pecuniam polliceri non desistunt. Cum ab proximis impetrare non possent,
SECTION 6.2.2ulteriores temptant. Inventis nonnullis civitatibus iureiurando inter se confirmant obsidibusque de pecunia cavent: Ambiorigem sibi societate et foedere adiungunt.
SECTION 6.2.3Quibus rebus cognitis Caesar, cum undique bellum parari videret, Nervios, Aduatucos ac Menapios adiunctis Cisrhenanis omnibus Germanis esse in armis, Senones ad imperatum non venire et cum Carnutibus finitimisque civitatibus consilia communicare, a Treveris Germanos crebris legationibus sollicitari, maturius sibi de bello cogitandum putavit.
CHAPTER 6.3
SECTION 6.3.1Itaque nondum hieme confecta proximis quattuor coactis legionibus de improviso in fines Nerviorum contendit et,
SECTION 6.3.2priusquam illi aut convenire aut profugere possent, magno pecoris atque hominum numero capto atque ea praeda militibus concessa vastatisque agris in deditionem venire atque obsides sibi dare coegit.
SECTION 6.3.3Eo celeriter confecto negotio rursus in hiberna legiones reduxit.
SECTION 6.3.4Concilio Galliae primo vere, ut instituerat, indicto, cum reliqui praeter Senones, Carnutes Treverosque venissent, initium belli ac defectionis hoc esse arbitratus, ut omnia postponere videretur, concilium Lutetiam Parisiorum transfert.
SECTION 6.3.5Confines erant hi Senonibus civitatemque patrum memoria coniunxerant, sed ab hoc consilio afuisse existimabantur.
SECTION 6.3.6Hac re pro suggestu pronuntiata eodem die cum legionibus in Senones proficiscitur magnisque itineribus eo pervenit.
CHAPTER 6.4
SECTION 6.4.1Cognito eius adventu Acco, qui princeps eius consili fuerat, iubet in oppida multitudinem convenire. Conantibus, priusquam id effici posset, adesse Romanos nuntiatur.
SECTION 6.4.2Necessario sententia desistunt legatosque deprecandi causa ad Caesarem mittunt: adeunt per Aeduos, quorum antiquitus erat in fide civitas.
SECTION 6.4.3Libenter Caesar petentibus Aeduis dat veniam excusationemque accipit, quod aestivum tempus instantis belli, non quaestionis esse arbitrabatur.
SECTION 6.4.4Obsidibus imperatis centum hos Aeduis custodiendos tradit.
SECTION 6.4.5Eodem Carnutes legatos obsidesque mittunt usi deprecatoribus Remis, quorum erant in clientela: eadem ferunt responsa.
SECTION 6.4.6Peragit concilium Caesar equitesque imperat civitatibus.
CHAPTER 6.5
SECTION 6.5.1Hac parte Galliae pacata totus et mente et animo in bellum Treverorum et Ambiorigis insistit.
SECTION 6.5.2Cavarinum cum equitatu Senonum secum proficisci iubet, ne quis aut ex huius iracundia aut ex eo, quod meruerat, odio civitatis motus exsistat.
SECTION 6.5.3His rebus constitutis, quod pro explorato habebat Ambiorigem proelio non esse concertaturum, reliqua eius consilia animo circumspiciebat.
SECTION 6.5.4Erant Menapii propinqui Eburonum finibus, perpetuis paludibus silvisque muniti, qui uni ex Gallia de pace ad Caesarem legatos numquam miserant. Cum his esse hospitium Ambiorigi sciebat; item per Treveros venisse Germanis in amicitiam cognoverat.
SECTION 6.5.5Haec prius illi detrahenda auxilia existimabat quam ipsum bello lacesseret, ne desperata salute aut se in Menapios abderet aut cum Transrhenanis congredi cogeretur.
SECTION 6.5.6Hoc inito consilio totius exercitus impedimenta ad Labienum in Treveros mittit duasque legiones ad eum proficisci iubet; ipse cum legionibus expeditis quinque in Menapios proficiscitur.
SECTION 6.5.7Illi nulla coacta manu loci praesidio freti in silvas paludesque confugiunt suaque eodem conferunt.
CHAPTER 6.6
SECTION 6.6.1Caesar partitis copiis cum Gaio Fabio legato et Marco Crasso quaestore celeriterque effectis pontibus adit tripertito, aedificia vicosque incendit, magno pecoris atque hominum numero potitur.
SECTION 6.6.2Quibus rebus coacti Menapii legatos ad eum pacis petendae causa mittunt.
SECTION 6.6.3Ille obsidibus acceptis hostium se habiturum numero confirmat, si aut Ambiorigem aut eius legatos finibus suis recepissent. His confirmatis rebus Commium Atrebatem cum equitatu custodis loco in Menapiis relinquit; ipse in Treveros proficiscitur.
CHAPTER 6.7
SECTION 6.7.1Dum haec a Caesare geruntur, Treveri magnis coactis peditatus equitatusque copiis Labienum cum una legione, quae in eorum finibus hiemaverat, adoriri parabant.
SECTION 6.7.2Iamque ab eo non longius bidui via aberant, cum duas venisse legiones missu Caesaris cognoscunt.
SECTION 6.7.3Positis castris a milibus passuum XV auxilia Germanorum exspectare constituunt.
SECTION 6.7.4Labienus hostium cognito consilio sperans temeritate eorum fore aliquam dimicandi facultatem praesidio quinque cohortium impedimentis relicto cum viginti quinque cohortibus magnoque equitatu contra hostem proficiscitur et mille passuum intermisso spatio castra communit.
SECTION 6.7.5Erat inter Labienum atque hostem difficili transitu flumen ripisque praeruptis. Hoc neque ipse transire habebat in animo neque hostes transituros existimabat.
SECTION 6.7.6Augebatur auxiliorum cotidie spes. Loquitur in concilio palam, quoniam Germani appropinquare dicantur, sese suas exercitusque fortunas in dubium non devocaturum et postero die prima luce castra moturum. Celeriter haec ad hostes deferuntur,
SECTION 6.7.7ut ex magno Gallorum equitum numero nonnullos Gallicis rebus favere natura cogebat.
SECTION 6.7.8Labienus noctu tribunis militum primisque ordinibus convocatis, quid sui sit consili proponit et, quo facilius hostibus timoris det suspicionem, maiore strepitu et tumultu, quam populi Romani fert consuetudo castra moveri iubet. His rebus fugae similem profectionem effecit.
SECTION 6.7.9Haec quoque per exploratores ante lucem in tanta propinquitate castrorum ad hostes deferuntur.
CHAPTER 6.8
SECTION 6.8.1Vix agmen novissimum extra munitiones processerat, cum Galli cohortati inter se, ne speratam praedam ex manibus dimitterent—longum esse perterritis Romanis Germanorum auxilium exspectare, neque suam pati dignitatem ut tantis copiis tam exiguam manum praesertim fugientem atque impeditam adoriri non audeant—flumen transire et iniquo loco committere proelium non dubitant.
SECTION 6.8.2Quae fore suspicatus Labienus, ut omnes citra flumen eliceret, eadem usus simulatione itineris placide progrediebatur.
SECTION 6.8.3Tum praemissis paulum impedimentis atque in tumulo quodam collocatis "Habetis," inquit, "milites, quam petistis facultatem: hostem impedito atque iniquo loco tenetis:
SECTION 6.8.4praestate eandem nobis ducibus virtutem, quam saepe numero imperatori praestitistis, atque illum adesse et haec coram cernere existimate."
SECTION 6.8.5Simul signa ad hostem converti aciemque dirigi iubet, et paucis turmis praesidio ad impedimenta dimissis reliquos equites ad latera disponit.
SECTION 6.8.6Celeriter nostri clamore sublato pila in hostes immittunt. Illi, ubi praeter spem quos fugere credebant infestis signis ad se ire viderunt, impetum modo ferre non potuerunt ac primo concursu in fugam coniecti proximas silvas petierunt.
SECTION 6.8.7Quos Labienus equitatu consectatus, magno numero interfecto, compluribus captis, paucis post diebus civitatem recepit. Nam Germani qui auxilio veniebant percepta Treverorum fuga sese domum receperunt.
SECTION 6.8.8Cum his propinqui Indutiomari, qui defectionis auctores fuerant, comitati eos ex civitate excesserunt.
SECTION 6.8.9Cingetorigi, quem ab initio permansisse in officio demonstravimus, principatus atque imperium est traditum.
CHAPTER 6.9
SECTION 6.9.1Caesar, postquam ex Menapiis in Treveros venit, duabus de causis Rhenum transire constituit; quarum una erat, quod auxilia contra se Treveris miserant,
SECTION 6.9.2altera, ne ad eos Ambiorix receptum haberet.
SECTION 6.9.3His constitutis rebus paulum supra eum locum quo ante exercitum traduxerat facere pontem instituit.
SECTION 6.9.4Nota atque instituta ratione magno militum studio paucis diebus opus efficitur.
SECTION 6.9.5Firmo in Treveris ad pontem praesidio relicto, ne quis ab his subito motus oreretur, reliquas copias equitatumque traducit.
SECTION 6.9.6Vbii, qui ante obsides dederant atque in deditionem venerant, purgandi sui causa ad eum legatos mittunt, qui doceant neque auxilia ex sua civitate in Treveros missa neque ab se fidem laesam:
SECTION 6.9.7petunt atque orant ut sibi parcat, ne communi odio Germanorum innocentes pro nocentibus poenas pendant; si amplius obsidum vellet, dare pollicentur.
SECTION 6.9.8Cognita Caesar causa reperit ab Suebis auxilia missa esse; Vbiorum satisfactionem accipit, aditus viasque in Suebos perquirit.
CHAPTER 6.10
SECTION 6.10.1Interim paucis post diebus fit ab Vbiis certior Suebos omnes in unum locum copias cogere atque eis nationibus quae sub eorum sint imperio denuntiare, ut auxilia peditatus equitatusque mittant.
SECTION 6.10.2His cognitis rebus rem frumentariam providet, castris idoneum locum deligit; Vbiis imperat ut pecora deducant suaque omnia ex agris in oppida conferant, sperans barbaros atque imperitos homines inopia cibariorum adductos ad iniquam pugnandi condicionem posse deduci;
SECTION 6.10.3mandat, ut crebros exploratores in Suebos mittant quaeque apud eos gerantur cognoscant.
SECTION 6.10.4Illi imperata faciunt et paucis diebus intermissis referunt: Suebos omnes, posteaquam certiores nuntii de exercitu Romanorum venerint, cum omnibus suis sociorumque copiis, quas coegissent, penitus ad extremos fines se recepisse:
SECTION 6.10.5silvam esse ibi infinita magnitudine, quae appellatur Bacenis; hanc longe introrsus pertinere et pro nativo muro obiectam Cheruscos ab Suebis Suebosque ab Cheruscis iniuriis incursionibusque prohibere: ad eius initium silvae Suebos adventum Romanorum exspectare constituisse.
CHAPTER 6.11
SECTION 6.11.1Quoniam ad hunc locum perventum est, non alienum esse videtur de Galliae Germaniaeque moribus et quo differant hae nationes inter sese proponere.
SECTION 6.11.2In Gallia non solum in omnibus civitatibus atque in omnibus pagis partibusque, sed paene etiam in singulis domibus factiones sunt, earumque factionum principes sunt
SECTION 6.11.3qui summam auctoritatem eorum iudicio habere existimantur, quorum ad arbitrium iudiciumque summa omnium rerum consiliorumque redeat.
SECTION 6.11.4Itaque eius rei causa antiquitus institutum videtur, ne quis ex plebe contra potentiorem auxili egeret: suos enim quisque opprimi et circumveniri non patitur, neque, aliter si faciat, ullam inter suos habet auctoritatem.
SECTION 6.11.5Haec eadem ratio est in summa totius Galliae: namque omnes civitates in partes divisae sunt duas.
CHAPTER 6.12
SECTION 6.12.1Cum Caesar in Galliam venit, alterius factionis principes erant Aedui, alterius Sequani.
SECTION 6.12.2Hi cum per se minus valerent, quod summa auctoritas antiquitus erat in Aeduis magnaeque eorum erant clientelae, Germanos atque Ariovistum sibi adiunxerant eosque ad se magnis iacturis pollicitationibusque perduxerant.
SECTION 6.12.3Proeliis vero compluribus factis secundis atque omni nobilitate Aeduorum interfecta tantum potentia antecesserant,
SECTION 6.12.4ut magnam partem clientium ab Aeduis ad se traducerent obsidesque ab eis principum filios acciperent et publice iurare cogerent nihil se contra Sequanos consili inituros et partem finitimi agri per vim occupatam possiderent Galliaeque totius principatum obtinerent.
SECTION 6.12.5Qua necessitate adductus Diviciacus auxili petendi causa Romam ad senatum profectus infecta re redierat.
SECTION 6.12.6Adventu Caesaris facta commutatione rerum, obsidibus Aeduis redditis, veteribus clientelis restitutis, novis per Caesarem comparatis, quod hi, qui se ad eorum amicitiam adgregaverant,
SECTION 6.12.7meliore condicione atque aequiore imperio se uti videbant, reliquis rebus eorum gratia dignitateque amplificata Sequani principatum dimiserant. In eorum locum Remi successerant: quos quod adaequare apud Caesarem gratia intellegebatur, ei, qui propter veteres inimicitias nullo modo cum Aeduis coniungi poterant, se Remis in clientelam dicabant.
SECTION 6.12.8Hos illi diligenter tuebantur: ita et novam et repente collectam auctoritatem tenebant.
SECTION 6.12.9Eo tum statu res erat, ut longe principes haberentur Aedui, secundum locum dignitatis Remi obtinerent.
CHAPTER 6.13
SECTION 6.13.1In omni Gallia eorum hominum, qui aliquo sunt numero atque honore, genera sunt duo. Nam plebes paene servorum habetur loco, quae nihil audet per se, nullo adhibetur consilio.
SECTION 6.13.2Plerique, cum aut aere alieno aut magnitudine tributorum aut iniuria potentiorum premuntur, sese in servitutem dicant nobilibus: in hos eadem omnia sunt iura, quae dominis in servos.
SECTION 6.13.3Sed de his duobus generibus alterum est druidum, alterum equitum.
SECTION 6.13.4Illi rebus divinis intersunt, sacrificia publica ac privata procurant, religiones interpretantur: ad hos magnus adulescentium numerus disciplinae causa concurrit, magnoque hi sunt apud eos honore.
SECTION 6.13.5Nam fere de omnibus controversiis publicis privatisque constituunt, et, si quod est admissum facinus, si caedes facta, si de hereditate, de finibus controversia est, idem decernunt, praemia poenasque constituunt;
SECTION 6.13.6si qui aut privatus aut populus eorum decreto non stetit, sacrificiis interdicunt. Haec poena apud eos est gravissima.
SECTION 6.13.7Quibus ita est interdictum, hi numero impiorum ac sceleratorum habentur, his omnes decedunt, aditum sermonemque defugiunt, ne quid ex contagione incommodi accipiant, neque his petentibus ius redditur neque honos ullus communicatur.
SECTION 6.13.8His autem omnibus druidibus praeest unus, qui summam inter eos habet auctoritatem.
SECTION 6.13.9Hoc mortuo aut si qui ex reliquis excellit dignitate succedit, aut, si sunt plures pares, suffragio druidum, nonnumquam etiam armis de principatu contendunt.
SECTION 6.13.10hi certo anni tempore in finibus Carnutum, quae regio totius Galliae media habetur, considunt in loco consecrato. Huc omnes undique, qui controversias habent, conveniunt eorumque decretis iudiciisque parent.
SECTION 6.13.11Disciplina in Britannia reperta atque inde in Galliam translata esse existimatur,
SECTION 6.13.12et nunc, qui diligentius eam rem cognoscere volunt, plerumque illo discendi causa proficiscuntur.
CHAPTER 6.14
SECTION 6.14.1Druides a bello abesse consuerunt neque tributa una cum reliquis pendunt; militiae vacationem omniumque rerum habent immunitatem.
SECTION 6.14.2Tantis excitati praemiis et sua sponte multi in disciplinam conveniunt et a parentibus propinquisque mittuntur.
SECTION 6.14.3Magnum ibi numerum versuum ediscere dicuntur. Itaque annos nonnulli vicenos in disciplina permanent.
SECTION 6.14.4Neque fas esse existimant ea litteris mandare, cum in reliquis fere rebus, publicis privatisque rationibus Graecis litteris utantur. Id mihi duabus de causis instituisse videntur, quod neque in vulgum disciplinam efferri velint neque eos, qui discunt, litteris confisos minus memoriae studere: quod fere plerisque accidit, ut praesidio litterarum diligentiam in perdiscendo ac memoriam remittant.
SECTION 6.14.5In primis hoc volunt persuadere, non interire animas, sed ab aliis post mortem transire ad alios, atque hoc maxime ad virtutem excitari putant metu mortis neglecto.
SECTION 6.14.6Multa praeterea de sideribus atque eorum motu, de mundi ac terrarum magnitudine, de rerum natura, de deorum immortalium vi ac potestate disputant et iuventuti tradunt.
CHAPTER 6.15
SECTION 6.15.1Alterum genus est equitum. Hi, cum est usus atque aliquod bellum incidit (quod fere ante Caesaris adventum quotannis accidere solebat, uti aut ipsi iniurias inferrent aut illatas propulsarent), omnes in bello versantur,
SECTION 6.15.2atque eorum ut quisque est genere copiisque amplissimus, ita plurimos circum se ambactos clientesque habet. Hanc unam gratiam potentiamque noverunt.
CHAPTER 6.16
SECTION 6.16.1Natio est omnis Gallorum admodum dedita religionibus,
SECTION 6.16.2atque ob eam causam, qui sunt adfecti gravioribus morbis quique in proeliis periculisque versantur, aut pro victimis homines immolant aut se immolaturos vovent administrisque ad ea sacrificia druidibus utuntur, quod, pro vita hominis nisi hominis vita reddatur,
SECTION 6.16.3non posse deorum immortalium numen placari arbitrantur, publiceque eiusdem generis habent instituta sacrificia. Alii immani magnitudine simulacra habent,
SECTION 6.16.4quorum contexta viminibus membra vivis hominibus complent; quibus succensis circumventi flamma exanimantur homines.
SECTION 6.16.5Supplicia eorum qui in furto aut in latrocinio aut aliqua noxia sint comprehensi gratiora dis immortalibus esse arbitrantur; sed, cum eius generis copia defecit, etiam ad innocentium supplicia descendunt.
CHAPTER 6.17
SECTION 6.17.1Deum maxime Mercurium colunt. Huius sunt plurima simulacra: hunc omnium inventorem artium ferunt, hunc viarum atque itinerum ducem, hunc ad quaestus pecuniae mercaturasque habere vim maximam arbitrantur. Post hunc Apollinem et Martem et Iovem et Minervam.
SECTION 6.17.2De his eandem fere, quam reliquae gentes, habent opinionem: Apollinem morbos depellere, Minervam operum atque artificiorum initia tradere, Iovem imperium caelestium tenere, Martem bella regere.
SECTION 6.17.3Huic, cum proelio dimicare constituerunt, ea quae bello ceperint plerumque devovent: cum superaverunt, animalia capta immolant reliquasque res in unum locum conferunt.
SECTION 6.17.4Multis in civitatibus harum rerum exstructos tumulos locis consecratis conspicari licet;
SECTION 6.17.5neque saepe accidit, ut neglecta quispiam religione aut capta apud se occultare aut posita tollere auderet, gravissimumque ei rei supplicium cum cruciatu constitutum est.
CHAPTER 6.18
SECTION 6.18.1Galli se omnes ab Dite patre prognatos praedicant idque ab druidibus proditum dicunt.
SECTION 6.18.2Ob eam causam spatia omnis temporis non numero dierum sed noctium finiunt; dies natales et mensum et annorum initia sic observant ut noctem dies subsequatur.
SECTION 6.18.3In reliquis vitae institutis hoc fere ab reliquis differunt, quod suos liberos, nisi cum adoleverunt, ut munus militiae sustinere possint, palam ad se adire non patiuntur filiumque puerili aetate in publico in conspectu patris adsistere turpe ducunt.
CHAPTER 6.19
SECTION 6.19.1Viri, quantas pecunias ab uxoribus dotis nomine acceperunt, tantas ex suis bonis aestimatione facta cum dotibus communicant.
SECTION 6.19.2Huius omnis pecuniae coniunctim ratio habetur fructusque servantur: uter eorum vita superarit, ad eum pars utriusque cum fructibus superiorum temporum pervenit.
SECTION 6.19.3Viri in uxores, sicuti in liberos, vitae necisque habent potestatem; et cum pater familiae illustriore loco natus decessit, eius propinqui conveniunt et, de morte si res in suspicionem venit, de uxoribus in servilem modum quaestionem habent et, si compertum est, igni atque omnibus tormentis excruciatas interficiunt.
SECTION 6.19.4Funera sunt pro cultu Gallorum magnifica et sumptuosa; omniaque quae vivis cordi fuisse arbitrantur in ignem inferunt, etiam animalia, ac paulo supra hanc memoriam servi et clientes, quos ab eis dilectos esse constabat, iustis funeribus confectis una cremabantur.
CHAPTER 6.20
SECTION 6.20.1Quae civitates commodius suam rem publicam administrare existimantur, habent legibus sanctum, si quis quid de re publica a finitimis rumore aut fama acceperit, uti ad magistratum deferat neve cum quo alio communicet,
SECTION 6.20.2quod saepe homines temerarios atque imperitos falsis rumoribus terreri et ad facinus impelli et de summis rebus consilium capere cognitum est.
SECTION 6.20.3Magistratus quae visa sunt occultant quaeque esse ex usu iudicaverunt multitudini produnt. De re publica nisi per concilium loqui non conceditur.
CHAPTER 6.21
SECTION 6.21.1Germani multum ab hac consuetudine differunt. Nam neque druides habent, qui rebus divinis praesint, neque sacrificiis student.
SECTION 6.21.2Deorum numero eos solos ducunt, quos cernunt et quorum aperte opibus iuvantur, Solem et Vulcanum et Lunam, reliquos ne fama quidem acceperunt.
SECTION 6.21.3Vita omnis in venationibus atque in studiis rei militaris consistit: ab parvulis labori ac duritiae student. Qui diutissime impuberes permanserunt,
SECTION 6.21.4maximam inter suos ferunt laudem: hoc ali staturam, ali vires nervosque confirmari putant.
SECTION 6.21.5Intra annum vero vicesimum feminae notitiam habuisse in turpissimis habent rebus; cuius rei nulla est occultatio, quod et promiscue in fluminibus perluuntur et pellibus aut parvis renonum tegimentis utuntur magna corporis parte nuda.
CHAPTER 6.22
SECTION 6.22.1Agriculturae non student, maiorque pars eorum victus in lacte, caseo, carne consistit.
SECTION 6.22.2Neque quisquam agri modum certum aut fines habet proprios; sed magistratus ac principes in annos singulos gentibus cognationibusque hominum, qui una coierunt, quantum et quo loco visum est agri attribuunt atque anno post alio transire cogunt.
SECTION 6.22.3Eius rei multas adferunt causas: ne adsidua consuetudine capti studium belli gerendi agricultura commutent; ne latos fines parare studeant, potentioresque humiliores possessionibus expellant; ne accuratius ad frigora atque aestus vitandos aedificent; ne qua oriatur pecuniae cupiditas, qua ex re factiones dissensionesque nascuntur;
SECTION 6.22.4ut animi aequitate plebem contineant, cum suas quisque opes cum potentissimis aequari videat.
CHAPTER 6.23
SECTION 6.23.1Civitatibus maxima laus est quam latissime circum se vastatis finibus solitudines habere.
SECTION 6.23.2Hoc proprium virtutis existimant, expulsos agris finitimos cedere, neque quemquam prope audere consistere:
SECTION 6.23.3simul hoc se fore tutiores arbitrantur repentinae incursionis timore sublato.
SECTION 6.23.4Cum bellum civitas aut inlatum defendit aut infert, magistratus, qui ei bello praesint, ut vitae necisque habeant potestatem, deliguntur.
SECTION 6.23.5In pace nullus est communis magistratus, sed principes regionum atque pagorum inter suos ius dicunt controversiasque minuunt.
SECTION 6.23.6Latrocinia nullam habent infamiam, quae extra fines cuiusque civitatis fiunt, atque ea iuventutis exercendae ac desidiae minuendae causa fieri praedicant.
SECTION 6.23.7Atque ubi quis ex principibus in concilio dixit se ducem fore, qui sequi velint, profiteantur, consurgunt ei qui et causam et hominem probant suumque auxilium pollicentur atque ab multitudine collaudantur:
SECTION 6.23.8qui ex his secuti non sunt, in desertorum ac proditorum numero ducuntur, omniumque his rerum postea fides derogatur.
SECTION 6.23.9Hospitem violare fas non putant; qui quacumque de causa ad eos venerunt, ab iniuria prohibent, sanctos habent, hisque omnium domus patent victusque communicatur.
CHAPTER 6.24
SECTION 6.24.1Ac fuit antea tempus, cum Germanos Galli virtute superarent, ultro bella inferrent, propter hominum multitudinem agrique inopiam trans Rhenum colonias mitterent.
SECTION 6.24.2Itaque ea quae fertilissima Germaniae sunt loca circum Hercyniam silvam, quam Eratostheni et quibusdam Graecis fama notam esse video, quam illi Orcyniam appellant, Volcae Tectosages occupaverunt atque ibi consederunt;
SECTION 6.24.3quae gens ad hoc tempus his sedibus sese continet summamque habet iustitiae et bellicae laudis opinionem.
SECTION 6.24.4Nunc quod in eadem inopia, egestate, patientia qua Germani permanent, eodem victu et cultu corporis utuntur; Gallis autem provinciarum propinquitas et transmarinarum rerum notitia multa ad copiam atque usus largitur,
SECTION 6.24.6paulatim adsuefacti superari multisque victi proeliis ne se quidem ipsi cum illis virtute comparant.
CHAPTER 6.25
SECTION 6.25.1Huius Hercyniae silvae, quae supra demonstrata est, latitudo novem dierum iter expedito patet: non enim aliter finiri potest, neque mensuras itinerum noverunt.
SECTION 6.25.2Oritur ab Helvetiorum et Nemetum et Rauracorum finibus rectaque fluminis Danubi regione pertinet ad fines Dacorum et Anartium;
SECTION 6.25.3hinc se flectit sinistrorsus diversis ab flumine regionibus multarumque gentium fines propter magnitudinem adtingit;
SECTION 6.25.4neque quisquam est huius Germaniae, qui se aut adisse ad initium eius silvae dicat, cum dierum iter LX processerit, aut, quo ex loco oriatur, acceperit.
SECTION 6.25.5Multaque in ea genera ferarum nasci constat, quae reliquis in locis visa non sint; ex quibus quae maxime differant ab ceteris et memoriae prodenda videantur haec sunt.
CHAPTER 6.26
SECTION 6.26.1Est bos cervi figura, cuius a media fronte inter aures unum cornu exsistit excelsius magisque directum his, quae nobis nota sunt, cornibus: ab eius summo sicut palmae ramique late diffunduntur. Eadem est feminae marisque natura, eadem forma magnitudoque cornuum.
CHAPTER 6.27
SECTION 6.27.1Sunt item, quae appellantur alces. Harum est consimilis capris figura et varietas pellium, sed magnitudine paulo antecedunt mutilaeque sunt cornibus et crura sine nodis articulisque habent
SECTION 6.27.2neque quietis causa procumbunt neque, si quo adflictae casu conciderunt, erigere sese aut sublevare possunt.
SECTION 6.27.3His sunt arbores pro cubilibus: ad eas se applicant atque ita paulum modo reclinatae quietem capiunt.
SECTION 6.27.4Quarum ex vestigiis cum est animadversum a venatoribus, quo se recipere consuerint, omnes eo loco aut ab radicibus subruunt aut accidunt arbores, tantum ut summa species earum stantium relinquatur. Huc cum se consuetudine reclinaverunt,
SECTION 6.27.5infirmas arbores pondere adfligunt atque una ipsae concidunt.
CHAPTER 6.28
SECTION 6.28.1Tertium est genus eorum, qui uri appellantur. Hi sunt magnitudine paulo infra elephantos, specie et colore et figura tauri.
SECTION 6.28.2Magna vis eorum est et magna velocitas, neque homini neque ferae quam conspexerunt parcunt. Hos studiose foveis captos interficiunt.
SECTION 6.28.3Hoc se labore durant adulescentes atque hoc genere venationis exercent, et qui plurimos ex his interfecerunt, relatis in publicum cornibus, quae sint testimonio, magnam ferunt laudem.
SECTION 6.28.4Sed adsuescere ad homines et mansuefieri ne parvuli quidem excepti possunt.
SECTION 6.28.5Amplitudo cornuum et figura et species multum a nostrorum boum cornibus differt.
SECTION 6.28.6Haec studiose conquisita ab labris argento circumcludunt atque in amplissimis epulis pro poculis utuntur.
CHAPTER 6.29
SECTION 6.29.1Caesar, postquam per Vbios exploratores comperit Suebos sese in silvas recepisse, inopiam frumenti veritus, quod, ut supra demonstravimus, minime omnes Germani agriculturae student, constituit non progredi longius; sed,
SECTION 6.29.2ne omnino metum reditus sui barbaris tolleret atque ut eorum auxilia tardaret, reducto exercitu partem ultimam pontis,
SECTION 6.29.3quae ripas Vbiorum contingebat, in longitudinem pedum ducentorum rescindit atque in extremo ponte turrim tabulatorum quattuor constituit praesidiumque cohortium duodecim pontis tuendi causa ponit magnisque eum locum munitionibus firmat. Ei loco praesidioque Gaium Volcatium Tullum adulescentem praefecit.
SECTION 6.29.4Ipse, cum maturescere frumenta inciperent, ad bellum Ambiorigis profectus per Arduennam silvam, quae est totius Galliae maxima atque ab ripis Rheni finibusque Treverorum ad Nervios pertinet milibusque amplius quingentis in longitudinem patet, Lucium Minucium Basilum cum omni equitatu praemittit, si quid celeritate itineris atque opportunitate temporis proficere possit;
SECTION 6.29.5monet, ut ignes in castris fieri prohibeat, ne qua eius adventus procul significatio fiat: sese confestim subsequi dicit.
CHAPTER 6.30
SECTION 6.30.1Basilus, ut imperatum est, facit. Celeriter contraque omnium opinionem confecto itinere multos in agris inopinantes deprehendit: eorum indicio ad ipsum Ambiorigem contendit, quo in loco cum paucis equitibus esse dicebatur.
SECTION 6.30.2Multum cum in omnibus rebus tum in re militari potest fortuna. Nam sicut magno accidit casu ut in ipsum incautum etiam atque imparatum incideret, priusque eius adventus ab omnibus videretur, quam fama ac nuntius adferretur: sic magnae fuit fortunae omni militari instrumento, quod circum se habebat, erepto, raedis equisque comprehensis ipsum effugere mortem. Sed hoc quoque factum est,
SECTION 6.30.3quod aedificio circumdato silva, ut sunt fere domicilia Gallorum, qui vitandi aestus causa plerumque silvarum atque fluminum petunt propinquitates, comites familiaresque eius angusto in loco paulisper equitum nostrorum vim sustinuerunt.
SECTION 6.30.4His pugnantibus illum in equum quidam ex suis intulit: fugientem silvae texerunt. Sic et ad subeundum periculum et ad vitandum multum fortuna valuit.
CHAPTER 6.31
SECTION 6.31.1Ambiorix copias suas iudicione non conduxerit, quod proelio dimicandum non existimarit, an tempore exclusus et repentino equitum adventu prohibitus, cum reliquum exercitum subsequi crederet, dubium est.
SECTION 6.31.2Sed certe dimissis per agros nuntiis sibi quemque consulere iussit. Quorum pars in Arduennam silvam, pars in continentes paludes profugit;
SECTION 6.31.3qui proximi Oceano fuerunt, his insulis sese occultaverunt, quas aestus efficere consuerunt;
SECTION 6.31.4multi ex suis finibus egressi se suaque omnia alienissimis crediderunt.
SECTION 6.31.5Catuvolcus, rex dimidiae partis Eburonum, qui una cum Ambiorige consilium inierat, aetate iam confectus, cum laborem aut belli aut fugae ferre non posset, omnibus precibus detestatus Ambiorigem, qui eius consilii auctor fuisset, taxo, cuius magna in Gallia Germaniaque copia est, se exanimavit.
CHAPTER 6.32
SECTION 6.32.1Segni Condrusique, ex gente et numero Germanorum, qui sunt inter Eburones Treverosque, legatos ad Caesarem miserunt oratum, ne se in hostium numero duceret neve omnium Germanorum, qui essent citra Rhenum, unam esse causam iudicaret: nihil se de bello cogitavisse, nulla Ambiorigi auxilia misisse.
SECTION 6.32.2Caesar explorata re quaestione captivorum, si qui ad eos Eburones ex fuga convenissent, ad se ut reducerentur, imperavit; si ita fecissent, fines eorum se violaturum negavit.
SECTION 6.32.3Tum copiis in tres partes distributis impedimenta omnium legionum Aduatucam contulit.
SECTION 6.32.4Id castelli nomen est. Hoc fere est in mediis Eburonum finibus, ubi Titurius atque Aurunculeius hiemandi causa consederant.
SECTION 6.32.5Hunc cum reliquis rebus locum probabat, tum quod superioris anni munitiones integrae manebant, ut militum laborem sublevaret. Praesidio impedimentis legionem quartamdecimam reliquit, unam ex eis tribus, quas proxime conscriptas ex Italia traduxerat.
SECTION 6.32.6Ei legioni castrisque Quintum Tullium Ciceronem praeficit ducentosque equites attribuit.
CHAPTER 6.33
SECTION 6.33.1Partito exercitu Titum Labienum cum legionibus tribus ad Oceanum versus in eas partes quae Menapios attingunt proficisci iubet;
SECTION 6.33.2Gaium Trebonium cum pari legionum numero ad eam regionem quae ad Aduatucos adiacet depopulandam mittit;
SECTION 6.33.3ipse cum reliquis tribus ad flumen Scaldem, quod influit in Mosam, extremasque Arduennae partis ire constituit, quo cum paucis equitibus profectum Ambiorigem audiebat.
SECTION 6.33.4Discedens post diem septimum sese reversurum confirmat; quam ad diem ei legioni quae in praesidio relinquebatur deberi frumentum sciebat.
SECTION 6.33.5Labienum Treboniumque hortatur, si rei publicae commodo facere possint, ad eum diem revertantur, ut rursus communicato consilio exploratisque hostium rationibus aliud initium belli capere possint.
CHAPTER 6.34
SECTION 6.34.1Erat, ut supra demonstravimus, manus certa nulla, non oppidum, non praesidium, quod se armis defenderet, sed in omnes partes dispersa multitudo.
SECTION 6.34.2Vbi cuique aut valles abdita aut locus silvestris aut palus impedita spem praesidi aut salutis aliquam offerebat, consederat.
SECTION 6.34.3Haec loca vicinitatibus erant nota, magnamque res diligentiam requirebat non in summa exercitus tuenda (nullum enim poterat universis a perterritis ac dispersis periculum accidere), sed in singulis militibus conservandis; quae tamen ex parte res ad salutem exercitus pertinebat.
SECTION 6.34.4Nam et praedae cupiditas multos longius evocabat, et silvae incertis occultisque itineribus confertos adire prohibebant.
SECTION 6.34.5Si negotium confici stirpemque hominum sceleratorum interfici vellet, dimittendae plures manus diducendique erant milites;
SECTION 6.34.6si continere ad signa manipulos vellet, ut instituta ratio et consuetudo exercitus Romani postulabat, locus ipse erat praesidio barbaris, neque ex occulto insidiandi et dispersos circumveniendi singulis deerat audacia.
SECTION 6.34.7Vt in eiusmodi difficultatibus, quantum diligentia provideri poterat providebatur, ut potius in nocendo aliquid praetermitteretur, etsi omnium animi ad ulciscendum ardebant, quam cum aliquo militum detrimento noceretur.
SECTION 6.34.8Dimittit ad finitimas civitates nuntios Caesar: omnes ad se vocat spe praedae ad diripiendos Eburones, ut potius in silvis Gallorum vita quam legionarius miles periclitetur, simul ut magna multitudine circumfusa pro tali facinore stirps ac nomen civitatis tollatur.
SECTION 6.34.9Magnus undique numerus celeriter convenit.
CHAPTER 6.35
SECTION 6.35.1Haec in omnibus Eburonum partibus gerebantur, diesque appetebat septimus, quem ad diem Caesar ad impedimenta legionemque reverti constituerat.
SECTION 6.35.2Hic quantum in bello fortuna possit et quantos adferat casus cognosci potuit.
SECTION 6.35.3Dissipatis ac perterritis hostibus, ut demonstravimus, manus erat nulla quae parvam modo causam timoris adferret.
SECTION 6.35.4Trans Rhenum ad Germanos pervenit fama, diripi Eburones atque ultro omnes ad praedam evocari.
SECTION 6.35.5Cogunt equitum duo milia Sugambri, qui sunt proximi Rheno, a quibus receptos ex fuga Tencteros atque Vsipetes supra docuimus.
SECTION 6.35.6Transeunt Rhenum navibus ratibusque triginta milibus passuum infra eum locum, ubi pons erat perfectus praesidiumque ab Caesare relictum: primos Eburonum fines adeunt; multos ex fuga dispersos excipiunt, magno pecoris numero, cuius sunt cupidissimi barbari, potiuntur.
SECTION 6.35.7Invitati praeda longius procedunt. Non hos palus in bello latrociniisque natos, non silvae morantur. Quibus in locis sit Caesar ex captivis quaerunt; profectum longius reperiunt omnemque exercitum discessisse cognoscunt.
SECTION 6.35.8Atque unus ex captivis "Quid vos," inquit, "hanc miseram ac tenuem sectamini praedam, quibus licet iam esse fortunatissimos?
SECTION 6.35.9Tribus horis Aduatucam venire potestis: huc omnes suas fortunas exercitus Romanorum contulit: praesidi tantum est, ut ne murus quidem cingi possit, neque quisquam egredi extra munitiones audeat."
SECTION 6.35.10Oblata spe Germani quam nacti erant praedam in occulto relinquunt; ipsi Aduatucam contendunt usi eodem duce, cuius haec indicio cognoverant.
CHAPTER 6.36
SECTION 6.36.1Cicero, qui omnes superiores dies praeceptis Caesaris cum summa diligentia milites in castris continuisset ac ne calonem quidem quemquam extra munitionem egredi passus esset, septimo die diffidens de numero dierum Caesarem fidem servaturum, quod longius progressum audiebat, neque ulla de reditu eius fama adferebatur, simul eorum permotus vocibus,
SECTION 6.36.2qui illius patientiam paene obsessionem appellabant, siquidem ex castris egredi non liceret, nullum eiusmodi casum exspectans, quo novem oppositis legionibus maximoque equitatu dispersis ac paene deletis hostibus in milibus passuum tribus offendi posset, quinque cohortes frumentatum in proximas segetes mittit, quas inter et castra unus omnino collis intererat. Complures erant ex legionibus aegri relicti;
SECTION 6.36.3ex quibus qui hoc spatio dierum convaluerant, circiter CCC, sub vexillo una mittuntur; magna praeterea multitudo calonum, magna vis iumentorum, quae in castris subsederant, facta potestate sequitur.
CHAPTER 6.37
SECTION 6.37.1Hoc ipso tempore et casu Germani equites interveniunt protinusque eodem illo, quo venerant, cursu ab decumana porta in castra irrumpere conantur,
SECTION 6.37.2nec prius sunt visi obiectis ab ea parte silvis, quam castris appropinquarent, usque eo ut qui sub vallo tenderent mercatores recipiendi sui facultatem non haberent.
SECTION 6.37.3Inopinantes nostri re nova perturbantur, ac vix primum impetum cohors in statione sustinet.
SECTION 6.37.4Circumfunduntur ex reliquis hostes partibus, si quem aditum reperire possent.
SECTION 6.37.5Aegre portas nostri tuentur, reliquos aditus locus ipse per se munitioque defendit.
SECTION 6.37.6Totis trepidatur castris, atque alius ex alio causam tumultus quaerit; neque quo signa ferantur neque quam in partem quisque conveniat provident.
SECTION 6.37.7Alius iam castra capta pronuntiat, alius deleto exercitu atque imperatore victores barbaros venisse contendit;
SECTION 6.37.8plerique novas sibi ex loco religiones fingunt Cottaeque et Tituri calamitatem, qui in eodem occiderint castello, ante oculos ponunt.
SECTION 6.37.9Tali timore omnibus perterritis confirmatur opinio barbaris, ut ex captivo audierant, nullum esse intus praesidium.
SECTION 6.37.10perrumpere nituntur seque ipsi adhortantur, ne tantam fortunam ex manibus dimittant.
CHAPTER 6.38
SECTION 6.38.1Erat aeger cum praesidio relictus Publius Sextius Baculus, qui primum pilum ad Caesarem duxerat, cuius mentionem superioribus proeliis fecimus, ac diem iam quintum cibo caruerat.
SECTION 6.38.2Hic diffisus suae atque omnium saluti inermis ex tabernaculo prodit: videt imminere hostes atque in summo esse rem discrimine: capit arma a proximis atque in porta consistit:
SECTION 6.38.3consequuntur hunc centuriones eius cohortis quae in statione erat: paulisper una proelium sustinent.
SECTION 6.38.4Relinquit animus Sextium gravibus acceptis vulneribus: aegre per manus tractus servatur.
SECTION 6.38.5Hoc spatio interposito reliqui sese confirmant tantum, ut in munitionibus consistere audeant speciemque defensorum praebeant.
CHAPTER 6.39
SECTION 6.39.1Interim confecta frumentatione milites nostri clamorem exaudiunt: praecurrunt equites; quanto res sit in periculo cognoscunt.
SECTION 6.39.2Hic vero nulla munitio est quae perterritos recipiat: modo conscripti atque usus militaris imperiti ad tribunum militum centurionesque ora convertunt; quid ab his praecipiatur exspectant. Nemo est tam fortis quin rei novitate perturbetur.
SECTION 6.39.3Barbari signa procul conspicati oppugnatione desistunt:
SECTION 6.39.4redisse primo legiones credunt, quas longius discessisse ex captivis cognoverant; postea despecta paucitate ex omnibus partibus impetum faciunt.
CHAPTER 6.40
SECTION 6.40.1Calones in proximum tumulum procurrunt. Hinc celeriter deiecti se in signa manipulosque coniciunt: eo magis timidos perterrent milites.
SECTION 6.40.2Alii cuneo facto ut celeriter perrumpant censent, quoniam tam propinqua sint castra, et si pars aliqua circumventa ceciderit, at reliquos servari posse confidunt;
SECTION 6.40.3alii, ut in iugo consistant atque eundem omnes ferant casum.
SECTION 6.40.4Hoc veteres non probant milites, quos sub vexillo una profectos docuimus. Itaque inter se cohortati duce Gaio Trebonio, equite Romano, qui eis erat praepositus, per medios hostes perrumpunt incolumesque ad unum omnes in castra perveniunt.
SECTION 6.40.5Hos subsecuti calones equitesque eodem impetu militum virtute servantur.
SECTION 6.40.6At ei qui in iugo constiterant, nullo etiam nunc usu rei militaris percepto neque in eo quod probaverant consilio permanere, ut se loco superiore defenderent, neque eam quam prodesse aliis vim celeritatemque viderant imitari potuerunt, sed se in castra recipere conati iniquum in locum demiserunt.
SECTION 6.40.7Centuriones, quorum nonnulli ex inferioribus ordinibus reliquarum legionum virtutis causa in superiores erant ordines huius legionis traducti, ne ante partam rei militaris laudem amitterent, fortissime pugnantes conciderunt.
SECTION 6.40.8Militum pars horum virtute summotis hostibus praeter spem incolumis in castra pervenit, pars a barbaris circumventa periit.
CHAPTER 6.41
SECTION 6.41.1Germani desperata expugnatione castrorum, quod nostros iam constitisse in munitionibus videbant, cum ea praeda quam in silvis deposuerant trans Rhenum sese receperunt.
SECTION 6.41.2Ac tantus fuit etiam post discessum hostium terror ut ea nocte, cum Gaius Volusenus missus cum equitatu ad castra venisset, fidem non faceret adesse cum incolumi Caesarem exercitu.
SECTION 6.41.3Sic omnino animos timor praeoccupaverat ut paene alienata mente deletis omnibus copiis equitatum se ex fuga recepisse dicerent neque incolumi exercitu Germanos castra oppugnaturos fuisse contenderent.
SECTION 6.41.4Quem timorem Caesaris adventus sustulit.
CHAPTER 6.42
SECTION 6.42.1Reversus ille eventus belli non ignorans unum, quod cohortes ex statione et praesidio essent emissae, questus ne minimo quidem casu locum relinqui debuisse, multum fortunam in repentino hostium adventu potuisse iudicavit,
SECTION 6.42.2multo etiam amplius, quod paene ab ipso vallo portisque castrorum barbaros avertisset. quarum omnium rerum maxime admirandum videbatur,
SECTION 6.42.3quod Germani, qui eo consilio Rhenum transierant, ut Ambiorigis fines depopularentur, ad castra Romanorum delati optatissimum Ambiorigi beneficium obtulerunt.
CHAPTER 6.43
SECTION 6.43.1Caesar rursus ad vexandos hostes profectus magno coacto numero ex finitimis civitatibus in omnes partes dimittit.
SECTION 6.43.2Omnes vici atque omnia aedificia quae quisque conspexerat incendebantur; praeda ex omnibus locis agebatur;
SECTION 6.43.3frumenta non solum tanta multitudine iumentorum atque hominum consumebantur, sed etiam anni tempore atque imbribus procubuerant ut, si qui etiam in praesentia se occultassent, tamen his deducto exercitu rerum omnium inopia pereundum videretur.
SECTION 6.43.4Ac saepe in eum locum ventum est tanto in omnes partes diviso equitatu, ut modo visum ab se Ambiorigem in fuga circumspicerent captivi nec plane etiam abisse ex conspectu contenderent, ut spe consequendi illata atque infinito labore suscepto,
SECTION 6.43.5qui se summam ab Caesare gratiam inituros putarent, paene naturam studio vincerent, semperque paulum ad summam felicitatem defuisse videretur,
SECTION 6.43.6atque ille latebris aut saltibus se eriperet et noctu occultatus alias regiones partesque peteret non maiore equitum praesidio quam quattuor, quibus solis vitam suam committere audebat.
CHAPTER 6.44
SECTION 6.44.1Tali modo vastatis regionibus exercitum Caesar duarum cohortium damno Durocortorum Remorum reducit concilioque in eum locum Galliae indicto de coniuratione Senonum et Carnutum quaestionem habere instituit et de Accone, qui princeps eius consili fuerat,
SECTION 6.44.2graviore sententia pronuntiata more maiorum supplicium sumpsit.
SECTION 6.44.3Non nulli iudicium veriti profugerunt. Quibus cum aqua atque igni interdixisset, duas legiones ad fines Treverorum, duas in Lingonibus, sex reliquas in Senonum finibus Agedinci in hibernis collocavit frumentoque exercitui proviso, ut instituerat, in Italiam ad conventus agendos profectus est.
English · Plain English translation · Mouseia
CHAPTER 6.1
SECTION 6.1.1For many reasons Caesar expected a greater uprising in Gaul, and he instructed his legates Marcus Silanus, Gaius Antistius Reginus, and Titus Sextius to conduct a levy.
SECTION 6.1.2At the same time he asked the proconsul Gnaeus Pompey, who, for reasons of state, was remaining near Rome while retaining military command, to order the men from Cisalpine Gaul whom he had sworn into service as consul
SECTION 6.1.3to assemble under the standards and march to Caesar. Caesar believed that, with a view to what the Gauls would think in the future as well, it was very important that Italy’s resources appear so great that, if any loss were suffered in war, it could not only be repaired quickly but could even be made good with a larger force.
SECTION 6.1.4Pompey granted this request both for the sake of the state and out of friendship. The levy was quickly completed by his officers, and before winter had ended three legions were formed and brought to Caesar. By doubling the number of cohorts he had lost with Quintus Titurius, Caesar demonstrated, through both the speed and the size of the mobilization, what the discipline and resources of the Roman people could accomplish.
CHAPTER 6.2
SECTION 6.2.1After Indutiomarus was killed, as we have related, the Treveri transferred command to his relatives. They did not stop trying to stir up the neighboring Germans and promising them money. When they could not persuade those nearest to them,
SECTION 6.2.2they approached more distant peoples. After finding several states willing to join them, they bound one another by oath and gave hostages as security for payment. They also joined Ambiorix to themselves by an alliance and treaty.
SECTION 6.2.3When Caesar learned of these developments, he saw that war was being prepared everywhere: the Nervii, Aduatuci, and Menapii, together with all the Germans on this side of the Rhine, were under arms; the Senones were not appearing as ordered and were coordinating their plans with the Carnutes and neighboring states; and the Treveri were trying to stir up the Germans by sending repeated delegations. He therefore thought that he had to make preparations for war earlier than usual.
CHAPTER 6.3
SECTION 6.3.1Accordingly, before winter was over, he assembled the four nearest legions and unexpectedly hurried into the territory of the Nervii.
SECTION 6.3.2Before they could either assemble or flee, he captured a large number of livestock and people, gave that plunder to the soldiers, devastated the fields, and forced the Nervii to surrender and give him hostages.
SECTION 6.3.3After quickly completing this operation, he led the legions back to winter quarters.
SECTION 6.3.4At the beginning of spring he summoned a council of Gaul, as he had determined. When all the others came except the Senones, Carnutes, and Treveri, he considered their absence the beginning of war and rebellion. To show that he was putting everything else aside, he transferred the council to Lutetia, a town of the Parisii.
SECTION 6.3.5The Parisii bordered the Senones and within living memory had formed a single state with them, but they were believed to have had no part in this plan.
SECTION 6.3.6After announcing this decision from the tribunal, Caesar set out that same day with the legions against the Senones and reached their territory by forced marches.
CHAPTER 6.4
SECTION 6.4.1When Acco, who had been the chief author of this plan, learned of Caesar’s arrival, he ordered the population to assemble in the fortified towns. While they were attempting to do so, before it could be accomplished, word came that the Romans were already there.
SECTION 6.4.2They were forced to abandon their plan and sent envoys to Caesar to beg for mercy. They approached him through the Aedui, under whose protection their state had been since ancient times.
SECTION 6.4.3At the Aedui’s request Caesar willingly pardoned them and accepted their excuses, because he believed that the summer season was a time for the impending war, not for conducting an investigation.
SECTION 6.4.4He demanded one hundred hostages and handed them over to the Aedui for safekeeping.
SECTION 6.4.5The Carnutes also sent envoys and hostages to the same place, employing the Remi, whose clients they were, as intercessors. They received the same answer.
SECTION 6.4.6Caesar concluded the council and ordered the states to provide cavalry.
CHAPTER 6.5
SECTION 6.5.1With this part of Gaul pacified, Caesar directed his whole mind and attention to the war against the Treveri and Ambiorix.
SECTION 6.5.2He ordered Cavarinus to accompany him with the cavalry of the Senones, to prevent any uprising from occurring because of Cavarinus’s irascibility or because of the hatred his conduct had earned him among his people.
SECTION 6.5.3After making these arrangements, Caesar took it as certain that Ambiorix would not fight a pitched battle, and he considered what other plans Ambiorix might adopt.
SECTION 6.5.4The Menapii lived near the territory of the Eburones and were protected by endless marshes and forests. They alone among the Gauls had never sent envoys to Caesar to negotiate peace. Caesar knew that Ambiorix had ties of hospitality with them, and he had also learned that Ambiorix had entered into friendship with the Germans through the Treveri.
SECTION 6.5.5He believed that these sources of assistance had to be taken away from Ambiorix before he attacked the man himself, so that, despairing of his safety, Ambiorix would not either hide among the Menapii or be driven to join the peoples across the Rhine.
SECTION 6.5.6Having adopted this plan, Caesar sent the baggage of the entire army to Labienus in the territory of the Treveri and ordered two legions to march to him. Caesar himself set out against the Menapii with five legions unencumbered by baggage.
SECTION 6.5.7The Menapii assembled no army but, relying on the protection afforded by the terrain, fled into the forests and marshes and carried their possessions there as well.
CHAPTER 6.6
SECTION 6.6.1Caesar divided his forces with the legate Gaius Fabius and the quaestor Marcus Crassus and, after bridges had quickly been constructed, advanced in three divisions. He burned houses and villages and captured a large number of livestock and people.
SECTION 6.6.2Compelled by these actions, the Menapii sent envoys to him to ask for peace.
SECTION 6.6.3After receiving hostages, Caesar declared that he would treat them as enemies if they admitted either Ambiorix or his envoys into their territory. Once these arrangements were confirmed, he left Commius the Atrebatian among the Menapii with cavalry to serve as a guard, while he himself set out for the territory of the Treveri.
CHAPTER 6.7
SECTION 6.7.1While Caesar was carrying out these operations, the Treveri assembled large forces of infantry and cavalry and prepared to attack Labienus, who had wintered in their territory with a single legion.
SECTION 6.7.2They were already no more than a two-day march from him when they learned that two legions sent by Caesar had arrived.
SECTION 6.7.3They established a camp fifteen miles away and decided to wait for German reinforcements.
SECTION 6.7.4When Labienus learned of the enemy’s plan, he hoped their recklessness would provide an opportunity to fight. Leaving five cohorts to guard the baggage, he advanced against the enemy with twenty-five cohorts and a large force of cavalry, and fortified a camp with a distance of one mile between the two armies.
SECTION 6.7.5Between Labienus and the enemy was a river that was difficult to cross and had steep banks. He had no intention of crossing it himself and did not think that the enemy would cross it either.
SECTION 6.7.6Their hope of receiving reinforcements grew daily. Labienus openly declared at a council that, since the Germans were said to be approaching, he would not place his own fortunes and those of the army at risk, and that he would break camp at first light the next day. This information was quickly carried to the enemy,
SECTION 6.7.7since, given the large number of Gallic cavalrymen, it was natural that some of them would favor the Gallic cause.
SECTION 6.7.8During the night Labienus summoned the military tribunes and senior centurions, explained his plan, and, to make the enemy more readily suspect that the Romans were afraid, ordered the camp to be broken with more noise and confusion than was customary in the Roman army. By these measures he made their departure look like a rout.
SECTION 6.7.9Because the camps were so close together, this information too was carried by scouts to the enemy before dawn.
CHAPTER 6.8
SECTION 6.8.1The rear of the column had scarcely passed beyond the fortifications when the Gauls urged one another not to let the plunder they had hoped for slip from their hands. They said that it would take too long to wait for German reinforcements when the Romans were terrified, and that their honor did not permit them, with such large forces, to hesitate to attack so small a body of men, especially when they were fleeing and encumbered. They therefore did not hesitate to cross the river and begin battle on unfavorable ground.
SECTION 6.8.2Labienus had anticipated this. To lure them all across to his side of the river, he continued the same pretense of marching away and advanced slowly.
SECTION 6.8.3Then, after sending the baggage a short distance ahead and positioning it on a hill, he said, “Soldiers, you have the opportunity you wanted. You have the enemy trapped on difficult and unfavorable ground.
SECTION 6.8.4Show us, your commanders, the same courage you have so often shown your commander-in-chief, and imagine that he is here and is witnessing these events in person.”
SECTION 6.8.5At the same time he ordered the standards to be turned toward the enemy and the battle line to be formed. He detached a few squadrons to guard the baggage and stationed the rest of the cavalry on the flanks.
SECTION 6.8.6Our men quickly raised a shout and hurled their javelins at the enemy. When the Gauls unexpectedly saw the men they had believed were fleeing advancing against them with hostile standards, they could not withstand even the charge. They were put to flight at the first clash and made for the nearest woods.
SECTION 6.8.7Labienus pursued them with the cavalry, killed a great number, captured several, and within a few days regained control of the state. For when the Germans who were coming to their aid learned of the Treveri’s flight, they returned home.
SECTION 6.8.8The relatives of Indutiomarus, who had been the instigators of the revolt, accompanied them and left the state.
SECTION 6.8.9The chief position and governing authority were handed over to Cingetorix, who, as we have shown, had remained loyal from the beginning.
CHAPTER 6.9
SECTION 6.9.1After Caesar came from the territory of the Menapii into that of the Treveri, he decided to cross the Rhine for two reasons. One was that the Germans had sent reinforcements to the Treveri against him;
SECTION 6.9.2the other was to prevent Ambiorix from finding refuge among them.
SECTION 6.9.3Having made these decisions, he began building a bridge a little above the place where he had previously taken his army across.
SECTION 6.9.4Because the method was known and established, and the soldiers worked with great enthusiasm, the project was completed within a few days.
SECTION 6.9.5He left a strong garrison among the Treveri at the bridge, to prevent any sudden uprising by them, and took the rest of his forces and the cavalry across.
SECTION 6.9.6The Ubii, who had previously given hostages and surrendered, sent envoys to him to clear themselves of blame. They explained that no reinforcements had been sent from their state to the Treveri and that they had not broken faith.
SECTION 6.9.7They begged and implored him to spare them, so that in the general hatred of the Germans the innocent would not suffer punishment for the guilty. If he wanted more hostages, they promised to provide them.
SECTION 6.9.8After investigating the matter, Caesar discovered that the reinforcements had been sent by the Suebi. He accepted the Ubii’s explanation and began making inquiries about the approaches and routes into the territory of the Suebi.
CHAPTER 6.10
SECTION 6.10.1Meanwhile, a few days later, the Ubii informed him that all the Suebi were concentrating their forces in one place and ordering the peoples under their rule to send reinforcements of infantry and cavalry.
SECTION 6.10.2On learning this, he made provisions for the grain supply and selected a suitable place for a camp. He ordered the Ubii to drive in their livestock and bring all their possessions from the countryside into their towns, hoping that these barbarous and inexperienced men, driven by a shortage of food, could be induced to fight under unfavorable conditions.
SECTION 6.10.3He instructed them to send frequent scouts among the Suebi and learn what was happening there.
SECTION 6.10.4They carried out his orders and, after a few days had passed, reported that when more definite news of the Roman army arrived, all the Suebi, with all their own forces and those of their allies that they had assembled, had withdrawn far into the remotest parts of their territory.
SECTION 6.10.5There was, they said, a forest of immense size there called Bacenis. It extended far into the interior and, standing like a natural wall, protected the Cherusci from the Suebi and the Suebi from the Cherusci, preventing injuries and raids by either side. The Suebi had decided to await the Romans’ arrival at the edge of this forest.
CHAPTER 6.11
SECTION 6.11.1Since the narrative has reached this point, it does not seem inappropriate to describe the customs of Gaul and Germany and how these peoples differ from one another.
SECTION 6.11.2In Gaul there are factions not only in every state and in every district and subdivision, but almost even in individual households. The leaders of these factions are
SECTION 6.11.3those who are considered, in the judgment of their people, to possess the greatest authority, and it is to their decision and judgment that the final determination of all affairs and policies is referred.
SECTION 6.11.4This arrangement appears to have been established in ancient times so that no one among the common people would lack assistance against someone more powerful. For no leader allows his own followers to be oppressed or defrauded, and if he acts otherwise, he has no authority at all among them.
SECTION 6.11.5The same system exists at the highest level throughout all Gaul, for all the states are divided into two parties.
CHAPTER 6.12
SECTION 6.12.1When Caesar came into Gaul, the leaders of one faction were the Aedui, and those of the other were the Sequani.
SECTION 6.12.2Because the Sequani were weaker by themselves, since supreme authority had traditionally belonged to the Aedui and their network of dependents was extensive, they had allied themselves with the Germans and Ariovistus and had brought them over by making great sacrifices and promises.
SECTION 6.12.3But after fighting several successful battles and killing all the Aeduan nobility, they had so far surpassed the Aedui in power
SECTION 6.12.4that they transferred a large proportion of the Aedui’s dependents to themselves, took the sons of their leading men as hostages, forced the Aedui as a state to swear that they would undertake no action against the Sequani, seized by force and retained part of the neighboring territory, and gained supremacy over all Gaul.
SECTION 6.12.5Driven by this desperate situation, Diviciacus had gone to Rome to seek assistance from the Senate, but had returned without accomplishing his purpose.
SECTION 6.12.6Caesar’s arrival brought about a reversal of circumstances: the hostages were returned to the Aedui, their old dependent relationships were restored, and new ones were acquired through Caesar, because those who had joined themselves in friendship to the Aedui
SECTION 6.12.7saw that they enjoyed better conditions and more just government. Since in other respects as well the Aedui’s influence and standing had increased, the Sequani had lost their supremacy. The Remi had taken their place. Because it was understood that they possessed influence with Caesar equal to that of the Aedui, those who could not possibly unite with the Aedui because of long-standing hostilities placed themselves under the patronage of the Remi.
SECTION 6.12.8The Remi carefully protected them, and in this way maintained their new and suddenly acquired authority.
SECTION 6.12.9The situation at that time was that the Aedui were considered by far the foremost people, while the Remi held the second-highest position in standing.
CHAPTER 6.13
SECTION 6.13.1Throughout Gaul there are two classes of people who possess any standing and honor. The common people are regarded as little better than slaves: they dare do nothing on their own and are consulted on no matter.
SECTION 6.13.2Most of them, when burdened by debt, heavy taxation, or oppression by the powerful, bind themselves in servitude to nobles, who then have all the same rights over them that masters have over slaves.
SECTION 6.13.3Of these two privileged classes, one is that of the Druids and the other that of the knights.
SECTION 6.13.4The Druids take part in religious matters, supervise public and private sacrifices, and interpret religious doctrine. Large numbers of young men come to them for instruction, and they are held in great honor among the Gauls.
SECTION 6.13.5For they decide almost all public and private disputes. If a crime has been committed, if a killing has occurred, or if there is a dispute about an inheritance or boundaries, they too make the decision and determine rewards and penalties.
SECTION 6.13.6If any individual or community refuses to abide by their ruling, they ban them from participating in sacrifices. Among the Gauls this is the most severe punishment.
SECTION 6.13.7Those who have been placed under such a ban are regarded as godless criminals. Everyone avoids them and shuns contact and conversation with them, for fear of suffering some harm from the contagion. They receive no justice when they seek it, nor are they allowed to share in any public honor.
SECTION 6.13.8One man presides over all these Druids and possesses supreme authority among them.
SECTION 6.13.9When he dies, he is succeeded either by whoever among the others is preeminent in standing or, if several are equal, by the vote of the Druids. Sometimes they even fight with weapons for the supreme position.
SECTION 6.13.10At a fixed time of year, they assemble at a consecrated place in the territory of the Carnutes, a region regarded as the center of all Gaul. Everyone who has a dispute gathers there from every direction and submits to their decisions and judgments.
SECTION 6.13.11Their system of instruction is thought to have originated in Britain and to have been brought from there into Gaul,
SECTION 6.13.12and even now those who wish to acquire a more thorough knowledge of it generally travel there to study.
CHAPTER 6.14
SECTION 6.14.1The Druids customarily take no part in war and do not pay taxes along with the rest. They are exempt from military service and from all other obligations.
SECTION 6.14.2Attracted by such great privileges, many come to receive their instruction of their own accord, while others are sent by their parents and relatives.
SECTION 6.14.3They are said to memorize a great number of verses there. As a result, some remain under instruction for twenty years.
SECTION 6.14.4They do not consider it religiously permissible to commit these teachings to writing, although in nearly all other matters, both public and private accounts, they use Greek letters. They seem to me to have established this practice for two reasons: because they do not want their teachings to be made public, and because they do not want students who rely on writing to devote less effort to memory. That generally happens to most people: with the support of written texts, they relax their diligence in learning thoroughly and weaken their memory.
SECTION 6.14.5Above all, they seek to persuade people that souls do not die but pass after death from one person to another, and they believe that this doctrine especially inspires courage because it causes people to disregard the fear of death.
SECTION 6.14.6They also discuss and teach the young many things concerning the stars and their movements, the size of the universe and the earth, the nature of things, and the strength and power of the immortal gods.
CHAPTER 6.15
SECTION 6.15.1The other class is that of the knights. Whenever the need arises and a war occurs—which before Caesar’s arrival used to happen almost every year, either because the Gauls themselves were inflicting injuries or because they were repelling injuries inflicted on them—they all take part in the war.
SECTION 6.15.2The more distinguished any one of them is by birth and wealth, the more retainers and dependents he has around him. This is the only form of influence and power they recognize.
CHAPTER 6.16
SECTION 6.16.1The entire Gallic people is extremely devoted to religious observances,
SECTION 6.16.2and for that reason those afflicted with severe illnesses, as well as those engaged in battles and dangers, either sacrifice human beings as victims or vow that they will sacrifice them, and they employ the Druids to conduct these sacrifices, because they believe that unless a human life is given in return for a human life,
SECTION 6.16.3the divine power of the immortal gods cannot be appeased. They also have state-sponsored sacrifices of the same kind. Some have figures of enormous size
SECTION 6.16.4whose limbs, woven from branches, they fill with living people. These are set on fire, and the people enclosed within them die surrounded by the flames.
SECTION 6.16.5They believe that the execution of people caught committing theft, robbery, or some other crime is more pleasing to the immortal gods; but when they have no supply of such people, they resort even to executing the innocent.
CHAPTER 6.17
SECTION 6.17.1The god they worship most is Mercury. They have very many images of him. They declare that he invented all the arts, regard him as the guide of roads and journeys, and believe that he has the greatest power over making money and conducting trade. After him they worship Apollo, Mars, Jupiter, and Minerva.
SECTION 6.17.2Their beliefs about these gods are much the same as those of other peoples: Apollo drives away diseases, Minerva teaches the foundations of crafts and trades, Jupiter rules the heavens, and Mars governs wars.
SECTION 6.17.3When they have decided to fight a battle, they generally dedicate to Mars whatever they capture in war. When they are victorious, they sacrifice the captured animals and collect the remaining spoils in one place.
SECTION 6.17.4In many states, piles of these objects can be seen heaped up in consecrated places.
SECTION 6.17.5It rarely happens that anyone dares, in defiance of religious obligation, either to conceal captured property in his home or to remove anything from the piles. The severest punishment, accompanied by torture, has been established for such an offense.
CHAPTER 6.18
SECTION 6.18.1All the Gauls proclaim that they are descended from Dis Pater, and they say this tradition has been handed down by the Druids.
SECTION 6.18.2For this reason they measure every period of time not by the number of days but by the number of nights. They observe birthdays and the beginnings of months and years in such a way that night is followed by day.
SECTION 6.18.3In their other customs of life they differ from most other peoples chiefly in this: they do not allow their sons to approach them openly until the boys have grown old enough to bear the obligations of military service, and they consider it shameful for a son still of boyish age to stand in public in his father’s sight.
CHAPTER 6.19
SECTION 6.19.1Whatever amount of money husbands receive from their wives as dowries, they assess an equal amount from their own property and add it to the dowry.
SECTION 6.19.2A joint account is kept of all this money, and the profits are saved. Whichever spouse outlives the other receives both shares together with the profits accumulated in previous years.
SECTION 6.19.3Husbands have the power of life and death over their wives, just as they do over their children. When the head of a distinguished family dies, his relatives gather and, if the circumstances of his death arouse suspicion, interrogate his wives under torture as they would slaves. If guilt is established, they kill the wives after subjecting them to excruciating torture by fire and every other means.
SECTION 6.19.4Gallic funerals are magnificent and costly by Gallic standards. They throw into the fire everything they believe was dear to the dead while they were alive, even animals; and until shortly before our own time, slaves and dependents known to have been loved by the dead were cremated with them after the regular funeral rites had been completed.
CHAPTER 6.20
SECTION 6.20.1The states considered to conduct their public affairs more effectively have a law requiring that if anyone hears anything concerning the state from neighbors, whether by rumor or report, he must convey it to a magistrate and not communicate it to anyone else,
SECTION 6.20.2because experience has shown that rash and ignorant people are often frightened by false rumors, driven to criminal action, and induced to make decisions about matters of the greatest importance.
SECTION 6.20.3The magistrates conceal whatever information they think should be concealed and disclose to the people whatever they judge useful. No one is permitted to speak about public affairs except in an assembly.
CHAPTER 6.21
SECTION 6.21.1The Germans differ greatly from this way of life. They have no Druids to preside over religious matters and show no particular interest in sacrifices.
SECTION 6.21.2They count among the gods only those they can see and by whose powers they are plainly helped: the Sun, Vulcan, and the Moon. Of the other gods they have not even heard by report.
SECTION 6.21.3Their whole life consists of hunting and the pursuit of military training. From childhood they apply themselves to labor and hardship. Those who remain sexually abstinent the longest
SECTION 6.21.4receive the greatest praise among their people. Some believe that this increases height, while others believe it strengthens physical power and sinews.
SECTION 6.21.5They regard it as utterly shameful for a man to have had sexual relations with a woman before the age of twenty. There is no concealment of such matters, because men and women bathe together indiscriminately in rivers and use animal skins or small coverings of fur, leaving a large part of the body naked.
CHAPTER 6.22
SECTION 6.22.1They do not devote themselves to agriculture, and the greater part of their food consists of milk, cheese, and meat.
SECTION 6.22.2No one possesses a fixed amount of land or private boundaries. Instead, each year the magistrates and leading men assign as much land as they think appropriate, and in whatever location they choose, to tribes and kinship groups that have assembled together, and the following year they compel them to move elsewhere.
SECTION 6.22.3They offer many reasons for this practice: to prevent people from becoming attached through long habit and exchanging their enthusiasm for warfare for agriculture; to prevent them from seeking to acquire extensive territories and the more powerful from driving the weaker from their holdings; to prevent them from building houses too carefully designed to avoid cold and heat; to prevent any desire for money from arising, since that gives birth to factions and dissensions;
SECTION 6.22.4and to keep the common people contented, since each man sees that his wealth is equal to that of the most powerful.
CHAPTER 6.23
SECTION 6.23.1For a tribe, the greatest distinction is to have as broad an uninhabited region as possible around its borders after laying waste the neighboring lands.
SECTION 6.23.2They regard it as a special mark of courage when their neighbors, driven from their lands, withdraw and no one dares settle nearby.
SECTION 6.23.3At the same time, they believe that they will be safer because the fear of a sudden incursion has been removed.
SECTION 6.23.4When a tribe either defends itself against an attack or wages an offensive war, officials are chosen to command that war and are given power of life and death.
SECTION 6.23.5In peacetime there is no common magistrate, but the leading men of the regions and districts administer justice among their own people and settle disputes.
SECTION 6.23.6Raids carried out beyond the borders of one’s own tribe bring no disgrace, and they declare that these are conducted to train the young men and reduce idleness.
SECTION 6.23.7And whenever one of the leading men announces in an assembly that he will be the leader and calls on those willing to follow him to declare themselves, those who approve both the cause and the man rise, promise their assistance, and are loudly praised by the crowd.
SECTION 6.23.8Those among them who then fail to follow are regarded as deserters and traitors, and afterward no one trusts them in any matter.
SECTION 6.23.9They consider it a sacrilege to harm a guest. Those who come to them for any reason are protected from injury and regarded as sacred; every home is open to them, and food is shared with them.
CHAPTER 6.24
SECTION 6.24.1There was once a time when the Gauls surpassed the Germans in courage, launched wars against them unprovoked, and, because of their large population and shortage of land, sent colonies across the Rhine.
SECTION 6.24.2Accordingly, the Volcae Tectosages occupied and settled the most fertile regions of Germany around the Hercynian Forest, which I find was known by report to Eratosthenes and certain other Greeks, who call it the Orcynian Forest.
SECTION 6.24.3That people has remained in these settlements down to the present time and has the highest reputation for justice and military prowess.
SECTION 6.24.4Now, because the Germans remain in the same poverty, privation, and endurance, and use the same food and care of the body, while proximity to the provinces and knowledge of goods from overseas provide the Gauls with many luxuries and conveniences,
SECTION 6.24.6the Gauls have gradually become accustomed to defeat, and after being beaten in many battles, they do not even compare themselves with the Germans in courage.
CHAPTER 6.25
SECTION 6.25.1The breadth of this Hercynian Forest, which was mentioned above, extends across a nine-day journey for a traveler without baggage; it cannot be measured in any other way, since they do not know measurements of distance.
SECTION 6.25.2It begins at the borders of the Helvetii, Nemetes, and Rauraci and extends in a straight line along the course of the Danube to the borders of the Dacians and Anartes.
SECTION 6.25.3From there it turns left, away from the river into different regions, and because of its great size it reaches the borders of many peoples.
SECTION 6.25.4There is no one in this part of Germany who can say that he has reached the beginning of that forest even after traveling for sixty days, or who has learned where it begins.
SECTION 6.25.5It is well established that many kinds of wild animals are found there that have not been seen elsewhere. The following are those that differ most from other animals and seem worthy of being recorded.
CHAPTER 6.26
SECTION 6.26.1There is an ox shaped like a deer, from the middle of whose forehead, between the ears, rises a single horn, taller and straighter than the horns known to us. From its top, projections spread widely like the leaves and branches of a palm tree. The female and male have the same characteristics, and their horns are identical in shape and size.
CHAPTER 6.27
SECTION 6.27.1There are also animals called elks. In shape and the mottling of their hides they resemble goats, but they are somewhat larger, have no horns, and have legs without joints or articulations.
SECTION 6.27.2They do not lie down to rest, and if they are knocked down by some accident, they cannot rise or lift themselves up.
SECTION 6.27.3Trees serve as their beds: they lean against them and, reclining only slightly in this way, take their rest.
SECTION 6.27.4When hunters discover from their tracks where they are accustomed to retreat, they either undermine all the trees in that place at the roots or cut into them just enough to leave them looking as though they were still standing. When the elks lean against them out of habit,
SECTION 6.27.5they knock down the weakened trees with their weight and fall along with them.
CHAPTER 6.28
SECTION 6.28.1A third kind of animal is the one called the aurochs. These are slightly smaller than elephants and have the appearance, color, and shape of a bull.
SECTION 6.28.2They possess great strength and great speed, and they spare neither any person nor any wild animal they see. The Germans diligently trap them in pits and kill them.
SECTION 6.28.3The young men toughen themselves through this exertion and train themselves by this kind of hunting. Those who have killed the greatest number of them bring the horns forward in public as evidence and receive great praise.
SECTION 6.28.4But even when captured as calves, they cannot become accustomed to human beings or be tamed.
SECTION 6.28.5The size, shape, and appearance of their horns differ greatly from the horns of our cattle.
SECTION 6.28.6They carefully seek out these horns, bind their rims with silver, and use them as drinking cups at their most lavish banquets.
CHAPTER 6.29
SECTION 6.29.1After Caesar learned through Ubii scouts that the Suebi had withdrawn into the forests, he feared a shortage of grain because, as we explained above, the Germans as a whole have very little interest in agriculture, and decided not to advance any farther. But
SECTION 6.29.2to avoid entirely relieving the barbarians of their fear that he might return, and to delay their reinforcements, he withdrew his army and demolished the last section of the bridge,
SECTION 6.29.3which touched the bank of the Ubii, for a length of two hundred feet. At the end of the bridge he built a four-story tower, stationed a guard of twelve cohorts to defend the bridge, and fortified the position with extensive defenses. He placed the young Gaius Volcatius Tullus in command of the position and its garrison.
SECTION 6.29.4When the grain began to ripen, Caesar himself set out for the war against Ambiorix through the Ardennes Forest, which is the largest in all Gaul, extends from the banks of the Rhine and the borders of the Treveri to the Nervii, and stretches for more than five hundred miles. He sent Lucius Minucius Basilus ahead with all the cavalry to see whether he could accomplish anything through the speed of his march and the favorable timing.
SECTION 6.29.5He warned him to forbid fires from being lit in camp, so that no indication of his approach could be seen from a distance, and said that he himself would follow immediately.
CHAPTER 6.30
SECTION 6.30.1Basilus did as ordered. After completing the march quickly and contrary to everyone’s expectations, he caught many people in the fields by surprise. On information from them, he hurried toward Ambiorix himself, who was said to be at a certain place with a few cavalrymen.
SECTION 6.30.2Fortune has great power in every sphere, but especially in war. Just as it was by a remarkable accident that Basilus came upon Ambiorix himself when he was off his guard and unprepared, and that his arrival was seen by everyone before rumor or a messenger reported it, so it was a stroke of great good fortune that Ambiorix escaped death after all the military equipment he had around him was seized and his wagons and horses were captured. But this escape also occurred because
SECTION 6.30.3the building was surrounded by woods, as Gallic homes generally are, since the Gauls usually seek the vicinity of forests and rivers to avoid the heat, and his companions and close associates held off the force of our cavalry for a short time in a narrow place.
SECTION 6.30.4While they were fighting, one of his men put him on a horse, and the woods concealed him as he fled. Thus fortune played a great part both in bringing him into danger and in allowing him to escape it.
CHAPTER 6.31
SECTION 6.31.1It is uncertain whether Ambiorix deliberately did not assemble his forces because he did not think he should fight a pitched battle, or whether he lacked the time and was prevented by the cavalry’s sudden arrival, since he believed that the rest of the army was following.
SECTION 6.31.2But in any case, he sent messengers throughout the countryside and ordered every man to look after himself. Some of them fled into the Ardennes Forest and others into the vast marshes.
SECTION 6.31.3Those nearest the Ocean concealed themselves on the islands that the tides regularly form.
SECTION 6.31.4Many left their own territory and entrusted themselves and all their possessions to complete strangers.
SECTION 6.31.5Catuvolcus, king of half the Eburones, who had joined Ambiorix in forming the plan, was now worn out by age and could not endure the hardships either of war or of flight. After cursing Ambiorix with every imprecation for having devised the plan, he killed himself with yew, which is abundant in Gaul and Germany.
CHAPTER 6.32
SECTION 6.32.1The Segni and Condrusi, peoples of German origin and number who live between the Eburones and Treveri, sent envoys to Caesar to beg him not to regard them as enemies or judge that all the Germans on this side of the Rhine had a common cause. They said that they had entertained no thought of war and had sent no reinforcements to Ambiorix.
SECTION 6.32.2Caesar investigated the matter by questioning prisoners and ordered them to bring back to him any Eburones who might have come to them in flight. He declared that if they did so, he would not violate their territory.
SECTION 6.32.3Then he divided his forces into three parts and brought the baggage of all the legions to Aduatuca.
SECTION 6.32.4That is the name of a fort. It lies approximately in the center of the Eburones’ territory, where Titurius and Aurunculeius had established their winter quarters.
SECTION 6.32.5Among other advantages, Caesar approved of this location because the previous year’s fortifications remained intact, which would spare the soldiers labor. He left the Fourteenth Legion to guard the baggage, one of the three legions that he had recently raised and brought over from Italy.
SECTION 6.32.6He placed Quintus Tullius Cicero in command of that legion and the camp and assigned him two hundred cavalrymen.
CHAPTER 6.33
SECTION 6.33.1After dividing the army, Caesar ordered Titus Labienus to march with three legions toward the Ocean into the regions bordering the Menapii.
SECTION 6.33.2He sent Gaius Trebonius with an equal number of legions to lay waste the region adjoining the Aduatuci.
SECTION 6.33.3He himself decided to go with the remaining three legions to the Scheldt River, which flows into the Meuse, and to the farthest parts of the Ardennes, where he heard Ambiorix had gone with a few cavalrymen.
SECTION 6.33.4As he departed, he gave his assurance that he would return seven days later, knowing that grain was due to be issued on that date to the legion being left on guard duty.
SECTION 6.33.5He urged Labienus and Trebonius to return by that date if they could do so without harming the public interest, so that, after again consulting together and investigating the enemy’s plans, they could begin a new phase of the war.
CHAPTER 6.34
SECTION 6.34.1As we explained above, there was no organized body of troops, no fortified town, and no garrison to defend itself by force of arms, but only a population scattered in every direction.
SECTION 6.34.2Each person had settled wherever a hidden valley, a wooded place, or an impassable marsh offered him some hope of protection or safety.
SECTION 6.34.3These places were known to the people living nearby, and the situation required great care, not in protecting the army as a whole—for no danger could come to the combined army from a terrified and scattered enemy—but in preserving the lives of individual soldiers, a matter that nevertheless concerned the army’s safety to some extent.
SECTION 6.34.4The desire for plunder drew many men too far away, while the dense forests, with their uncertain and hidden paths, prevented troops from entering in formation.
SECTION 6.34.5If Caesar wished to complete the operation and exterminate this race of criminals, he had to send out numerous detachments and separate the soldiers.
SECTION 6.34.6If he wished to keep the companies gathered around their standards, as the established system and practice of the Roman army required, the terrain itself protected the barbarians, and individual men did not lack the audacity to ambush troops from concealment and surround them while they were scattered.
SECTION 6.34.7Under difficulties of this kind, every precaution was taken that vigilance could devise, so that Caesar would rather miss some opportunity to harm the enemy, although everyone’s heart burned for revenge, than inflict harm at the cost of any loss among the soldiers.
SECTION 6.34.8Caesar sent messengers to the neighboring tribes and summoned everyone to plunder the Eburones with the prospect of booty, so that the lives of Gauls rather than legionary soldiers would be endangered in the forests, and at the same time so that, with a great multitude surrounding them, the race and name of the tribe might be destroyed for such a crime.
SECTION 6.34.9A great number quickly assembled from every direction.
CHAPTER 6.35
SECTION 6.35.1These operations were being conducted in every part of the Eburones’ territory, and the seventh day was approaching, the day by which Caesar had decided to return to the baggage and the legion.
SECTION 6.35.2At this point it was possible to see how great fortune’s power is in war and what great accidents it can produce.
SECTION 6.35.3Since the enemy had been scattered and terrified, as we have explained, there was no body of troops that could cause even the slightest fear.
SECTION 6.35.4Across the Rhine, word reached the Germans that the Eburones were being plundered and that everyone was actually being invited to share in the booty.
SECTION 6.35.5The Sugambri, who live nearest the Rhine and by whom, as we explained above, the Tencteri and Usipetes had been received after their flight, assembled two thousand cavalrymen.
SECTION 6.35.6They crossed the Rhine in boats and rafts thirty miles below the place where the bridge had been completed and Caesar had left a garrison. They entered the nearest part of the Eburones’ territory, caught many of the fugitives while they were scattered, and took possession of a large number of livestock, for which barbarians have an intense desire.
SECTION 6.35.7Enticed by the booty, they advanced farther. Neither marshes nor forests delayed men born to warfare and raiding. They asked their prisoners where Caesar was, learned that he had gone farther away, and discovered that the entire army had departed.
SECTION 6.35.8Then one of the prisoners said, “Why are you chasing this wretched and meager booty when you now have the chance to become extremely rich?
SECTION 6.35.9You can reach Aduatuca in three hours. The Roman army has brought all its possessions there. The garrison is so small that it cannot even man the entire wall, and no one dares go outside the fortifications.”
SECTION 6.35.10Presented with this opportunity, the Germans left the booty they had acquired in a concealed place and hurried toward Aduatuca, using as their guide the same man from whose information they had learned these facts.
CHAPTER 6.36
SECTION 6.36.1Throughout all the preceding days Cicero had obeyed Caesar’s instructions and kept the soldiers in camp with the utmost diligence, not even allowing a single camp servant to go outside the fortifications. But on the seventh day, he began to doubt that Caesar would keep his promise concerning the number of days, because he heard that Caesar had advanced farther and no report of his return was arriving. At the same time, he was influenced by the complaints of those
SECTION 6.36.2who called his restraint almost a state of siege, since no one was permitted to leave the camp. Expecting no such accident as could cause harm within three miles when nine legions and a very large cavalry force stood between him and the enemy, who had been scattered and almost destroyed, he sent five cohorts to gather grain in the nearest fields, between which and the camp there was only one hill. A number of sick men from the legions had been left behind;
SECTION 6.36.3Of these, those who had recovered during this interval of days, about three hundred men, were sent out together under a single standard. In addition, a great crowd of camp followers and a large number of pack animals that had remained in camp followed after permission was granted.
CHAPTER 6.37
SECTION 6.37.1At precisely this time and by chance, the German cavalry arrived and immediately, at the same gallop by which they had come, tried to break into the camp through the rear gate.
SECTION 6.37.2Because woods blocked the view on that side, they were not seen until they had approached the camp, so that the merchants who had pitched their tents beneath the rampart had no opportunity to get inside.
SECTION 6.37.3Our men, taken completely by surprise, were thrown into confusion by this unexpected development, and the cohort on guard barely withstood the first assault.
SECTION 6.37.4The enemy poured around the camp on the other sides to see whether they could find any entrance.
SECTION 6.37.5Our men defended the gates with difficulty; the terrain itself and the fortifications protected the other approaches.
SECTION 6.37.6Panic spread throughout the camp, and each man asked another the cause of the commotion. No one could determine where the standards should be carried or where each man should assemble.
SECTION 6.37.7One man declared that the camp had already been taken; another insisted that the army and its commander had been destroyed and that the victorious barbarians had come from the battle.
SECTION 6.37.8Most imagined new religious omens for themselves because of the place and pictured before their eyes the disaster of Cotta and Titurius, who had been killed in this same fort.
SECTION 6.37.9With everyone terrified by such fear, the barbarians were confirmed in the belief, based on what they had heard from their prisoner, that there was no garrison inside.
SECTION 6.37.10They tried to break through and urged one another not to let such great good fortune slip from their hands.
CHAPTER 6.38
SECTION 6.38.1Publius Sextius Baculus, who had served as chief centurion under Caesar and whom we mentioned in connection with earlier battles, had been left sick with the garrison and had now gone without food for five days.
SECTION 6.38.2Despairing of his own safety and everyone else’s, he came out of his tent unarmed. He saw that the enemy was closing in and that the situation had reached the greatest possible crisis. He took weapons from the men nearest him and took his stand at the gate.
SECTION 6.38.3The centurions of the cohort that was on guard joined him, and together they sustained the battle for a short time.
SECTION 6.38.4After receiving severe wounds, Sextius lost consciousness. He was passed from hand to hand and was rescued with difficulty.
SECTION 6.38.5The time this gained allowed the others to recover their courage enough to take their stand on the fortifications and present the appearance of defenders.
CHAPTER 6.39
SECTION 6.39.1Meanwhile, after completing the foraging expedition, our soldiers heard the shouting. The cavalry rode ahead and learned how great the danger was.
SECTION 6.39.2Out there, however, there was no fortification to shelter the terrified men. They had only recently been recruited and were inexperienced in warfare, so they turned their faces toward the military tribune and the centurions and waited for orders from them. No one was so brave that he was not disturbed by the unexpected situation.
SECTION 6.39.3When the barbarians sighted the standards in the distance, they abandoned their attack on the camp.
SECTION 6.39.4At first they believed that the legions had returned, though they had learned from their prisoners that these had gone farther away. Afterward, when they saw how few men there were, they attacked from every side.
CHAPTER 6.40
SECTION 6.40.1The camp followers ran forward to the nearest hill. Quickly driven down from it, they threw themselves among the standards and the companies and made the already frightened soldiers even more terrified.
SECTION 6.40.2Some thought that they should form a wedge and break through quickly, since the camp was so near. They were confident that even if some part of their force was surrounded and killed, the rest could still be saved.
SECTION 6.40.3Others thought that they should take their stand on the ridge and all share the same fate.
SECTION 6.40.4The veteran soldiers whom, as we have explained, had set out together under a single standard did not approve of this. Encouraging one another, therefore, and led by Gaius Trebonius, the Roman knight placed in command of them, they broke through the middle of the enemy and reached the camp safely, every last one of them.
SECTION 6.40.5The camp followers and cavalry who followed them were saved by the soldiers’ courage in the same charge.
SECTION 6.40.6But those who had taken their stand on the ridge had not yet acquired any experience of warfare. They could neither persist in the plan they had approved and defend themselves from the higher ground, nor imitate the force and speed that they had seen benefit the others. Instead, in trying to withdraw into camp, they descended into unfavorable terrain.
SECTION 6.40.7The centurions, some of whom had been transferred for their courage from lower ranks in the other legions to higher ranks in this legion, fought with the greatest bravery and fell rather than lose the military reputation they had previously earned.
SECTION 6.40.8Through the courage of these men, part of the soldiers reached the camp safely, contrary to all expectation, after the enemy had been driven back; the rest were surrounded and killed by the barbarians.
CHAPTER 6.41
SECTION 6.41.1The Germans, despairing of taking the camp because they saw that our men had now taken their positions on the fortifications, withdrew across the Rhine with the plunder they had left in the woods.
SECTION 6.41.2Even after the enemy’s departure the terror was so great that, when Gaius Volusenus, who had been sent out with the cavalry, arrived at the camp that night, he could not convince them that Caesar was close at hand with his army unharmed.
SECTION 6.41.3Fear had so completely taken possession of their minds that, almost out of their senses, they said that all the forces had been destroyed and that the cavalry had escaped from the rout. They insisted that the Germans would not have attacked the camp if the army had remained unharmed.
SECTION 6.41.4Caesar’s arrival dispelled this fear.
CHAPTER 6.42
SECTION 6.42.1When Caesar returned, he showed that he understood the uncertainties of war. He complained of only one thing: that the cohorts had been sent away from their guard posts and the garrison, since their position should not have been abandoned even in the least possible emergency. He judged that chance had played a great role in the enemy’s sudden arrival,
SECTION 6.42.2and a far greater role in turning the barbarians away when they were almost on the very rampart and at the gates of the camp. Of all these circumstances, the most astonishing seemed to be
SECTION 6.42.3that the Germans, who had crossed the Rhine with the intention of ravaging Ambiorix’s territory, had been carried to the Roman camp and thereby rendered Ambiorix the service he desired most.
CHAPTER 6.43
SECTION 6.43.1Caesar set out again to harass the enemy, assembled a large number of men from the neighboring states, and sent them out in every direction.
SECTION 6.43.2Every village and every building that anyone saw was burned, and plunder was carried off from every place.
SECTION 6.43.3The crops were not only consumed by so great a multitude of pack animals and people, but had also been flattened by the season and the rains. Consequently, even if some people had managed to hide for the present, it seemed that after the army withdrew they would nevertheless have to die from lack of every necessity.
SECTION 6.43.4With the cavalry divided and sent in so many directions, it often came so close that prisoners declared they had just seen Ambiorix looking around as he fled and insisted that he had not yet completely disappeared from sight. This gave the men hope of catching him and led them to undertake unending exertions.
SECTION 6.43.5Those who believed that they would win Caesar’s highest favor almost surpassed the limits of human endurance in their eagerness, and it always seemed that they had fallen only a little short of complete success.
SECTION 6.43.6But Ambiorix escaped through hiding places or forests and, concealed by night, made for other regions and districts with a guard of no more than four horsemen, the only men to whom he dared entrust his life.
CHAPTER 6.44
SECTION 6.44.1After ravaging the regions in this manner, Caesar led his army back to Durocortorum in the territory of the Remi, having lost two cohorts. He summoned a council of Gaul to meet there and began an inquiry into the conspiracy of the Senones and Carnutes and into the conduct of Acco, who had been the chief instigator of that plan.
SECTION 6.44.2After pronouncing the more severe sentence against Acco, Caesar executed him according to the custom of their ancestors.
SECTION 6.44.3Some fled because they feared trial. After forbidding them fire and water, Caesar stationed two legions in winter quarters on the borders of the Treveri, two among the Lingones, and the remaining six at Agedincum in the territory of the Senones. He then secured the army’s grain supply and, as he had intended, left for Italy to hold the provincial assizes.
Book 7
Latin
CHAPTER 7.1
SECTION 7.1.1Quieta Gallia Caesar, ut constituerat, in Italiam ad conventus agendos proficiscitur. Ibi cognoscit de Clodii caede [de] senatusque consulto certior factus, ut omnes iuniores Italiae coniurarent, delectum tota provincia habere instituit.
SECTION 7.1.2Eae res in Galliam Transalpinam celeriter perferuntur. Addunt ipsi et adfingunt rumoribus Galli, quod res poscere videbatur, retineri urbano motu Caesarem neque in tantis dissensionibus ad exercitum venire posse.
SECTION 7.1.3Hac impulsi occasione, qui iam ante se populi Romani imperio subiectos dolerent liberius atque audacius de bello consilia inire incipiunt.
SECTION 7.1.4Indictis inter se principes Galliae conciliis silvestribus ac remotis locis queruntur de Acconis morte;
SECTION 7.1.5posse hunc casum ad ipsos recidere demonstrant: miserantur communem Galliae fortunam: omnibus pollicitationibus ac praemiis deposcunt qui belli initium faciant et sui capitis periculo Galliam in libertatem vindicent.
SECTION 7.1.6In primis rationem esse habendam dicunt, priusquam eorum clandestina consilia efferantur, ut Caesar ab exercitu intercludatur. Id esse facile,
SECTION 7.1.7quod neque legiones audeant absente imperatore ex hibernis egredi, neque imperator sine praesidio ad legiones pervenire possit;
SECTION 7.1.8postremo in acie praestare interfici quam non veterem belli gloriam libertatemque quam a maioribus acceperint recuperare.
CHAPTER 7.2
SECTION 7.2.1His rebus agitatis profitentur Carnutes se nullum periculum communis salutis causa recusare principesque ex omnibus bellum facturos pollicentur et,
SECTION 7.2.2quoniam in praesentia obsidibus cavere inter se non possint ne res efferatur, ut iureiurando ac fide sanciatur, petunt, collatis militaribus signis, quo more eorum gravissima caerimonia continetur, ne facto initio belli ab reliquis deserantur.
SECTION 7.2.3Tum collaudatis Carnutibus, dato iureiurando ab omnibus qui aderant, tempore eius rei constituto ab concilio disceditur.
CHAPTER 7.3
SECTION 7.3.1Vbi ea dies venit, Carnutes Cotuato et Conconnetodumno ducibus, desperatis hominibus, Cenabum signo dato concurrunt civesque Romanos, qui negotiandi causa ibi constiterant, in his Gaium Fufium Citam, honestum equitem Romanum, qui rei frumentariae iussu Caesaris praeerat, interficiunt bonaque eorum diripiunt.
SECTION 7.3.2Celeriter ad omnes Galliae civitates fama perfertur. Nam ubicumque maior atque illustrior incidit res, clamore per agros regionesque significant; hunc alii deinceps excipiunt et proximis tradunt, ut tum accidit.
SECTION 7.3.3Nam quae Cenabi oriente sole gesta essent, ante primam confectam vigiliam in finibus Arvernorum audita sunt, quod spatium est milium passuum circiter centum LX.
CHAPTER 7.4
SECTION 7.4.1Simili ratione ibi Vercingetorix, Celtilli filius, Arvernus, summae potentiae adulescens, cuius pater principatum Galliae totius obtinuerat et ob eam causam, quod regnum appetebat, ab civitate erat interfectus, convocatis suis clientibus facile incendit.
SECTION 7.4.2Cognito eius consilio ad arma concurritur. Prohibetur ab Gobannitione, patruo suo, reliquisque principibus, qui hanc temptandam fortunam non existimabant; expellitur ex oppido Gergovia;
SECTION 7.4.3non destitit tamen atque in agris habet dilectum egentium ac perditorum. Hac coacta manu, quoscumque adit ex civitate ad suam sententiam perducit;
SECTION 7.4.4hortatur ut communis libertatis causa arma capiant, magnisque coactis copiis adversarios suos a quibus paulo ante erat eiectus expellit ex civitate.
SECTION 7.4.5Rex ab suis appellatur. Dimittit quoque versus legationes; obtestatur ut in fide maneant.
SECTION 7.4.6Celeriter sibi Senones, Parisios, Pictones, Cadurcos, Turonos, Aulercos, Lemovices, Andos reliquosque omnes qui Oceanum attingunt adiungit: omnium consensu ad eum defertur imperium.
SECTION 7.4.7Qua oblata potestate omnibus his civitatibus obsides imperat, certum numerum militum ad se celeriter adduci iubet,
SECTION 7.4.8armorum quantum quaeque civitas domi quodque ante tempus efficiat constituit; in primis equitatui studet.
SECTION 7.4.9Summae diligentiae summam imperi severitatem addit; magnitudine supplici dubitantes cogit.
SECTION 7.4.10nam maiore commisso delicto igni atque omnibus tormentis necat, leviore de causa auribus desectis aut singulis effossis oculis domum remittit, ut sint reliquis documento et magnitudine poenae perterreant alios.
CHAPTER 7.5
SECTION 7.5.1His suppliciis celeriter coacto exercitu Lucterium Cadurcum, summae hominem audaciae, cum parte copiarum in Rutenos mittit; ipse in Bituriges proficiscitur. Eius adventu Bituriges ad Aeduos,
SECTION 7.5.2quorum erant in fide, legatos mittunt subsidium rogatum, quo facilius hostium copias sustinere possint.
SECTION 7.5.3Aedui de consilio legatorum, quos Caesar ad exercitum reliquerat, copias equitatus peditatusque subsidio Biturigibus mittunt.
SECTION 7.5.4Qui cum ad flumen Ligerim venissent, quod Bituriges ab Aeduis dividit, paucos dies ibi morati neque flumen transire
SECTION 7.5.5ausi domum revertuntur legatisque nostris renuntiant se Biturigum perfidiam veritos revertisse, quibus id consili fuisse cognoverint, ut, si flumen transissent, una ex parte ipsi, altera Arverni se circumsisterent.
SECTION 7.5.6Id eane de causa, quam legatis pronuntiarunt, an perfidia adducti fecerint, quod nihil nobis constat, non videtur pro certo esse proponendum.
SECTION 7.5.7Bituriges eorum discessu statim cum Arvernis iunguntur.
CHAPTER 7.6
SECTION 7.6.1His rebus in Italiam Caesari nuntiatis, cum iam ille urbanas res virtute Cn. Pompei commodiorem in statum pervenisse intellegeret, in Transalpinam Galliam profectus est.
SECTION 7.6.2Eo cum venisset, magna difficultate adficiebatur, qua ratione ad exercitum pervenire posset.
SECTION 7.6.3Nam si legiones in provinciam arcesseret, se absente in itinere proelio dimicaturas intellegebat;
SECTION 7.6.4si ipse ad exercitum contenderet, ne eis quidem eo tempore qui quieti viderentur suam salutem recte committi videbat.
CHAPTER 7.7
SECTION 7.7.1Interim Lucterius Cadurcus in Rutenos missus eam civitatem Arvernis conciliat.
SECTION 7.7.2Progressus in Nitiobriges et Gabalos ab utrisque obsides accipit et magna coacta manu in provinciam Narbonem versus eruptionem facere contendit.
SECTION 7.7.3Qua re nuntiata Caesar omnibus consiliis antevertendum existimavit, ut Narbonem proficisceretur.
SECTION 7.7.4Eo cum venisset, timentes confirmat, praesidia in Rutenis provincialibus, Volcis Arecomicis, Tolosatibus circumque Narbonem, quae loca hostibus erant finitima, constituit;
SECTION 7.7.5partem copiarum ex provincia supplementumque, quod ex Italia adduxerat, in Helvios, qui fines Arvernorum contingunt, convenire iubet.
CHAPTER 7.8
SECTION 7.8.1His rebus comparatis, represso iam Lucterio et remoto, quod intrare intra praesidia periculosum putabat, in Helvios proficiscitur.
SECTION 7.8.2Etsi mons Cevenna, qui Arvernos ab Helviis discludit, durissimo tempore anni altissima nive iter impediebat, tamen discussa nive sex in altitudinem pedum atque ita viis patefactis summo militum sudore ad fines Arvernorum pervenit.
SECTION 7.8.3Quibus oppressis inopinantibus, quod se Cevenna ut muro munitos existimabant, ac ne singulari quidem umquam homini eo tempore anni semitae patuerant, equitibus imperat, ut quam latissime possint vagentur et quam maximum hostibus terrorem inferant.
SECTION 7.8.4Celeriter haec fama ac nuntiis ad Vercingetorigem perferuntur; quem perterriti omnes Arverni circumsistunt atque obsecrant, ut suis fortunis consulat, neve ab hostibus diripiantur, praesertim cum videat omne ad se bellum translatum.
SECTION 7.8.5Quorum ille precibus permotus castra ex Biturigibus movet in Arvernos versus.
CHAPTER 7.9
SECTION 7.9.1At Caesar biduum in his locis moratus, quod haec de Vercingetorige usu ventura opinione praeceperat, per causam supplementi equitatusque cogendi ab exercitu discedit; Brutum adulescentem his copiis praeficit;
SECTION 7.9.2hunc monet, ut in omnes partes equites quam latissime pervagentur: daturum se operam, ne longius triduo ab castris absit.
SECTION 7.9.3His constitutis rebus suis inopinantibus quam maximis potest itineribus Viennam pervenit.
SECTION 7.9.4Ibi nactus recentem equitatum, quem multis ante diebus eo praemiserat, neque diurno neque nocturno itinere intermisso per fines Aeduorum in Lingones contendit, ubi duae legiones hiemabant, ut, si quid etiam de sua salute ab Aeduis iniretur consili, celeritate praecurreret.
SECTION 7.9.5Eo cum pervenisset, ad reliquas legiones mittit priusque omnes in unum locum cogit quam de eius adventu Arvernis nuntiari posset.
SECTION 7.9.6Hac re cognita Vercingetorix rursus in Bituriges exercitum reducit atque inde profectus Gorgobinam, Boiorum oppidum, quos ibi Helvetico proelio victos Caesar collocaverat Aeduisque attribuerat, oppugnare instituit.
CHAPTER 7.10
SECTION 7.10.1Magnam haec res Caesari difficultatem ad consilium capiendum adferebat, si reliquam partem hiemis uno loco legiones contineret, ne stipendiariis Aeduorum expugnatis cuncta Gallia deficeret, quod nullum amicis in eo praesidium videretur positum esse; si maturius ex hibernis educeret, ne ab re frumentaria duris subvectionibus laboraret.
SECTION 7.10.2Praestare visum est tamen omnis difficultates perpeti, quam tanta contumelia accepta omnium suorum voluntates alienare.
SECTION 7.10.3Itaque cohortatus Aeduos de supportando commeatu praemittit ad Boios qui de suo adventu doceant hortenturque ut in fide maneant atque hostium impetum magno animo sustineant.
SECTION 7.10.4Duabus Agedinci legionibus atque impedimentis totius exercitus relictis ad Boios proficiscitur.
CHAPTER 7.11
SECTION 7.11.1Altero die cum ad oppidum Senonum Vellaunodunum venisset, ne quem post se hostem relinqueret, quo expeditiore re frumentaria uteretur, oppugnare instituit idque biduo circumvallavit;
SECTION 7.11.2tertio die missis ex oppido legatis de deditione arma conferri, iumenta produci, sescentos obsides dari iubet.
SECTION 7.11.3Ea qui conficeret, C. Trebonium legatum relinquit. Ipse, ut quam primum iter faceret, Cenabum Carnutum proficiscitur;
SECTION 7.11.4qui tum primum allato nuntio de oppugnatione Vellaunoduni, cum longius eam rem ductum iri existimarent, praesidium Cenabi tuendi causa, quod eo mitterent, comparabant. Huc biduo pervenit.
SECTION 7.11.5Castris ante oppidum positis diei tempore exclusus in posterum oppugnationem differt quaeque ad eam rem usui sint militibus imperat
SECTION 7.11.6et, quod oppidum Cenabum pons fluminis Ligeris contingebat, veritus ne noctu ex oppido profugerent, duas legiones in armis excubare iubet.
SECTION 7.11.7Cenabenses paulo ante mediam noctem silentio ex oppido egressi flumen transire coeperunt. Qua re per exploratores nuntiata Caesar legiones
SECTION 7.11.8quas expeditas esse iusserat portis incensis intromittit atque oppido potitur, perpaucis ex hostium numero desideratis quin cuncti caperentur, quod pontis atque itinerum angustiae multitudinis fugam intercluserant.
SECTION 7.11.9Oppidum diripit atque incendit, praedam militibus donat, exercitum Ligerem traducit atque in Biturigum fines pervenit.
CHAPTER 7.12
SECTION 7.12.1Vercingetorix, ubi de Caesaris adventu cognovit, oppugnatione destitit atque obviam Caesari proficiscitur.
SECTION 7.12.2Ille oppidum Biturigum positum in via Noviodunum oppugnare instituerat.
SECTION 7.12.3Quo ex oppido cum legati ad eum venissent oratum ut sibi ignosceret suaeque vitae consuleret, ut celeritate reliquas res conficeret, qua pleraque erat consecutus, arma conferri, equos produci, obsides dari iubet.
SECTION 7.12.4Parte iam obsidum tradita, cum reliqua administrarentur, centurionibus et paucis militibus intromissis, qui arma iumentaque conquirerent, equitatus hostium procul visus est, qui agmen Vercingetorigis antecesserat.
SECTION 7.12.5Quem simul atque oppidani conspexerunt atque in spem auxili venerunt, clamore sublato arma capere, portas claudere, murum complere coeperunt. Centuriones in oppido,
SECTION 7.12.6cum ex significatione Gallorum novi aliquid ab eis iniri consili intellexissent, gladiis destrictis portas occupaverunt suosque omnes incolumes receperunt.
CHAPTER 7.13
SECTION 7.13.1Caesar ex castris equitatum educi iubet, proelium equestre committit: laborantibus iam suis Germanos equites circiter CCCC summittit, quos ab initio habere secum instituerat.
SECTION 7.13.2Eorum impetum Galli sustinere non potuerunt atque in fugam coniecti multis amissis se ad agmen receperunt. Quibus profligatis rursus oppidani perterriti comprehensos eos, quorum opera plebem concitatam existimabant, ad Caesarem perduxerunt seseque ei dediderunt.
SECTION 7.13.3Quibus rebus confectis, Caesar ad oppidum Avaricum, quod erat maximum munitissimumque in finibus Biturigum atque agri fertilissima regione, profectus est, quod eo oppido recepto civitatem Biturigum se in potestatem redacturum confidebat.
CHAPTER 7.14
SECTION 7.14.1Vercingetorix tot continuis incommodis Vellaunoduni, Cenabi, Novioduni acceptis suos ad concilium convocat.
SECTION 7.14.2Docet longe alia ratione esse bellum gerendum atque antea gestum sit. Omnibus modis huic rei studendum, ut pabulatione et commeatu Romani prohibeantur:
SECTION 7.14.3id esse facile, quod equitatu ipsi abundent et quod anni tempore subleventur;
SECTION 7.14.4pabulum secari non posse; necessario dispersos hostes ex aedificiis petere: hos omnes cotidie ab equitibus deligi posse.
SECTION 7.14.5Praeterea salutis causa rei familiaris commoda neglegenda: vicos atque aedificia incendi oportere hoc spatio ab via quoque versus, quo pabulandi causa adire posse videantur. Harum ipsis rerum copiam suppetere,
SECTION 7.14.6quod, quorum in finibus bellum geratur, eorum opibus subleventur:
SECTION 7.14.7Romanos aut inopiam non laturos aut magno periculo longius ab castris processuros;
SECTION 7.14.8neque interesse, ipsosne interficiant, impedimentisne exuant, quibus amissis bellum geri non possit.
SECTION 7.14.9Praeterea oppida incendi oportere, quae non munitione et loci natura ab omni sint periculo tuta, neu suis sint ad detractandam militiam receptacula neu Romanis proposita ad copiam commeatus praedamque tollendam.
SECTION 7.14.10haec si gravia aut acerba videantur, multo illa gravius aestimare, liberos, coniuges in servitutem abstrahi, ipsos interfici; quae sit necesse accidere victis.
CHAPTER 7.15
SECTION 7.15.1Omnium consensu hac sententia probata uno die amplius XX urbes Biturigum incenduntur.
SECTION 7.15.2Hoc idem fit in reliquis civitatibus: in omnibus partibus incendia conspiciuntur; quae etsi magno cum dolore omnes ferebant, tamen hoc sibi solati proponebant, quod se prope explorata victoria celeriter amissa reciperaturos confidebant.
SECTION 7.15.3Deliberatur de Avarico in communi concilio, incendi placeret an defendi.
SECTION 7.15.4Procumbunt omnibus Gallis ad pedes Bituriges, ne pulcherrimam prope totius Galliae urbem, quae praesidio et ornamento sit civitati, suis manibus succendere cogerentur:
SECTION 7.15.5facile se loci natura defensuros dicunt, quod prope ex omnibus partibus flumine et palude circumdata unum habeat et perangustum aditum.
SECTION 7.15.6Datur petentibus venia dissuadente primo Vercingetorige, post concedente et precibus ipsorum et misericordia vulgi. Defensores oppido idonei deliguntur.
CHAPTER 7.16
SECTION 7.16.1Vercingetorix minoribus Caesarem itineribus subsequitur et locum castris deligit paludibus silvisque munitum ab Avarico longe milia passuum XVI.
SECTION 7.16.2Ibi per certos exploratores in singula diei tempora quae ad Avaricum agerentur cognoscebat et quid fieri vellet imperabat.
SECTION 7.16.3Omnis nostras pabulationes frumentationesque observabat dispersosque, cum longius necessario procederent, adoriebatur magnoque incommodo adficiebat, etsi, quantum ratione provideri poterat, ab nostris occurrebatur, ut incertis temporibus diversisque itineribus iretur.
CHAPTER 7.17
SECTION 7.17.1Castris ad eam partem oppidi positis Caesar, quae intermissa [a] flumine et a paludibus aditum, ut supra diximus, angustum habebat, aggerem apparare, vineas agere, turres duas constituere coepit: nam circumvallare loci natura prohibebat.
SECTION 7.17.2De re frumentaria Boios atque Aeduos adhortari non destitit; quorum alteri, quod nullo studio agebant, non multum adiuvabant, alteri non magnis facultatibus, quod civitas erat exigua et infirma, celeriter quod habuerunt consumpserunt.
SECTION 7.17.3Summa difficultate rei frumentariae adfecto exercitu tenuitate Boiorum, indiligentia Aeduorum, incendiis aedificiorum, usque eo ut complures dies frumento milites caruerint et pecore ex longinquioribus vicis adacto extremam famem sustentarent, nulla tamen vox est ab eis audita populi Romani maiestate et superioribus victoriis indigna.
SECTION 7.17.4Quin etiam Caesar cum in opere singulas legiones appellaret et, si acerbius inopiam ferrent, se dimissurum oppugnationem diceret, universi ab eo, ne id faceret, petebant:
SECTION 7.17.5sic se complures annos illo imperante meruisse, ut nullam ignominiam acciperent, nusquam infecta re discederent:
SECTION 7.17.6hoc se ignominiae laturos loco, si inceptam oppugnationem reliquissent:
SECTION 7.17.7praestare omnes perferre acerbitates, quam non civibus Romanis, qui Cenabi perfidia Gallorum interissent, parentarent.
SECTION 7.17.8Haec eadem centurionibus tribunisque militum mandabant, ut per eos ad Caesarem deferrentur.
CHAPTER 7.18
SECTION 7.18.1Cum iam muro turres appropinquassent, ex captivis Caesar cognovit Vercingetorigem consumpto pabulo castra movisse propius Avaricum atque ipsum cum equitatu expeditisque, qui inter equites proeliari consuessent, insidiarum causa eo profectum, quo nostros postero die pabulatum venturos arbitraretur.
SECTION 7.18.2Quibus rebus cognitis media nocte silentio profectus ad hostium castra mane pervenit.
SECTION 7.18.3Illi celeriter per exploratores adventu Caesaris cognito carros impedimentaque sua in artiores silvas abdiderunt, copias omnes in loco edito atque aperto instruxerunt.
SECTION 7.18.4Qua re nuntiata Caesar celeriter sarcinas conferri, arma expediri iussit.
CHAPTER 7.19
SECTION 7.19.1Collis erat leniter ab infimo acclivis. Hunc ex omnibus fere partibus palus difficilis atque impedita cingebat non latior pedibus quinquaginta.
SECTION 7.19.2Hoc se colle interruptis pontibus Galli fiducia loci continebant generatimque distributi in civitates omnia vada ac saltus eius paludis obtinebant,
SECTION 7.19.3sic animo parati, ut, si eam paludem Romani perrumpere conarentur, haesitantes premerent ex loco superiore; ut qui propinquitatem loci videret paratos prope aequo Marte ad dimicandum existimaret, qui iniquitatem condicionis perspiceret inani simulatione sese ostentare cognosceret.
SECTION 7.19.4Indignantes milites Caesar, quod conspectum suum hostes perferre possent tantulo spatio interiecto, et signum proeli exposcentes edocet, quanto detrimento et quot virorum fortium morte necesse sit constare victoriam; quos cum sic animo paratos videat,
SECTION 7.19.5ut nullum pro sua laude periculum recusent, summae se iniquitatis condemnari debere, nisi eorum vitam sua salute habeat cariorem.
SECTION 7.19.6Sic milites consolatus eodem die reducit in castra reliquaque quae ad oppugnationem pertinebant oppidi administrare instituit.
CHAPTER 7.20
SECTION 7.20.1Vercingetorix, cum ad suos redisset, proditionis insimulatus, quod castra propius Romanos movisset, quod cum omni equitatu discessisset, quod sine imperio tantas copias reliquisset, quod eius discessu Romani tanta opportunitate et celeritate venissent:
SECTION 7.20.2non haec omnia fortuito aut sine consilio accidere potuisse; regnum illum Galliae malle Caesaris concessu quam ipsorum habere beneficio—:
SECTION 7.20.3tali modo accusatus ad haec respondit: Quod castra movisset, factum inopia pabuli etiam ipsis hortantibus; quod propius Romanos accessisset, persuasum loci opportunitate, qui se ipsum munitione defenderet:
SECTION 7.20.4equitum vero operam neque in loco palustri desiderari debuisse et illic fuisse utilem, quo sint profecti.
SECTION 7.20.5Summam imperi se consulto nulli discedentem tradidisse, ne is multitudinis studio ad dimicandum impelleretur; cui rei propter animi mollitiem studere omnes videret, quod diutius laborem ferre non possent.
SECTION 7.20.6Romani si casu intervenerint, fortunae, si alicuius indicio vocati, huic habendam gratiam, quod et paucitatem eorum ex loco superiore cognoscere et virtutem despicere potuerint, qui dimicare non ausi turpiter se in castra receperint.
SECTION 7.20.7Imperium se ab Caesare per proditionem nullum desiderare, quod habere victoria posset, quae iam esset sibi atque omnibus Gallis explorata: quin etiam ipsis remittere, si sibi magis honorem tribuere, quam ab se salutem accipere videantur.
SECTION 7.20.8"Haec ut intellegatis," inquit, "a me sincere pronuntiari, audite Romanos milites." Producit servos,
SECTION 7.20.9quos in pabulatione paucis ante diebus exceperat et fame vinculisque excruciaverat. Hi iam ante edocti quae interrogati pronuntiarent,
SECTION 7.20.10milites se esse legionarios dicunt; fame et inopia adductos clam ex castris exisse, si quid frumenti aut pecoris in agris reperire possent:
SECTION 7.20.11simili omnem exercitum inopia premi, nec iam vires sufficere cuiusquam nec ferre operis laborem posse: itaque statuisse imperatorem, si nihil in oppugnatione oppidi profecissent, triduo exercitum deducere. "Haec," inquit, "a me," Vercingetorix, "beneficia habetis,
SECTION 7.20.12quem proditionis insimulatis; cuius opera sine vestro sanguine tantum exercitum victorem fame consumptum videtis; quem turpiter se ex fuga recipientem ne qua civitas suis finibus recipiat a me provisum est."
CHAPTER 7.21
SECTION 7.21.1Conclamat omnis multitudo et suo more armis concrepat, quod facere in eo consuerunt cuius orationem approbant: summum esse Vercingetorigem ducem, nec de eius fide dubitandum, nec maiore ratione bellum administrari posse.
SECTION 7.21.2Statuunt, ut X milia hominum delecta ex omnibus copiis in oppidum mittantur,
SECTION 7.21.3nec solis Biturigibus communem salutem committendam censent, quod paene in eo, si id oppidum retinuissent, summam victoriae constare intellegebant.
CHAPTER 7.22
SECTION 7.22.1Singulari militum nostrorum virtuti consilia cuiusque modi Gallorum occurrebant, ut est summae genus sollertiae atque ad omnia imitanda et efficienda, quae ab quoque traduntur, aptissimum.
SECTION 7.22.2Nam et laqueis falces avertebant, quas, cum destinaverant, tormentis introrsus reducebant, et aggerem cuniculis subtrahebant, eo scientius quod apud eos magnae sunt ferrariae atque omne genus cuniculorum notum atque usitatum est.
SECTION 7.22.3Totum autem murum ex omni parte turribus contabulaverant atque has coriis intexerant.
SECTION 7.22.4Tum crebris diurnis nocturnisque eruptionibus aut aggeri ignem inferebant aut milites occupatos in opere adoriebantur, et nostrarum turrium altitudinem, quantum has cotidianus agger expresserat,
SECTION 7.22.5commissis suarum turrium malis adaequabant, et apertos cuniculos praeusta et praeacuta materia et pice fervefacta et maximi ponderis saxis morabantur moenibusque appropinquare prohibebant.
CHAPTER 7.23
SECTION 7.23.1Muri autem omnes Gallici hac fere forma sunt. Trabes derectae perpetuae in longitudinem paribus intervallis, distantes inter se binos pedes, in solo collocantur.
SECTION 7.23.2Hae revinciuntur introrsus et multo aggere vestiuntur: ea autem, quae diximus, intervalla grandibus in fronte saxis effarciuntur.
SECTION 7.23.3His collocatis et coagmentatis alius insuper ordo additur, ut idem illud intervallum servetur neque inter se contingant trabes, sed paribus intermissae spatiis singulae singulis saxis interiectis arte contineantur.
SECTION 7.23.4Sic deinceps omne opus contexitur, dum iusta muri altitudo expleatur.
SECTION 7.23.5Hoc cum in speciem varietatemque opus deforme non est alternis trabibus ac saxis, quae rectis lineis suos ordines servant, tum ad utilitatem et defensionem urbium summam habet opportunitatem, quod et ab incendio lapis et ab ariete materia defendit, quae perpetuis trabibus pedes quadragenos plerumque introrsus revincta neque perrumpi neque distrahi potest.
CHAPTER 7.24
SECTION 7.24.1His tot rebus impedita oppugnatione milites, cum toto tempore frigore et assiduis imbribus tardarentur, tamen continenti labore omnia haec superaverunt et diebus XXV aggerem latum pedes CCCXXX, altum pedes LXXX exstruxerunt.
SECTION 7.24.2Cum is murum hostium paene contingeret, et Caesar ad opus consuetudine excubaret militesque hortaretur, ne quod omnino tempus ab opere intermitteretur, paulo ante tertiam vigiliam est animadversum fumare aggerem, quem cuniculo hostes succenderant,
SECTION 7.24.3eodemque tempore toto muro clamore sublato duabus portis ab utroque latere turrium eruptio fiebat.
SECTION 7.24.4Alii faces atque aridam materiem de muro in aggerem eminus iaciebant, picem reliquasque res, quibus ignis excitari potest, fundebant, ut quo primum curreretur aut cui rei ferretur auxilium vix ratio iniri posset.
SECTION 7.24.5Tamen, quod instituto Caesaris semper duae legiones pro castris excubabant pluresque partitis temporibus erant in opere, celeriter factum est, ut alii eruptionibus resisterent, alii turres reducerent aggeremque interscinderent, omnis vero ex castris multitudo ad restinguendum concurreret.
CHAPTER 7.25
SECTION 7.25.1Cum in omnibus locis consumpta iam reliqua parte noctis pugnaretur, semperque hostibus spes victoriae redintegraretur, eo magis, quod deustos pluteos turrium videbant nec facile adire apertos ad auxiliandum animadvertebant, semperque ipsi recentes defessis succederent omnemque Galliae salutem in illo vestigio temporis positam arbitrarentur, accidit inspectantibus nobis quod dignum memoria visum praetereundum non existimavimus.
SECTION 7.25.2Quidam ante portam oppidi Gallus per manus sebi ac picis traditas glebas in ignem e regione turris proiciebat: scorpione ab latere dextro traiectus exanimatusque concidit.
SECTION 7.25.3Hunc ex proximis unus iacentem transgressus eodem illo munere fungebatur;
SECTION 7.25.4eadem ratione ictu scorpionis exanimato alteri successit tertius et tertio quartus, nec prius ille est a propugnatoribus vacuus relictus locus quam restincto aggere atque omni ex parte summotis hostibus finis est pugnandi factus.
CHAPTER 7.26
SECTION 7.26.1Omnia experti Galli, quod res nulla successerat, postero die consilium ceperunt ex oppido profugere hortante et iubente Vercingetorige.
SECTION 7.26.2Id silentio noctis conati non magna iactura suorum sese effecturos sperabant, propterea quod neque longe ab oppido castra Vercingetorigis aberant, et palus, quae perpetua intercedebat, Romanos ad insequendum tardabat.
SECTION 7.26.3Iamque hoc facere noctu apparabant, cum matres familiae repente in publicum procurrerunt flentesque proiectae ad pedes suorum omnibus precibus petierunt, ne se et communes liberos hostibus ad supplicium dederent, quos ad capiendam fugam naturae et virium infirmitas impediret.
SECTION 7.26.4Vbi eos in sententia perstare viderunt, quod plerumque in summo periculo timor misericordiam non recipit, conclamare et significare de fuga Romanis coeperunt.
SECTION 7.26.5Quo timore perterriti Galli, ne ab equitatu Romanorum viae praeoccuparentur, consilio destiterunt.
CHAPTER 7.27
SECTION 7.27.1Postero die Caesar promota turri perfectisque operibus quae facere instituerat, magno coorto imbre non inutilem hanc ad capiendum consilium tempestatem arbitratus est, quod paulo incautius custodias in muro dispositas videbat, suosque languidius in opere versari iussit et quid fieri vellet ostendit.
SECTION 7.27.2Legionibusque intra vineas in occulto expeditis, cohortatus ut aliquando pro tantis laboribus fructum victoriae perciperent, eis qui primi murum ascendissent praemia proposuit militibusque signum dedit.
SECTION 7.27.3Illi subito ex omnibus partibus evolaverunt murumque celeriter compleverunt.
CHAPTER 7.28
SECTION 7.28.1Hostes re nova perterriti muro turribusque deiecti in foro ac locis patentioribus cuneatim constiterunt, hoc animo ut si qua ex parte obviam contra veniretur acie instructa depugnarent.
SECTION 7.28.2Vbi neminem in aequum locum sese demittere, sed toto undique muro circumfundi viderunt, veriti ne omnino spes fugae tolleretur, abiectis armis ultimas oppidi partes continenti impetu petiverunt,
SECTION 7.28.3parsque ibi, cum angusto exitu portarum se ipsi premerent, a militibus, pars iam egressa portis ab equitibus est interfecta;
SECTION 7.28.4nec fuit quisquam, qui praedae studeret. Sic et Cenabi caede et labore operis incitati non aetate confectis, non mulieribus, non infantibus pepercerunt.
SECTION 7.28.5Denique ex omni numero, qui fuit circiter milium XL, vix DCCC, qui primo clamore audito se ex oppido eiecerunt, incolumes ad Vercingetorigem pervenerunt.
SECTION 7.28.6Quos ille multa iam nocte silentio ex fuga excepit, veritus ne qua in castris ex eorum concursu et misericordia vulgi seditio oreretur, ut procul in via dispositis familiaribus suis principibusque civitatum disparandos deducendosque ad suos curaret, quae cuique civitati pars castrorum ab initio obvenerat.
CHAPTER 7.29
SECTION 7.29.1Postero die concilio convocato consolatus cohortatusque est ne se admodum animo demitterent, ne perturbarentur incommodo;
SECTION 7.29.2non virtute neque in acie vicisse Romanos, sed artificio quodam et scientia oppugnationis, cuius rei fuerint ipsi imperiti;
SECTION 7.29.3errare, si qui in bello omnes secundos rerum proventus exspectent.
SECTION 7.29.4Sibi numquam placuisse Avaricum defendi, cuius rei testes ipsos haberet; sed factum imprudentia Biturigum et nimia obsequentia reliquorum uti hoc incommodum acciperetur;
SECTION 7.29.5id tamen se celeriter maioribus commodis sanaturum.
SECTION 7.29.6Nam quae ab reliquis Gallis civitates dissentirent, has sua diligentia adiuncturum atque unum consilium totius Galliae effecturum, cuius consensui ne orbis quidem terrarum possit obsistere; idque se prope iam effectum habere.
SECTION 7.29.7Interea aequum esse ab eis communis salutis causa impetrari ut castra munire instituerent, quo facilius repentinos hostium impetus sustinerent.
CHAPTER 7.30
SECTION 7.30.1Fuit haec oratio non ingrata Gallis, et maxime, quod ipse animo non defecerat tanto accepto incommodo neque se in occultum abdiderat et conspectum multitudinis fugerat;
SECTION 7.30.2plusque animo providere et praesentire existimabatur, quod re integra primo incendendum Avaricum, post deserendum censuerat.
SECTION 7.30.3Itaque ut reliquorum imperatorum res adversae auctoritatem minuunt, sic huius ex contrario dignitas incommodo accepto in dies augebatur.
SECTION 7.30.4Simul in spem veniebant eius adfirmatione de reliquis adiungendis civitatibus; primumque eo tempore Galli castra munire instituerunt et sic sunt animo confirmati, homines insueti laboris, ut omnia quae imperarentur sibi patienda existimarent.
CHAPTER 7.31
SECTION 7.31.1Nec minus quam est pollicitus Vercingetorix animo laborabat ut reliquas civitates adiungeret, atque eas donis pollicitationibusque alliciebat. Huic rei idoneos homines deligebat,
SECTION 7.31.2quorum quisque aut oratione subdola aut amicitia facillime capere posset. Qui Avarico expugnato refugerant,
SECTION 7.31.3armandos vestiendosque curat;
SECTION 7.31.4simul, ut deminutae copiae redintegrarentur, imperat certum numerum militum civitatibus, quem et quam ante diem in castra adduci velit, sagittariosque omnes, quorum erat permagnus numerus in Gallia, conquiri et ad se mitti iubet. His rebus celeriter id quod Avarici deperierat expletur.
SECTION 7.31.5Interim Teutomatus, Olloviconis filius, rex Nitiobrigum, cuius pater ab senatu nostro amicus erat appellatus, cum magno equitum suorum numero et quos ex Aquitania conduxerat ad eum pervenit.
CHAPTER 7.32
SECTION 7.32.1Caesar Avarici complures dies commoratus summamque ibi copiam frumenti et reliqui commeatus nactus exercitum ex labore atque inopia refecit.
SECTION 7.32.2Iam prope hieme confecta cum ipso anni tempore ad gerendum bellum vocaretur et ad hostem proficisci constituisset, sive eum ex paludibus silvisque elicere sive obsidione premere posset, legati ad eum principes Aeduorum veniunt oratum ut maxime necessario tempore civitati subveniat:
SECTION 7.32.3summo esse in periculo rem, quod, cum singuli magistratus antiquitus creari atque regiam potestatem annum obtinere consuessent, duo magistratum gerant et se uterque eorum legibus creatum esse dicat.
SECTION 7.32.4Horum esse alterum Convictolitavem, florentem et illustrem adulescentem, alterum Cotum, antiquissima familia natum atque ipsum hominem summae potentiae et magnae cognationis, cuius frater Valetiacus proximo anno eundem magistratum gesserit.
SECTION 7.32.5Civitatem esse omnem in armis; divisum senatum, divisum populum, suas cuiusque eorum clientelas. Quod si diutius alatur controversia, fore uti pars cum parte civitatis confligat. Id ne accidat, positum in eius diligentia atque auctoritate.
CHAPTER 7.33
SECTION 7.33.1Caesar, etsi a bello atque hoste discedere detrimentosum esse existimabat, tamen non ignorans quanta ex dissensionibus incommoda oriri consuessent, ne tanta et tam coniuncta populo Romano civitas, quam ipse semper aluisset omnibusque rebus ornasset, ad vim atque arma descenderet, atque ea pars quae minus sibi confideret auxilia a Vercingetorige arcesseret,
SECTION 7.33.2huic rei praevertendum existimavit et, quod legibus Aeduorum eis, qui summum magistratum obtinerent, excedere ex finibus non liceret, ne quid de iure aut de legibus eorum deminuisse videretur, ipse in Aeduos proficisci statuit senatumque omnem et quos inter controversia esset ad se Decetiam evocavit.
SECTION 7.33.3Cum prope omnis civitas eo convenisset, docereturque paucis clam convocatis alio loco, alio tempore atque oportuerit fratrem a fratre renuntiatum, cum leges duo ex una familia vivo utroque non solum magistratus creari vetarent, sed etiam in senatu esse prohiberent, Cotum imperium deponere coegit, Convictolitavem,
SECTION 7.33.4qui per sacerdotes more civitatis intermissis magistratibus esset creatus, potestatem obtinere iussit.
CHAPTER 7.34
SECTION 7.34.1Hoc decreto interposito cohortatus Aeduos, ut controversiarum ac dissensionis obliviscerentur atque omnibus omissis his rebus huic bello servirent eaque quae meruissent praemia ab se devicta Gallia exspectarent equitatumque omnem et peditum milia decem sibi celeriter mitterent, quae in praesidiis rei frumentariae causa disponeret, exercitum in duas partes divisit:
SECTION 7.34.2quattuor legiones in Senones Parisiosque Labieno ducendas dedit, sex ipse in Arvernos ad oppidum Gergoviam secundum flumen Elaver duxit; equitatus partem illi attribuit, partem sibi reliquit.
SECTION 7.34.3Qua re cognita Vercingetorix omnibus interruptis eius fluminis pontibus ab altera fluminis parte iter facere coepit.
CHAPTER 7.35
SECTION 7.35.1Cum uterque utrimque exisset exercitus, in conspectu fereque e regione castris castra ponebant dispositis exploratoribus, necubi effecto ponte Romani copias traducerent. Erat in magnis Caesaris difficultatibus res, ne maiorem aestatis partem flumine impediretur, quod non fere ante autumnum Elaver vado transiri solet.
SECTION 7.35.2Itaque, ne id accideret, silvestri loco castris positis e regione unius eorum pontium, quos Vercingetorix rescindendos curaverat, postero die cum duabus legionibus in occulto restitit;
SECTION 7.35.3reliquas copias cum omnibus impedimentis, ut consueverat, misit, apertis quibusdam cohortibus, uti numerus legionum constare videretur.
SECTION 7.35.4His quam longissime possent egredi iussis, cum iam ex diei tempore coniecturam ceperat in castra perventum, isdem sublicis, quarum pars inferior integra remanebat, pontem reficere coepit.
SECTION 7.35.5Celeriter effecto opere legionibusque traductis et loco castris idoneo delecto reliquas copias revocavit.
SECTION 7.35.6Vercingetorix re cognita, ne contra suam voluntatem dimicare cogeretur, magnis itineribus antecessit.
CHAPTER 7.36
SECTION 7.36.1Caesar ex eo loco quintis castris Gergoviam pervenit equestrique eo die proelio levi facto perspecto urbis situ, quae posita in altissimo monte omnes aditus difficiles habebat, de expugnatione desperavit, de obsessione non prius agendum constituit, quam rem frumentariam expedisset.
SECTION 7.36.2At Vercingetorix castris, prope oppidum positis, mediocribus circum se intervallis separatim singularum civitatium copias collocaverat atque omnibus eius iugi collibus occupatis, qua despici poterat,
SECTION 7.36.3horribilem speciem praebebat; principesque earum civitatium, quos sibi ad consilium capiendum delegerat, prima luce cotidie ad se convenire iubebat, seu quid communicandum, seu quid administrandum videretur;
SECTION 7.36.4neque ullum fere diem intermittebat quin equestri proelio interiectis sagittariis, quid in quoque esset animi ac virtutis suorum perspiceret.
SECTION 7.36.5Erat e regione oppidi collis sub ipsis radicibus montis, egregie munitus atque ex omni parte circumcisus; quem si tenerent nostri, et aquae magna parte et pabulatione libera prohibituri hostes videbantur;
SECTION 7.36.6sed is locus praesidio ab his non nimis firmo tenebatur;
SECTION 7.36.7tamen silentio noctis Caesar ex castris egressus, priusquam subsidio ex oppido veniri posset, deiecto praesidio potitus loco duas ibi legiones collocavit fossamque duplicem duodenum pedum a maioribus castris ad minora perduxit, ut tuto ab repentino hostium incursu etiam singuli commeare possent.
CHAPTER 7.37
SECTION 7.37.1Dum haec ad Gergoviam geruntur, Convictolitavis Aeduus, cui magistratum adiudicatum a Caesare demonstravimus, sollicitatus ab Arvernis pecunia cum quibusdam adulescentibus colloquitur; quorum erat princeps Litaviccus atque eius fratres, amplissima familia nati adulescentes.
SECTION 7.37.2Cum his praemium communicat hortaturque, ut se liberos et imperio natos meminerint.
SECTION 7.37.3Vnam esse Aeduorum civitatem, quae certissimam Galliae victoriam detineat; eius auctoritate reliquas contineri; qua traducta locum consistendi Romanis in Gallia non fore.
SECTION 7.37.4Esse nonnullo se Caesaris beneficio adfectum, sic tamen, ut iustissimam apud eum causam obtinuerit; sed plus communi libertati tribuere.
SECTION 7.37.5Cur enim potius Aedui de suo iure et de legibus ad Caesarem disceptatorem, quam Romani ad Aeduos veniant?
SECTION 7.37.6Celeriter adulescentibus et oratione magistratus et praemio deductis, cum se vel principes eius consili fore profiterentur, ratio perficiendi quaerebatur, quod civitatem temere ad suscipiendum bellum adduci posse non confidebant.
SECTION 7.37.7Placuit ut Litaviccus decem illis milibus, quae Caesari ad bellum mitterentur, praeficeretur atque ea ducenda curaret, fratresque eius ad Caesarem praecurrerent. Reliqua qua ratione agi placeat constituunt.
CHAPTER 7.38
SECTION 7.38.1Litaviccus accepto exercitu, cum milia passuum circiter XXX ab Gergovia abesset, convocatis subito militibus lacrimans, "Quo proficiscimur," inquit, "milites?
SECTION 7.38.2Omnis noster equitatus, omnis nobilitas interiit; principes civitatis, Eporedorix et Viridomarus, insimulati proditionis ab Romanis indicta causa interfecti sunt.
SECTION 7.38.3Haec ab ipsis cognoscite, qui ex ipsa caede fugerunt: nam ego fratribus atque omnibus meis propinquis interfectis dolore prohibeor,
SECTION 7.38.4quae gesta sunt, pronuntiare." Producuntur hi quos ille edocuerat quae dici vellet, atque eadem, quae Litaviccus pronuntiaverat, multitudini exponunt: multos equites Aeduorum interfectos,
SECTION 7.38.5quod collocuti cum Arvernis dicerentur; ipsos se inter multitudinem militum occultasse atque ex media caede fugisse.
SECTION 7.38.6Conclamant Aedui et Litaviccum obsecrant ut sibi consulat. "Quasi vero," inquit ille, "consili sit res, ac non necesse sit nobis Gergoviam contendere et cum Arvernis nosmet coniungere.
SECTION 7.38.7An dubitamus quin nefario facinore admisso Romani iam ad nos interficiendos concurrant? Proinde, si quid in nobis animi est,
SECTION 7.38.8persequamur eorum mortem qui indignissime interierunt, atque hos latrones interficiamus." Ostendit cives Romanos, qui eius praesidi fiducia una erant:
SECTION 7.38.9magnum numerum frumenti commeatusque diripit, ipsos crudeliter excruciatos interficit.
SECTION 7.38.10nuntios tota civitate Aeduorum dimittit, eodem mendacio de caede equitum et principum permovet; hortatur ut simili ratione atque ipse fecerit suas iniurias persequantur.
CHAPTER 7.39
SECTION 7.39.1Eporedorix Aeduus, summo loco natus adulescens et summae domi potentiae, et una Viridomarus, pari aetate et gratia, sed genere dispari, quem Caesar ab Diviciaco sibi traditum ex humili loco ad summam dignitatem perduxerat, in equitum numero convenerant nominatim ab eo evocati.
SECTION 7.39.2His erat inter se de principatu contentio, et in illa magistratuum controversia alter pro Convictolitavi, alter pro Coto summis opibus pugnaverant.
SECTION 7.39.3Ex eis Eporedorix cognito Litavicci consilio media fere nocte rem ad Caesarem defert; orat ne patiatur civitatem pravis adulescentium consiliis ab amicitia populi Romani deficere; quod futurum provideat, si se tot hominum milia cum hostibus coniunxerint, quorum salutem neque propinqui neglegere, neque civitas levi momento aestimare posset.
CHAPTER 7.40
SECTION 7.40.1Magna adfectus sollicitudine hoc nuntio Caesar, quod semper Aeduorum civitati praecipue indulserat, nulla interposita dubitatione legiones expeditas quattuor equitatumque omnem ex castris educit;
SECTION 7.40.2nec fuit spatium tali tempore ad contrahenda castra, quod res posita in celeritate videbatur; Gaium Fabium legatum cum legionibus duabus castris praesidio relinquit.
SECTION 7.40.3Fratres Litavicci cum comprehendi iussisset, paulo ante reperit ad hostes fugisse.
SECTION 7.40.4Adhortatus milites, ne necessario tempore itineris labore permoveantur, cupidissimis omnibus progressus milia passuum XXV agmen Aeduorum conspicatus immisso equitatu iter eorum moratur atque impedit interdicitque omnibus ne quemquam interficiant. Eporedorigem et Viridomarum,
SECTION 7.40.5quos illi interfectos existimabant, inter equites versari suosque appellare iubet.
SECTION 7.40.6His cognitis et Litavicci fraude perspecta Aedui manus tendere, deditionem significare et proiectis armis mortem deprecari incipiunt.
SECTION 7.40.7Litaviccus cum suis clientibus, quibus more Gallorum nefas est etiam in extrema fortuna deserere patronos, Gergoviam profugit.
CHAPTER 7.41
SECTION 7.41.1Caesar nuntiis ad civitatem Aeduorum missis, qui suo beneficio conservatos docerent quos iure belli interficere potuisset, tribusque horis noctis exercitui ad quietem datis castra ad Gergoviam movit.
SECTION 7.41.2Medio fere itinere equites a Fabio missi, quanto res in periculo fuerit, exponunt. Summis copiis castra oppugnata demonstrant, cum crebro integri defessis succederent nostrosque assiduo labore defatigarent, quibus propter magnitudinem castrorum perpetuo esset isdem in vallo permanendum;
SECTION 7.41.3multitudine sagittarum atque omnis generis telorum multos vulneratos; ad haec sustinenda magno usui fuisse tormenta.
SECTION 7.41.4Fabium discessu eorum duabus relictis portis obstruere ceteras pluteosque vallo addere et se in posterum diem similemque casum apparare.
SECTION 7.41.5His rebus cognitis Caesar summo studio militum ante ortum solis in castra pervenit.
CHAPTER 7.42
SECTION 7.42.1Dum haec ad Gergoviam geruntur, Aedui primis nuntiis ab Litavicco acceptis nullum sibi ad cognoscendum spatium relinquunt.
SECTION 7.42.2Impellit alios avaritia, alios iracundia et temeritas, quae maxime illi hominum generi est innata, ut levem auditionem habeant pro re comperta.
SECTION 7.42.3Bona civium Romanorum diripiunt, caedes faciunt, in servitutem abstrahunt.
SECTION 7.42.4Adiuvat rem proclinatam Convictolitavis plebemque ad furorem impellit, ut facinore admisso ad sanitatem reverti pudeat.
SECTION 7.42.5Marcum Aristium, tribunum militum, iter ad legionem facientem fide data ex oppido Cabillono educunt: idem facere cogunt eos, qui negotiandi causa ibi constiterant.
SECTION 7.42.6Hos continuo (in) itinere adorti omnibus impedimentis exuunt; repugnantes diem noctemque obsident; multis utrimque interfectis maiorem multitudinem armatorum concitant.
CHAPTER 7.43
SECTION 7.43.1Interim nuntio allato omnes eorum milites in potestate Caesaris teneri, concurrunt ad Aristium, nihil publico factum consilio demonstrant; quaestionem de bonis direptis decernunt,
SECTION 7.43.2Litavicci fratrumque bona publicant, legatos ad Caesarem sui purgandi gratia mittunt.
SECTION 7.43.3Haec faciunt reciperandorum suorum causa; sed contaminati facinore et capti compendio ex direptis bonis, quod ea res ad multos pertinebat, timore poenae exterriti consilia clam de bello inire incipiunt civitatesque reliquas legationibus sollicitant.
SECTION 7.43.4Quae tametsi Caesar intellegebat, tamen quam mitissime potest legatos appellat: nihil se propter inscientiam levitatemque vulgi gravius de civitate iudicare neque de sua in Aeduos benevolentia deminuere.
SECTION 7.43.5Ipse maiorem Galliae motum exspectans, ne ab omnibus civitatibus circumsisteretur, consilia inibat quemadmodum ab Gergovia discederet ac rursus omnem exercitum contraheret,
SECTION 7.43.6ne profectio nata ab timore defectionis similis fugae videretur.
CHAPTER 7.44
SECTION 7.44.1Haec cogitanti accidere visa est facultas bene rei gerendae. Nam cum in minora castra operis perspiciendi causa venisset, animadvertit collem, qui ab hostibus tenebatur, nudatum hominibus, qui superioribus diebus vix prae multitudine cerni poterat.
SECTION 7.44.2Admiratus quaerit ex perfugis causam, quorum magnus ad eum cotidie numerus confluebat.
SECTION 7.44.3Constabat inter omnes, quod iam ipse Caesar per exploratores cognoverat, dorsum esse eius iugi prope aequum, sed hunc silvestrem et angustum, qua esset aditus ad alteram partem oppidi; huic loco vehementer illos timere nec iam aliter sentire, uno colle ab Romanis occupato, si alterum amisissent, quin paene circumvallati atque omni exitu et pabulatione interclusi viderentur: ad hunc muniendum omnes a Vercingetorige evocatos.
CHAPTER 7.45
SECTION 7.45.1Hac re cognita Caesar mittit complures equitum turmas; eis de media nocte imperat, ut paulo tumultuosius omnibus locis vagarentur.
SECTION 7.45.2Prima luce magnum numerum impedimentorum ex castris mulorumque produci deque his stramenta detrahi mulionesque cum cassidibus equitum specie ac simulatione collibus circumvehi iubet.
SECTION 7.45.3His paucos addit equites qui latius ostentationis causa vagarentur. Longo circuitu easdem omnes iubet petere regiones.
SECTION 7.45.4Haec procul ex oppido videbantur, ut erat a Gergovia despectus in castra, neque tanto spatio certi quid esset explorari poterat.
SECTION 7.45.5Legionem unam eodem iugo mittit et paulum progressam inferiore constituit loco silvisque occultat.
SECTION 7.45.6Augetur Gallis suspicio, atque omnes illo ad munitionem copiae traducuntur.
SECTION 7.45.7Vacua castra hostium Caesar conspicatus tectis insignibus suorum occultatisque signis militaribus raros milites, ne ex oppido animadverterentur, ex maioribus castris in minora traducit legatisque, quos singulis legionibus praefecerat, quid fieri velit ostendit:
SECTION 7.45.8in primis monet ut contineant milites, ne studio pugnandi aut spe praedae longius progrediantur;
SECTION 7.45.9quid iniquitas loci habeat incommodi proponit: hoc una celeritate posse mutari; occasionis esse rem, non proeli.
SECTION 7.45.10His rebus expositis signum dat et ab dextra parte alio ascensu eodem tempore Aeduos mittit.
CHAPTER 7.46
SECTION 7.46.1Oppidi murus ab planitie atque initio ascensus recta regione, si nullus anfractus intercederet, MCC passus aberat:
SECTION 7.46.2quidquid huc circuitus ad molliendum clivum accesserat, id spatium itineris augebat.
SECTION 7.46.3A medio fere colle in longitudinem, ut natura montis ferebat, ex grandibus saxis sex pedum murum qui nostrorum impetum tardaret praeduxerant Galli, atque inferiore omni spatio vacuo relicto superiorem partem collis usque ad murum oppidi densissimis castris compleverant.
SECTION 7.46.4Milites dato signo celeriter ad munitionem perveniunt eamque transgressi trinis castris potiuntur;
SECTION 7.46.5ac tanta fuit in castris capiendis celeritas, ut Teutomatus, rex Nitiobrigum, subito in tabernaculo oppressus, ut meridie conquieverat, superiore corporis parte nudata vulnerato equo vix se ex manibus praedantium militum eriperet.
CHAPTER 7.47
SECTION 7.47.1Consecutus id quod animo proposuerat, Caesar receptui cani iussit legionique decimae, quacum erat, continuo signa constituit.
SECTION 7.47.2Ac reliquarum legionum milites non exaudito sono tubae, quod satis magna valles intercedebat, tamen ab tribunis militum legatisque, ut erat a Caesare praeceptum, retinebantur.
SECTION 7.47.3Sed elati spe celeris victoriae et hostium fuga et superiorum temporum secundis proeliis nihil adeo arduum sibi esse existimaverunt quod non virtute consequi possent, neque finem prius sequendi fecerunt quam muro oppidi portisque appropinquarunt. Tum vero ex omnibus urbis partibus orto clamore,
SECTION 7.47.4qui longius aberant repentino tumultu perterriti, cum hostem intra portas esse existimarent, sese ex oppido eiecerunt.
SECTION 7.47.5Matres familiae de muro vestem argentumque iactabant et pectore nudo prominentes passis manibus obtestabantur Romanos, ut sibi parcerent neu, sicut Avarici fecissent, ne a mulieribus quidem atque infantibus abstinerent:
SECTION 7.47.6nonnullae de muris per manus demissae sese militibus tradebant.
SECTION 7.47.7Lucius Fabius, centurio legionis VIII, quem inter suos eo die dixisse constabat excitari se Avaricensibus praemiis neque commissurum, ut prius quisquam murum ascenderet, tres suos nactus manipulares atque ab eis sublevatus murum ascendit: hos ipse rursus singulos exceptans in murum extulit.
CHAPTER 7.48
SECTION 7.48.1Interim ei qui ad alteram partem oppidi, ut supra demonstravimus, munitionis causa convenerant, primo exaudito clamore, inde etiam crebris nuntiis incitati, oppidum a Romanis teneri, praemissis equitibus magno concursu eo contenderunt.
SECTION 7.48.2Eorum ut quisque primus venerat, sub muro consistebat suorumque pugnantium numerum augebat.
SECTION 7.48.3Quorum cum magna multitudo convenisset, matres familiae, quae paulo ante Romanis de muro manus tendebant, suos obtestari et more Gallico passum capillum ostentare liberosque in conspectum proferre coeperunt.
SECTION 7.48.4Erat Romanis nec loco nec numero aequa contentio; simul et cursu et spatio pugnae defatigati non facile recentes atque integros sustinebant.
CHAPTER 7.49
SECTION 7.49.1Caesar, cum iniquo loco pugnari hostiumque augeri copias videret, praemetuens suis ad Titum Sextium legatum, quem minoribus castris praesidio reliquerat, misit, ut cohortes ex castris celeriter educeret et sub infimo colle ab dextro latere hostium constitueret,
SECTION 7.49.2ut, si nostros loco depulsos vidisset, quo minus libere hostes insequerentur terreret.
SECTION 7.49.3Ipse paulum ex eo loco cum legione progressus, ubi constiterat, eventum pugnae exspectabat.
CHAPTER 7.50
SECTION 7.50.1Cum acerrime comminus pugnaretur, hostes loco et numero, nostri virtute confiderent, subito sunt Aedui visi ab latere nostris aperto, quos Caesar ab dextra parte alio ascensu manus distinendae causa miserat.
SECTION 7.50.2Hi similitudine armorum vehementer nostros perterruerunt, ac tametsi dextris humeris exsertis animadvertebantur, quod insigne pactum esse consuerat, tamen id ipsum sui fallendi causa milites ab hostibus factum existimabant.
SECTION 7.50.3Eodem tempore Lucius Fabius centurio quique una murum ascenderant circumventi atque interfecti muro praecipitabantur.
SECTION 7.50.4Marcus Petronius, eiusdem legionis centurio, cum portam excidere conatus esset, a multitudine oppressus ac sibi desperans multis iam vulneribus acceptis manipularibus suis, qui illum secuti erant, "Quoniam," inquit, "me una vobiscum servare non possum, vestrae quidem certe vitae prospiciam, quos cupiditate gloriae adductus in periculum deduxi.
SECTION 7.50.5Vos data facultate vobis consulite." Simul in medios hostes irrupit duobusque interfectis reliquos a porta paulum summovit.
SECTION 7.50.6Conantibus auxiliari suis "Frustra," inquit, "meae vitae subvenire conamini, quem iam sanguis viresque deficiunt. Proinde abite, dum est facultas, vosque ad legionem recipite." Ita pugnans post paulum concidit ac suis saluti fuit.
CHAPTER 7.51
SECTION 7.51.1Nostri, cum undique premerentur, XLVI centurionibus amissis deiecti sunt loco. Sed intolerantius Gallos insequentes legio decima tardavit, quae pro subsidio paulo aequiore loco constiterat.
SECTION 7.51.2Hanc rursus XIII legionis cohortes exceperunt, quae ex castris minoribus eductae cum Tito Sextio legato ceperant locum superiorem.
SECTION 7.51.3Legiones, ubi primum planitiem attigerunt, infestis contra hostes signis constiterunt.
SECTION 7.51.4Vercingetorix ab radicibus collis suos intra munitiones reduxit. Eo die milites sunt paulo minus septingenti desiderati.
CHAPTER 7.52
SECTION 7.52.1Postero die Caesar contione advocata temeritatem cupiditatemque militum reprehendit, quod sibi ipsi iudicavissent quo procedendum aut quid agendum videretur, neque signo recipiendi dato constitissent neque ab tribunis militum legatisque retineri potuissent.
SECTION 7.52.2Exposuit quid iniquitas loci posset, quid ipse ad Avaricum sensisset, cum sine duce et sine equitatu deprehensis hostibus exploratam victoriam dimisisset, ne parvum modo detrimentum in contentione propter iniquitatem loci accideret.
SECTION 7.52.3Quanto opere eorum animi magnitudinem admiraretur, quos non castrorum munitiones, non altitudo montis, non murus oppidi tardare potuisset, tanto opere licentiam arrogantiamque reprehendere, quod plus se quam imperatorem de victoria atque exitu rerum sentire existimarent;
SECTION 7.52.4nec minus se ab milite modestiam et continentiam quam virtutem atque animi magnitudinem desiderare.
CHAPTER 7.53
SECTION 7.53.1Hac habita contione et ad extremam orationem confirmatis militibus, ne ob hanc causam animo permoverentur neu quod iniquitas loci attulisset id virtuti hostium tribuerent, eadem de profectione cogitans quae ante senserat legiones ex castris eduxit aciemque idoneo loco constituit.
SECTION 7.53.2Cum Vercingetorix nihil magis in aequum locum descenderet, levi facto equestri proelio atque secundo in castra exercitum reduxit.
SECTION 7.53.3Cum hoc idem postero die fecisset, satis ad Gallicam ostentationem minuendam militumque animos confirmandos factum existimans in Aeduos movit castra.
SECTION 7.53.4Ne tum quidem insecutis hostibus tertio die ad flumen Elaver venit; pontem refecit exercitumque traduxit.
CHAPTER 7.54
SECTION 7.54.1Ibi a Viridomaro atque Eporedorige Aeduis appellatus discit cum omni equitatu Litaviccum ad sollicitandos Aeduos profectum: opus esse ipsos antecedere ad confirmandam civitatem.
SECTION 7.54.2Etsi multis iam rebus perfidiam Aeduorum perspectam habebat atque horum discessu admaturari defectionem civitatis existimabat, tamen eos retinendos non constituit, ne aut inferre iniuriam videretur aut dare timoris aliquam suspicionem. Discedentibus his breviter sua in Aeduos merita exposuit,
SECTION 7.54.3quos et quam humiles accepisset, compulsos in oppida, multatos agris omnibus ereptis copiis, imposito stipendio, obsidibus summa cum contumelia extortis,
SECTION 7.54.4et quam in fortunam quamque in amplitudinem deduxisset, ut non solum in pristinum statum redissent, sed omnium temporum dignitatem et gratiam antecessisse viderentur. His datis mandatis eos ab se dimisit.
CHAPTER 7.55
SECTION 7.55.1Noviodunum erat oppidum Aeduorum ad ripas Ligeris opportuno loco positum.
SECTION 7.55.2Huc Caesar omnes obsides Galliae, frumentum, pecuniam publicam, suorum atque exercitus impedimentorum magnam partem contulerat;
SECTION 7.55.3huc magnum numerum equorum huius belli causa in Italia atque Hispania coemptum miserat.
SECTION 7.55.4Eo cum Eporedorix Viridomarusque venissent et de statu civitatis cognovissent, Litaviccum Bibracti ab Aeduis receptum, quod est oppidum apud eos maximae auctoritatis, Convictolitavim magistratum magnamque partem senatus ad eum convenisse, legatos ad Vercingetorigem de pace et amicitia concilianda publice missos, non praetermittendum tantum commodum existimaverunt.
SECTION 7.55.5Itaque interfectis Novioduni custodibus quique eo negotiandi causa convenerant pecuniam atque equos inter se partiti sunt;
SECTION 7.55.6obsides civitatum Bibracte ad magistratum deducendos curaverunt; oppidum,
SECTION 7.55.7quod a se teneri non posse iudicabant, ne cui esset usui Romanis, incenderunt;
SECTION 7.55.8frumenti quod subito potuerunt navibus avexerunt, reliquum flumine atque incendio corruperunt.
SECTION 7.55.9Ipsi ex finitimis regionibus copias cogere, praesidia custodiasque ad ripas Ligeris disponere equitatumque omnibus locis iniciendi timoris causa ostentare coeperunt, si ab re frumentaria Romanos excludere aut adductos inopia in provinciam expellere possent.
SECTION 7.55.10quam ad spem multum eos adiuvabat, quod Liger ex nivibus creverat, ut omnino vado non posse transiri videretur.
CHAPTER 7.56
SECTION 7.56.1Quibus rebus cognitis Caesar maturandum sibi censuit, si esset in perficiendis pontibus periclitandum, ut prius quam essent maiores eo coactae copiae dimicaret.
SECTION 7.56.2Nam ut commutato consilio iter in provinciam converteret, id ne metu quidem necessario faciendum existimabat; cum infamia atque indignitas rei et oppositus mons Cevenna viarumque difficultas impediebat, tum maxime quod abiuncto Labieno atque eis legionibus quas una miserat vehementer timebat.
SECTION 7.56.3Itaque admodum magnis diurnis nocturnisque itineribus confectis contra omnium opinionem ad Ligerem venit
SECTION 7.56.4vadoque per equites invento pro rei necessitate opportuno, ut brachia modo atque humeri ad sustinenda arma liberi ab aqua esse possent, disposito equitatu qui vim fluminis refringeret, atque hostibus primo aspectu perturbatis,
SECTION 7.56.5incolumem exercitum traduxit frumentumque in agris et pecoris copiam nactus repleto his rebus exercitu iter in Senones facere instituit.
CHAPTER 7.57
SECTION 7.57.1Dum haec apud Caesarem geruntur, Labienus eo supplemento, quod nuper ex Italia venerat, relicto Agedinci, ut esset impedimentis praesidio, cum quattuor legionibus Lutetiam proficiscitur. Id est oppidum Parisiorum, quod positum est in insula fluminis Sequanae.
SECTION 7.57.2Cuius adventu ab hostibus cognito magnae ex finitimis civitatibus copiae convenerunt.
SECTION 7.57.3Summa imperi traditur Camulogeno Aulerco, qui prope confectus aetate tamen propter singularem scientiam rei militaris ad eum est honorem evocatus.
SECTION 7.57.4Is cum animadvertisset perpetuam esse paludem, quae influeret in Sequanam atque illum omnem locum magnopere impediret, hic consedit nostrosque transitu prohibere instituit.
CHAPTER 7.58
SECTION 7.58.1Labienus primo vineas agere, cratibus atque aggere paludem explere atque iter munire conabatur.
SECTION 7.58.2Postquam id difficilius confieri animadvertit, silentio e castris tertia vigilia egressus eodem quo venerat itinere Metiosedum pervenit.
SECTION 7.58.3Id est oppidum Senonum in insula Sequanae positum, ut paulo ante de Lutetia diximus. Deprensis navibus circiter quinquaginta celeriterque coniunctis atque eo militibus iniectis et rei novitate perterritis oppidanis, quorum magna pars erat ad bellum evocata, sine contentione oppido potitur.
SECTION 7.58.5Refecto ponte, quem superioribus diebus hostes resciderant, exercitum traducit et secundo flumine ad Lutetiam iter facere coepit.
SECTION 7.58.6Hostes re cognita ab eis, qui Metiosedo fugerant, Lutetiam incendi pontesque eius oppidi rescindi iubent; ipsi profecti a palude ad ripas Sequanae e regione Lutetiae contra Labieni castra considunt.
CHAPTER 7.59
SECTION 7.59.1Iam Caesar a Gergovia discessisse audiebatur, iam de Aeduorum defectione et secundo Galliae motu rumores adferebantur, Gallique in colloquiis interclusum itinere et Ligeri Caesarem inopia frumenti coactum in provinciam contendisse confirmabant.
SECTION 7.59.2Bellovaci autem defectione Aeduorum cognita, qui ante erant per se infideles, manus cogere atque aperte bellum parare coeperunt.
SECTION 7.59.3Tum Labienus tanta rerum commutatione longe aliud sibi capiendum consilium atque antea senserat intellegebat,
SECTION 7.59.4neque iam, ut aliquid adquireret proelioque hostes lacesseret, sed ut incolumem exercitum Agedincum reduceret, cogitabat.
SECTION 7.59.5Namque altera ex parte Bellovaci, quae civitas in Gallia maximam habet opinionem virtutis, instabant, alteram Camulogenus parato atque instructo exercitu tenebat; tum legiones a praesidio atque impedimentis interclusas maximum flumen distinebat.
SECTION 7.59.6Tantis subito difficultatibus obiectis ab animi virtute auxilium petendum videbat.
CHAPTER 7.60
SECTION 7.60.1Sub vesperum consilio convocato cohortatus ut ea quae imperasset diligenter industrieque administrarent, naves, quas Metiosedo deduxerat, singulas equitibus Romanis attribuit, et prima confecta vigilia quattuor milia passuum secundo flumine silentio progredi ibique se exspectari iubet.
SECTION 7.60.2Quinque cohortes, quas minime firmas ad dimicandum esse existimabat, castris praesidio relinquit;
SECTION 7.60.3quinque eiusdem legionis reliquas de media nocte cum omnibus impedimentis adverso flumine magno tumultu proficisci imperat.
SECTION 7.60.4Conquirit etiam lintres: has magno sonitu remorum incitatas in eandem partem mittit. Ipse post paulo silentio egressus cum tribus legionibus eum locum petit quo naves appelli iusserat.
CHAPTER 7.61
SECTION 7.61.1Eo cum esset ventum, exploratores hostium, ut omni fluminis parte erant dispositi, inopinantes, quod magna subito erat coorta tempestas, ab nostris opprimuntur;
SECTION 7.61.2exercitus equitatusque equitibus Romanis administrantibus, quos ei negotio praefecerat, celeriter transmittitur.
SECTION 7.61.3Vno fere tempore sub lucem hostibus nuntiatur in castris Romanorum praeter consuetudinem tumultuari et magnum ire agmen adverso flumine sonitumque remorum in eadem parte exaudiri et paulo infra milites navibus transportari.
SECTION 7.61.4Quibus rebus auditis, quod existimabant tribus locis transire legiones atque omnes perturbatos defectione Aeduorum fugam parare, suas quoque copias in tres partes distribuerunt.
SECTION 7.61.5Nam praesidio e regione castrorum relicto et parva manu Metiosedum versus missa, quae tantum progrediatur, quantum naves processissent, reliquas copias contra Labienum duxerunt.
CHAPTER 7.62
SECTION 7.62.1Prima luce et nostri omnes erant transportati, et hostium acies cernebatur.
SECTION 7.62.2Labienus milites cohortatus ut suae pristinae virtutis et secundissimorum proeliorum retinerent memoriam atque ipsum Caesarem, cuius ductu saepe numero hostes superassent, praesentem adesse existimarent, dat signum proeli.
SECTION 7.62.3Primo concursu ab dextro cornu, ubi septima legio constiterat, hostes pelluntur atque in fugam coniciuntur;
SECTION 7.62.4ab sinistro, quem locum duodecima legio tenebat, cum primi ordines hostium transfixi telis concidissent, tamen acerrime reliqui resistebant, nec dabat suspicionem fugae quisquam.
SECTION 7.62.5Ipse dux hostium Camulogenus suis aderat atque eos cohortabatur.
SECTION 7.62.6Incerto nunc etiam exitu victoriae, cum septimae legionis tribunis esset nuntiatum quae in sinistro cornu gererentur, post tergum hostium legionem ostenderunt signaque intulerunt.
SECTION 7.62.7Ne eo quidem tempore quisquam loco cessit, sed circumventi omnes interfectique sunt.
SECTION 7.62.8Eandem fortunam tulit Camulogenus. At ei qui praesidio contra castra Labieni erant relicti, cum proelium commissum audissent, subsidio suis ierunt collemque ceperunt, neque nostrorum militum victorum impetum sustinere potuerunt.
SECTION 7.62.9Sic cum suis fugientibus permixti, quos non silvae montesque texerunt, ab equitatu sunt interfecti.
SECTION 7.62.10hoc negotio confecto Labienus revertitur Agedincum, ubi impedimenta totius exercitus relicta erant: inde cum omnibus copiis ad Caesarem pervenit.
CHAPTER 7.63
SECTION 7.63.1Defectione Aeduorum cognita bellum augetur. Legationes in omnes partes circummittuntur:
SECTION 7.63.2quantum gratia, auctoritate, pecunia valent, ad sollicitandas civitates nituntur;
SECTION 7.63.3nacti obsides, quos Caesar apud eos deposuerat, horum supplicio dubitantes territant.
SECTION 7.63.4Petunt a Vercingetorige Aedui ut ad se veniat rationesque belli gerendi communicet.
SECTION 7.63.5Re impetrata contendunt ut ipsis summa imperi tradatur, et re in controversiam deducta totius Galliae concilium Bibracte indicitur. Eodem conveniunt undique frequentes.
SECTION 7.63.6Multitudinis suffragiis res permittitur: ad unum omnes Vercingetorigem probant imperatorem.
SECTION 7.63.7Ab hoc concilio Remi, Lingones, Treveri afuerunt: illi, quod amicitiam Romanorum sequebantur; Treveri, quod aberant longius et ab Germanis premebantur, quae fuit causa quare toto abessent bello et neutris auxilia mitterent.
SECTION 7.63.8Magno dolore Aedui ferunt se deiectos principatu, queruntur fortunae commutationem et Caesaris indulgentiam in se requirunt, neque tamen suscepto bello suum consilium ab reliquis separare audent.
SECTION 7.63.9Inviti summae spei adulescentes Eporedorix et Viridomarus Vercingetorigi parent.
CHAPTER 7.64
SECTION 7.64.1Ipse imperat reliquis civitatibus obsides diemque ei rei constituit. Omnes equites, quindecim milia numero, celeriter convenire iubet;
SECTION 7.64.2peditatu quem antea habuerit se fore contentum dicit, neque fortunam temptaturum aut in acie dimicaturum, sed, quoniam abundet equitatu, perfacile esse factu frumentationibus pabulationibusque Romanos prohibere,
SECTION 7.64.3aequo modo animo sua ipsi frumenta corrumpant aedificiaque incendant, qua rei familiaris iactura perpetuum imperium libertatemque se consequi videant.
SECTION 7.64.4His constitutis rebus Aeduis Segusiavisque, qui sunt finitimi provinciae, decem milia peditum imperat; huc addit equites octingentos.
SECTION 7.64.5His praeficit fratrem Eporedorigis bellumque inferri Allobrogibus iubet.
SECTION 7.64.6Altera ex parte Gabalos proximosque pagos Arvernorum in Helvios, item Rutenos Cadurcosque ad fines Volcarum Arecomicorum depopulandos mittit.
SECTION 7.64.7Nihilo minus clandestinis nuntiis legationibusque Allobrogas sollicitat, quorum mentes nondum ab superiore bello resedisse sperabat.
SECTION 7.64.8Horum principibus pecunias, civitati autem imperium totius provinciae pollicetur.
CHAPTER 7.65
SECTION 7.65.1Ad hos omnes casus provisa erant praesidia cohortium duarum et viginti, quae ex ipsa provincia ab Lucio Caesare legato ad omnes partes opponebantur.
SECTION 7.65.2Helvii sua sponte cum finitimis proelio congressi pelluntur et Gaio Valerio Donnotauro, Caburi filio, principe civitatis, compluribusque aliis interfectis intra oppida ac muros compelluntur.
SECTION 7.65.3Allobroges crebris ad Rhodanum dispositis praesidiis magna cum cura et diligentia suos fines tuentur.
SECTION 7.65.4Caesar, quod hostes equitatu superiores esse intellegebat et interclusis omnibus itineribus nulla re ex provincia atque Italia sublevari poterat, trans Rhenum in Germaniam mittit ad eas civitates quas superioribus annis pacaverat, equitesque ab his arcessit et levis armaturae pedites, qui inter eos proeliari consuerant.
SECTION 7.65.5Eorum adventu, quod minus idoneis equis utebantur, a tribunis militum reliquisque equitibus Romanis atque evocatis equos sumit Germanisque distribuit.
CHAPTER 7.66
SECTION 7.66.1Interea, dum haec geruntur, hostium copiae ex Arvernis equitesque qui toti Galliae erant imperati conveniunt.
SECTION 7.66.2Magno horum coacto numero, cum Caesar in Sequanos per extremos Lingonum fines iter faceret, quo facilius subsidium provinciae ferri posset, circiter milia passuum decem ab Romanis trinis castris Vercingetorix consedit
SECTION 7.66.3convocatisque ad concilium praefectis equitum venisse tempus victoriae demonstrat. Fugere in provinciam Romanos Galliaque excedere.
SECTION 7.66.4Id sibi ad praesentem obtinendam libertatem satis esse; ad reliqui temporis pacem atque otium parum profici: maioribus enim coactis copiis reversuros neque finem bellandi facturos. Proinde agmine impeditos adorirentur.
SECTION 7.66.5Si pedites suis auxilium ferant atque in eo morentur, iter facere non posse; si, id quod magis futurum confidat, relictis impedimentis suae saluti consulant, et usu rerum necessariarum et dignitate spoliatum iri.
SECTION 7.66.6Nam de equitibus hostium, quin nemo eorum progredi modo extra agmen audeat, et ipsos quidem non debere dubitare, et quo maiore faciant animo, copias se omnes pro castris habiturum et terrori hostibus futurum.
SECTION 7.66.7Conclamant equites sanctissimo iureiurando confirmari oportere, ne tecto recipiatur, ne ad liberos, ne ad parentes, ad uxorem aditum habeat, qui non bis per agmen hostium perequitasset.
CHAPTER 7.67
SECTION 7.67.1Probata re atque omnibus iureiurando adactis postero die in tres partes distributo equitatu duae se acies ab duobus lateribus ostendunt, una primo agmine iter impedire coepit.
SECTION 7.67.2Qua re nuntiata Caesar suum quoque equitatum tripertito divisum contra hostem ire iubet. Pugnatur una omnibus in partibus.
SECTION 7.67.3Consistit agmen; impedimenta intra legiones recipiuntur.
SECTION 7.67.4Si qua in parte nostri laborare aut gravius premi videbantur, eo signa inferri Caesar aciemque constitui iubebat; quae res et hostes ad insequendum tardabat et nostros spe auxili confirmabat.
SECTION 7.67.5Tandem Germani ab dextro latere summum iugum nacti hostes loco depellunt; fugientes usque ad flumen, ubi Vercingetorix cum pedestribus copiis consederat, persequuntur compluresque interficiunt.
SECTION 7.67.6Qua re animadversa reliqui ne circumirentur veriti se fugae mandant. Omnibus locis fit caedes.
SECTION 7.67.7Tres nobilissimi Aedui capti ad Caesarem perducuntur: Cotus, praefectus equitum, qui controversiam cum Convictolitavi proximis comitiis habuerat, et Cavarillus, qui post defectionem Litavicci pedestribus copiis praefuerat, et Eporedorix, quo duce ante adventum Caesaris Aedui cum Sequanis bello contenderant.
CHAPTER 7.68
SECTION 7.68.1Fugato omni equitatu Vercingetorix copias, ut pro castris collocaverat, reduxit protinusque Alesiam, quod est oppidum Mandubiorum, iter facere coepit celeriterque impedimenta ex castris educi et se subsequi iussit.
SECTION 7.68.2Caesar impedimentis in proximum collem deductis, duabus legionibus praesidio relictis, secutus quantum diei tempus est passum, circiter tribus milibus hostium ex novissimo agmine interfectis altero die ad Alesiam castra fecit.
SECTION 7.68.3Perspecto urbis situ perterritisque hostibus, quod equitatu, qua maxime parte exercitus confidebant, erant pulsi, adhortatus ad laborem milites circumvallare instituit.
CHAPTER 7.69
SECTION 7.69.1Ipsum erat oppidum Alesia in colle summo admodum edito loco, ut nisi obsidione expugnari non posse videretur.
SECTION 7.69.2Cuius collis radices duo duabus ex partibus flumina subluebant.
SECTION 7.69.3Ante id oppidum planities circiter milia passuum tria in longitudinem patebat:
SECTION 7.69.4reliquis ex omnibus partibus colles mediocri interiecto spatio pari altitudinis fastigio oppidum cingebant.
SECTION 7.69.5Sub muro, quae pars collis ad orientem solem spectabat, hunc omnem locum copiae Gallorum compleverant fossamque et maceriam sex in altitudinem pedum praeduxerant.
SECTION 7.69.6Eius munitionis quae ab Romanis instituebatur circuitus XI milia passuum tenebat.
SECTION 7.69.7Castra opportunis locis erant posita ibique castella viginti tria facta, quibus in castellis interdiu stationes ponebantur, ne qua subito eruptio fieret: haec eadem noctu excubitoribus ac firmis praesidiis tenebantur.
CHAPTER 7.70
SECTION 7.70.1Opere instituto fit equestre proelium in ea planitie, quam intermissam collibus tria milia passuum in longitudinem patere supra demonstravimus. Summa vi ab utrisque contenditur.
SECTION 7.70.2Laborantibus nostris Caesar Germanos summittit legionesque pro castris constituit, ne qua subito irruptio ab hostium peditatu fiat.
SECTION 7.70.3Praesidio legionum addito nostris animus augetur: hostes in fugam coniecti se ipsi multitudine impediunt atque angustioribus portis relictis coacervantur.
SECTION 7.70.4Germani acrius usque ad munitiones secuntur.
SECTION 7.70.5Fit magna caedes: nonnulli relictis equis fossam transire et maceriam transcendere conantur. Paulum legiones Caesar quas pro vallo constituerat promoveri iubet.
SECTION 7.70.6Non minus qui intra munitiones erant perturbantur Galli: veniri ad se confestim existimantes ad arma conclamant; nonnulli perterriti in oppidum irrumpunt.
SECTION 7.70.7Vercingetorix iubet portas claudi, ne castra nudentur. Multis interfectis, compluribus equis captis Germani sese recipiunt.
CHAPTER 7.71
SECTION 7.71.1Vercingetorix, priusquam munitiones ab Romanis perficiantur, consilium capit omnem ab se equitatum noctu dimittere.
SECTION 7.71.2Discedentibus mandat ut suam quisque eorum civitatem adeat omnesque qui per aetatem arma ferre possint ad bellum cogant.
SECTION 7.71.3Sua in illos merita proponit obtestaturque ut suae salutis rationem habeant neu se optime de communi libertate meritum in cruciatum hostibus dedant. Quod si indiligentiores fuerint, milia hominum delecta octoginta una secum interitura demonstrat.
SECTION 7.71.4Ratione inita se exigue dierum triginta habere frumentum, sed paulo etiam longius tolerari posse parcendo. His datis mandatis,
SECTION 7.71.5qua opus erat intermissum, secunda vigilia silentio equitatum mittit.
SECTION 7.71.6Frumentum omne ad se referri iubet; capitis poenam eis qui non paruerint constituit:
SECTION 7.71.7pecus, cuius magna erat copia ab Mandubiis compulsa, viritim distribuit; frumentum parce et paulatim metiri instituit;
SECTION 7.71.8copias omnes quas pro oppido collocaverat in oppidum recepit.
SECTION 7.71.9His rationibus auxilia Galliae exspectare et bellum parat administrare.
CHAPTER 7.72
SECTION 7.72.1Quibus rebus cognitis ex perfugis et captivis, Caesar haec genera munitionis instituit. Fossam pedum viginti directis lateribus duxit, ut eius fossae solum tantundem pateret quantum summae fossae labra distarent.
SECTION 7.72.2Reliquas omnes munitiones ab ea fossa pedes quadringentos reduxit, [id] hoc consilio, quoniam tantum esset necessario spatium complexus, nec facile totum corpus corona militum cingeretur, ne de improviso aut noctu ad munitiones hostium multitudo advolaret aut interdiu tela in nostros operi destinatos conicere possent.
SECTION 7.72.3Hoc intermisso spatio duas fossas quindecim pedes latas, eadem altitudine perduxit, quarum interiorem campestribus ac demissis locis aqua ex flumine derivata complevit.
SECTION 7.72.4Post eas aggerem ac vallum duodecim pedum exstruxit. Huic loricam pinnasque adiecit grandibus cervis eminentibus ad commissuras pluteorum atque aggeris, qui ascensum hostium tardarent, et turres toto opere circumdedit, quae pedes LXXX inter se distarent.
CHAPTER 7.73
SECTION 7.73.1Erat eodem tempore et materiari et frumentari et tantas munitiones fieri necesse deminutis nostris copiis quae longius ab castris progrediebantur: ac non numquam opera nostra Galli temptare atque eruptionem ex oppido pluribus portis summa vi facere conabantur.
SECTION 7.73.2Qua re ad haec rursus opera addendum Caesar putavit, quo minore numero militum munitiones defendi possent. Itaque truncis arborum aut admodum firmis ramis abscisis atque horum delibratis ac praeacutis cacuminibus perpetuae fossae quinos pedes altae ducebantur.
SECTION 7.73.3Huc illi stipites demissi et ab infimo revincti, ne revelli possent, ab ramis eminebant.
SECTION 7.73.4Quini erant ordines coniuncti inter se atque implicati; quo qui intraverant, se ipsi acutissimis vallis induebant.
SECTION 7.73.5Hos cippos appellabant. Ante quos obliquis ordinibus in quincuncem dispositis scrobes tres in altitudinem pedes fodiebantur paulatim angustiore ad infimum fastigio.
SECTION 7.73.6Huc teretes stipites feminis crassitudine ab summo praeacuti et praeusti demittebantur, ita ut non amplius digitis quattuor ex terra eminerent;
SECTION 7.73.7simul confirmandi et stabiliendi causa singuli ab infimo solo pedes terra exculcabantur, reliqua pars scrobis ad occultandas insidias viminibus ac virgultis integebatur.
SECTION 7.73.8Huius generis octoni ordines ducti ternos inter se pedes distabant.
SECTION 7.73.9Id ex similitudine floris lilium appellabant. Ante haec taleae pedem longae ferreis hamis infixis totae in terram infodiebantur mediocribusque intermissis spatiis omnibus locis disserebantur; quos stimulos nominabant.
CHAPTER 7.74
SECTION 7.74.1His rebus perfectis regiones secutus quam potuit aequissimas pro loci natura quattuordecim milia passuum complexus pares eiusdem generis munitiones, diversas ab his, contra exteriorem hostem perfecit, ut ne magna quidem multitudine, si ita accidat, munitionum praesidia circumfundi possent;
SECTION 7.74.2ac ne cum periculo ex castris egredi cogatur, dierum triginta pabulum frumentumque habere omnes convectum iubet.
CHAPTER 7.75
SECTION 7.75.1Dum haec apud Alesiam geruntur, Galli concilio principum indicto non omnes eos qui arma ferre possent, ut censuit Vercingetorix, convocandos statuunt, sed certum numerum cuique ex civitate imperandum, ne tanta multitudine confusa nec moderari nec discernere suos nec frumentandi rationem habere possent.
SECTION 7.75.2Imperant Aeduis atque eorum clientibus, Segusiavis, Ambivaretis, Aulercis Brannovicibus, Blannoviis, milia XXXV; parem numerum Arvernis adiunctis Eleutetis, Cadurcis, Gabalis, Vellaviis, qui sub imperio Arvernorum esse consuerunt; Sequanis,
SECTION 7.75.3Senonibus, Biturigibus, Santonis, Rutenis, Carnutibus duodena milia; Bellovacis X; totidem Lemovicibus; octona Pictonibus et Turonis et Parisiis et Helvetiis; [Suessionibus,] Ambianis, Mediomatricis, Petrocoriis, Nerviis, Morinis, Nitiobrigibus quina milia; Aulercis Cenomanis totidem; Atrebatibus [IIII milibus]; Veliocassis, Lexoviis et Aulercis Eburovicibus terna; Rauracis et Boiis bina;
SECTION 7.75.4[XXX milia] universis civitatibus, quae Oceanum attingunt quaeque eorum consuetudine Armoricae appellantur, quo sunt in numero Curiosolites, Redones, Ambibarii, Caletes, Osismi, Veneti, Lemovices, Venelli.
SECTION 7.75.5Ex his Bellovaci suum numerum non compleverunt, quod se suo nomine atque arbitrio cum Romanis bellum gesturos dicebant neque cuiusquam imperio obtemperaturos; rogati tamen ab Commio pro eius hospitio duo milia una miserunt.
CHAPTER 7.76
SECTION 7.76.1Huius opera Commi, ut antea demonstravimus, fideli atque utili superioribus annis erat usus in Britannia Caesar; quibus ille pro meritis civitatem eius immunem esse iusserat, iura legesque reddiderat atque ipsi Morinos attribuerat.
SECTION 7.76.2Tamen tanta universae Galliae consensio fuit libertatis vindicandae et pristinae belli laudis recuperandae, ut neque beneficiis neque amicitiae memoria moverentur, omnesque et animo et opibus in id bellum incumberent.
SECTION 7.76.3Coactis equitum VIII milibus et peditum circiter CCL haec in Aeduorum finibus recensebantur, numerusque inibatur, praefecti constituebantur.
SECTION 7.76.4Commio Atrebati, Viridomaro et Eporedorigi Aeduis, Vercassivellauno Arverno, consobrino Vercingetorigis, summa imperi traditur. His delecti ex civitatibus attribuuntur, quorum consilio bellum administraretur.
SECTION 7.76.5Omnes alacres et fiduciae pleni ad Alesiam proficiscuntur,
SECTION 7.76.6neque erat omnium quisquam qui aspectum modo tantae multitudinis sustineri posse arbitraretur, praesertim ancipiti proelio, cum ex oppido eruptione pugnaretur, foris tantae copiae equitatus peditatusque cernerentur.
CHAPTER 7.77
SECTION 7.77.1At ei, qui Alesiae obsidebantur praeterita die, qua auxilia suorum exspectaverant, consumpto omni frumento, inscii quid in Aeduis gereretur, concilio coacto
SECTION 7.77.2de exitu suarum fortunarum consultabant. Ac variis dictis sententiis, quarum pars deditionem, pars, dum vires suppeterent, eruptionem censebat, non praetereunda oratio Critognati videtur propter eius singularem et nefariam crudelitatem.
SECTION 7.77.3Hic summo in Arvernis ortus loco et magnae habitus auctoritatis, "Nihil," inquit, "de eorum sententia dicturus sum, qui turpissimam servitutem deditionis nomine appellant, neque hos habendos civium loco neque ad concilium adhibendos censeo.
SECTION 7.77.4Cum his mihi res sit, qui eruptionem probant; quorum in consilio omnium vestrum consensu pristinae residere virtutis memoria videtur. Animi est ista mollitia,
SECTION 7.77.5non virtus, paulisper inopiam ferre non posse. Qui se ultro morti offerant facilius reperiuntur quam qui dolorem patienter ferant.
SECTION 7.77.6Atque ego hanc sententiam probarem (tantum apud me dignitas potest), si nullam praeterquam vitae nostrae iacturam fieri viderem:
SECTION 7.77.7sed in consilio capiendo omnem Galliam respiciamus, quam ad nostrum auxilium concitavimus.
SECTION 7.77.8Quid hominum milibus LXXX uno loco interfectis propinquis consanguineisque nostris animi fore existimatis, si paene in ipsis cadaveribus proelio decertare cogentur?
SECTION 7.77.9Nolite hos vestro auxilio exspoliare, qui vestrae salutis causa suum periculum neglexerunt, nec stultitia ac temeritate vestra aut animi imbecillitate omnem Galliam prosternere et perpetuae servituti subicere.
SECTION 7.77.10An, quod ad diem non venerunt, de eorum fide constantiaque dubitatis? Quid ergo? Romanos in illis ulterioribus munitionibus animine causa cotidie exerceri putatis?
SECTION 7.77.11Si illorum nuntiis confirmari non potestis omni aditu praesaepto, his utimini testibus appropinquare eorum adventum; cuius rei timore exterriti diem noctemque in opere versantur.
SECTION 7.77.12quid ergo mei consili est? Facere, quod nostri maiores nequaquam pari bello Cimbrorum Teutonumque fecerunt; qui in oppida compulsi ac simili inopia subacti eorum corporibus qui aetate ad bellum inutiles videbantur vitam toleraverunt neque se hostibus tradiderunt.
SECTION 7.77.13cuius rei si exemplum non haberemus, tamen libertatis causa institui et posteris prodi pulcherrimum iudicarem.
SECTION 7.77.14nam quid illi simile bello fuit? Depopulata Gallia Cimbri magnaque illata calamitate finibus quidem nostris aliquando excesserunt atque alias terras petierunt; iura, leges, agros, libertatem nobis reliquerunt.
SECTION 7.77.15Romani vero quid petunt aliud aut quid volunt, nisi invidia adducti, quos fama nobiles potentesque bello cognoverunt, horum in agris civitatibusque considere atque his aeternam iniungere servitutem? Neque enim ulla alia condicione bella gesserunt.
SECTION 7.77.16Quod si ea quae in longinquis nationibus geruntur ignoratis, respicite finitimam Galliam, quae in provinciam redacta iure et legibus commutatis securibus subiecta perpetua premitur servitute."
CHAPTER 7.78
SECTION 7.78.1Sententiis dictis constituunt ut ei qui valetudine aut aetate inutiles sunt bello oppido excedant, atque omnia prius experiantur, quam ad Critognati sententiam descendant:
SECTION 7.78.2illo tamen potius utendum consilio, si res cogat atque auxilia morentur, quam aut deditionis aut pacis subeundam condicionem.
SECTION 7.78.3Mandubii, qui eos oppido receperant, cum liberis atque uxoribus exire coguntur. Hi, cum ad munitiones Romanorum accessissent,
SECTION 7.78.4flentes omnibus precibus orabant, ut se in servitutem receptos cibo iuvarent.
SECTION 7.78.5At Caesar dispositis in vallo custodibus recipi prohibebat.
CHAPTER 7.79
SECTION 7.79.1Interea Commius reliquique duces quibus summa imperi permissa erat cum omnibus copiis ad Alesiam perveniunt et colle exteriore occupato non longius mille passibus ab nostris munitionibus considunt.
SECTION 7.79.2Postero die equitatu ex castris educto omnem eam planitiem, quam in longitudinem tria milia passuum patere demonstravimus, complent pedestresque copias paulum ab eo loco abditas in locis superioribus constituunt.
SECTION 7.79.3Erat ex oppido Alesia despectus in campum. Concurrunt his auxiliis visis; fit gratulatio inter eos, atque omnium animi ad laetitiam excitantur.
SECTION 7.79.4Itaque productis copiis ante oppidum considunt et proximam fossam cratibus integunt atque aggere explent seque ad eruptionem atque omnes casus comparant.
CHAPTER 7.80
SECTION 7.80.1Caesar omni exercitu ad utramque partem munitionum disposito, ut, si usus veniat, suum quisque locum teneat et noverit, equitatum ex castris educi et proelium committi iubet.
SECTION 7.80.2Erat ex omnibus castris, quae summum undique iugum tenebant, despectus, atque omnes milites intenti pugnae proventum exspectabant.
SECTION 7.80.3Galli inter equites raros sagittarios expeditosque levis armaturae interiecerant, qui suis cedentibus auxilio succurrerent et nostrorum equitum impetus sustinerent. Ab his complures de improviso vulnerati proelio excedebant.
SECTION 7.80.4Cum suos pugna superiores esse Galli confiderent et nostros multitudine premi viderent, ex omnibus partibus et ei qui munitionibus continebantur et hi qui ad auxilium convenerant clamore et ululatu suorum animos confirmabant.
SECTION 7.80.5Quod in conspectu omnium res gerebatur neque recte ac turpiter factum celari poterat, utrosque et laudis cupiditas et timor ignominiae ad virtutem excitabant.
SECTION 7.80.6Cum a meridie prope ad solis occasum dubia victoria pugnaretur, Germani una in parte confertis turmis in hostes impetum fecerunt eosque propulerunt;
SECTION 7.80.7quibus in fugam coniectis sagittarii circumventi interfectique sunt.
SECTION 7.80.8Item ex reliquis partibus nostri cedentes usque ad castra insecuti sui colligendi facultatem non dederunt.
SECTION 7.80.9At ei qui ab Alesia processerant maesti prope victoria desperata se in oppidum receperunt.
CHAPTER 7.81
SECTION 7.81.1Vno die intermisso Galli atque hoc spatio magno cratium, scalarum, harpagonum numero effecto media nocte silentio ex castris egressi ad campestres munitiones accedunt.
SECTION 7.81.2Subito clamore sublato, qua significatione qui in oppido obsidebantur de suo adventu cognoscere possent, crates proicere, fundis, sagittis, lapidibus nostros de vallo proturbare reliquaque quae ad oppugnationem pertinent parant administrare.
SECTION 7.81.3Eodem tempore clamore exaudito dat tuba signum suis Vercingetorix atque ex oppido educit.
SECTION 7.81.4Nostri, ut superioribus diebus, ut cuique erat locus attributus, ad munitiones accedunt; fundis librilibus sudibusque quas in opere disposuerant ac glandibus Gallos proterrent.
SECTION 7.81.5Prospectu tenebris adempto multa utrimque vulnera accipiuntur. Complura tormentis tela coniciuntur.
SECTION 7.81.6At Marcus Antonius et Gaius Trebonius legati, quibus hae partes ad defendendum obvenerant, qua ex parte nostros premi intellexerant, his auxilio ex ulterioribus castellis deductos summittebant.
CHAPTER 7.82
SECTION 7.82.1Dum longius ab munitione aberant Galli, plus multitudine telorum proficiebant; posteaquam propius successerunt, aut se stimulis inopinantes induebant aut in scrobes delati transfodiebantur aut ex vallo ac turribus traiecti pilis muralibus interibant.
SECTION 7.82.2Multis undique vulneribus acceptis nulla munitione perrupta, cum lux appeteret, veriti ne ab latere aperto ex superioribus castris eruptione circumvenirentur, se ad suos receperunt.
SECTION 7.82.3At interiores, dum ea quae a Vercingetorige ad eruptionem praeparata erant proferunt, priores fossas explent, diutius in his rebus administrandis morati prius suos discessisse cognoverunt, quam munitionibus appropinquarent. Ita re infecta in oppidum reverterunt.
CHAPTER 7.83
SECTION 7.83.1Bis magno cum detrimento repulsi Galli quid agant consulunt; locorum peritos adhibent: ex his superiorum castrorum situs munitionesque cognoscunt.
SECTION 7.83.2Erat a septentrionibus collis, quem propter magnitudinem circuitus opere circumplecti non potuerant nostri: necessario paene iniquo loco et leniter declivi castra fecerunt.
SECTION 7.83.3Haec Gaius Antistius Reginus et Gaius Caninius Rebilus legati cum duabus legionibus obtinebant.
SECTION 7.83.4Cognitis per exploratores regionibus duces hostium LX milia ex omni numero deligunt earum civitatum quae maximam virtutis opinionem habebant;
SECTION 7.83.5quid quoque pacto agi placeat occulte inter se constituunt; adeundi tempus definiunt, cum meridies esse videatur.
SECTION 7.83.6His copiis Vercassivellaunum Arvernum, unum ex quattuor ducibus, propinquum Vercingetorigis, praeficiunt.
SECTION 7.83.7Ille ex castris prima vigilia egressus prope confecto sub lucem itinere post montem se occultavit militesque ex nocturno labore sese reficere iussit.
SECTION 7.83.8Cum iam meridies appropinquare videretur, ad ea castra quae supra demonstravimus contendit; eodemque tempore equitatus ad campestres munitiones accedere et reliquae copiae pro castris sese ostendere coeperunt.
CHAPTER 7.84
SECTION 7.84.1Vercingetorix ex arce Alesiae suos conspicatus ex oppido egreditur; crates, longurios, musculos, falces reliquaque quae eruptionis causa paraverat profert.
SECTION 7.84.2Pugnatur uno tempore omnibus locis, atque omnia temptantur: quae minime visa pars firma est, huc concurritur.
SECTION 7.84.3Romanorum manus tantis munitionibus distinetur nec facile pluribus locis occurrit.
SECTION 7.84.4Multum ad terrendos nostros valet clamor, qui post tergum pugnantibus exstitit, quod suum periculum in aliena vident salute constare:
SECTION 7.84.5omnia enim plerumque quae absunt vehementius hominum mentes perturbant.
CHAPTER 7.85
SECTION 7.85.1Caesar idoneum locum nactus quid quaque ex parte geratur cognoscit; laborantibus summittit.
SECTION 7.85.2Vtrisque ad animum occurrit unum esse illud tempus, quo maxime contendi conveniat:
SECTION 7.85.3Galli, nisi perfregerint munitiones, de omni salute desperant; Romani, si rem obtinuerint, finem laborum omnium exspectant.
SECTION 7.85.4Maxime ad superiores munitiones laboratur, quo Vercassivellaunum missum demonstravimus. Iniquum loci ad declivitatem fastigium magnum habet momentum.
SECTION 7.85.5Alii tela coniciunt, alii testudine facta subeunt; defatigatis in vicem integri succedunt.
SECTION 7.85.6Agger ab universis in munitionem coniectus et ascensum dat Gallis et ea quae in terra occultaverant Romani contegit; nec iam arma nostris nec vires suppetunt.
CHAPTER 7.86
SECTION 7.86.1His rebus cognitis Caesar Labienum cum cohortibus sex subsidio laborantibus mittit:
SECTION 7.86.2imperat, si sustinere non posset, deductis cohortibus eruptione pugnaret; id nisi necessario ne faciat.
SECTION 7.86.3Ipse adit reliquos, cohortatur ne labori succumbant; omnium superiorum dimicationum fructum in eo die atque hora docet consistere.
SECTION 7.86.4Interiores desperatis campestribus locis propter magnitudinem munitionum loca praerupta ex ascensu temptant: huc ea quae paraverant conferunt.
SECTION 7.86.5Multitudine telorum ex turribus propugnantes deturbant, aggere et cratibus fossas explent, falcibus vallum ac loricam rescindunt.
CHAPTER 7.87
SECTION 7.87.1Mittit primo Brutum adulescentem cum cohortibus Caesar, post cum aliis Gaium Fabium legatum; postremo ipse, cum vehementius pugnaretur, integros subsidio adducit.
SECTION 7.87.2Restituto proelio ac repulsis hostibus eo quo Labienum miserat contendit; cohortes quattuor ex proximo castello deducit, equitum partem sequi, partem circumire exteriores munitiones et ab tergo hostes adoriri iubet.
SECTION 7.87.3Labienus, postquam neque aggeres neque fossae vim hostium sustinere poterant, coactis una XL cohortibus, quas ex proximis praesidiis deductas fors obtulit, Caesarem per nuntios facit certiorem quid faciendum existimet. Accelerat Caesar, ut proelio intersit.
CHAPTER 7.88
SECTION 7.88.1Eius adventu ex colore vestitus cognito, quo insigni in proeliis uti consuerat, turmisque equitum et cohortibus visis quas se sequi iusserat, ut de locis superioribus haec declivia et devexa cernebantur, hostes proelium committunt.
SECTION 7.88.2Vtrimque clamore sublato excipit rursus ex vallo atque omnibus munitionibus clamor. Nostri omissis pilis gladiis rem gerunt.
SECTION 7.88.3Repente post tergum equitatus cernitur; cohortes aliae appropinquant. Hostes terga vertunt; fugientibus equites occurrunt. Fit magna caedes. Sedulius, dux et princeps Lemovicum, occiditur;
SECTION 7.88.4Vercassivellaunus Arvernus vivus in fuga comprehenditur; signa militaria septuaginta quattuor ad Caesarem referuntur: pauci ex tanto numero se incolumes in castra recipiunt.
SECTION 7.88.5Conspicati ex oppido caedem et fugam suorum desperata salute copias a munitionibus reducunt.
SECTION 7.88.6Fit protinus hac re audita ex castris Gallorum fuga. Quod nisi crebris subsidiis ac totius diei labore milites essent defessi, omnes hostium copiae deleri potuissent.
SECTION 7.88.7De media nocte missus equitatus novissimum agmen consequitur: magnus numerus capitur atque interficitur; reliqui ex fuga in civitates discedunt.
CHAPTER 7.89
SECTION 7.89.1Postero die Vercingetorix concilio convocato id bellum se suscepisse non suarum necessitatium,
SECTION 7.89.2sed communis libertatis causa demonstrat, et quoniam sit fortunae cedendum, ad utramque rem se illis offerre, seu morte sua Romanis satisfacere seu vivum tradere velint. Mittuntur de his rebus ad Caesarem legati.
SECTION 7.89.3Iubet arma tradi, principes produci.
SECTION 7.89.4Ipse in munitione pro castris consedit: eo duces producuntur; Vercingetorix deditur, arma proiciuntur.
SECTION 7.89.5Reservatis Aeduis atque Arvernis, si per eos civitates reciperare posset, ex reliquis captivis toto exercitui capita singula praedae nomine distribuit.
CHAPTER 7.90
SECTION 7.90.1His rebus confectis in Aeduos proficiscitur; civitatem recipit.
SECTION 7.90.2Eo legati ab Arvernis missi quae imperaret se facturos pollicentur. Imperat magnum numerum obsidum.
SECTION 7.90.3Legiones in hiberna mittit. Captivorum circiter viginti milia Aeduis Arvernisque reddit.
SECTION 7.90.4Titum Labienum duabus cum legionibus et equitatu in Sequanos proficisci iubet: huic Marcum Sempronium Rutilum attribuit.
SECTION 7.90.5Gaium Fabium legatum et Lucium Minucium Basilum cum legionibus duabus in Remis collocat, ne quam ab finitimis Bellovacis calamitatem accipiant.
SECTION 7.90.6Gaium Antistium Reginum in Ambivaretos, Titum Sextium in Bituriges, Gaium Caninium Rebilum in Rutenos cum singulis legionibus mittit.
SECTION 7.90.7Quintum Tullium Ciceronem et Publium Sulpicium Cabilloni et Matiscone in Aeduis ad Ararim rei frumentariae causa collocat. Ipse Bibracte hiemare constituit. His litteris cognitis Romae dierum viginti supplicatio redditur.
English · Plain English translation · Mouseia
CHAPTER 7.1
SECTION 7.1.1With Gaul quiet, Caesar set out for Italy, as he had decided, to hold the provincial assizes. There he learned of the murder of Clodius, and, after being informed of the Senate’s decree that all the younger men of Italy were to take the military oath, he decided to hold a levy throughout the province.
SECTION 7.1.2News of these events quickly reached Transalpine Gaul. The Gauls themselves added to the reports and invented what the situation seemed to require: that the civil disorder was keeping Caesar in Rome and that, amid such great political divisions, he could not come to his army.
SECTION 7.1.3Spurred on by this opportunity, those who had long resented being subjected to the rule of the Roman people began to make plans for war more openly and boldly.
SECTION 7.1.4The leading men of Gaul arranged councils among themselves in wooded and remote places and complained about Acco’s death.
SECTION 7.1.5They pointed out that the same fate could befall them. They lamented the common misfortune of Gaul and, with every kind of promise and reward, called for men who would begin the war and, at the risk of their own lives, reclaim freedom for Gaul.
SECTION 7.1.6They said that above all, before their secret plans became known, they had to consider how Caesar could be cut off from his army. This would be easy,
SECTION 7.1.7because the legions would not dare leave their winter quarters in the commander’s absence, while the commander could not reach the legions without an escort.
SECTION 7.1.8Finally, it was better to be killed in battle than to fail to recover their former military glory and the freedom they had inherited from their ancestors.
CHAPTER 7.2
SECTION 7.2.1After these matters had been discussed, the Carnutes declared that they would refuse no danger for the sake of the common safety and promised to be the first of all to make war.
SECTION 7.2.2Because they could not at present guarantee one another’s secrecy by exchanging hostages, they asked that the commitment be ratified by oath and solemn pledge, so that once the war had begun they would not be abandoned by the others. The military standards were brought together, an act that in their custom constitutes their most solemn religious ceremony.
SECTION 7.2.3The Carnutes were then warmly praised, everyone present took the oath, a date was fixed for the undertaking, and the council adjourned.
CHAPTER 7.3
SECTION 7.3.1When that day came, the Carnutes, led by Cotuatus and Conconnetodumnus, two desperate men, rushed together at Cenabum at the given signal. They killed the Roman citizens who had settled there to conduct business, including Gaius Fufius Cita, a respected Roman knight who, on Caesar’s orders, was in charge of the grain supply, and plundered their property.
SECTION 7.3.2News was quickly carried to every state in Gaul. Whenever a particularly important and notable event occurs, they announce it by shouting across the fields and regions. Others take up the shout in succession and pass it on to their neighbors, as happened then.
SECTION 7.3.3What had been done at Cenabum at sunrise was heard in the territory of the Arverni before the end of the first watch that night, a distance of about 160 miles.
CHAPTER 7.4
SECTION 7.4.1In the same way, Vercingetorix, an Arvernian and the son of Celtillus, a young man of the greatest influence, whose father had held supremacy over all Gaul but had been killed by his own state because he was seeking kingship, summoned his dependents and easily inflamed them.
SECTION 7.4.2When his plan became known, people rushed to arms against him. He was opposed by his uncle Gobannitio and the other leading men, who did not think such a hazardous undertaking should be attempted, and he was expelled from the town of Gergovia.
SECTION 7.4.3Nevertheless, he did not give up. In the countryside he held a levy of the poor and the desperate. After gathering this band, he persuaded every member of the state whom he approached to adopt his position.
SECTION 7.4.4He urged them to take up arms for the sake of their common freedom. After assembling large forces, he expelled from the state the opponents who had driven him out shortly before.
SECTION 7.4.5His followers proclaimed him king. He sent embassies in every direction and implored the states to remain loyal.
SECTION 7.4.6He quickly brought the Senones, Parisii, Pictones, Cadurci, Turoni, Aulerci, Lemovices, Andes, and all the other peoples bordering the Ocean into alliance with him. By unanimous consent, supreme command was conferred upon him.
SECTION 7.4.7Once this authority had been given to him, he demanded hostages from all these states and ordered a fixed number of soldiers to be brought to him quickly.
SECTION 7.4.8He determined how many weapons each state was to manufacture at home and by what date. Above all, he devoted his attention to the cavalry.
SECTION 7.4.9He combined the greatest strictness in command with the greatest diligence and compelled the hesitant by the severity of his punishments.
SECTION 7.4.10For a more serious offense, he killed the offender by fire and every kind of torture. For a less serious charge, he sent a man home after cutting off his ears or gouging out one of his eyes, so that these men would serve as examples to the rest and terrify others by the severity of their punishment.
CHAPTER 7.5
SECTION 7.5.1After quickly assembling an army by these punishments, he sent Lucterius the Cadurcan, a man of the greatest boldness, with part of his forces into the territory of the Ruteni. He himself set out for the Bituriges. On his arrival, the Bituriges sent ambassadors to the Aedui,
SECTION 7.5.2under whose protection they were, to ask for reinforcements that would enable them to resist the enemy forces more easily.
SECTION 7.5.3On the advice of the officers Caesar had left with the army, the Aedui sent forces of cavalry and infantry to reinforce the Bituriges.
SECTION 7.5.4When these forces reached the Loire River, which separates the Bituriges from the Aedui, they remained there for a few days and, not daring to cross the river,
SECTION 7.5.5returned home. They reported to our officers that they had turned back because they feared treachery by the Bituriges. They had learned that the Bituriges’ plan was, if they crossed the river, to surround them on one side while the Arverni did so on the other.
SECTION 7.5.6Whether they acted for the reason they gave our officers or were themselves motivated by treachery cannot, since we have no definite information, be stated as certain.
SECTION 7.5.7Immediately after their departure, the Bituriges joined the Arverni.
CHAPTER 7.6
SECTION 7.6.1When news of these events reached Caesar in Italy, he had already learned that conditions at Rome had been brought into a more favorable state by the energetic action of Gnaeus Pompey, and he set out for Transalpine Gaul.
SECTION 7.6.2When he arrived there, he faced great difficulty in determining how he could reach his army.
SECTION 7.6.3For if he summoned the legions into the province, he understood that in his absence they would have to fight a battle on the march.
SECTION 7.6.4But if he himself hurried to the army, he saw that at that time he could not safely entrust his life even to those who appeared to be peaceful.
CHAPTER 7.7
SECTION 7.7.1Meanwhile, Lucterius the Cadurcan, who had been sent into the territory of the Ruteni, won that state over to the Arverni.
SECTION 7.7.2Advancing into the territories of the Nitiobriges and Gabali, he received hostages from both and, after assembling a large force, attempted to break into the province in the direction of Narbo.
SECTION 7.7.3When this was reported, Caesar concluded that every other plan had to be set aside so that he could go to Narbo.
SECTION 7.7.4When he arrived there, he reassured those who were afraid and stationed garrisons among the Ruteni of the province, the Volcae Arecomici, the Tolosates, and around Narbo, all places bordering on the enemy.
SECTION 7.7.5He ordered part of the forces from the province, along with the reinforcements he had brought from Italy, to assemble in the territory of the Helvii, whose borders adjoin those of the Arverni.
CHAPTER 7.8
SECTION 7.8.1After making these arrangements, with Lucterius now driven back and forced away because he considered it dangerous to enter the area inside the garrisons, Caesar set out for the territory of the Helvii.
SECTION 7.8.2Although the Cevennes Mountains, which separate the Arverni from the Helvii, blocked the route at that harshest season of the year with very deep snow, Caesar nevertheless had the snow cleared to a depth of six feet, and after the roads had thus been opened, reached the territory of the Arverni through the soldiers’ tremendous exertions.
SECTION 7.8.3He caught them completely by surprise, because they believed that the Cevennes protected them like a wall, and at that season of the year the paths had never been open even to a solitary traveler. He ordered the cavalry to range as widely as possible and strike the greatest possible terror into the enemy.
SECTION 7.8.4News of these events was quickly carried to Vercingetorix by report and by messengers. All the Arverni, terrified, crowded around him and begged him to protect their property and not allow the enemy to plunder them, especially since he could see that the entire war had been transferred to their country.
SECTION 7.8.5Moved by their pleas, he moved his camp out of the territory of the Bituriges and headed toward that of the Arverni.
CHAPTER 7.9
SECTION 7.9.1Caesar, however, remained in that region for two days because he had anticipated that this would happen with Vercingetorix. Then, on the pretext of gathering reinforcements and cavalry, he left the army and placed the young Brutus in command of these forces.
SECTION 7.9.2He instructed him to have the cavalry range as widely as possible in every direction, and said that he would make every effort not to be away from camp for more than three days.
SECTION 7.9.3After making these arrangements, Caesar reached Vienne by the longest forced marches he could manage, taking his own men completely by surprise.
SECTION 7.9.4There he obtained fresh cavalry, which he had sent there many days before, and without interrupting his march by day or night, hurried through the territory of the Aedui to that of the Lingones, where two legions were wintering, so that if the Aedui were forming any plan against his personal safety, he could forestall it by his speed.
SECTION 7.9.5When he arrived there, he sent orders to the other legions and assembled them all in one place before news of his arrival could reach the Arverni.
SECTION 7.9.6When Vercingetorix learned of this, he led his army back into the territory of the Bituriges. Setting out from there, he began an attack on Gorgobina, a town of the Boii, whom Caesar had settled there after defeating them in the Helvetian campaign and had placed under the authority of the Aedui.
CHAPTER 7.10
SECTION 7.10.1This situation presented Caesar with a serious difficulty in deciding what to do. If he kept his legions in one place for the remainder of the winter, he feared that all Gaul would revolt if the dependents of the Aedui were conquered, since it would appear that he offered his friends no protection at all. But if he led the legions out of winter quarters too early, he feared that difficult transport conditions would create problems with the grain supply.
SECTION 7.10.2Nevertheless, it seemed better to endure every hardship than, by accepting so great an insult, to alienate the goodwill of all his allies.
SECTION 7.10.3He therefore urged the Aedui to bring in provisions and sent men ahead to the Boii to inform them of his approach and encourage them to remain loyal and withstand the enemy’s attack with courage.
SECTION 7.10.4Leaving two legions and the baggage of the entire army at Agedincum, he set out for the territory of the Boii.
CHAPTER 7.11
SECTION 7.11.1On the following day he reached Vellaunodunum, a town of the Senones. To avoid leaving an enemy behind him and to ensure a more secure supply of grain, he began to attack it and completed a circumvallation around it in two days.
SECTION 7.11.2On the third day, when envoys came from the town to discuss surrender, he ordered them to collect their weapons, bring out their draft animals, and provide six hundred hostages.
SECTION 7.11.3He left his lieutenant Gaius Trebonius behind to carry out these arrangements. Caesar himself, wishing to advance as quickly as possible, set out for Cenabum, a town of the Carnutes.
SECTION 7.11.4The Carnutes had only then received news of the attack on Vellaunodunum. Believing that the operation would take a considerable time, they were preparing a garrison to send to Cenabum for its defense. Caesar reached the town in two days.
SECTION 7.11.5He established camp before the town, but because little daylight remained, postponed the attack until the next day and ordered the soldiers to prepare everything needed for it.
SECTION 7.11.6Because a bridge over the Loire connected directly with the town of Cenabum, he feared that the inhabitants might escape from the town during the night and ordered two legions to remain awake under arms.
SECTION 7.11.7Shortly before midnight the people of Cenabum silently left the town and began to cross the river. When scouts reported this, Caesar brought forward the legions
SECTION 7.11.8that he had ordered to stand ready without their baggage, burned the gates, sent the troops in, and took possession of the town. Very few of the enemy escaped capture, because the narrowness of the bridge and roads had blocked the multitude’s flight.
SECTION 7.11.9He plundered and burned the town, gave the spoils to the soldiers, led the army across the Loire, and entered the territory of the Bituriges.
CHAPTER 7.12
SECTION 7.12.1When Vercingetorix learned of Caesar’s arrival, he abandoned the siege and set out to meet Caesar.
SECTION 7.12.2Caesar had begun an attack on Noviodunum, a town of the Bituriges situated along his route.
SECTION 7.12.3When envoys came from the town to beg him to pardon them and spare their lives, Caesar, in order to complete the rest of his operations with the speed by which he had accomplished most of his successes, ordered them to collect their weapons, bring out their horses, and provide hostages.
SECTION 7.12.4Some of the hostages had already been handed over, and the remaining terms were being carried out. Centurions and a few soldiers had been admitted into the town to collect the weapons and draft animals when enemy cavalry was seen in the distance, advancing ahead of Vercingetorix’s column.
SECTION 7.12.5As soon as the townspeople saw them and conceived the hope of rescue, they raised a shout and began to take up arms, close the gates, and man the wall. The centurions inside the town,
SECTION 7.12.6realizing from the Gauls’ behavior that they were forming some new plan, drew their swords, seized the gates, and brought all their men safely back.
CHAPTER 7.13
SECTION 7.13.1Caesar ordered the cavalry to be led out of camp and engaged in a cavalry battle. When his men were already under pressure, he sent about four hundred German horsemen to support them, whom from the beginning he had made a practice of keeping with him.
SECTION 7.13.2The Gauls could not withstand their charge. They were put to flight and, after losing many men, withdrew to the main column. After their defeat, the townspeople were terrified again. They seized the men whom they believed responsible for inciting the common people, brought them to Caesar, and surrendered to him.
SECTION 7.13.3After completing these operations, Caesar set out for Avaricum, the largest and best-fortified town in the territory of the Bituriges, situated in an extremely fertile region. He was confident that by taking this town he would bring the state of the Bituriges under his control.
CHAPTER 7.14
SECTION 7.14.1After suffering so many successive reverses at Vellaunodunum, Cenabum, and Noviodunum, Vercingetorix summoned his men to a council.
SECTION 7.14.2He explained that the war must be conducted according to a very different plan from the one previously followed. Every effort must be directed toward preventing the Romans from obtaining fodder and provisions.
SECTION 7.14.3This would be easy, because the Gauls had plenty of cavalry and were aided by the season of the year.
SECTION 7.14.4Grass could not be cut, so the enemy would necessarily have to scatter and seek fodder from farm buildings. The cavalry could pick off all such men every day.
SECTION 7.14.5Moreover, for the sake of their common safety, they must disregard the advantages of private property. Villages and farm buildings must be burned in every direction from the road, as far as the Romans appeared capable of reaching in search of fodder. The Gauls themselves would have an ample supply of these necessities,
SECTION 7.14.6because they would be supported by the resources of whatever people’s territory the war was being fought in.
SECTION 7.14.7The Romans would either be unable to endure the shortage or would venture farther from camp at great risk.
SECTION 7.14.8It made no difference whether they killed the Romans themselves or stripped them of their baggage, since without it they could not carry on the war.
SECTION 7.14.9In addition, they must burn every town that was not protected from all danger by fortifications and natural position, so that these towns would neither provide their own men with refuges for evading military service nor offer the Romans a ready opportunity to obtain abundant provisions and plunder.
SECTION 7.14.10If these measures seemed harsh or cruel, they should consider it much harsher for their children and wives to be dragged away into slavery and for themselves to be killed, which must necessarily happen to the defeated.
CHAPTER 7.15
SECTION 7.15.1This proposal was unanimously approved, and in a single day more than twenty towns of the Bituriges were burned.
SECTION 7.15.2The same was done in the territories of the other states. Fires could be seen in every direction. Although everyone endured this with great pain, they nevertheless consoled themselves with the thought that victory was almost certain and that they would quickly recover what they had lost.
SECTION 7.15.3At a general council they debated whether Avaricum should be burned or defended.
SECTION 7.15.4The Bituriges threw themselves at the feet of all the Gauls, begging not to be forced to set fire with their own hands to nearly the most beautiful city in all Gaul, which was both a protection and an ornament to their state.
SECTION 7.15.5They said that they could easily defend it because of its natural position: surrounded on nearly every side by a river and a marsh, it had only one approach, and that a very narrow one.
SECTION 7.15.6Their request was granted. Vercingetorix at first opposed it but later yielded both to their entreaties and to the compassion of the common people. Suitable defenders were selected for the town.
CHAPTER 7.16
SECTION 7.16.1Vercingetorix followed Caesar by shorter marches and selected a site for his camp protected by marshes and woods, sixteen miles from Avaricum.
SECTION 7.16.2There, through reliable scouts, he learned at every period of the day what was happening at Avaricum and issued orders for what he wanted done.
SECTION 7.16.3He watched all our foraging and grain-gathering expeditions and attacked our men when they were scattered and had necessarily advanced too far, inflicting heavy losses on them. Nevertheless, our men countered this tactic as far as foresight could provide by going out at irregular times and by different routes.
CHAPTER 7.17
SECTION 7.17.1Caesar established camp on the side of the town that, being unprotected by the river and marshes, had the narrow approach mentioned above. He began to prepare a siege ramp, move covered galleries forward, and erect two towers, since the nature of the terrain prevented him from surrounding the town with a circumvallation.
SECTION 7.17.2He constantly urged the Boii and Aedui to supply grain. The Aedui, because they acted without any enthusiasm, provided little assistance. The Boii, because their state was small and weak and they did not possess great resources, quickly used up what they had.
SECTION 7.17.3The army suffered extreme difficulty in obtaining grain because of the poverty of the Boii, the negligence of the Aedui, and the burning of the farm buildings. For several days the soldiers had no grain and held off the worst of their hunger with livestock driven in from more distant villages. Nevertheless, not a word was heard from them unworthy of the majesty of the Roman people or of their previous victories.
SECTION 7.17.4Indeed, when Caesar addressed the legions one by one while they were at work and said that he would abandon the siege if they found the shortage too painful to endure, they unanimously begged him not to do so.
SECTION 7.17.5They said that they had served under his command for many years without suffering any disgrace or ever withdrawing from any place with their task unfinished.
SECTION 7.17.6They would regard it as a disgrace if they abandoned a siege they had begun.
SECTION 7.17.7It was better to endure every hardship than to fail to avenge the Roman citizens who had perished at Cenabum through the treachery of the Gauls.
SECTION 7.17.8They gave the same message to the centurions and military tribunes to deliver to Caesar.
CHAPTER 7.18
SECTION 7.18.1When the towers had already approached the wall, Caesar learned from prisoners that Vercingetorix, having exhausted the supply of fodder, had moved his camp closer to Avaricum. He himself had set out with the cavalry and the light-armed troops who were accustomed to fight among the horsemen, intending to lay an ambush at the place where he believed our men would come to forage the next day.
SECTION 7.18.2After learning this, Caesar set out silently at midnight and reached the enemy camp in the morning.
SECTION 7.18.3The Gauls quickly learned of Caesar’s approach through their scouts, concealed their wagons and baggage in the thicker woods, and drew up all their forces on high, open ground.
SECTION 7.18.4When this was reported, Caesar quickly ordered the packs to be piled together and the troops to ready their weapons.
CHAPTER 7.19
SECTION 7.19.1A hill rose with a gentle slope from its base. On nearly every side it was surrounded by a difficult and obstructive marsh no more than fifty feet wide.
SECTION 7.19.2Relying on the strength of this position, the Gauls held the hill after destroying the crossings. Divided by tribes, they occupied every ford and passage through the marsh,
SECTION 7.19.3prepared so that if the Romans tried to force their way through the marsh, they could press them from higher ground while they were struggling in it. Anyone who saw only how close the two sides were would have thought the Gauls prepared to fight on almost equal terms, but anyone who understood the disadvantage of the conditions would have recognized that they were merely putting on an empty display.
SECTION 7.19.4The soldiers were indignant that the enemy could endure the sight of them with so little space between the two armies, and demanded the signal for battle. Caesar explained how great a price in losses and in the deaths of brave men would necessarily have to be paid for victory. Since he saw them so determined
SECTION 7.19.5that they would refuse no danger for the sake of his glory, he said that he ought to be condemned for the greatest injustice unless he valued their lives more highly than his own safety.
SECTION 7.19.6After reassuring the soldiers in this way, he led them back to camp that same day and proceeded to arrange the other matters connected with the siege of the town.
CHAPTER 7.20
SECTION 7.20.1When Vercingetorix returned to his men, he was accused of treason: he had moved his camp closer to the Romans, had departed with all the cavalry, had left such a large force behind without a commander, and, after his departure, the Romans had arrived with such remarkable timeliness and speed.
SECTION 7.20.2They claimed that all these things could not have happened by chance or without a plan, and that he preferred to possess the kingship of Gaul by Caesar’s permission rather than through their favor.
SECTION 7.20.3Accused in this manner, he replied to these charges as follows: He had moved the camp because of the shortage of fodder, and they themselves had urged him to do so. He had approached closer to the Romans because he had been persuaded by the advantage of a position that protected itself by its natural defenses.
SECTION 7.20.4The cavalry’s services had not been needed in marshy terrain, but had been useful in the place to which they had gone.
SECTION 7.20.5When he departed, he had deliberately entrusted supreme command to no one, to prevent any commander from being driven by the crowd’s eagerness into giving battle. He saw that everyone wanted battle because of their weakness of spirit, since they could not endure hardship any longer.
SECTION 7.20.6If the Romans had appeared by chance, they should thank fortune; if they had been summoned by information from someone, they should thank that man, since from their higher position they had been able to recognize the Romans’ small numbers and hold in contempt the courage of men who had not dared to fight and had shamefully withdrawn into camp.
SECTION 7.20.7He desired no command from Caesar gained through treachery, since he could obtain it by victory, which was already assured for him and for all the Gauls. Indeed, he would return his command to them if they thought they were granting him an honor rather than receiving their safety from him.
SECTION 7.20.8“To understand,” he said, “that I am speaking these words sincerely, listen to Roman soldiers.” He brought forward slaves
SECTION 7.20.9whom he had captured while they were foraging a few days before and had tortured with hunger and chains. They had already been instructed what to say when questioned.
SECTION 7.20.10They said that they were legionary soldiers and that hunger and deprivation had driven them to leave camp secretly in the hope of finding some grain or livestock in the countryside:
SECTION 7.20.11that the entire army was suffering from the same scarcity, that no one’s strength was now sufficient and no one could endure the strain of the work; the commander had therefore resolved to withdraw the army within three days if they made no progress in attacking the town. “These,” said Vercingetorix, “are the benefits you have received from me,
SECTION 7.20.12the man you accuse of treason. Through my efforts you see this great victorious army wasting away from hunger without the shedding of your blood; and I have taken care that, when it retreats in disgrace, no state will receive it within its territory.”
CHAPTER 7.21
SECTION 7.21.1The whole assembly shouted its approval and, in its customary manner, clashed its weapons, as they are accustomed to do when they approve a speaker’s words. They declared that Vercingetorix was a supreme commander, that his loyalty must not be questioned, and that the war could not be conducted with greater judgment.
SECTION 7.21.2They resolved that ten thousand men selected from all their forces should be sent into the town,
SECTION 7.21.3and they did not think the common safety should be entrusted to the Bituriges alone, because they understood that if they held that town, almost the whole outcome of victory depended on it.
CHAPTER 7.22
SECTION 7.22.1The Gauls countered the exceptional courage of our soldiers with every kind of device, for they are an extremely ingenious people, highly skilled at copying and carrying out anything shown to them by others.
SECTION 7.22.2They deflected our wall hooks with nooses, and once they had caught them, they pulled them inside with machines. They also undermined the ramp with tunnels, a technique they knew particularly well because they have large iron mines and are familiar and experienced with every kind of tunneling.
SECTION 7.22.3Moreover, they had built wooden stories and towers along the entire wall on every side and covered them with hides.
SECTION 7.22.4Then, by frequent sorties both day and night, they either set fire to the ramp or attacked the soldiers while they were occupied with the work. As our ramp rose each day and increased the height of our towers,
SECTION 7.22.5they matched that height by joining additional timbers to their own towers. They blocked our open tunnels with timbers charred and sharpened at the ends, boiling pitch, and stones of enormous weight, and so prevented them from approaching the walls.
CHAPTER 7.23
SECTION 7.23.1Gallic walls are generally constructed in the following way. Continuous horizontal beams are laid on the ground lengthwise in straight lines, at equal intervals of two feet from one another.
SECTION 7.23.2These are fastened together on the inner side and covered with a large quantity of earth, while the spaces between them that I have mentioned are packed at the front with large stones.
SECTION 7.23.3After these have been placed and fitted together, another course is added on top, with the same interval maintained. The beams do not touch one another but are separated by equal spaces, and each is firmly held in place by a single stone set between them.
SECTION 7.23.4The whole structure is woven together in this way, course after course, until the wall reaches its proper height.
SECTION 7.23.5This type of construction is not unattractive in appearance and variety, with alternating beams and stones maintaining their courses in straight lines. At the same time, it is extremely well suited to the practical defense of towns, because the stone protects against fire and the timber against the battering ram. The timber is usually fastened together by continuous beams extending forty feet inward and can neither be broken through nor pulled apart.
CHAPTER 7.24
SECTION 7.24.1Although the assault was hindered by all these obstacles, and although the soldiers were delayed throughout the entire period by cold and constant rain, they nevertheless overcame them all by continuous labor and in twenty-five days constructed a ramp 330 feet wide and 80 feet high.
SECTION 7.24.2When it had almost reached the enemy’s wall, Caesar, as was his custom, was keeping watch over the work and urging the soldiers not to interrupt it for even a moment. Shortly before the third watch, it was noticed that the ramp was smoking, for the enemy had set it on fire from a tunnel,
SECTION 7.24.3and at the same time a shout went up all along the wall, while sorties were made from two gates, one on either side of the towers.
SECTION 7.24.4Others threw torches and dry material from the wall onto the ramp at a distance and poured down pitch and everything else that could feed the fire, so that it was hardly possible to determine where to run first or what emergency to deal with.
SECTION 7.24.5Nevertheless, because Caesar’s standing practice was always to have two legions on guard in front of the camp, while several others worked in shifts, some men quickly resisted the sorties, others pulled back the towers and cut gaps through the ramp, while the entire mass of troops rushed out of the camp to extinguish the fire.
CHAPTER 7.25
SECTION 7.25.1The fighting continued everywhere through what remained of the night, and the enemy’s hope of victory was continually renewed. This was all the more so because they saw that the protective screens of our towers had been burned away and realized that our men could not easily approach over exposed ground to bring assistance; they themselves constantly replaced their exhausted men with fresh ones, and believed that the safety of all Gaul depended on this critical moment. While we were watching, something happened that seemed so memorable that I did not think it should be passed over.
SECTION 7.25.2In front of the town gate, a certain Gaul was taking lumps of tallow and pitch passed to him from hand to hand and throwing them into the fire opposite one of our towers. A bolt from a scorpion pierced him through the right side, and he fell dead.
SECTION 7.25.3One of the men nearest him stepped over his body and took up the same task.
SECTION 7.25.4When he too was killed in the same way by a bolt from a scorpion, a third man took the second man’s place, and a fourth took the third’s. The defenders did not leave that position unoccupied until the fire on the ramp had been extinguished, the enemy had been driven back on every side, and the fighting had ended.
CHAPTER 7.26
SECTION 7.26.1After trying everything without success, the Gauls decided the next day to flee from the town, as Vercingetorix urged and ordered them to do.
SECTION 7.26.2They hoped to accomplish this in the silence of the night without suffering heavy losses, because Vercingetorix’s camp was not far from the town and the unbroken marsh lying between them would slow the Romans’ pursuit.
SECTION 7.26.3They were already preparing to do this at night when the married women suddenly ran out into the public places, weeping and throwing themselves at the feet of their men. With every plea, they begged them not to surrender them and their children, shared by them both, to the enemy for execution, since the weakness of their nature and strength prevented them from escaping.
SECTION 7.26.4When they saw that the men remained fixed in their decision—for fear usually leaves no room for pity in the face of extreme danger—they began to shout and signal to the Romans that an escape was being attempted.
SECTION 7.26.5Terrified by this, and afraid that the Roman cavalry would seize the roads ahead of them, the Gauls abandoned their plan.
CHAPTER 7.27
SECTION 7.27.1The next day, after the tower had been moved forward and the works he had planned were completed, a heavy rainstorm arose. Caesar judged that this weather was not unfavorable for an attempt to capture the town, because he saw that the guards had been posted somewhat less carefully on the wall. He ordered his own men to go about their work more slowly and explained what he wanted done.
SECTION 7.27.2He kept the legions ready for action and concealed within the covered approaches, urged them at last to reap the reward of victory for all their great labors, offered prizes to those who first climbed the wall, and gave the signal to the soldiers.
SECTION 7.27.3They suddenly rushed out from every direction and quickly filled the wall.
CHAPTER 7.28
SECTION 7.28.1The enemy, terrified by this unexpected development and driven from the wall and towers, formed into wedge-shaped groups in the forum and the more open spaces, intending to fight in battle formation if attacked from any direction on level ground.
SECTION 7.28.2When they saw that no one was coming down to meet them on level ground, but that the Romans were spreading around the entire wall on every side, they feared that every hope of escape would be cut off. Throwing away their weapons, they rushed without stopping toward the farthest parts of the town.
SECTION 7.28.3Some were killed there by the soldiers as they crushed one another in the narrow exits of the gates, while others who had already passed through the gates were killed by the cavalry.
SECTION 7.28.4No one showed any interest in plunder. So enraged were they by the massacre at Cenabum and by the strain of the siege works that they spared neither the elderly, nor women, nor infants.
SECTION 7.28.5In the end, out of a total population of about forty thousand, scarcely eight hundred—those who had rushed out of the town when they first heard the shouting—reached Vercingetorix safely.
SECTION 7.28.6He received the fugitives in silence late at night. Fearing that their arrival together and the common people’s pity for them might provoke a disturbance in the camp, he had his own followers and the leading men of the states stationed far down the road to separate them and escort each group to the section of camp that had originally been assigned to its respective state.
CHAPTER 7.29
SECTION 7.29.1The next day he called an assembly, consoled and encouraged them, and urged them not to lose heart or become dismayed by this setback.
SECTION 7.29.2The Romans, he said, had won neither through courage nor in open battle, but by a certain technical skill and knowledge of siege warfare, in which the Gauls themselves had been inexperienced.
SECTION 7.29.3Anyone who expected every outcome in war to be favorable was mistaken.
SECTION 7.29.4It had never been his own wish to defend Avaricum, as they themselves could testify. But because of the Bituriges’ lack of judgment and the excessive compliance of the others, they had suffered this setback.
SECTION 7.29.5Nevertheless, he would quickly make good the loss with greater advantages.
SECTION 7.29.6Through his own efforts, he would bring over those states that still disagreed with the rest of the Gauls, and he would create a single common policy for all Gaul, whose united will not even the whole world could resist. He had already nearly accomplished this.
SECTION 7.29.7Meanwhile, it was reasonable to ask them, for the sake of their common safety, to begin fortifying their camp so that they could more easily withstand sudden attacks by the enemy.
CHAPTER 7.30
SECTION 7.30.1This speech was not unwelcome to the Gauls, especially because Vercingetorix himself had not lost heart after suffering so great a setback, nor had he hidden himself away and avoided appearing before the assembly.
SECTION 7.30.2They believed he possessed greater foresight and anticipation than others because, while the situation was still intact, he had first advised burning Avaricum and later abandoning it.
SECTION 7.30.3Thus, while adversity diminishes the authority of other commanders, his prestige, on the contrary, increased day by day after the setback.
SECTION 7.30.4At the same time, his assurance that the remaining states would join them gave them hope. Then, for the first time, the Gauls began fortifying their camp, and these men, unaccustomed to labor, were so encouraged that they believed they must endure everything ordered of them.
CHAPTER 7.31
SECTION 7.31.1Vercingetorix worked no less earnestly than he had promised to bring the remaining states into the alliance, and he tried to win them over with gifts and promises. For this task he selected suitable men,
SECTION 7.31.2each of whom could most easily win them over either by deceptive argument or through personal friendship. As for those who had escaped after the capture of Avaricum,
SECTION 7.31.3he saw that they were armed and clothed.
SECTION 7.31.4At the same time, to restore his reduced forces, he ordered each state to furnish a fixed number of soldiers, specifying how many he wanted and the deadline by which they were to be brought to camp. He also ordered that all the archers, of whom there were a very large number in Gaul, be sought out and sent to him. By these measures, the forces lost at Avaricum were quickly replaced.
SECTION 7.31.5Meanwhile Teutomatus, son of Ollovico and king of the Nitiobriges, whose father had been formally recognized as a friend by our Senate, reached Vercingetorix with a large force of his own cavalry and troops he had hired in Aquitania.
CHAPTER 7.32
SECTION 7.32.1Caesar remained at Avaricum for several days and, having found an abundant supply of grain and other provisions there, allowed the army to recover from its exertions and deprivation.
SECTION 7.32.2Winter was now nearly over, and the season itself was calling him to resume the war. He had decided to march against the enemy, whether he could draw him out of the marshes and forests or press him by siege, when a delegation of leading Aedui came to beg him to assist their state at a most critical moment.
SECTION 7.32.3They said that their government was in extreme danger because, although from ancient times it had been customary to elect a single magistrate who held royal power for one year, two men were now exercising the office, and each claimed to have been elected in accordance with the laws.
SECTION 7.32.4One was Convictolitavis, a prosperous and distinguished young man; the other was Cotus, born into a very ancient family and himself a man of supreme influence and extensive family connections. His brother Valetiacus had held the same office the previous year.
SECTION 7.32.5The entire state was in arms. The senate was divided, the people were divided, and each man had his own dependents. If the dispute were allowed to continue, one part of the state would fight the other. Preventing that outcome depended on Caesar’s diligence and authority.
CHAPTER 7.33
SECTION 7.33.1Although Caesar believed it would be harmful to leave the war and the enemy, he also knew how serious the consequences that commonly arose from internal dissension could be. He was determined to prevent so great a state, so closely allied with the Roman people—a state he himself had always supported and honored in every way—from resorting to violence and arms, and to prevent the faction with less confidence in its own strength from calling on Vercingetorix for assistance.
SECTION 7.33.2He therefore decided that this matter must take priority. Because Aeduan law did not permit those who held the highest office to leave Aeduan territory, Caesar did not want to appear to diminish any of their rights or laws. He therefore decided to go into Aeduan territory himself and summoned the entire senate, together with the two disputants, to meet him at Decetia.
SECTION 7.33.3When nearly the entire state had assembled there, he was informed that Cotus had been proclaimed elected by his own brother after only a few men had been summoned secretly, at a different place and time from those prescribed. Since the laws not only prohibited two members of the same family, while both were alive, from being elected magistrates, but even forbade both from sitting in the senate, Caesar compelled Cotus to relinquish his authority and ordered Convictolitavis,
SECTION 7.33.4who had been elected by the priests in accordance with the custom of the state during an interval in the magistracy, to retain the office.
CHAPTER 7.34
SECTION 7.34.1After issuing this decision, Caesar urged the Aedui to forget their disputes and dissension, set all such matters aside, and devote themselves to this war. Once Gaul was conquered, they could expect from him the rewards they had earned. He told them to send him all their cavalry and ten thousand infantry as quickly as possible, so that he could distribute them among garrisons to safeguard the grain supply. He then divided the army into two parts.
SECTION 7.34.2He gave Labienus four legions to lead into the territories of the Senones and Parisii, while he himself led six into the territory of the Arverni toward the town of Gergovia, following the Elaver River. He assigned part of the cavalry to Labienus and kept the rest with himself.
SECTION 7.34.3When Vercingetorix learned of this, he destroyed all the bridges over the river and began marching along the opposite bank.
CHAPTER 7.35
SECTION 7.35.1As the two armies advanced on opposite sides, they generally pitched their camps within sight of and almost directly across from each other. Vercingetorix stationed scouts to make sure the Romans did not build a bridge somewhere and take their forces across. Caesar faced a very serious difficulty: he might be kept from crossing the river for the greater part of the summer, since the Elaver can generally not be forded before autumn.
SECTION 7.35.2To prevent this, he pitched camp in a wooded location opposite one of the bridges Vercingetorix had ordered destroyed. The next day he secretly remained behind with two legions.
SECTION 7.35.3As usual, he sent the rest of the forces ahead with all the baggage, but split up some of the cohorts so that the number of legions would appear unchanged.
SECTION 7.35.4After ordering them to advance as far as they could, Caesar calculated from the time of day that they had reached the camp and began rebuilding the bridge on the same piles, whose lower portions remained intact.
SECTION 7.35.5The work was quickly completed, and after leading the legions across and selecting a suitable place for a camp, he recalled the rest of his forces.
SECTION 7.35.6When Vercingetorix learned of this, he hurried ahead by forced marches so that he would not be compelled to fight against his will.
CHAPTER 7.36
SECTION 7.36.1Caesar reached Gergovia from that place after five days’ marches. A minor cavalry engagement took place that day, and after examining the position of the town, which stood on a very high mountain and had difficult approaches on every side, he gave up hope of taking it by assault and decided that he should not undertake a siege until he had secured his grain supply.
SECTION 7.36.2Vercingetorix, however, had pitched his camp near the town and had stationed the forces of each state separately around himself at moderate intervals. By occupying all the hills along that ridge from which the surrounding country could be viewed,
SECTION 7.36.3he presented a terrifying sight. He ordered the leaders of those states whom he had chosen to join him in making decisions to meet with him every day at dawn, whether some information needed to be shared or some action taken;
SECTION 7.36.4and he let hardly a day pass without testing, in a cavalry engagement with archers interspersed among the horsemen, the spirit and courage of each of his men.
SECTION 7.36.5Directly opposite the town, at the very foot of the mountain, was a hill exceptionally well fortified by nature and cut off on every side. If our men held it, they seemed likely to deprive the enemy both of a large part of their water supply and of unrestricted foraging;
SECTION 7.36.6but the enemy held this position with a garrison that was not very strong.
SECTION 7.36.7Nevertheless, Caesar left camp in the silence of the night and, before reinforcements could come from the town, drove out the garrison and seized the position. He stationed two legions there and ran a double trench, each trench twelve feet wide, from the larger camp to the smaller one, so that even individual soldiers could pass safely between them without danger from a sudden enemy attack.
CHAPTER 7.37
SECTION 7.37.1While these events were taking place at Gergovia, Convictolitavis the Aeduan, to whom, as stated above, Caesar had awarded the chief magistracy, was bribed by the Arverni and entered into discussions with certain young men. The foremost among them were Litaviccus and his brothers, young men born into a very distinguished family.
SECTION 7.37.2He shared the payment with them and urged them to remember that they were free men, born to rule.
SECTION 7.37.3The Aedui, he said, were the one state holding back Gaul’s certain victory; their authority was keeping the other states in line, but once the Aedui changed sides, the Romans would have no place to stand in Gaul.
SECTION 7.37.4He had, to some extent, benefited from Caesar, though only because he had won a completely just case before him; but he placed greater value on the freedom of them all.
SECTION 7.37.5For why should the Aedui come before Caesar to have him decide questions concerning their rights and laws, rather than the Romans coming before the Aedui?
SECTION 7.37.6The young men were quickly won over both by the magistrate’s speech and by the payment, and declared that they would even take the lead in carrying out the plan. They then sought a means of accomplishing it, because they were not confident that the state could be induced to undertake war rashly.
SECTION 7.37.7They decided that Litaviccus should be placed in command of the ten thousand men who were to be sent to Caesar for the war and should take charge of leading them, while his brothers should hurry ahead to Caesar. They also settled how the rest of the plan was to be carried out.
CHAPTER 7.38
SECTION 7.38.1After taking command of the army, Litaviccus had reached a point about thirty miles from Gergovia when he suddenly called the soldiers together and said with tears in his eyes, “Where are we going, soldiers?
SECTION 7.38.2All our cavalry and all our nobility have been killed. Eporedorix and Viridomarus, leaders of our state, have been accused of treason by the Romans and put to death without a hearing.
SECTION 7.38.3Learn the facts from the men who escaped from the massacre itself, for grief prevents me from describing what happened, since my brothers and all my relatives have been killed.”
SECTION 7.38.4The men whom he had coached in what he wanted them to say were brought forward, and they told the crowd the same story Litaviccus had announced: that many Aeduan cavalrymen had been killed
SECTION 7.38.5because they were said to have held talks with the Arverni; and that they themselves had hidden among the mass of soldiers and escaped from the midst of the slaughter.
SECTION 7.38.6The Aedui cried out together and begged Litaviccus to decide what they should do. “As though,” he said, “this were a matter for deliberation, and it were not necessary for us to march to Gergovia and join the Arverni ourselves.
SECTION 7.38.7Can we doubt that, after committing this unspeakable crime, the Romans are already rushing here to kill us? Therefore, if we have any courage in us,
SECTION 7.38.8let us avenge the deaths of those who have been so shamefully killed, and let us kill these robbers.” He pointed out the Roman citizens who were traveling with them under the protection of his escort.
SECTION 7.38.9He seized a large quantity of grain and other provisions and, after subjecting the men themselves to cruel torture, killed them.
SECTION 7.38.10He sent messengers throughout the entire Aeduan state and stirred the people up with the same lie about the massacre of the cavalrymen and leaders. He urged them to avenge their wrongs in the same way he had done.
CHAPTER 7.39
SECTION 7.39.1Eporedorix, an Aeduan young man of the highest birth and very great influence in his own country, and Viridomarus, his equal in age and prestige but of different social origin, whom Caesar had raised from humble rank to the highest distinction after Diviciacus entrusted him to Caesar, had joined the cavalry after being personally summoned by him.
SECTION 7.39.2They were rivals for supremacy, and in the recent dispute over the magistracy one had fought with all his resources for Convictolitavis and the other for Cotus.
SECTION 7.39.3When Eporedorix learned of Litaviccus’s plan, he reported the matter to Caesar at about midnight. He begged Caesar not to allow the state to abandon its friendship with the Roman people because of the corrupt schemes of young men. He foresaw that this would happen if so many thousands of men joined the enemy, since neither their relatives could disregard their safety nor the state treat it as a matter of little importance.
CHAPTER 7.40
SECTION 7.40.1Caesar was greatly alarmed by this report because he had always shown special favor to the Aeduan state. Without any hesitation, he led four legions in light marching order and all the cavalry out of camp.
SECTION 7.40.2In such circumstances there was no time to draw the camp’s defenses into a smaller perimeter, since success seemed to depend on speed. He left his lieutenant Gaius Fabius with two legions to guard the camp.
SECTION 7.40.3When he ordered Litaviccus’s brothers arrested, he discovered that they had fled to the enemy shortly before.
SECTION 7.40.4He encouraged the soldiers not to be discouraged by the strain of a march at such a critical time. All were extremely eager, and after advancing twenty-five miles, he sighted the Aeduan column. He sent in the cavalry to delay and obstruct its march and strictly ordered everyone not to kill anyone. He commanded Eporedorix and Viridomarus,
SECTION 7.40.5whom the Aeduans believed had been killed, to move about among the cavalry and call out to their own people.
SECTION 7.40.6When they recognized the two men and understood Litaviccus’s deception, the Aeduans began stretching out their hands, signaling their surrender, throwing down their weapons, and begging to be spared from death.
SECTION 7.40.7Litaviccus fled to Gergovia with his retainers, for according to Gallic custom it is a sacrilege for retainers to abandon their patrons even in the most desperate circumstances.
CHAPTER 7.41
SECTION 7.41.1Caesar sent messengers to the Aeduan state to explain that, as an act of favor, he had spared men whom he could lawfully have killed under the laws of war. He then allowed the army three hours of the night for rest and set out for the camp at Gergovia.
SECTION 7.41.2About halfway there, cavalrymen sent by Fabius explained how dangerous the situation had been. They reported that the camp had been attacked by very powerful forces, with fresh troops repeatedly replacing tired ones and wearing down our men through continuous exertion, since the size of the camp required the same men to remain constantly on the rampart.
SECTION 7.41.3Many had been wounded by the large number of arrows and every kind of missile; the artillery had been extremely useful in holding off these attacks.
SECTION 7.41.4After Caesar’s departure, Fabius had blocked all but two gates, added protective screens to the rampart, and prepared himself for the next day and another similar emergency.
SECTION 7.41.5When Caesar learned this, the soldiers exerted themselves to the utmost, and he reached the camp before sunrise.
CHAPTER 7.42
SECTION 7.42.1While these events were taking place at Gergovia, the Aedui received the first messages from Litaviccus and allowed themselves no time to investigate.
SECTION 7.42.2Some were driven by greed, others by anger and recklessness—a trait especially innate in that race of people—to treat a groundless report as an established fact.
SECTION 7.42.3They plundered the property of Roman citizens, carried out massacres, and dragged people away into slavery.
SECTION 7.42.4Convictolitavis encouraged the course events had taken and drove the common people to such madness that, once they had committed the crime, they would be ashamed to return to their senses.
SECTION 7.42.5They gave Marcus Aristius, a military tribune traveling to his legion, a guarantee of safety and escorted him out of the town of Cabillonum. They forced those who had settled there for business purposes to do the same.
SECTION 7.42.6They immediately attacked these men on the road and stripped them of all their baggage. When the men resisted, they besieged them throughout the day and night; after many had been killed on both sides, they summoned a larger body of armed men.
CHAPTER 7.43
SECTION 7.43.1Meanwhile, when word arrived that all their soldiers were being held in Caesar’s power, they hurried to Aristius and asserted that nothing had been done by public authority. They ordered an inquiry into the property that had been plundered,
SECTION 7.43.2confiscated the property of Litaviccus and his brothers, and sent envoys to Caesar to clear themselves of blame.
SECTION 7.43.3They did this to recover their men. But because they had been tainted by the crime and profited from the plundered property—a matter implicating many people—and were terrified of punishment, they began secretly forming plans for war and used embassies to stir up the other states.
SECTION 7.43.4Although Caesar understood this, he nevertheless addressed the envoys as mildly as he could. He said that because of the ignorance and fickleness of the common people, he was not judging their state too harshly or diminishing his goodwill toward the Aedui.
SECTION 7.43.5Expecting a greater uprising in Gaul and wishing to avoid being surrounded by all the states, he began considering how he might withdraw from Gergovia and reunite his entire army,
SECTION 7.43.6without making a departure prompted by fear of revolt look like a retreat.
CHAPTER 7.44
SECTION 7.44.1While Caesar was considering this, an opportunity for a successful operation seemed to present itself. When he came to the smaller camp to inspect the defensive works, he noticed that a hill held by the enemy had been stripped of men, although on previous days the multitude there had made the ground itself almost impossible to see.
SECTION 7.44.2Surprised, he asked the reason from deserters, a great number of whom came to him every day.
SECTION 7.44.3They all agreed on what Caesar himself had already learned through scouts: the crest of the ridge was nearly level, but the point giving access to the other side of the town was wooded and narrow. The Gauls were extremely concerned about this position and now believed that, after the Romans had occupied one hill, if they lost the other they would be almost completely surrounded and cut off from every route of escape and from foraging. Vercingetorix had summoned all the troops away to fortify this position.
CHAPTER 7.45
SECTION 7.45.1After learning this, Caesar sent out several squadrons of cavalry and ordered them, beginning around midnight, to range about in all directions with somewhat more commotion than usual.
SECTION 7.45.2At dawn he ordered a large number of pack animals and mules to be led out of camp, their packs removed, and the mule drivers, wearing helmets so that they looked like cavalrymen, to be taken around the hills.
SECTION 7.45.3He added a few cavalrymen to them, who were to range more widely for the sake of display. He ordered them all to make for the same area by a long, circuitous route.
SECTION 7.45.4These movements could be seen from the town at a distance, since Gergovia overlooked the camp, but from so far away it was impossible to determine exactly what they were.
SECTION 7.45.5He sent one legion toward the same ridge, and after it had advanced a short distance, he stationed it on lower ground and concealed it in the woods.
SECTION 7.45.6The Gauls’ suspicions increased, and all their forces were transferred there to the fortifications.
SECTION 7.45.7When Caesar saw that the enemy camps were empty, he concealed his men’s distinctive equipment and hid the military standards, then transferred soldiers in small groups from the larger camp to the smaller one so that they would not be noticed from the town. He explained what he wanted done to the lieutenants whom he had placed in command of the individual legions.
SECTION 7.45.8Above all, he warned them to keep the soldiers under control and not let them advance too far in their eagerness to fight or hope of plunder.
SECTION 7.45.9He explained the disadvantages created by the difficult terrain: these could be overcome only by speed. This was a matter of seizing an opportunity, not of fighting a battle.
SECTION 7.45.10After giving these instructions, he gave the signal and at the same time sent the Aeduans up by a different route on the right.
CHAPTER 7.46
SECTION 7.46.1The town wall was twelve hundred paces in a straight line from the plain and the beginning of the ascent, if no bends in the route intervened.
SECTION 7.46.2Every detour made to reduce the steepness of the slope increased the distance that had to be traveled.
SECTION 7.46.3About halfway up the hill, the Gauls had built a wall six feet high out of large stones, extending lengthwise along the contour of the mountain, to slow our men’s attack. They had left the entire lower area empty but had filled the upper part of the hill, all the way to the town wall, with very closely packed camps.
SECTION 7.46.4When the signal was given, the soldiers quickly reached the fortification, crossed it, and captured three camps.
SECTION 7.46.5So swift was the capture of the camps that Teutomatus, king of the Nitiobriges, who was suddenly surprised in his tent while resting at midday, barely escaped from the hands of the plundering soldiers with the upper part of his body uncovered and his horse wounded.
CHAPTER 7.47
SECTION 7.47.1Having accomplished what he had intended, Caesar ordered the signal for retreat to be sounded and immediately halted the standards of the Tenth Legion, with which he was serving.
SECTION 7.47.2The soldiers of the other legions did not hear the trumpet because a fairly large valley lay between them and Caesar. Nevertheless, the military tribunes and lieutenants tried to hold them back, as Caesar had ordered.
SECTION 7.47.3But carried away by the hope of a swift victory, by the enemy’s flight, and by their successful battles in earlier years, they believed that nothing was so difficult that they could not accomplish it through courage. They did not stop their pursuit until they had approached the town wall and gates. Then a shout arose from every part of the town,
SECTION 7.47.4and those who were farther away, terrified by the sudden commotion and believing that the enemy was already inside the gates, rushed out of the town.
SECTION 7.47.5The married women threw clothing and silver down from the wall, and leaning over it with bare breasts and outstretched hands, they begged the Romans to spare them and not, as they had done at Avaricum, refuse to spare even women and infants.
SECTION 7.47.6Some women were lowered hand to hand from the walls and surrendered themselves to the soldiers.
SECTION 7.47.7Lucius Fabius, a centurion of the Eighth Legion, who was known to have told his comrades that day that he was inspired by the rewards won at Avaricum and would not allow anyone to scale the wall before him, found three soldiers from his maniple and, lifted up by them, climbed onto the wall. Then, in turn, he took hold of each of them and pulled them up onto the wall.
CHAPTER 7.48
SECTION 7.48.1Meanwhile, those who, as explained above, had assembled on the other side of the town to work on the fortifications were spurred into action first by hearing the shouting and then by repeated reports that the Romans had taken the town. Sending the cavalry ahead, they hurried there in a great rush.
SECTION 7.48.2As each man arrived, he took his position beneath the wall and increased the number of his countrymen engaged in the fighting.
SECTION 7.48.3When a great crowd of them had assembled, the married women, who shortly before had been stretching out their hands from the wall toward the Romans, began imploring their own men, displaying their unbound hair in the Gallic manner, and bringing their children out where they could be seen.
SECTION 7.48.4The struggle was unequal for the Romans both in position and in numbers. At the same time, exhausted by their run and by the duration of the fighting, they could not easily withstand fresh and uninjured troops.
CHAPTER 7.49
SECTION 7.49.1When Caesar saw that the fighting was taking place on unfavorable ground and that the enemy’s forces were increasing, he grew anxious for his men and sent word to his lieutenant Titus Sextius, whom he had left to guard the smaller camp, to lead the cohorts quickly out of the camp and station them at the foot of the hill on the enemy’s right flank,
SECTION 7.49.2so that, if he saw our men driven from their position, he could intimidate the enemy and prevent them from pursuing too freely.
SECTION 7.49.3Caesar himself advanced a short distance with a legion from the place where he had been stationed and waited for the outcome of the battle.
CHAPTER 7.50
SECTION 7.50.1While the fighting at close quarters was at its fiercest, with the enemy relying on their position and numbers and our men on their courage, the Aedui suddenly appeared on our exposed flank. Caesar had sent them by another ascent on the right to divide the enemy’s forces.
SECTION 7.50.2Because their weapons were similar, they badly frightened our men. Although they could be identified by their exposed right shoulders, which had been agreed upon as their distinguishing sign, the soldiers nevertheless thought that the enemy had done this very thing to deceive them.
SECTION 7.50.3At the same time, the centurion Lucius Fabius and those who had climbed the wall with him were surrounded, killed, and thrown down from the wall.
SECTION 7.50.4Marcus Petronius, a centurion of the same legion, after attempting to break down a gate, was overwhelmed by the crowd. Despairing of his own survival after already receiving many wounds, he said to the soldiers of his maniple who had followed him, “Since I cannot save myself together with you, I will at least make sure that your lives are protected, for it was my desire for glory that led you into danger.
SECTION 7.50.5Now that you have the opportunity, look to your own safety.” At once he charged into the midst of the enemy, killed two of them, and drove the rest a short distance back from the gate.
SECTION 7.50.6When his men tried to help him, he said, “You are trying in vain to save my life, for my blood and strength are already failing. Go, therefore, while you have the chance, and make your way back to the legion.” He continued fighting, fell a short time later, and so saved his men.
CHAPTER 7.51
SECTION 7.51.1Our men, under pressure from every direction, lost forty-six centurions and were driven from their position. But the Tenth Legion, which had taken position as a reserve on somewhat more favorable ground, checked the Gauls when they pursued too aggressively.
SECTION 7.51.2The Tenth was in turn supported by cohorts of the Thirteenth Legion, which had been led out of the smaller camp with the lieutenant Titus Sextius and had occupied higher ground.
SECTION 7.51.3As soon as the legions reached level ground, they halted with their standards turned threateningly toward the enemy.
SECTION 7.51.4Vercingetorix withdrew his men from the foot of the hill into their fortifications. On that day, just under seven hundred soldiers were lost.
CHAPTER 7.52
SECTION 7.52.1The next day Caesar called an assembly and reprimanded the soldiers for their recklessness and eagerness. They had decided for themselves how far they should advance and what action should be taken, had not halted when the signal to withdraw was given, and could not be restrained by the military tribunes and lieutenants.
SECTION 7.52.2He explained what unfavorable ground could do and what his own judgment had been at Avaricum, when he had caught the enemy without a commander and without cavalry but had let a certain victory go rather than suffer even a small loss in battle because of unfavorable ground.
SECTION 7.52.3He said that, as greatly as he admired the courage of men whom neither the camp’s fortifications, nor the height of the mountain, nor the town wall had been able to delay, he equally condemned their lack of discipline and arrogance in thinking that they understood victory and the outcome of events better than their commander did;
SECTION 7.52.4and that he required self-control and restraint from a soldier no less than courage and greatness of spirit.
CHAPTER 7.53
SECTION 7.53.1After giving this address and, at its conclusion, reassuring the soldiers that they should not be disheartened by what had happened or attribute to the enemy’s courage what had resulted from unfavorable ground, Caesar, still holding the same view about departure that he had held before, led the legions out of camp and drew up the battle line in a suitable position.
SECTION 7.53.2Since Vercingetorix was no more willing than before to come down onto level ground, Caesar fought a minor and successful cavalry engagement and led the army back into camp.
SECTION 7.53.3When he did the same thing the following day, he considered that enough had been done to diminish Gallic boasting and restore his soldiers’ confidence, and he moved camp toward the territory of the Aedui.
SECTION 7.53.4Even then the enemy did not pursue. On the third day he reached the Elaver River, repaired the bridge, and led the army across.
CHAPTER 7.54
SECTION 7.54.1There he was approached by the Aedui Viridomarus and Eporedorix and learned that Litaviccus had departed with all the cavalry to stir up the Aedui. They said that they themselves needed to go on ahead to keep their state loyal.
SECTION 7.54.2Although Caesar had already seen evidence of Aeduan treachery in many matters and believed that their departure would hasten their state’s revolt, he nevertheless decided not to detain them, for fear that he might appear either to be wronging them or to show some sign of fear. As they were leaving, he briefly recounted his services to the Aedui,
SECTION 7.54.3reminding them of the people he had found them to be and how humiliated they had been: driven into their towns, fined, stripped of all their lands and military forces, subjected to tribute, and compelled with the utmost indignity to surrender hostages;
SECTION 7.54.4and to what fortune and what greatness he had raised them, so that they had not merely returned to their former condition but seemed to have surpassed the prestige and influence they had possessed at any time in the past. After giving them these instructions, he dismissed them.
CHAPTER 7.55
SECTION 7.55.1Noviodunum was a town of the Aedui, favorably situated on the banks of the Liger.
SECTION 7.55.2Caesar had brought there all the hostages from Gaul, grain, public funds, and a large part of his own baggage and that of the army;
SECTION 7.55.3he had also sent there a large number of horses purchased in Italy and Spain for use in this war.
SECTION 7.55.4When Eporedorix and Viridomarus arrived there and learned the condition of their state—that Litaviccus had been received by the Aedui at Bibracte, the town that possessed the greatest authority among them; that the chief magistrate Convictolitavis and a large part of the senate had joined him; and that official envoys had been sent to Vercingetorix to negotiate peace and friendship—they decided that so great an opportunity must not be missed.
SECTION 7.55.5They therefore killed the guards at Noviodunum and those who had gathered there to conduct business, and divided the money and horses among themselves;
SECTION 7.55.6they arranged for the hostages from the various states to be taken to the chief magistrate at Bibracte; the town,
SECTION 7.55.7which they judged they could not hold, they burned so that it could be of no use to the Romans;
SECTION 7.55.8they carried away by boat as much grain as they could on short notice and destroyed the rest by throwing it into the river and burning it.
SECTION 7.55.9They themselves began raising forces from the neighboring regions, stationing garrisons and guards along the banks of the Liger, and displaying their cavalry everywhere to spread fear, in the hope that they could cut the Romans off from grain or, by reducing them to want, drive them into the Province.
SECTION 7.55.10Their hopes were greatly strengthened by the fact that the Liger had risen because of melting snow and seemed wholly impossible to cross by a ford.
CHAPTER 7.56
SECTION 7.56.1When Caesar learned of these events, he decided that he must act quickly. If he had to risk an attempt to construct bridges, he must fight before larger forces were gathered there.
SECTION 7.56.2As for changing his plan and turning his march toward the Province, he thought that not even necessity arising from fear should make him do that. He was hindered both by the disgrace and indignity of such a course and by the Cevenna mountain range standing in the way and the difficulty of the roads, but above all he was extremely concerned because Labienus and the legions he had sent with him were separated from him.
SECTION 7.56.3Accordingly, after covering very long distances by day and night, he reached the Liger contrary to everyone’s expectations
SECTION 7.56.4and found through his cavalry a ford that was as suitable as the circumstances required, so that only the soldiers’ arms and shoulders could remain above water to hold up their weapons. He stationed the cavalry to break the river’s current, and, while the enemy were thrown into confusion at the first sight of them,
SECTION 7.56.5he led the army across unharmed. Finding grain in the fields and an abundance of livestock, he replenished the army with these supplies and decided to march into the territory of the Senones.
CHAPTER 7.57
SECTION 7.57.1While these events were taking place with Caesar, Labienus left at Agedincum the reinforcements that had recently arrived from Italy, so that they could guard the baggage, and set out with four legions for Lutetia. This was a town of the Parisii situated on an island in the Sequana River.
SECTION 7.57.2When the enemy learned of his arrival, large forces assembled from the neighboring states.
SECTION 7.57.3Supreme command was entrusted to Camulogenus the Aulercan, who, though almost worn out by age, was called to this honor because of his exceptional knowledge of military affairs.
SECTION 7.57.4When he observed that an unbroken marsh emptied into the Sequana and made that whole area extremely difficult to cross, he took position there and determined to prevent our men from passing.
CHAPTER 7.58
SECTION 7.58.1At first Labienus tried to advance covered sheds, fill in the marsh with fascines and earthworks, and construct a road across it.
SECTION 7.58.2After realizing that this was too difficult to accomplish, he silently left camp during the third watch and returned by the same route on which he had come to Metiosedum.
SECTION 7.58.3This was a town of the Senones situated on an island in the Sequana, as was said shortly before of Lutetia. He seized about fifty boats, quickly fastened them together, and put soldiers aboard. The townspeople, most of whom had been called away to war, were terrified by the unexpected development, and he took possession of the town without a struggle.
SECTION 7.58.5He repaired the bridge, which the enemy had broken down in the preceding days, led the army across, and began marching downstream toward Lutetia.
SECTION 7.58.6When the enemy learned what had happened from those who had fled from Metiosedum, they ordered Lutetia burned and the bridges belonging to that town destroyed. They themselves left the marsh and took position on the banks of the Sequana opposite Lutetia and facing Labienus’s camp.
CHAPTER 7.59
SECTION 7.59.1By now it was being reported that Caesar had left Gergovia; rumors were already arriving of the Aeduan revolt and the successful Gallic uprising; and the Gauls declared in their conversations that Caesar, cut off from his route and from the Liger, had been forced by lack of grain to hurry toward the Province.
SECTION 7.59.2The Bellovaci, moreover, when they learned of the Aeduan revolt, began assembling bands and openly preparing for war. They had already been disloyal on their own initiative.
SECTION 7.59.3Labienus then understood that, with circumstances so greatly changed, he had to adopt a plan entirely different from the one he had previously intended,
SECTION 7.59.4and he was no longer thinking of making any gains or challenging the enemy to battle, but of bringing the army safely back to Agedincum.
SECTION 7.59.5For on one side the Bellovaci, the state with the highest reputation for courage in Gaul, were closing in; on the other Camulogenus blocked him with a prepared and fully equipped army. Moreover, a very large river separated the legions from their garrison and baggage.
SECTION 7.59.6Confronted suddenly with such great difficulties, he saw that he must look for help to courage and determination.
CHAPTER 7.60
SECTION 7.60.1Toward evening he called a council, urged his officers to carry out his orders carefully and energetically, assigned each of the boats he had brought down from Metiosedum to Roman cavalrymen, and ordered them, after the first watch had ended, to proceed silently four miles downstream and wait for him there.
SECTION 7.60.2He left five cohorts, which he considered the least reliable for battle, to guard the camp;
SECTION 7.60.3he ordered the remaining five cohorts of the same legion to set out upstream at midnight with all the baggage, making a great commotion.
SECTION 7.60.4He also gathered small boats and sent them in the same direction, driven forward with a great noise of oars. A little later he himself silently left with three legions and made for the place where he had ordered the boats to put in.
CHAPTER 7.61
SECTION 7.61.1When they arrived there, the enemy scouts, who had been stationed along every part of the river, were caught off guard because a violent storm had suddenly arisen and were overpowered by our men;
SECTION 7.61.2the army and cavalry were quickly ferried across under the direction of the Roman cavalrymen whom Labienus had placed in charge of the operation.
SECTION 7.61.3At almost the same moment, just before dawn, the enemy were informed that there was unusual commotion in the Roman camp, that a large column was moving upstream, that the sound of oars could be heard in the same direction, and that soldiers were being carried across in boats a little way downstream.
SECTION 7.61.4When they heard these reports, they thought that the legions were crossing at three places and that all the Romans, thrown into confusion by the Aeduan revolt, were preparing to flee. They therefore divided their own forces into three parts as well.
SECTION 7.61.5They left a garrison opposite the Roman camp and sent a small force toward Metiosedum with orders to advance only as far as the boats had gone, while they led the rest of their forces against Labienus.
CHAPTER 7.62
SECTION 7.62.1At first light all our men had been transported across, and the enemy’s battle line could be seen.
SECTION 7.62.2Labienus urged the soldiers to preserve the memory of their former courage and their most successful battles, and to imagine that Caesar himself, under whose command they had so often defeated the enemy, was present among them. He then gave the signal for battle.
SECTION 7.62.3At the first clash, the enemy were driven back and put to flight on the right wing, where the Seventh Legion had taken position;
SECTION 7.62.4on the left, which was held by the Twelfth Legion, the enemy’s front ranks fell pierced by javelins, but the rest nevertheless resisted with extreme determination, and not one of them gave any indication of flight.
SECTION 7.62.5The enemy commander Camulogenus himself stood beside his men and encouraged them.
SECTION 7.62.6Even now the outcome of the victory was uncertain. When the tribunes of the Seventh Legion were informed of what was happening on the left wing, they brought the legion into view behind the enemy and advanced the standards against them.
SECTION 7.62.7Not even then did anyone abandon his position; instead, they were all surrounded and killed.
SECTION 7.62.8Camulogenus met the same fate. But those who had been left as a garrison opposite Labienus’s camp, when they heard that battle had been joined, went to support their men and occupied a hill, but they could not withstand the charge of our victorious soldiers.
SECTION 7.62.9Thus, mingled with their own fleeing men, those who were not sheltered by the woods and mountains were killed by the cavalry.
SECTION 7.62.10After completing this operation, Labienus returned to Agedincum, where the baggage of the entire army had been left. From there he reached Caesar with all his forces.
CHAPTER 7.63
SECTION 7.63.1When the defection of the Aedui became known, the war expanded. Embassies were sent out in every direction.
SECTION 7.63.2They used all the influence, authority, and money at their disposal to induce the states to revolt.
SECTION 7.63.3Having obtained possession of the hostages whom Caesar had entrusted to them, they terrified those who hesitated by executing these hostages.
SECTION 7.63.4The Aedui asked Vercingetorix to come to them and confer about plans for conducting the war.
SECTION 7.63.5When their request was granted, they insisted that supreme command be given to them. Since the matter became disputed, a council of all Gaul was summoned at Bibracte. Large numbers came there from every direction.
SECTION 7.63.6The matter was put to a vote of the assembly, and every man without exception approved Vercingetorix as commander.
SECTION 7.63.7The Remi, Lingones, and Treveri were absent from this council: the first two because they remained loyal to their friendship with Rome, and the Treveri because they were farther away and were under pressure from the Germans. This was why they took no part in the entire war and sent assistance to neither side.
SECTION 7.63.8The Aedui were deeply distressed at having been deprived of their preeminence. They complained of the change in their fortunes and missed Caesar’s indulgent treatment of them. Nevertheless, now that they had undertaken the war, they did not dare separate their policy from that of the others.
SECTION 7.63.9Eporedorix and Viridomarus, young men of the highest promise, submitted reluctantly to Vercingetorix.
CHAPTER 7.64
SECTION 7.64.1Vercingetorix ordered the remaining states to provide hostages and fixed a date for doing so. He ordered all the cavalry, numbering fifteen thousand, to assemble quickly.
SECTION 7.64.2He said that he would be satisfied with the infantry he had previously had and would not test fortune or fight a pitched battle. Instead, since he had abundant cavalry, it would be very easy to prevent the Romans from gathering grain and forage,
SECTION 7.64.3provided only that they themselves had the resolve to destroy their own grain and burn their buildings, since by this sacrifice of private property they could see that they were obtaining lasting sovereignty and freedom.
SECTION 7.64.4After making these arrangements, he ordered the Aedui and the Segusiavi, who border the Province, to provide ten thousand infantry, to whom he added eight hundred cavalry.
SECTION 7.64.5He placed the brother of Eporedorix in command of them and ordered him to make war on the Allobroges.
SECTION 7.64.6On the other side, he sent the Gabali and the districts of the Arverni nearest them against the Helvii, and likewise sent the Ruteni and Cadurci to ravage the territory of the Volcae Arecomici.
SECTION 7.64.7Nevertheless, through secret messages and embassies he also tried to win over the Allobroges, whose resentment, he hoped, had not yet subsided since the previous war.
SECTION 7.64.8He promised money to their leaders and sovereignty over the entire Province to their state.
CHAPTER 7.65
SECTION 7.65.1Provision had been made against all these dangers by garrisons totaling twenty-two cohorts, which the legate Lucius Caesar drew from the Province itself and deployed in every direction to meet them.
SECTION 7.65.2The Helvii voluntarily engaged their neighbors in battle but were defeated. After Gaius Valerius Donnotaurus, son of Caburus and chief man of the state, and several others were killed, they were driven back inside their towns and walls.
SECTION 7.65.3The Allobroges posted garrisons at frequent intervals along the Rhône and defended their territory with great care and diligence.
SECTION 7.65.4Caesar, realizing that the enemy was superior in cavalry and that, with every route blocked, he could obtain no assistance from the Province or Italy, sent men across the Rhine into Germany to the states he had pacified in previous years. From them he summoned cavalry and light-armed infantry, who were accustomed to fight among the horsemen.
SECTION 7.65.5When they arrived, because they were using horses of inferior quality, he took horses from the military tribunes, the other Roman cavalrymen, and the recalled veterans, and distributed them among the Germans.
CHAPTER 7.66
SECTION 7.66.1Meanwhile, while these events were taking place, the enemy forces from the territory of the Arverni assembled, along with the cavalry that had been levied from all Gaul.
SECTION 7.66.2After gathering a large number of them, Vercingetorix established three camps about ten miles from the Romans while Caesar was marching toward the Sequani through the outermost territory of the Lingones, so that he could more easily bring assistance to the Province.
SECTION 7.66.3He summoned the cavalry commanders to a council and explained that the time for victory had come. The Romans, he said, were fleeing to the Province and leaving Gaul.
SECTION 7.66.4That was enough to secure their freedom for the present, but did little to ensure peace and quiet in the future, since the Romans would return after assembling larger forces and would never stop making war. They should therefore attack them while their marching column was encumbered.
SECTION 7.66.5If the infantry came to the aid of their own cavalry and were delayed by doing so, the Romans would be unable to continue their march. But if, as he was more confident would happen, they abandoned their baggage and looked after their own safety, they would be stripped both of essential supplies and of their honor.
SECTION 7.66.6As for the enemy cavalry, they themselves ought not to doubt that none of them would dare even to advance outside the column. To make them attack with greater courage, he would station all his forces in front of the camp and strike terror into the enemy.
SECTION 7.66.7The cavalrymen cried out that they should bind themselves by the most sacred oath: no one who had not ridden twice through the enemy column was to be received under a roof or allowed access to his children, his parents, or his wife.
CHAPTER 7.67
SECTION 7.67.1The proposal was approved, and after all had been compelled to take the oath, the cavalry was divided into three parts on the following day. Two battle lines appeared on the two flanks, while one began to obstruct the head of the column.
SECTION 7.67.2When this was reported, Caesar likewise ordered his own cavalry, divided into three parts, to advance against the enemy. Fighting began simultaneously in every sector.
SECTION 7.67.3The column halted, and the baggage was brought inside the lines of the legions.
SECTION 7.67.4Wherever our men appeared to be in difficulty or under unusually heavy pressure, Caesar ordered the standards to be advanced there and a battle line to be formed. This both slowed the enemy’s pursuit and encouraged our men with the hope of assistance.
SECTION 7.67.5At last, on the right flank, the Germans gained the top of a ridge and drove the enemy from their position. They pursued the fugitives as far as the river where Vercingetorix had taken up his position with the infantry, and killed many of them.
SECTION 7.67.6When the rest saw this, they feared being surrounded and fled. Slaughter took place everywhere.
SECTION 7.67.7Three very distinguished Aedui were captured and brought to Caesar: Cotus, the cavalry commander who had disputed the office with Convictolitavis at the most recent election; Cavarillus, who had commanded the infantry after Litaviccus’s defection; and Eporedorix, under whose leadership the Aedui had fought a war against the Sequani before Caesar’s arrival.
CHAPTER 7.68
SECTION 7.68.1After all his cavalry had been routed, Vercingetorix withdrew the forces he had stationed in front of his camp and immediately began marching toward Alesia, a town of the Mandubii. He ordered the baggage to be brought quickly out of camp and to follow him.
SECTION 7.68.2Caesar moved his baggage to the nearest hill and left two legions to guard it. He then pursued for as much of the day as time allowed, killed about three thousand of the enemy’s rearguard, and on the following day encamped near Alesia.
SECTION 7.68.3After examining the town’s position, and seeing that the enemy was terrified because they had been defeated in the cavalry arm, the part of their army in which they had placed the greatest confidence, Caesar encouraged his soldiers to undertake the labor and began to blockade the town.
CHAPTER 7.69
SECTION 7.69.1The town of Alesia itself stood at the summit of a very high hill, in a position that seemed impossible to capture except by siege.
SECTION 7.69.2Two rivers washed the base of this hill on two sides.
SECTION 7.69.3In front of the town extended a plain about three miles long.
SECTION 7.69.4On all the remaining sides, hills of equal height surrounded the town, with a moderate space between them and it.
SECTION 7.69.5Below the wall, on the side of the hill facing east, the Gallic forces had filled this entire area and had built a ditch and a dry-stone wall six feet high across it.
SECTION 7.69.6The circumference of the fortifications begun by the Romans extended eleven miles.
SECTION 7.69.7Camps were placed at suitable locations, and twenty-three redoubts were built there. Guard detachments occupied these redoubts by day to prevent any sudden sortie, and at night the same positions were held by sentries and strong garrisons.
CHAPTER 7.70
SECTION 7.70.1Once work had begun, a cavalry battle took place on the plain which, as explained above, stretched three miles in length between the hills. Both sides fought with the utmost force.
SECTION 7.70.2When our men came under pressure, Caesar sent the Germans to support them and drew up the legions in front of the camp, to prevent any sudden attack by the enemy infantry.
SECTION 7.70.3The added protection of the legions increased our men’s courage. The enemy were put to flight, but their own numbers hampered them, and because the gates had been made too narrow, they piled up against one another.
SECTION 7.70.4The Germans pursued them more fiercely all the way to their defenses.
SECTION 7.70.5A great slaughter followed. Some abandoned their horses and tried to cross the ditch and climb over the dry-stone wall. Caesar ordered the legions he had stationed in front of the rampart to advance a short distance.
SECTION 7.70.6The Gauls inside the defenses were thrown into no less confusion. Believing that the Romans were coming against them immediately, they shouted for everyone to take up arms. Some, terrified, rushed into the town.
SECTION 7.70.7Vercingetorix ordered the gates closed so that the camp would not be stripped of its defenders. After killing many men and capturing a large number of horses, the Germans withdrew.
CHAPTER 7.71
SECTION 7.71.1Before the Romans completed their fortifications, Vercingetorix decided to send all his cavalry away at night.
SECTION 7.71.2As they departed, he instructed each of them to go to his own state and compel to join the war everyone of military age who could bear arms.
SECTION 7.71.3He reminded them of his services to them and implored them to consider his safety and not surrender him to the enemy for torture after he had rendered the greatest service to their common freedom. He pointed out that, if they were negligent, eighty thousand picked men would perish together with him.
SECTION 7.71.4By his calculation, he had barely enough grain for thirty days, though by rationing it could be made to last somewhat longer. After giving these instructions,
SECTION 7.71.5he silently sent the cavalry out during the second watch, through the gap where the fortifications had not yet been completed.
SECTION 7.71.6He ordered all the grain to be brought to him and established the death penalty for those who did not obey.
SECTION 7.71.7He distributed among the men individually the livestock, a great quantity of which had been driven in by the Mandubii, and began issuing the grain sparingly and in small quantities.
SECTION 7.71.8He withdrew into the town all the forces he had stationed in front of it.
SECTION 7.71.9By these measures he prepared to await relief from Gaul and conduct the war.
CHAPTER 7.72
SECTION 7.72.1After learning of these measures from deserters and prisoners, Caesar established the following kinds of fortifications. He dug a trench twenty feet wide with vertical sides, so that the bottom of the trench was as wide as the distance between its upper edges.
SECTION 7.72.2He set all the remaining fortifications four hundred feet back from that trench. His purpose was this: since he had necessarily enclosed such a vast area, and the entire circuit could not easily be surrounded by a ring of soldiers, he wanted to prevent a large enemy force from suddenly rushing upon the fortifications without warning or at night, or from being able during the day to hurl missiles at our men assigned to the work.
SECTION 7.72.3Leaving this space between them, he dug two trenches fifteen feet wide and equally deep. In the level, low-lying ground he filled the inner trench with water diverted from the river.
SECTION 7.72.4Behind them he constructed an earthwork and rampart twelve feet high. He added a breastwork and battlements, with large forked branches projecting from the joints between the parapets and the earthwork to slow the enemy’s ascent, and placed towers around the entire work at intervals of eighty feet.
CHAPTER 7.73
SECTION 7.73.1At the same time it was necessary to obtain timber and grain and to build such extensive fortifications, although our forces were reduced because detachments were advancing some distance from the camp. The Gauls also sometimes tried to attack our works and attempted to make sorties from the town through several gates with the utmost force.
SECTION 7.73.2Caesar therefore thought that still more defenses should be added to these works so that the fortifications could be defended by a smaller number of soldiers. Accordingly, tree trunks or very stout branches were cut, their tops stripped of bark and sharpened to a point, and continuous trenches five feet deep were dug.
SECTION 7.73.3These stakes were lowered into the trenches and fastened together at the bottom so that they could not be pulled out, while their branches projected above them.
SECTION 7.73.4There were five rows, joined and intertwined with one another. Anyone who entered them impaled himself on the extremely sharp stakes.
SECTION 7.73.5They called these “boundary posts.” In front of them, pits three feet deep were dug in diagonal rows arranged in a quincunx, gradually tapering toward the bottom.
SECTION 7.73.6Smooth stakes as thick as a man’s thigh, sharpened and fire-hardened at the top, were lowered into these pits so that they projected no more than four inches above the ground.
SECTION 7.73.7At the same time, to secure and stabilize them, one foot of earth at the bottom of each pit was stamped down firmly. The remaining part of the pit was covered with willow branches and brushwood to conceal the trap.
SECTION 7.73.8Eight rows of this type were constructed, three feet apart.
SECTION 7.73.9Because of their resemblance to the flower, they were called “lilies.” In front of these, foot-long stakes fitted with iron hooks were buried completely in the ground and scattered everywhere at moderate intervals. They called these “spurs.”
CHAPTER 7.74
SECTION 7.74.1After completing these works, Caesar followed the most level ground he could find, given the nature of the terrain, and enclosed a circuit of fourteen miles. He completed matching fortifications of the same type, but facing in the opposite direction, against an enemy coming from outside, so that the garrisons of the fortifications could not be surrounded even by a large force, if that should happen.
SECTION 7.74.2To avoid being forced to leave camp at his own peril, he ordered everyone to bring in a thirty-day supply of forage and grain.
CHAPTER 7.75
SECTION 7.75.1While these events were taking place at Alesia, the Gauls summoned a council of their leading men. They decided not to call out everyone able to bear arms, as Vercingetorix had proposed, but to levy a fixed number from each state, for fear that, with so vast a multitude thrown into confusion, they would be unable to control them, distinguish their own men, or make adequate provision for grain.
SECTION 7.75.2They levied thirty-five thousand from the Aedui and their client states—the Segusiavi, Ambivareti, Aulerci Brannovices, and Blannovii—and an equal number from the Arverni, together with the Eleuteti, Cadurci, Gabali, and Vellavii, who had traditionally been under the rule of the Arverni; from the Sequani,
SECTION 7.75.3The Senones, Bituriges, Santones, Ruteni, and Carnutes were each to furnish twelve thousand; the Bellovaci, ten thousand; the Lemovices, the same number; the Pictones, Turones, Parisii, and Helvetii, eight thousand each; the Suessiones, Ambiani, Mediomatrici, Petrocorii, Nervii, Morini, and Nitiobriges, five thousand each; the Aulerci Cenomani, the same number; the Atrebates, four thousand; the Veliocasses, Lexovii, and Aulerci Eburovices, three thousand each; and the Rauraci and Boii, two thousand each;
SECTION 7.75.4and thirty thousand from all the states bordering the Ocean that, according to Gallic usage, are called the Armorican states, including the Curiosolites, Redones, Ambibarii, Caletes, Osismi, Veneti, Lemovices, and Venelli.
SECTION 7.75.5Of these, the Bellovaci did not furnish their full quota, because they said that they would wage war against the Romans in their own name and at their own discretion and would obey no one’s orders. Nevertheless, at the request of Commius and in consideration of their ties of hospitality with him, they sent two thousand along with the others.
CHAPTER 7.76
SECTION 7.76.1As we have shown above, Caesar had made faithful and useful use of this Commius’s services in Britain during the preceding years. In return for his merits, Caesar had ordered that his state be exempt from tribute, had restored its rights and laws, and had placed the Morini under his authority.
SECTION 7.76.2Nevertheless, the determination of all Gaul to reclaim its liberty and recover its former military glory was so great that neither favors nor the memory of friendship influenced them, and they all devoted themselves heart and resources to that war.
SECTION 7.76.3After eight thousand cavalry and about two hundred and fifty thousand infantry had been assembled, they were reviewed in the territory of the Aedui, the total was counted, and commanders were appointed.
SECTION 7.76.4Supreme command was entrusted to Commius the Atrebatian, Viridomarus and Eporedorix of the Aedui, and Vercassivellaunus the Arvernian, a cousin of Vercingetorix. Men chosen from the states were assigned to them, so that the war might be conducted with their advice.
SECTION 7.76.5All of them set out for Alesia eagerly and full of confidence,
SECTION 7.76.6and there was not one among them who believed that even the sight of so great a force could be withstood, especially in a battle on two fronts, when a sortie was being made from the town while such vast forces of cavalry and infantry could be seen outside.
CHAPTER 7.77
SECTION 7.77.1But those under siege at Alesia, after the day on which they had expected relief from their countrymen had passed, had consumed all their grain. Not knowing what was happening among the Aedui, they called a council
SECTION 7.77.2and deliberated about the outcome of their fortunes. Various opinions were expressed, some advocating surrender and others a sortie while their strength still held out. The speech of Critognatus must not be passed over because of its extraordinary and monstrous cruelty.
SECTION 7.77.3This man, who came from a very high-ranking Arvernian family and was regarded as a man of great authority, said: “I intend to say nothing about the proposal of those who give the name ‘surrender’ to the most shameful slavery. In my judgment, they should not be regarded as citizens or admitted to this council.
SECTION 7.77.4My concern is with those who approve a sortie. In their proposal, as all of you agree, there seems to remain some memory of our former courage. Yet this inability to endure deprivation for a short time is weakness of spirit,
SECTION 7.77.5not courage. It is easier to find men who offer themselves voluntarily to death than men who endure suffering patiently.
SECTION 7.77.6And I would approve this proposal—so much influence does honor have with me—if I saw that no loss would result except that of our own lives.
SECTION 7.77.7But in reaching our decision, let us consider all Gaul, which we have roused to come to our aid.
SECTION 7.77.8What spirit do you think our relatives and kinsmen will have if eighty thousand men are killed in this one place and they are forced to fight out the battle almost on top of our corpses?
SECTION 7.77.9Do not deprive of your aid those who, for the sake of your safety, have disregarded their own danger. Do not, through your own folly and recklessness or weakness of spirit, bring all Gaul to ruin and subject it to perpetual slavery.
SECTION 7.77.10Or do you doubt their loyalty and steadfastness because they did not arrive on the appointed day? What, then? Do you think the Romans are working every day on those outer fortifications merely for amusement?
SECTION 7.77.11If you cannot receive confirmation from their messengers because every approach has been blocked, use these fortifications as evidence that their arrival is drawing near. Terrified by the prospect of it, the Romans work day and night.
SECTION 7.77.12What, then, is my proposal? To do what our ancestors did in their war with the Cimbri and Teutones, though that war was by no means comparable to this one. Driven into their towns and reduced to similar deprivation, they sustained their lives with the bodies of those who, because of their age, seemed unfit for war, and they did not surrender to the enemy.
SECTION 7.77.13Even if we had no precedent for such an act, I would still judge it a glorious thing to establish one for the sake of liberty and hand it down to posterity.
SECTION 7.77.14For how was that war anything like this one? After ravaging Gaul and inflicting a great disaster, the Cimbri eventually left our territory and sought other lands. They left us our rights, laws, fields, and liberty.
SECTION 7.77.15But what else do the Romans seek or want except, driven by envy, to settle in the lands and states of those whom they have learned through report are distinguished and powerful in war, and to impose perpetual slavery upon them? They have never waged wars on any other terms.
SECTION 7.77.16But if you do not know what is happening among distant nations, look at neighboring Gaul. It has been reduced to a province, its rights and laws have been changed, it has been subjected to the axes of Roman officials, and it is oppressed by perpetual slavery.”
CHAPTER 7.78
SECTION 7.78.1After the opinions had been expressed, they decided that those who were unfit for war because of health or age should leave the town, and that they should try everything else before resorting to the proposal of Critognatus.
SECTION 7.78.2Nevertheless, if circumstances forced them and the relief force was delayed, they should adopt that plan rather than accept terms of surrender or peace.
SECTION 7.78.3The Mandubii, who had admitted them into the town, were forced to leave with their children and wives. When they reached the Roman fortifications,
SECTION 7.78.4they wept and begged with every appeal to be taken in as slaves and given food.
SECTION 7.78.5But Caesar posted guards along the rampart and forbade them to be admitted.
CHAPTER 7.79
SECTION 7.79.1Meanwhile Commius and the other commanders to whom supreme command had been entrusted reached Alesia with all their forces. They occupied an outlying hill and established their camp no more than a mile from our fortifications.
SECTION 7.79.2The next day they led the cavalry out of camp and filled the entire plain, which, as we have shown, extended three miles in length. They stationed their infantry a short distance away, concealed on higher ground.
SECTION 7.79.3From the town of Alesia there was a view down onto the plain. At the sight of these relief forces, the besieged came rushing together. They congratulated one another, and everyone’s spirits rose with joy.
SECTION 7.79.4They therefore led their forces out and took up a position before the town. They covered the nearest trench with hurdles, filled it with earth, and prepared themselves for a sortie and for every possible outcome.
CHAPTER 7.80
SECTION 7.80.1Caesar stationed his entire army along both sides of the fortifications so that, if the need arose, every man would know and hold his assigned position. He then ordered the cavalry to be led out of camp and the battle to begin.
SECTION 7.80.2There was a view down onto the field from all the camps, which occupied the crest of the ridge on every side, and all the soldiers watched intently for the battle’s outcome.
SECTION 7.80.3The Gauls had interspersed a few archers and lightly armed infantry among their cavalry. These men were to come to the aid of their comrades when they gave ground and withstand the charges of our cavalry. Many of our men, unexpectedly wounded by them, withdrew from the fighting.
SECTION 7.80.4Because the Gauls were confident that their men were gaining the advantage in the battle and saw that ours were being overwhelmed by superior numbers, both those enclosed within the fortifications and those who had come to their relief encouraged their comrades from every side with shouts and war cries.
SECTION 7.80.5Because the action was taking place in full view of everyone and neither brave nor shameful conduct could be concealed, both sides were inspired to courage by their desire for praise and their fear of disgrace.
SECTION 7.80.6The battle remained undecided from noon almost until sunset. Then, at one point, the Germans formed their squadrons into a compact body, charged the enemy, and drove them back.
SECTION 7.80.7When the cavalry had been put to flight, the archers were surrounded and killed.
SECTION 7.80.8Likewise, in the other sectors, our men pursued the retreating enemy all the way to their camp and gave them no opportunity to regroup.
SECTION 7.80.9But those who had come out from Alesia withdrew sadly into the town, having almost given up hope of victory.
CHAPTER 7.81
SECTION 7.81.1After allowing one day to pass and using that interval to make a great number of hurdles, ladders, and grappling hooks, the Gauls silently left their camp at midnight and approached the fortifications on the plain.
SECTION 7.81.2They suddenly raised a shout so that those under siege in the town could know of their arrival. They prepared to throw down hurdles, drive our men from the rampart with slings, arrows, and stones, and carry out all the other operations required for an assault.
SECTION 7.81.3At the same time, when he heard the shouting, Vercingetorix gave his men the signal with a trumpet and led them out of the town.
SECTION 7.81.4Our men went to the fortifications, each to the position assigned to him on the preceding days, and terrified the Gauls with heavy slings, sharpened stakes they had placed along the works, and sling bullets.
SECTION 7.81.5Because the darkness made it impossible to see, many wounds were suffered on both sides. A great many missiles were fired by artillery.
SECTION 7.81.6The lieutenants Mark Antony and Gaius Trebonius, to whom the defense of these sectors had fallen, brought men down from the more distant redoubts and sent them to reinforce any point where they understood that our men were under pressure.
CHAPTER 7.82
SECTION 7.82.1As long as the Gauls remained some distance from the fortifications, they gained more advantage from the sheer number of their missiles. Once they came nearer, however, they either unknowingly impaled themselves on the spikes, fell into the pits and were run through, or were pierced by heavy rampart javelins from the wall and towers and killed.
SECTION 7.82.2After suffering many wounds on every side without breaking through any fortification, they withdrew to their own men as dawn approached, fearing that a sortie from the upper camp might surround them on their exposed flank.
SECTION 7.82.3Meanwhile, the men on the inside were bringing forward the equipment Vercingetorix had prepared for the sortie and filling the forward trenches. They spent so long carrying out these operations that they learned that their comrades had withdrawn before they themselves could approach the fortifications. Thus, without accomplishing their objective, they returned to the town.
CHAPTER 7.83
SECTION 7.83.1Twice repulsed with heavy losses, the Gauls deliberated about what to do. They consulted men familiar with the terrain and learned from them the position and fortifications of the upper camp.
SECTION 7.83.2On the northern side there was a hill that our men had been unable to enclose within their works because its circumference was so great. They had therefore been forced to establish a camp on ground that was almost unfavorable and sloped gently downward.
SECTION 7.83.3The lieutenants Gaius Antistius Reginus and Gaius Caninius Rebilus held this camp with two legions.
SECTION 7.83.4After scouts had surveyed the terrain, the enemy commanders selected sixty thousand men from their entire force, choosing them from the states with the highest reputation for courage.
SECTION 7.83.5They secretly agreed among themselves on what they wanted done and how it should be carried out. They set the time for the approach at about noon.
SECTION 7.83.6They placed these troops under the command of Vercassivellaunus the Arvernian, one of the four commanders and a relative of Vercingetorix.
SECTION 7.83.7He left camp during the first watch, nearly completed his march by dawn, concealed himself behind the mountain, and ordered his soldiers to recover from their exertions during the night.
SECTION 7.83.8When noon seemed to be approaching, he hurried toward the camp mentioned above. At the same time, the cavalry began approaching the fortifications on the plain, while the rest of the forces began showing themselves in front of their camp.
CHAPTER 7.84
SECTION 7.84.1When Vercingetorix saw his men from the citadel of Alesia, he left the town and brought forward the hurdles, poles, covered assault shelters, hooks, and other equipment he had prepared for the sortie.
SECTION 7.84.2Fighting took place simultaneously at every point, and every method was tried. Wherever a section appeared weakest, men rushed to it.
SECTION 7.84.3The Roman force was stretched thin by fortifications of such extent and could not readily respond at several points.
SECTION 7.84.4The shouting that arose behind our men as they fought did much to terrify them, because they saw that their own danger depended on the safety of others.
SECTION 7.84.5For things that are out of sight generally disturb people’s minds more intensely.
CHAPTER 7.85
SECTION 7.85.1Caesar found a suitable position from which he could see what was happening in every sector, and he sent reinforcements to those under pressure.
SECTION 7.85.2Both sides realized that this was the one moment when they must make their greatest effort:
SECTION 7.85.3the Gauls despaired of any chance of survival unless they broke through the fortifications; the Romans, if they held their ground, expected an end to all their hardships.
SECTION 7.85.4The greatest pressure was on the upper fortifications, where, as we have shown, Vercassivellaunus had been sent. The unfavorable downward slope of the ground had a major effect.
SECTION 7.85.5Some hurled missiles, while others formed a shield wall and advanced. Fresh troops took the place of those who became exhausted.
SECTION 7.85.6The earth thrown against the fortification by the entire Gallic force both gave the Gauls a way up and covered the obstacles the Romans had concealed in the ground. By now our men had neither weapons nor strength enough to continue.
CHAPTER 7.86
SECTION 7.86.1When Caesar learned of these developments, he sent Labienus with six cohorts to reinforce the men under pressure.
SECTION 7.86.2He ordered him, if he could not hold out, to withdraw the cohorts from the fortifications and fight by making a sortie, but not to do this unless absolutely necessary.
SECTION 7.86.3Caesar himself went to the other troops and urged them not to give in to exhaustion. He explained that the reward for all their previous battles depended on that day and that hour.
SECTION 7.86.4The men on the inside, despairing of success on the level ground because of the immense fortifications, attempted to climb the steep slopes. They brought there the equipment they had prepared.
SECTION 7.86.5With a mass of missiles they drove the defenders from the towers, filled the trenches with earth and hurdles, and used hooks to tear down the palisade and breastwork.
CHAPTER 7.87
SECTION 7.87.1Caesar first sent the young Brutus with several cohorts, and afterward sent the lieutenant Gaius Fabius with others. Finally, when the fighting became more intense, he himself brought up fresh troops as reinforcements.
SECTION 7.87.2After restoring the battle and driving back the enemy, he hurried to the place where he had sent Labienus. He brought four cohorts down from the nearest redoubt and ordered part of the cavalry to follow him, while the rest rode around the outer fortifications and attacked the enemy from the rear.
SECTION 7.87.3When neither the embankments nor the trenches could withstand the enemy’s assault, Labienus assembled forty cohorts that chance had made available from the nearest guard posts and sent messengers to inform Caesar of what he thought had to be done. Caesar hurried so that he could take part in the battle.
CHAPTER 7.88
SECTION 7.88.1The enemy recognized Caesar’s approach by the color of the cloak he customarily wore as his distinguishing mark in battle. Seeing also the cavalry squadrons and cohorts he had ordered to follow him, since the downward slopes could be seen from the higher ground, they joined battle.
SECTION 7.88.2A shout rises on both sides, and another shout answers it from the rampart and all the fortifications. Our men lay aside their javelins and fight with their swords.
SECTION 7.88.3Suddenly the cavalry is seen behind the enemy; other cohorts are approaching. The enemy turns and flees, only to be met by the cavalry. A great slaughter follows. Sedulius, commander and chief of the Lemovices, is killed;
SECTION 7.88.4Vercassivellaunus the Arvernian is captured alive while fleeing; seventy-four military standards are brought back to Caesar. Out of that vast number, only a few reach their camp unharmed.
SECTION 7.88.5When those in the town see the slaughter and flight of their countrymen, they despair of being saved and withdraw their forces from the fortifications.
SECTION 7.88.6As soon as this news is heard, the Gauls flee from their camp. If our soldiers had not been exhausted by repeated relief duties and the exertions of the entire day, all the enemy’s forces could have been destroyed.
SECTION 7.88.7Around midnight the cavalry is sent out and overtakes the rear of the column. A great number are captured and killed; the rest escape and disperse to their states.
CHAPTER 7.89
SECTION 7.89.1The next day Vercingetorix calls a council and explains that he undertook that war not for his own personal interests,
SECTION 7.89.2but for the sake of their common freedom, and that, since they must yield to fortune, he offers himself to them for either course: whether they wish to satisfy the Romans by his death or surrender him alive. Envoys are sent to Caesar about these matters.
SECTION 7.89.3He orders the weapons to be surrendered and the chiefs brought forward.
SECTION 7.89.4Caesar himself takes his seat in the fortifications before the camp. The leaders are brought before him; Vercingetorix is surrendered, and the weapons are thrown down.
SECTION 7.89.5He keeps the Aedui and Arverni apart, in case he can use them to regain the allegiance of their states, and distributes the remaining prisoners throughout the entire army, one to each soldier as plunder.
CHAPTER 7.90
SECTION 7.90.1After completing these arrangements, he sets out for the territory of the Aedui and restores the state to his allegiance.
SECTION 7.90.2Envoys sent there by the Arverni promise that they will do whatever he commands. He demands a large number of hostages.
SECTION 7.90.3He sends the legions into winter quarters. He returns about twenty thousand prisoners to the Aedui and Arverni.
SECTION 7.90.4He orders Titus Labienus to set out for the territory of the Sequani with two legions and the cavalry, and assigns Marcus Sempronius Rutilus to him.
SECTION 7.90.5He stations the legate Gaius Fabius and Lucius Minucius Basilus with two legions among the Remi, to prevent them from suffering any harm from the neighboring Bellovaci.
SECTION 7.90.6He sends Gaius Antistius Reginus to the Ambivareti, Titus Sextius to the Bituriges, and Gaius Caninius Rebilus to the Ruteni, each with one legion.
SECTION 7.90.7He stations Quintus Tullius Cicero and Publius Sulpicius at Cabillonum and Matisco in the territory of the Aedui along the Arar, to oversee the grain supply. He himself decides to winter at Bibracte. When these dispatches become known at Rome, a public thanksgiving of twenty days is decreed.
Book 8
Latin
CHAPTER 8.0
SECTION 8.0.1Coactus assiduis tuis vocibus, Balbe, cum cotidiana mea recusatio non difficultatis excusationem, sed inertiae videretur deprecationem habere, rem difficillimam suscepi.
SECTION 8.0.2Caesaris nostri commentarios rerum gestarum Galliae, non comparantibus superioribus atque insequentibus eius scriptis, contexui novissimumque imperfectum ab rebus gestis Alexandriae confeci usque ad exitum non quidem civilis dissensionis, cuius finem nullum videmus, sed vitae Caesaris.
SECTION 8.0.3Quos utinam qui legent scire possint quam invitus susceperim scribendos, qua facilius caream stultitiae atque arrogantiae crimine, qui me mediis interposuerim Caesaris scriptis.
SECTION 8.0.4Constat enim inter omnes nihil tam operose ab aliis esse perfectum, quod non horum elegantia commentariorum superetur:
SECTION 8.0.5qui sunt editi, ne scientia tantarum rerum scriptoribus deesset, adeoque probantur omnium iudicio ut praerepta, non praebita, facultas scriptoribus videatur.
SECTION 8.0.6Cuius tamen rei maior nostra quam reliquorum est admiratio: ceteri enim, quam bene atque emendate, nos etiam, quam facile atque celeriter eos perfecerit scimus.
SECTION 8.0.7Erat autem in Caesare cum facultas atque elegantia summa scribendi, tum verissima scientia suorum consiliorum explicandorum.
SECTION 8.0.8Mihi ne illud quidem accidit, ut Alexandrino atque Africano bello interessem; quae bella quamquam ex parte nobis Caesaris sermone sunt nota, tamen aliter audimus ea, quae rerum novitate aut admiratione nos capiunt, aliter, quae pro testimonio sumus dicturi.
SECTION 8.0.9Sed ego nimirum, dum omnes excusationis causas colligo ne cum Caesare conferar, hoc ipsum crimen arrogantiae subeo, quod me iudicio cuiusquam existimem posse cum Caesare comparari. Vale.
CHAPTER 8.1
SECTION 8.1.1Omni Gallia devicta Caesar cum a superiore aestate nullum bellandi tempus intermisisset militesque hibernorum quiete reficere a tantis laboribus vellet, complures eodem tempore civitates renovare belli consilia nuntiabantur coniurationesque facere.
SECTION 8.1.2Cuius rei verisimilis causa adferebatur, quod Gallis omnibus cognitum esset neque ulla multitudine in unum locum coacta resisti posse Romanis, nec, si diversa bella complures eodem tempore intulissent civitates, satis auxili aut spati aut copiarum habiturum exercitum populi Romani ad omnia persequenda; non esse autem alicui civitati sortem incommodi recusandam, si tali mora reliquae possent se vindicare in libertatem.
CHAPTER 8.2
SECTION 8.2.1Quae ne opinio Gallorum confirmaretur, Caesar Marcum Antonium quaestorem suis praefecit hibernis; ipse equitum praesidio pridie Kal. Ianuarias ab oppido Bibracte proficiscitur ad legionem XIII, quam non longe a finibus Aeduorum collocaverat in finibus Biturigum, eique adiungit legionem XI, quae proxima fuerat.
SECTION 8.2.2Binis cohortibus ad impedimenta tuenda relictis reliquum exercitum in copiosissimos agros Biturigum inducit, qui, cum latos fines et complura oppida haberent, unius legionis hibernis non potuerint contineri quin bellum pararent coniurationesque facerent.
CHAPTER 8.3
SECTION 8.3.1Repentino adventu Caesaris accidit, quod imparatis disiectisque accidere fuit necesse, ut sine timore ullo rura colentes prius ab equitatu opprimerentur quam confugere in oppida possent.
SECTION 8.3.2Namque etiam illud vulgare incursionis hostium signum, quod incendiis aedificiorum intellegi consuevit, Caesaris erat interdicto sublatum, ne aut copia pabuli frumentique, si longius progredi vellet, deficeretur, aut hostes incendiis terrerentur.
SECTION 8.3.3Multis hominum milibus captis perterriti Bituriges; qui primum adventum potuerant effugere Romanorum, in finitimas civitates aut privatis hospitiis confisi aut societate consiliorum confugerant.
SECTION 8.3.4Frustra: nam Caesar magnis itineribus omnibus locis occurrit nec dat ulli civitati spatium de aliena potius quam de domestica salute cogitandi; qua celeritate et fideles amicos retinebat et dubitantes terrore ad condiciones pacis adducebat.
SECTION 8.3.5Tali condicione proposita Bituriges, cum sibi viderent clementia Caesaris reditum patere in eius amicitiam finitimasque civitates sine ulla poena dedisse obsides atque in fidem receptas esse, idem fecerunt.
CHAPTER 8.4
SECTION 8.4.1Caesar militibus pro tanto labore ac patientia, qui brumalibus diebus itineribus difficillimis, frigoribus intolerandis studiosissime permanserant in labore, ducenos sestertios, centurionibus tot milia nummum praedae nomine condonanda pollicetur legionibusque in hiberna remissis ipse se recipit die XXXX Bibracte.
SECTION 8.4.2Ibi cum ius diceret, Bituriges ad eum legatos mittunt auxilium petitum contra Carnutes, quos intulisse bellum sibi querebantur.
SECTION 8.4.3Qua re cognita, cum dies non amplius decem et octo in hibernis esset moratus, legiones XIIII et VI ex hibernis ab Arare educit, quas ibi collocatas explicandae rei frumentariae causa superiore commentario demonstratum est: ita cum duabus legionibus ad persequendos Carnutes proficiscitur.
CHAPTER 8.5
SECTION 8.5.1Cum fama exercitus ad hostes esset perlata, calamitate ceterorum ducti Carnutes desertis vicis oppidisque, quae tolerandae hiemis causa constitutis repente exiguis ad necessitatem aedificiis incolebant (nuper enim devicti complura oppida dimiserant), dispersi profugiunt.
SECTION 8.5.2Caesar erumpentes eo maxime tempore acerrimas tempestates cum subire milites nollet, in oppido Carnutum Cenabo castra ponit atque in tecta partim Gallorum, partim quae coniectis celeriter stramentis tentoriorum integendorum gratia erant inaedificata, milites compegit.
SECTION 8.5.3Equites tamen et auxiliarios pedites in omnes partes mittit quascumque petisse dicebantur hostes; nec frustra:
SECTION 8.5.4nam plerumque magna praeda potiti nostri revertuntur. Oppressi Carnutes hiemis difficultate, terrore periculi, cum tectis expulsi nullo loco diutius consistere auderent nec silvarum praesidio tempestatibus durissimis tegi possent, dispersi magna parte amissa suorum dissipantur in finitimas civitates.
CHAPTER 8.6
SECTION 8.6.1Caesar tempore anni difficillimo, cum satis haberet convenientes manus dissipare, ne quod initium belli nasceretur, quantumque in ratione esset, exploratum haberet sub tempus aestivorum nullum summum bellum posse conflari, Gaium Trebonium cum duabus legionibus, quas secum habebat, in hibernis Cenabi collocavit;
SECTION 8.6.2ipse, cum crebris legationibus Remorum certior fieret Bellovacos, qui belli gloria Gallos omnes Belgasque praestabant, finitimasque his civitates duce Correo Bellovaco et Commio Atrebate exercitus comparare atque in unum locum cogere, ut omni multitudine in fines Suessionum, qui Remis erant attributi, facerent impressionem, pertinere autem non tantum ad dignitatem sed etiam ad salutem suam iudicaret nullam calamitatem socios optime de re publica meritos accipere,
SECTION 8.6.3legionem ex hibernis evocat rursus undecimam; litteras autem ad Gaium Fabium mittit, ut in fines Suessionum legiones duas quas habebat adduceret, alteramque ex duabus ab Labieno arcessit.
SECTION 8.6.4Ita, quantum hibernorum opportunitas bellique ratio postulabat, perpetuo suo labore in vicem legionibus expeditionum onus iniungebat.
CHAPTER 8.7
SECTION 8.7.1His copiis coactis ad Bellovacos proficiscitur castrisque in eorum finibus positis equitum turmas dimittit in omnes partes ad aliquos excipiendos ex quibus hostium consilia cognosceret.
SECTION 8.7.2Equites officio functi renuntiant paucos in aedificiis esse inventos, atque hos, non qui agrorum colendorum causa remansissent (namque esse undique diligenter demigratum), sed qui speculandi causa essent remissi.
SECTION 8.7.3A quibus cum quaereret Caesar quo loco multitudo esset Bellovacorum quodve esset consilium eorum, inveniebat Bellovacos omnes qui arma ferre possent in unum locum convenisse,
SECTION 8.7.4itemque Ambianos, Aulercos, Caletos, Veliocasses, Atrebatas; locum castris excelsum in silva circumdata palude delegisse, impedimenta omnia in ulteriores silvas contulisse.
SECTION 8.7.5Complures esse principes belli auctores, sed multitudinem maxime Correo obtemperare, quod ei summo esse odio nomen populi Romani intellexissent.
SECTION 8.7.6Paucis ante diebus ex his castris Atrebatem Commium discessisse ad auxilia Germanorum adducenda; quorum et vicinitas propinqua et multitudo esset infinita.
SECTION 8.7.7Constituisse autem Bellovacos omnium principum consensu, summa plebis cupiditate, si, ut diceretur, Caesar cum tribus legionibus veniret, offerre se ad dimicandum, ne miseriore ac duriore postea condicione cum toto exercitu decertare cogerentur;
SECTION 8.7.8si maiores copias adduceret, in eo loco permanere quem delegissent, pabulatione autem, quae propter anni tempus cum exigua tum disiecta esset, et frumentatione et reliquo commeatu ex insidiis prohibere Romanos.
CHAPTER 8.8
SECTION 8.8.1Quae Caesar consentientibus pluribus cum cognosset atque ea quae proponerentur consilia plena prudentiae longeque a temeritate barbarorum remota esse iudicaret, omnibus rebus inserviendum statuit, quo celerius hostis contempta sua paucitate prodiret in aciem.
SECTION 8.8.2Singularis enim virtutis veterrimas legiones VII, VIII, VIIII habebat, summae spei delectaeque iuventutis XI, quae octavo iam stipendio tamen in collatione reliquarum nondum eandem vetustatis ac virtutis ceperat opinionem.
SECTION 8.8.3Itaque consilio advocato, rebus eis quae ad se essent delatae omnibus expositis animos multitudinis confirmat.
SECTION 8.8.4Si forte hostes trium legionum numero posset elicere ad dimicandum, agminis ordinem ita constituit, ut legio septima, octava, nona ante omnia irent impedimenta, deinde omnium impedimentorum agmen, quod tamen erat mediocre, ut in expeditionibus esse consuevit, cogeret undecima, ne maioris multitudinis species accidere hostibus posset quam ipsi depoposcissent.
SECTION 8.8.5Hac ratione paene quadrato agmine instructo in conspectum hostium celerius opinione eorum exercitum adducit.
CHAPTER 8.9
SECTION 8.9.1Cum repente instructas velut in acie certo gradu legiones accedere Galli viderent, quorum erant ad Caesarem plena fiduciae consilia perlata, sive certaminis periculo sive subito adventu sive exspectatione nostri consili copias instruunt pro castris nec loco superiore decedunt.
SECTION 8.9.2Caesar, etsi dimicare optaverat, tamen admiratus tantam multitudinem hostium valle intermissa magis in altitudinem depressa quam late patente castra castris hostium confert.
SECTION 8.9.3Haec imperat vallo pedum XII muniri, loriculam pro [hac] ratione eius altitudinis inaedificari; fossam duplicem pedum denum quinum lateribus deprimi directis; turres excitari crebras in altitudinem trium tabulatorum, pontibus traiectis constratisque coniungi, quorum frontes viminea loricula munirentur; ut ab hostibus duplici fossa, duplici propugnatorum ordine defenderentur,
SECTION 8.9.4quorum alter ex pontibus, quo tutior altitudine esset, hoc audacius longiusque permitteret tela, alter, qui propior hostem in ipso vallo collocatus esset, ponte ab incidentibus telis tegeretur. Portis fores altioresque turres imposuit.
CHAPTER 8.10
SECTION 8.10.1Huius munitionis duplex erat consilium. Namque et operum magnitudinem et timorem suum sperabat fiduciam barbaris allaturum, et cum pabulatum frumentatumque longius esset proficiscendum, parvis copiis castra munitione ipsa videbat posse defendi.
SECTION 8.10.2Interim crebro paucis utrimque procurrentibus inter bina castra palude interiecta contendebatur; quam tamen paludem nonnumquam aut nostra auxilia Gallorum Germanorumque transibant acriusque hostes insequebantur, aut vicissim hostes eadem transgressi nostros longius summovebant.
SECTION 8.10.3Accidebat autem cotidianis pabulationibus (id quod accidere erat necesse, cum raris disiectisque ex aedificiis pabulum conquireretur), ut impeditis locis dispersi pabulatores circumvenirentur;
SECTION 8.10.4quae res, etsi mediocre detrimentum iumentorum ac servorum nostris adferebat, tamen stultas cogitationes incitabat barbarorum, atque eo magis, quod Commius, quem profectum ad auxilia Germanorum arcessenda docui, cum equitibus venerat; qui, tametsi numero non amplius erant quingenti, tamen Germanorum adventu barbari nitebantur.
CHAPTER 8.11
SECTION 8.11.1Caesar, cum animadverteret hostem complures dies castris palude et loci natura munitis se tenere neque oppugnari castra eorum sine dimicatione perniciosa nec locum munitionibus claudi nisi a maiore exercitu posse, litteras ad Trebonium mittit, ut quam celerrime posset legionem XIII, quae cum T. Sextio legato in Biturigibus hiemabat, arcesseret atque ita cum tribus legionibus magnis itineribus ad se veniret;
SECTION 8.11.2ipse equites in vicem Remorum ac Lingonum reliquarumque civitatum, quorum magnum numerum evocaverat, praesidio pabulationibus mittit, qui subitas hostium incursiones sustinerent.
CHAPTER 8.12
SECTION 8.12.1Quod cum cotidie fieret ac iam consuetudine diligentia minueretur, quod plerumque accidit diuturnitate, Bellovaci delecta manu peditum cognitis stationibus cotidianis equitum nostrorum
SECTION 8.12.2silvestribus locis insidias disponunt eodemque equites postero die mittunt, qui primum elicerent nostros, deinde circumventos aggrederentur.
SECTION 8.12.3Cuius mali sors incidit Remis, quibus ille dies fungendi muneris obvenerat. Namque hi, cum repente hostium equites animadvertissent ac numero superiores paucitatem contempsissent, cupidius insecuti peditibus undique sunt circumdati.
SECTION 8.12.4Quo facto perturbati celerius quam consuetudo fert equestris proeli se receperunt amisso Vertisco, principe civitatis, praefecto equitum;
SECTION 8.12.5qui cum vix equo propter aetatem posset uti, tamen consuetudine Gallorum neque aetatis excusatione in suscipienda praefectura usus erat neque dimicari sine se voluerat.
SECTION 8.12.6Inflantur atque incitantur hostium animi secundo proelio, principe et praefecto Remorum interfecto,
SECTION 8.12.7nostrique detrimento admonentur diligentius exploratis locis stationes disponere ac moderatius cedentem insequi hostem.
CHAPTER 8.13
SECTION 8.13.1Non intermittunt interim cotidiana proelia in conspectu utrorumque castrorum, quae ad vada transitusque fiebant paludis.
SECTION 8.13.2Qua contentione Germani, quos propterea Caesar traduxerat Rhenum ut equitibus interpositi proeliarentur, cum constantius universi paludem transissent paucisque resistentibus interfectis pertinacius reliquam multitudinem essent insecuti, perterriti non solum ei qui aut comminus opprimebantur aut eminus vulnerabantur, sed etiam qui longius subsidiari consuerant, turpiter refugerunt,
SECTION 8.13.3nec prius finem fugae fecerunt saepe amissis superioribus locis quam se aut in castra suorum reciperent, aut nonnulli pudore coacti longius profugerent.
SECTION 8.13.4Quorum periculo sic omnes copiae sunt perturbatae ut vix iudicari posset, utrum secundis minimisque rebus insolentiores an adverso mediocri casu timidiores essent.
CHAPTER 8.14
SECTION 8.14.1Compluribus diebus isdem in castris consumptis, cum propius accessisse legiones et Gaium Trebonium legatum cognossent, duces Bellovacorum veriti similem obsessionem Alesiae noctu dimittunt eos quos aut aetate aut viribus inferiores aut inermes habebant, unaque reliqua impedimenta.
SECTION 8.14.2Quorum perturbatum et confusum dum explicant agmen (magna enim multitudo carrorum etiam expeditos sequi Gallos consuevit), oppressi luce copias armatorum pro suis instruunt castris, ne prius Romani persequi se inciperent quam longius agmen impedimentorum suorum processisset.
SECTION 8.14.3At Caesar neque resistentes adgrediendos tanto collis ascensu iudicabat, neque non usque eo legiones admovendas ut discedere ex eo loco sine periculo barbari militibus instantibus non possent.
SECTION 8.14.4Ita, cum palude impedita a castris castra dividi videret, quae transeundi difficultas celeritatem insequendi tardare posset, atque id iugum quod trans paludem paene ad hostium castra pertineret mediocri valle a castris eorum intercisum animum adverteret, pontibus palude constrata legiones traducit celeriterque in summam planitiem iugi pervenit, quae declivi fastigio duobus ab lateribus muniebatur.
SECTION 8.14.5Ibi legionibus instructis ad ultimum iugum pervenit aciemque eo loco constituit unde tormento missa tela in hostium cuneos conici possent.
CHAPTER 8.15
SECTION 8.15.1Barbari confisi loci natura, cum dimicare non recusarent, si forte Romani subire collem conarentur, paulatim copias distributas dimittere non possent, ne dispersi perturbarentur, in acie permanserunt.
SECTION 8.15.2Quorum pertinacia cognita Caesar XX cohortibus instructis castrisque eo loco metatis muniri iubet castra.
SECTION 8.15.3Absolutis operibus pro vallo legiones instructas collocat, equites frenatis equis in statione disponit.
SECTION 8.15.4Bellovaci, cum Romanos ad insequendum paratos viderent neque pernoctare aut diutius permanere sine periculo eodem loco possent, tale consilium sui recipiendi ceperunt.
SECTION 8.15.5Fasces, ubi consederant (namque in acie sedere Gallos consuesse superioribus commentariis Caesaris declaratum est), per manus stramentorum ac virgultorum, quorum summa erat in castris copia, inter se traditos ante aciem collocarunt extremoque tempore diei signo pronuntiato uno tempore incenderunt.
SECTION 8.15.6Ita continens flamma copias omnes repente a conspectu texit Romanorum. Quod ubi accidit, barbari vehementissimo cursu refugerunt.
CHAPTER 8.16
SECTION 8.16.1Caesar, etsi discessum hostium animadvertere non poterat incendiis oppositis, tamen id consilium cum fugae causa initum suspicaretur, legiones promovet, turmas mittit ad insequendum; ipse veritus insidias, ne forte in eodem loco subsistere hostis atque elicere nostros in locum conaretur iniquum, tardius procedit.
SECTION 8.16.2Equites cum intrare fumum et flammam densissimam timerent ac, si qui cupidius intraverant, vix suorum ipsi priores partes animadverterent equorum, insidias veriti liberam facultatem sui recipiendi Bellovacis dederunt.
SECTION 8.16.3Ita fuga timoris simul calliditatisque plena sine ullo detrimento milia non amplius decem progressi hostes loco munitissimo castra posuerunt.
SECTION 8.16.4Inde cum saepe in insidiis equites peditesque disponerent, magna detrimenta Romanis in pabulationibus inferebant.
CHAPTER 8.17
SECTION 8.17.1Quod cum crebrius accideret, ex captivo quodam comperit Caesar Correum, Bellovacorum ducem, fortissimorum milia sex peditum delegisse equitesque ex omni numero mille, quos in insidiis eo loco collocaret, quem in locum propter copiam frumenti ac pabuli Romanos missuros suspicaretur.
SECTION 8.17.2Quo cognito consilio legiones plures quam solebat educit equitatumque, qua consuetudine pabulatoribus mittere praesidio consuerat, praemittit: huic interponit auxilia levis armaturae; ipse cum legionibus quam potest maxime appropinquat.
CHAPTER 8.18
SECTION 8.18.1Hostes in insidiis dispositi, cum sibi delegissent campum ad rem gerendam non amplius patentem in omnes partes passibus mille, silvis undique aut impeditissimo flumine munitum, velut indagine hunc insidiis circumdederunt.
SECTION 8.18.2Explorato hostium consilio nostri ad proeliandum animo atque armis parati, cum subsequentibus legionibus nullam dimicationem recusarent, turmatim in eum locum devenerunt.
SECTION 8.18.3Quorum adventu cum sibi Correus oblatam occasionem rei gerendae existimaret, primum cum paucis se ostendit atque in proximas turmas impetum fecit.
SECTION 8.18.4Nostri constanter incursum sustinent insidiatorum neque plures in unum locum conveniunt; quod plerumque equestribus proeliis cum propter aliquem timorem accidit, tum multitudine ipsorum detrimentum accipitur.
CHAPTER 8.19
SECTION 8.19.1Cum dispositis turmis in vicem rari proeliarentur neque ab lateribus circumveniri suos paterentur, erumpunt ceteri Correo proeliante ex silvis.
SECTION 8.19.2Fit magna contentione diversum proelium. Quod cum diutius pari Marte iniretur, paulatim ex silvis instructa multitudo procedit peditum, quae nostros coegit cedere equites. Quibus celeriter subveniunt levis armaturae pedites, quos ante legiones missos docui, turmisque nostrorum interpositi constanter proeliantur.
SECTION 8.19.3Pugnatur aliquamdiu pari contentione; deinde, ut ratio postulabat proeli, qui sustinuerant primos impetus insidiarum hoc ipso fiunt superiores, quod nullum ab insidiantibus imprudentes acceperant detrimentum.
SECTION 8.19.4Accedunt propius interim legiones, crebrique eodem tempore et nostris et hostibus nuntii adferuntur, imperatorem instructis copiis adesse.
SECTION 8.19.5Qua re cognita praesidio cohortium confisi nostri acerrime proeliantur, ne, si tardius rem gessissent, victoriae gloriam communicasse cum legionibus viderentur;
SECTION 8.19.6hostes concidunt animis atque itineribus diversis fugam quaerunt. Nequiquam: nam quibus difficultatibus locorum Romanos claudere voluerant, eis ipsi tenebantur.
SECTION 8.19.7Victi tamen perculsique maiore parte amissa consternati profugiunt partim silvis petitis, partim flumine (qui tamen in fuga a nostris acriter insequentibus conficiuntur),
SECTION 8.19.8cum interim nulla calamitate victus Correus excedere proelio silvasque petere aut invitantibus nostris ad deditionem potuit adduci, quin fortissime proeliando compluresque vulnerando cogeret elatos iracundia victores in se tela conicere.
CHAPTER 8.20
SECTION 8.20.1Tali modo re gesta recentibus proeli vestigiis ingressus Caesar, cum victos tanta calamitate existimaret hostes nuntio accepto locum castrorum relicturos, quae non longius ab ea caede abesse plus minus octo milibus dicebantur, tametsi flumine impeditum transitum videbat, tamen exercitu traducto progreditur.
SECTION 8.20.2At Bellovaci reliquaeque civitates repente ex fuga paucis atque his vulneratis receptis, qui silvarum beneficio casum evitaverant, omnibus adversis, cognita calamitate, interfecto Correo, amisso equitatu et fortissimis peditibus, cum adventare Romanos existimarent, concilio repente cantu tubarum convocato conclamant, legati obsidesque ad Caesarem mittantur.
CHAPTER 8.21
SECTION 8.21.1Hoc omnibus probato consilio Commius Atrebas ad eos confugit Germanos, a quibus ad id bellum auxilia mutuatus erat.
SECTION 8.21.2Ceteri e vestigio mittunt ad Caesarem legatos petuntque, ut ea poena sit contentus hostium, quam si sine dimicatione inferre integris posset, pro sua clementia atque humanitate numquam profecto esset illaturus.
SECTION 8.21.3Adflictas opes equestri proelio Bellovacorum esse; delectorum peditum multa milia interisse, vix refugisse nuntios caedis.
SECTION 8.21.4Tamen magnum ut in tanta calamitate Bellovacos eo proelio commodum esse consecutos, quod Correus, auctor belli, concitator multitudinis, esset interfectus. Numquam enim senatum tantum in civitate illo vivo quantum imperitam plebem potuisse.
CHAPTER 8.22
SECTION 8.22.1Haec orantibus legatis commemorat Caesar: Eodem tempore superiore anno Bellovacos ceterasque Galliae civitates suscepisse bellum: pertinacissime hos ex omnibus in sententia permansisse neque ad sanitatem reliquorum deditione esse perductos.
SECTION 8.22.2Scire atque intellegere se causam peccati facillime mortuis delegari. Neminem vero tantum pollere, ut invitis principibus, resistente senatu, omnibus bonis repugnantibus infirma manu plebis bellum concitare et gerere posset. Sed tamen se contentum fore ea poena quam sibi ipsi contraxissent.
CHAPTER 8.23
SECTION 8.23.1Nocte insequenti legati responsa ad suos referunt, obsides conficiunt. Concurrunt reliquarum civitatium legati, quae Bellovacorum speculabantur eventum;
SECTION 8.23.2obsides dant, imperata faciunt excepto Commio, quem timor prohibebat cuiusquam fidei suam committere salutem.
SECTION 8.23.3Nam superiore anno Titus Labienus, Caesare in Gallia citeriore ius dicente, cum Commium comperisset sollicitare civitates et coniurationem contra Caesarem facere, infidelitatem eius sine ulla perfidia iudicavit comprimi posse.
SECTION 8.23.4Quem quia non arbitrabatur vocatum in castra venturum, ne temptando cautiorem faceret, Gaium Volusenum Quadratum misit, qui eum per simulationem colloqui curaret interficiendum. Ad eam rem delectos idoneos ei tradit centuriones.
SECTION 8.23.5Cum in colloquium ventum esset, et, ut convenerat, manum Commi Volusenus arripuisset, centurio vel insueta re permotus vel celeriter a familiaribus prohibitus Commi conficere hominem non potuit; graviter tamen primo ictu gladio caput percussit.
SECTION 8.23.6Cum utrimque gladii destricti essent, non tam pugnandi quam diffugiendi fuit utrorumque consilium: nostrorum, quod mortifero vulnere Commium credebant adfectum; Gallorum, quod insidiis cognitis plura quam videbant extimescebant. Quo facto statuisse Commius dicebatur numquam in conspectum cuiusquam Romani venire.
CHAPTER 8.24
SECTION 8.24.1Bellicosissimis gentibus devictis Caesar, cum videret nullam iam esse civitatem quae bellum pararet quo sibi resisteret, sed nonnullos ex oppidis demigrare, ex agris diffugere ad praesens imperium evitandum, plures in partes exercitum dimittere constituit.
SECTION 8.24.2M. Antonium quaestorem cum legione duodecima sibi coniungit. C. Fabium legatum cum cohortibus XXV mittit in diversissimam partem Galliae, quod ibi quasdam civitates in armis esse audiebat neque C. Caninium Rebilum legatum, qui in illis regionibus erat, satis firmas duas legiones habere existimabat.
SECTION 8.24.3Titum Labienum ad se evocat; legionem autem XV, quae cum eo fuerat in hibernis, in togatam Galliam mittit ad colonias civium Romanorum tuendas, ne quod simile incommodum accideret decursione barbarorum ac superiore aestate Tergestinis acciderat, qui repentino latrocinio atque impetu illorum erant oppressi.
SECTION 8.24.4Ipse ad vastandos depopulandosque fines Ambiorigis proficiscitur; quem perterritum ac fugientem cum redigi posse in suam potestatem desperasset, proximum suae dignitatis esse ducebat, adeo fines eius vastare civibus, aedificiis, pecore, ut odio suorum Ambiorix, si quos fortuna reliquos fecisset, nullum reditum propter tantas calamitates haberet in civitatem.
CHAPTER 8.25
SECTION 8.25.1Cum in omnes partes finium Ambiorigis aut legiones aut auxilia dimisisset atque omnia caedibus, incendiis, rapinis vastasset, magno numero hominum interfecto aut capto Labienum cum duabus legionibus in Treveros mittit,
SECTION 8.25.2quorum civitas propter Germaniae vicinitatem cotidianis exercitata bellis cultu et feritate non multum a Germanis differebat neque imperata umquam nisi exercitu coacta faciebat.
CHAPTER 8.26
SECTION 8.26.1Interim Gaius Caninius legatus, cum magnam multitudinem convenisse hostium in fines Pictonum litteris nuntiisque Durati cognosceret, qui perpetuo in amicitia manserat Romanorum, cum pars quaedam civitatis eius defecisset, ad oppidum Lemonum contendit.
SECTION 8.26.2Quo cum adventaret atque ex captivis certius cognosceret multis hominum milibus a Dumnaco, duce Andium, Duratium clausum Lemoni oppugnari neque infirmas legiones hostibus committere auderet, castra posuit loco munito.
SECTION 8.26.3Dumnacus, cum appropinquare Caninium cognosset, copiis omnibus ad legiones conversis castra Romanorum oppugnare instituit.
SECTION 8.26.4Cum complures dies in oppugnatione consumpsisset et magno suorum detrimento nullam partem munitionum convellere potuisset, rursus ad obsidendum Lemonum redit.
CHAPTER 8.27
SECTION 8.27.1Eodem tempore C. Fabius legatus complures civitates in fidem recipit, obsidibus firmat litterisque Gai Canini Rebili fit certior quae in Pictonibus gerantur.
SECTION 8.27.2Quibus rebus cognitis proficiscitur ad auxilium Duratio ferendum. At Dumnacus adventu Fabi cognito desperata salute, si tempore eodem coactus esset et Romanum externum sustinere hostem et respicere ac timere oppidanos, repente ex eo loco cum copiis recedit nec se satis tutum fore arbitratur, nisi flumine Ligeri, quod erat ponte propter magnitudinem transeundum, copias traduxisset.
SECTION 8.27.3Fabius, etsi nondum in conspectum venerat hostibus neque se Caninio coniunxerat, tamen doctus ab eis qui locorum noverant naturam potissimum credidit hostes perterritos eum locum, quem petebant, petituros.
SECTION 8.27.4Itaque cum copiis ad eundem pontem contendit equitatumque tantum procedere ante agmen imperat legionum, quantum cum processisset, sine defatigatione equorum in eadem se reciperet castra.
SECTION 8.27.5Consequuntur equites nostri, ut erat praeceptum, invaduntque Dumnaci agmen et fugientes perterritosque sub sarcinis in itinere adgressi magna praeda multis interfectis potiuntur. Ita re bene gesta se recipiunt in castra.
CHAPTER 8.28
SECTION 8.28.1Insequenti nocte Fabius equites praemittit sic paratos ut confligerent atque omne agmen morarentur, dum consequeretur ipse.
SECTION 8.28.2Cuius praeceptis ut res gereretur, Quintus Atius Varus, praefectus equitum, singularis et animi et prudentiae vir, suos hortatur agmenque hostium consecutus turmas partim idoneis locis disponit, parte equitum proelium committit.
SECTION 8.28.3Confligit audacius equitatus hostium succedentibus sibi peditibus, qui toto agmine subsistentes equitibus suis contra nostros ferunt auxilium. Fit proelium acri certamine.
SECTION 8.28.4Namque nostri contemptis pridie superatis hostibus, cum subsequi legiones meminissent, et pudore cedendi et cupiditate per se conficiendi proeli fortissime contra pedites proeliantur,
SECTION 8.28.5hostesque nihil amplius copiarum accessurum credentes, ut pridie cognoverant, delendi equitatus nostri nacti occasionem videbantur.
CHAPTER 8.29
SECTION 8.29.1Cum aliquamdiu summa contentione dimicaretur, Dumnacus instruit aciem quae suis esset equitibus in vicem praesidio, cum repente confertae legiones in conspectum hostium veniunt.
SECTION 8.29.2Quibus visis perculsae barbarorum turmae ac perterritae acies hostium, perturbato impedimentorum agmine, magno clamore discursuque passim fugae se mandant.
SECTION 8.29.3At nostri equites, qui paulo ante cum resistentibus fortissime conflixerant, laetitia victoriae elati magno undique clamore sublato cedentibus circumfusi, quantum equorum vires ad persequendum dextraeque ad caedendum valent, tantum eo proelio interficiunt.
SECTION 8.29.4Itaque amplius milibus XII aut armatorum aut eorum qui eo timore arma proiecerant interfectis omnis multitudo capitur impedimentorum.
CHAPTER 8.30
SECTION 8.30.1Qua ex fuga cum constaret Drappetem Senonem, qui, ut primum defecerat Gallia, collectis undique perditis hominibus, servis ad libertatem vocatis, exulibus omnium civitatum adscitis, receptis latronibus impedimenta et commeatus Romanorum interceperat, non amplius hominum duobus milibus ex fuga collectis provinciam petere unaque consilium cum eo Lucterium Cadurcum cepisse, quem superiore commentario prima defectione Galliae facere in provinciam voluisse impetum cognitum est,
SECTION 8.30.2Caninius legatus cum legionibus duabus ad eos persequendos contendit, ne detrimento aut timore provinciae magna infamia perditorum hominum latrociniis caperetur.
CHAPTER 8.31
SECTION 8.31.1Gaius Fabius cum reliquo exercitu in Carnutes ceterasque proficiscitur civitates, quarum eo proelio, quod cum Dumnaco fecerat, copias esse accisas sciebat.
SECTION 8.31.2Non enim dubitabat quin recenti calamitate summissiores essent futurae, dato vero spatio ac tempore eodem instigante Dumnaco possent concitari.
SECTION 8.31.3Qua in re summa felicitas celeritasque in recipiendis civitatibus Fabium consequitur.
SECTION 8.31.4Nam Carnutes, qui saepe vexati numquam pacis fecerant mentionem, datis obsidibus veniunt in deditionem, ceteraeque civitates positae in ultimis Galliae finibus Oceano coniunctae, quae Armoricae appellantur, auctoritate adductae Carnutum adventu Fabi legionumque imperata sine mora faciunt.
SECTION 8.31.5Dumnacus suis finibus expulsus errans latitansque solus extremas Galliae regiones petere est coactus.
CHAPTER 8.32
SECTION 8.32.1At Drappes unaque Lucterius, cum legiones Caniniumque adesse cognoscerent nec se sine certa pernicie persequente exercitu putarent provinciae fines intrare posse nec iam libere vagandi latrociniorumque faciendorum facultatem haberent, in finibus consistunt Cadurcorum.
SECTION 8.32.2Ibi cum Lucterius apud suos cives quondam integris rebus multum potuisset, semperque auctor novorum consiliorum magnam apud barbaros auctoritatem haberet, oppidum Vxellodunum, quod in clientela fuerat eius, egregie natura loci munitum, occupat suis et Drappetis copiis oppidanosque sibi coniungit.
CHAPTER 8.33
SECTION 8.33.1Quo cum confestim Gaius Caninius venisset animadverteretque omnes oppidi partes praeruptissimis saxis esse munitas, quo defendente nullo tamen armatis ascendere esset difficile, magna autem impedimenta oppidanorum videret, quae si clandestina fuga subtrahere conarentur, effugere non modo equitatum, sed ne legiones quidem possent, tripertito cohortibus divisis trina excelsissimo loco castra fecit;
SECTION 8.33.2a quibus paulatim, quantum copiae patiebantur, vallum in oppidi circuitum ducere instituit.
CHAPTER 8.34
SECTION 8.34.1Quod cum animadverterent oppidani miserrimaque Alesiae memoria solliciti similem casum obsessionis vererentur, maximeque ex omnibus Lucterius, qui fortunae illius periculum fecerat, moneret frumenti rationem esse habendam, constituunt omnium consensu parte ibi relicta copiarum ipsi cum expeditis ad importandum frumentum proficisci.
SECTION 8.34.2Eo consilio probato proxima nocte duobus milibus armatorum relictis reliquos ex oppido Drappes et Lucterius educunt.
SECTION 8.34.3Hi paucos dies morati ex finibus Cadurcorum, qui partim re frumentaria sublevare eos cupiebant, partim prohibere quo minus sumerent non poterant, magnum numerum frumenti comparant, nonnumquam autem expeditionibus nocturnis castella nostrorum adoriuntur.
SECTION 8.34.4Quam ob causam Gaius Caninius toto oppido munitiones circumdare moratur, ne aut opus effectum tueri non possit aut plurimis in locis infirma disponat praesidia.
CHAPTER 8.35
SECTION 8.35.1Magna copia frumenti comparata considunt Drappes et Lucterius non longius ab oppido X milibus, unde paulatim frumentum in oppidum supportarent.
SECTION 8.35.2Ipsi inter se provincias partiuntur: Drappes castris praesidio cum parte copiarum restitit; Lucterius agmen iumentorum ad oppidum ducit.
SECTION 8.35.3Dispositis ibi praesidiis hora noctis circiter decima silvestribus angustisque itineribus frumentum importare in oppidum instituit.
SECTION 8.35.4Quorum strepitum vigiles castrorum cum sensissent, exploratoresque missi quae gererentur renuntiassent, Caninius celeriter cum cohortibus armatis ex proximis castellis in frumentarios sub ipsam lucem impetum fecit.
SECTION 8.35.5Ei repentino malo perterriti diffugiunt ad sua praesidia; quae nostri ut viderunt, acrius contra armatos incitati neminem ex eo numero vivum capi patiuntur. Profugit inde cum paucis Lucterius nec se recipit in castra.
CHAPTER 8.36
SECTION 8.36.1Re bene gesta Caninius ex captivis comperit partem copiarum cum Drappete esse in castris a milibus longe non amplius XII.
SECTION 8.36.2Qua re ex compluribus cognita, cum intellegeret fugato duce altero perterritos reliquos facile opprimi posse, magnae felicitatis esse arbitrabatur neminem ex caede refugisse in castra qui de accepta calamitate nuntium Drappeti perferret.
SECTION 8.36.3Sed in experiendo cum periculum nullum videret, equitatum omnem Germanosque pedites, summae velocitatis homines, ad castra hostium praemittit; ipse legionem unam in trina castra distribuit, alteram secum expeditam ducit.
SECTION 8.36.4Cum propius hostes accessisset, ab exploratoribus quos praemiserat cognoscit castra eorum, ut barbarorum fere consuetudo est, relictis locis superioribus ad ripas fluminis esse demissa; at Germanos equitesque imprudentibus omnibus de improviso advolasse proeliumque commisisse.
SECTION 8.36.5Qua re cognita legionem armatam instructamque adducit. Ita repente omnibus ex partibus signo dato loca superiora capiuntur.
SECTION 8.36.6Quod ubi accidit, Germani equitesque signis legionis visis vehementissime proeliantur. Confestim cohortes undique impetum faciunt omnibusque aut interfectis aut captis magna praeda potiuntur. Capitur ipse eo proelio Drappes.
CHAPTER 8.37
SECTION 8.37.1Caninius felicissime re gesta sine ullo paene militis vulnere ad obsidendos oppidanos revertitur
SECTION 8.37.2externoque hoste deleto, cuius timore antea dividere praesidia et munitione oppidanos circumdare prohibitus erat, opera undique imperat administrari. Venit eodem cum suis copiis postero die Gaius Fabius partemque oppidi sumit ad obsidendum.
CHAPTER 8.38
SECTION 8.38.1Caesar interim M. Antonium quaestorem cum cohortibus XV in Bellovacis relinquit, ne qua rursus novorum consiliorum capiendorum Belgis facultas daretur.
SECTION 8.38.2Ipse reliquas civitates adit, obsides plures imperat, timentes omnium animos consolatione sanat.
SECTION 8.38.3Cum in Carnutes venisset, quorum in civitate superiore commentario Caesar exposuit initium belli esse ortum, quod praecipue eos propter conscientiam facti timere animadvertebat, quo celerius civitatem timore liberaret, principem sceleris illius et concitatorem belli, Gutruatum, ad supplicium depoposcit.
SECTION 8.38.4Qui etsi ne civibus quidem suis se committebat, tamen celeriter omnium cura quaesitus in castra perducitur.
SECTION 8.38.5Cogitur in eius supplicium Caesar contra suam naturam concursu maximo militum, qui ei omnia pericula et detrimenta belli accepta referebant, adeo ut verberibus exanimatum corpus securi feriretur.
CHAPTER 8.39
SECTION 8.39.1Ibi crebris litteris Canini fit certior quae de Drappete et Lucterio gesta essent, quoque in consilio permanerent oppidani.
SECTION 8.39.2Quorum etsi paucitatem contemnebat, tamen pertinaciam magna poena esse adficiendam iudicabat, ne universa Gallia non sibi vires defuisse ad resistendum Romanis, sed constantiam putaret, neve hoc exemplo ceterae civitates locorum opportunitate fretae se vindicarent in libertatem,
SECTION 8.39.3cum omnibus Gallis notum esse sciret reliquam esse unam aestatem suae provinciae, quam si sustinere potuissent, nullum ultra periculum vererentur.
SECTION 8.39.4Itaque Q. Calenum legatum cum legionibus reliquit qui iustis itineribus subsequeretur; ipse cum omni equitatu quam potest celerrime ad Caninium contendit.
CHAPTER 8.40
SECTION 8.40.1Cum contra exspectationem omnium Caesar Vxellodunum venisset oppidumque operibus clausum animadverteret neque ab oppugnatione recedi videret ulla condicione posse, magna autem copia frumenti abundare oppidanos ex perfugis cognosset, aqua prohibere hostem temptare coepit.
SECTION 8.40.2Flumen infimam vallem dividebat, quae totum paene montem cingebat, in quo positum erat praeruptum undique oppidum Vxellodunum.
SECTION 8.40.3Hoc avertere loci natura prohibebat: in infimis enim sic radicibus montis ferebatur, ut nullam in partem depressis fossis derivari posset.
SECTION 8.40.4Erat autem oppidanis difficilis et praeruptus eo descensus, ut prohibentibus nostris sine vulneribus ac periculo vitae neque adire flumen neque arduo se recipere possent ascensu.
SECTION 8.40.5Qua difficultate eorum cognita Caesar sagittariis funditoribusque dispositis, tormentis etiam quibusdam locis contra facillimos descensus collocatis aqua fluminis prohibebat oppidanos.
CHAPTER 8.41
SECTION 8.41.1Quorum omnis postea multitudo aquatorum unum in locum conveniebat sub ipsius oppidi murum, ubi magnus fons aquae prorumpebat ab ea parte, quae fere pedum CCC intervallo fluminis circuitu vacabat.
SECTION 8.41.2Hoc fonte prohiberi posse oppidanos cum optarent reliqui, Caesar unus videret, e regione eius vineas agere adversus montem et aggerem instruere coepit magno cum labore et continua dimicatione.
SECTION 8.41.3Oppidani enim loco superiore decurrunt et eminus sine periculo proeliantur multosque pertinaciter succedentes vulnerant; non deterrentur tamen milites nostri vineas proferre et labore atque operibus locorum vincere difficultates.
SECTION 8.41.4Eodem tempore cuniculos tectos ab vineis agunt ad caput fontis; quod genus operis sine ullo periculo, sine suspicione hostium facere licebat.
SECTION 8.41.5Exstruitur agger in altitudinem pedum sexaginta, collocatur in eo turris decem tabulatorum, non quidem quae moenibus aequaret (id enim nullis operibus effici poterat), sed quae superare fontis fastigium posset.
SECTION 8.41.6Ex ea cum tela tormentis iacerentur ad fontis aditum, nec sine periculo possent aquari oppidani, non tantum pecora atque iumenta, sed etiam magna hostium multitudo siti consumebatur.
CHAPTER 8.42
SECTION 8.42.1Quo malo perterriti oppidani cupas sebo, pice, scandulis complent; eas ardentes in opera provolvunt eodemque tempore acerrime proeliantur, ut ab incendio restinguendo dimicationis periculo deterreant Romanos.
SECTION 8.42.2Magna repente in ipsis operibus flamma exstitit. Quaecumque enim per locum praecipitem missa erant, ea vineis et aggere suppressa comprehendebant id ipsum quod morabatur.
SECTION 8.42.3Milites contra nostri, quamquam periculoso genere proeli locoque iniquo premebantur, tamen omnia fortissimo sustinebant animo.
SECTION 8.42.4Res enim gerebatur et excelso loco et in conspectu exercitus nostri, magnusque utrimque clamor oriebatur.
SECTION 8.42.5Ita quam quisque poterat maxime insignis, quo notior testatiorque virtus esset eius, telis hostium flammaeque se offerebat.
CHAPTER 8.43
SECTION 8.43.1Caesar cum complures suos vulnerari videret, ex omnibus oppidi partibus cohortes montem ascendere et simulatione moenium occupandorum clamorem undique iubet tollere.
SECTION 8.43.2Quo facto perterriti oppidani, cum quid ageretur in locis reliquis essent suspensi, revocant ab impugnandis operibus armatos murisque disponunt.
SECTION 8.43.3Ita nostri fine proeli facto celeriter opera flamma comprehensa partim restinguunt, partim interscindunt.
SECTION 8.43.4Cum pertinaciter resisterent oppidani, magna etiam parte amissa siti suorum in sententia permanerent, ad postremum cuniculis venae fontis intercisae sunt atque aversae.
SECTION 8.43.5Quo facto repente perennis exaruit fons tantamque attulit oppidanis salutis desperationem, ut id non hominum consilio, sed deorum voluntate factum putarent. Itaque se necessitate coacti tradiderunt.
CHAPTER 8.44
SECTION 8.44.1Caesar, cum suam lenitatem cognitam omnibus sciret neque vereretur ne quid crudelitate naturae videretur asperius fecisse, neque exitum consiliorum suorum animadverteret, si tali ratione diversis in locis plures consilia inissent, exemplo supplici deterrendos reliquos existimavit.
SECTION 8.44.2Itaque omnibus qui arma tulerant manus praecidit vitamque concessit, quo testatior esset poena improborum.
SECTION 8.44.3Drappes, quem captum esse a Caninio docui, sive indignitate et dolore vinculorum sive timore gravioris supplici paucis diebus cibo se abstinuit atque ita interiit.
SECTION 8.44.4Eodem tempore Lacterius, quem profugisse ex proelio scripsi, cum in potestatem venisset Epasnacti Arverni
SECTION 8.44.5(crebro enim mutandis locis multorum fidei se committebat, quod nusquam diutius sine periculo commoraturus videbatur, cum sibi conscius esset, quam inimicum deberet Caesarem habere),
SECTION 8.44.6hunc Epasnactus Arvernus, amicissimus populi Romani, sine dubitatione ulla vinctum ad Caesarem deduxit.
CHAPTER 8.45
SECTION 8.45.1Labienus interim in Treveris equestre proelium facit secundum compluribusque Treveris interfectis et Germanis, qui nullis adversus Romanos auxilia denegabant, principes eorum vivos redigit in suam potestatem
SECTION 8.45.2atque in his Surum Aeduum, qui et virtutis et generis summam nobilitatem habebat solusque ex Aeduis ad id tempus permanserat in armis.
CHAPTER 8.46
SECTION 8.46.1Ea re cognita Caesar, cum in omnibus partibus Galliae bene res geri videret iudicaretque superioribus aestivis Galliam devictam subactamque esse, Aquitaniam numquam adisset, per Publium Crassum quadam ex parte devicisset, cum duabus legionibus in eam partem Galliae est profectus, ut ibi extremum tempus consumeret aestivorum.
SECTION 8.46.2Quam rem sicuti cetera celeriter feliciterque confecit. Namque omnes Aquitaniae civitates legatos ad Caesarem miserunt obsidesque ei dederunt.
SECTION 8.46.3Quibus rebus gestis ipse equitum praesidio Narbonem profectus est, exercitum per legatos in hiberna deduxit:
SECTION 8.46.4quattuor legiones in Belgio collocavit cum M. Antonio et C. Trebonio et P. Vatinio legatis, duas legiones in Aeduos deduxit, quorum in omni Gallia summam esse auctoritatem sciebat, duas in Turonis ad fines Carnutum posuit, quae omnem illam regionem coniunctam Oceano continerent, duas reliquas in Lemovicum finibus non longe ab Arvernis, ne qua pars Galliae vacua ab exercitu esset.
SECTION 8.46.5Paucos dies ipse in provincia moratus, cum celeriter omnes conventus percucurrisset, publicas controversias cognosset,
SECTION 8.46.6bene meritis praemia tribuisset (cognoscendi enim maximam facultatem habebat, quali quisque fuisset animo in totius Galliae defectione, quam sustinuerat fidelitate atque auxiliis provinciae illius), his confectis rebus ad legiones in Belgium se recipit hibernatque Nemetocennae.
CHAPTER 8.47
SECTION 8.47.1Ibi cognoscit Commium Atrebatem proelio cum equitatu suo contendisse.
SECTION 8.47.2Nam cum Antonius in hiberna venisset, civitasque Atrebatum in officio esset, Commius, qui post illam vulnerationem, quam supra commemoravi, semper ad omnes motus paratus suis civibus esse consuesset, ne consilia belli quaerentibus auctor armorum duxque deesset,
SECTION 8.47.3parente Romanis civitate cum suis equitibus latrociniis se suosque alebat infestisque itineribus commeatus complures, qui comportabantur in hiberna Romanorum, intercipiebat.
CHAPTER 8.48
SECTION 8.48.1Erat attributus Antonio praefectus equitum C. Volusenus Quadratus qui cum eo hibernaret. Hunc Antonius ad persequendum equitatum hostium mittit.
SECTION 8.48.2Volusenus ad eam virtutem, quae singularis erat in eo, magnum odium Commi adiungebat, quo libentius id faceret quod imperabatur. Itaque dispositis insidiis saepius equites eius adgressus secunda proelia faciebat.
SECTION 8.48.3Novissime, cum vehementius contenderetur, ac Volusenus ipsius intercipiendi Commi cupiditate pertinacius eum cum paucis insecutus esset, ille autem fuga vehementi Volusenum produxisset longius, inimicus homini suorum invocat fidem atque auxilium, ne sua vulnera per fidem imposita paterentur impunita, conversoque equo se a ceteris incautius permittit in praefectum.
SECTION 8.48.4Faciunt hoc idem omnes eius equites paucosque nostros convertunt atque insequuntur.
SECTION 8.48.5Commius incensum calcaribus equum coniungit equo Quadrati lanceaque infesta magnis viribus medium femur traicit Voluseni.
SECTION 8.48.6Praefecto vulnerato non dubitant nostri resistere et conversis equis hostem pellere.
SECTION 8.48.7Quod ubi accidit, complures hostium magno nostrorum impetu perculsi vulnerantur ac partim in fuga proteruntur, partim intercipiuntur; quod malum dux equi velocitate evitavit: graviter adeo vulneratus praefectus, ut vitae periculum aditurus videretur, refertur in castra.
SECTION 8.48.8Commius autem sive expiato suo dolore sive magna parte amissa suorum legatos ad Antonium mittit seque et ibi futurum, ubi praescripserit, et ea facturum, quae imperarit, obsidibus firmat;
SECTION 8.48.9unum illud orat, ut timori suo concedatur, ne in conspectum veniat cuiusquam Romani. Cuius postulationem Antonius cum iudicaret ab iusto nasci timore, veniam petenti dedit, obsides accepit.
SECTION 8.48.10Scio Caesarem singulorum annorum singulos commentarios confecisse; quod ego non existimavi mihi esse faciendum, propterea quod insequens annus, L. Paulo C. Marcello consulibus, nullas habet magnopere Galliae res gestas.
SECTION 8.48.11Ne quis tamen ignoraret, quibus in locis Caesar exercitusque eo tempore fuissent, pauca esse scribenda coniungendaque huic commentario statui.
CHAPTER 8.49
SECTION 8.49.1Caesar in Belgio cum hiemaret, unum illud propositum habebat, continere in amicitia civitates, nulli spem aut causam dare armorum.
SECTION 8.49.2Nihil enim minus volebat quam sub decessu suo necessitatem sibi aliquam imponi belli gerendi, ne, cum exercitum deducturus esset, bellum aliquod relinqueretur quod omnis Gallia libenter sine praesenti periculo susciperet.
SECTION 8.49.3Itaque honorifice civitates appellando, principes maximis praemiis adficiendo, nulla onera iniungendo defessam tot adversis proeliis Galliam condicione parendi meliore facile in pace continuit.
CHAPTER 8.50
SECTION 8.50.1Ipse hibernis peractis contra consuetudinem in Italiam quam maximis itineribus est profectus, ut municipia et colonias appellaret, quibus M. Antoni quaestoris sui, commendaverat sacerdoti petitionem.
SECTION 8.50.2Contendebat enim gratia cum libenter pro homine sibi coniunctissimo, quem paulo ante praemiserat ad petitionem, tum acriter contra factionem et potentiam paucorum, qui M. Antoni repulsa Caesaris decedentis gratiam convellere cupiebant.
SECTION 8.50.3Hunc etsi augurem prius factum quam Italiam attingeret in itinere audierat, tamen non minus iustam sibi causam municipia et colonias adeundi existimavit, ut eis gratias ageret, quod frequentiam atque officium suum Antonio praestitissent,
SECTION 8.50.4simulque se et honorem suum sequentis anni commendaret, propterea quod insolenter adversarii sui gloriarentur L. Lentulum et C. Marcellum consules creatos qui omnem honorem et dignitatem Caesaris spoliarent, ereptum Ser. Galbae consulatum, cum is multo plus gratia suffragiisque valuisset, quod sibi coniunctus et familiaritate et consuetudine legationis esset.
CHAPTER 8.51
SECTION 8.51.1Exceptus est Caesaris adventus ab omnibus municipiis et coloniis incredibili honore atque amore.
SECTION 8.51.2Tum primum enim veniebat ab illo universae Galliae bello. Nihil relinquebatur quod ad ornatum portarum, itinerum, locorum omnium qua Caesar iturus erat excogitari poterat.
SECTION 8.51.3Cum liberis omnis multitudo obviam procedebat, hostiae omnibus locis immolabantur, tricliniis stratis fora templaque occupabantur, ut vel exspectatissimi triumphi laetitia praecipi posset. Tanta erat magnificentia apud opulentiores, cupiditas apud humiliores.
CHAPTER 8.52
SECTION 8.52.1Cum omnes regiones Galliae togatae Caesar percucurrisset, summa celeritate ad exercitum Nemetocennam rediit legionibusque ex omnibus hibernis ad fines Treverorum evocatis eo profectus est ibique exercitum lustravit.
SECTION 8.52.2T. Labienum Galliae togatae praefecit, quo maiore commendatione conciliaretur ad consulatus petitionem. Ipse tantum itinerum faciebat, quantum satis esse ad mutationem locorum propter salubritatem existimabat.
SECTION 8.52.3Ibi quamquam crebro audiebat Labienum ab inimicis suis sollicitari certiorque fiebat id agi paucorum consiliis, ut interposita senatus auctoritate aliqua parte exercitus spoliaretur, tamen neque de Labieno credidit quidquam neque contra senatus auctoritatem ut aliquid faceret potuit adduci. Iudicabat enim liberis sententiis patrum conscriptorum causam suam facile obtineri.
SECTION 8.52.4Nam C. Curio, tribunus plebis, cum Caesaris causam dignitatemque defendendam suscepisset, saepe erat senatui pollicitus, si quem timor armorum Caesaris laederet, et quoniam Pompei dominatio atque arma non minimum terrorem foro inferrent, discederet uterque ab armis exercitusque dimitteret: fore eo facto liberam et sui iuris civitatem.
SECTION 8.52.5Neque hoc tantum pollicitus est, sed etiam per se discessionem facere coepit; quod ne fieret consules amicique Pompei iusserunt atque ita rem morando discusserunt.
CHAPTER 8.53
SECTION 8.53.1Magnum hoc testimonium senatus erat universi conveniensque superiori facto. Nam Marcellus proximo anno, cum impugnaret Caesaris dignitatem, contra legem Pompei et Crassi rettulerat ante tempus ad senatum de Caesaris provinciis, sententiisque dictis discessionem faciente Marcello, qui sibi omnem dignitatem ex Caesaris invidia quaerebat, senatus frequens in alia omnia transiit.
SECTION 8.53.2Quibus non frangebantur animi inimicorum Caesaris, sed admonebantur quo maiores pararent necessitates, quibus cogi posset senatus id probare, quod ipsi constituissent.
CHAPTER 8.54
SECTION 8.54.1Fit deinde senatus consultum, ut ad bellum Parthicum legio una a Cn. Pompeio, altera a C. Caesare mitteretur; neque obscure duae legiones uni detrahuntur.
SECTION 8.54.2Nam Cn. Pompeius legionem primam, quam ad Caesarem miserat, confectam ex delectu provinciae Caesaris, eam tamquam ex suo numero dedit.
SECTION 8.54.3Caesar tamen, cum de voluntate minime dubium esset adversariorum suorum, Pompeio legionem remisit et suo nomine quintam decimam, quam in Gallia citeriore habuerat, ex senatus consulto iubet tradi. In eius locum tertiam decimam legionem in Italiam mittit quae praesidia tueretur, ex quibus praesidiis quinta decima deducebatur.
SECTION 8.54.4Ipse exercitui distribuit hiberna: C. Trebonium cum legionibus quattuor in Belgio collocat, C. Fabium cum totidem in Aeduos deducit.
SECTION 8.54.5Sic enim existimabat tutissimam fore Galliam, si Belgae, quorum maxima virtus, Aedui, quorum auctoritas summa esset, exercitibus continerentur. Ipse in Italiam profectus est.
CHAPTER 8.55
SECTION 8.55.1Quo cum venisset, cognoscit per C. Marcellum consulem legiones duas ab se remissas, quae ex senatus consulto deberent ad Parthicum bellum duci, Cn. Pompeio traditas atque in Italia retentas esse.
SECTION 8.55.2Hoc facto quamquam nulli erat dubium, quidnam contra Caesarem pararetur, tamen Caesar omnia patienda esse statuit, quoad sibi spes aliqua relinqueretur iure potius disceptandi quam belli gerendi. Contendit
English · Plain English translation · Mouseia
CHAPTER 8.0
SECTION 8.0.1Compelled by your persistent urging, Balbus, and because my daily refusal seemed to offer a plea not of difficulty but of laziness, I have undertaken a most difficult task.
SECTION 8.0.2I have connected the earlier and later writings of our Caesar’s account of his campaigns in Gaul, and I have completed his final, unfinished work, continuing from the events at Alexandria to the end—not, indeed, of the civil conflict, whose end we cannot see, but of Caesar’s life.
SECTION 8.0.3I only wish that those who read these works could know how reluctantly I undertook to write them, so that I might more easily escape the charge of stupidity and arrogance for having inserted myself among Caesar’s writings.
SECTION 8.0.4For everyone agrees that nothing has ever been completed by others with such labor that it is not surpassed by the elegance of these commentaries.
SECTION 8.0.5They were published so that writers would not lack knowledge of such great events, and in everyone’s judgment they are so highly praised that they seem to have taken away rather than provided writers with the opportunity to write about them.
SECTION 8.0.6Yet our admiration for this achievement is greater than everyone else’s. Others know how well and flawlessly he wrote them; we also know how easily and quickly he completed them.
SECTION 8.0.7Caesar possessed not only the greatest skill and elegance in writing, but also the most accurate knowledge for explaining his own plans.
SECTION 8.0.8I did not even have the advantage of taking part in the Alexandrian and African wars. Although these wars are partly known to me from Caesar’s own conversation, we listen in one way to things that captivate us by their novelty or wonder, and in another to things that we intend to report as testimony.
SECTION 8.0.9But of course, while gathering every possible excuse not to be compared with Caesar, I incur the very charge of arrogance by imagining that in anyone’s judgment I could be compared with Caesar. Farewell.
CHAPTER 8.1
SECTION 8.1.1After all Gaul had been conquered, Caesar, who had allowed no break in military operations since the previous summer, wanted his soldiers to recover from such great exertions by resting in winter quarters. Yet reports came that several states were simultaneously reviving plans for war and forming conspiracies.
SECTION 8.1.2A plausible reason for this was given: all the Gauls had learned that no force, however large, could resist the Romans when concentrated in one place; but if several states began separate wars at the same time, the army of the Roman people would not have enough assistance, time, or troops to deal with them all. No state should refuse to accept its share of hardship if, through such a delay, the rest could recover their freedom.
CHAPTER 8.2
SECTION 8.2.1To prevent this belief from becoming firmly established among the Gauls, Caesar puts the quaestor Marcus Antonius in command of his winter quarters. On December 31, he himself sets out from the town of Bibracte with a cavalry escort for the Thirteenth Legion, which he had stationed in the territory of the Bituriges not far from the borders of the Aedui, and joins to it the Eleventh Legion, which was quartered nearest.
SECTION 8.2.2Leaving two cohorts from each legion to guard the baggage, he leads the rest of the army into the most fertile parts of the Bituriges’ territory. Because they had extensive lands and several towns, they could not be kept under control by the winter quarters of a single legion or prevented from preparing for war and forming conspiracies.
CHAPTER 8.3
SECTION 8.3.1Caesar’s sudden arrival produced the result that was inevitable among people who were unprepared and scattered: while they were cultivating the countryside without any fear, they were overwhelmed by the cavalry before they could take refuge in the towns.
SECTION 8.3.2Even the usual sign of an enemy raid, ordinarily revealed by the burning of buildings, had been eliminated by Caesar’s prohibition, so that he would not run short of fodder and grain if he wished to advance farther, and so that the enemy would not be warned by the fires.
SECTION 8.3.3After many thousands of people had been captured, the terrified Bituriges who had managed to escape the Romans’ first arrival fled into neighboring states, relying either on private ties of hospitality or on a shared commitment to their plans.
SECTION 8.3.4They fled in vain. By forced marches Caesar reached every place before them and gave no state time to think about the safety of others rather than its own. By this speed he both kept his loyal friends faithful and frightened the wavering into accepting terms of peace.
SECTION 8.3.5With such terms offered, the Bituriges saw that Caesar’s clemency left open a return to his friendship, and that neighboring states had surrendered hostages without suffering any punishment and had been accepted under his protection. They therefore did the same.
CHAPTER 8.4
SECTION 8.4.1In recognition of such great exertion and endurance, since the soldiers had worked with exceptional devotion during the days of midwinter, on extremely difficult marches and in intolerable cold, Caesar promises to award each soldier two hundred sesterces and each centurion two thousand as prize money. After sending the legions back to winter quarters, he himself returns to Bibracte on the fortieth day.
SECTION 8.4.2While he is administering justice there, the Bituriges send envoys to ask him for help against the Carnutes, whom they accuse of making war on them.
SECTION 8.4.3On learning this, although he had remained in winter quarters no more than eighteen days, he leads the Fourteenth and Sixth Legions out of their winter quarters by the Arar, where, as explained in the preceding commentary, they had been stationed to facilitate the grain supply. He then sets out with two legions to pursue the Carnutes.
CHAPTER 8.5
SECTION 8.5.1When news of the army’s approach reaches the enemy, the Carnutes, warned by the disaster suffered by the others, abandon the villages and towns where they had been living in hastily constructed, makeshift buildings erected to endure the winter—for, having recently been defeated, they had abandoned several towns—and flee in all directions.
SECTION 8.5.2Because Caesar does not want his soldiers exposed to the extremely violent storms that broke out at that very time, he establishes camp in Cenabum, a town of the Carnutes. He crowds the soldiers partly into the houses of the Gauls and partly into shelters quickly built by piling thatch over the tents to cover them.
SECTION 8.5.3Nevertheless, he sends the cavalry and auxiliary infantry in every direction in which the enemy are said to have gone, and not without success.
SECTION 8.5.4Our men generally return with a great deal of plunder. Overwhelmed by the hardships of winter and by fear of danger, driven from shelter and not daring to remain long in any one place, and unable to protect themselves from the extremely severe weather by taking refuge in the forests, the Carnutes disperse into neighboring states after losing a large part of their people.
CHAPTER 8.6
SECTION 8.6.1At the most difficult season of the year, Caesar considered it enough to scatter the forces that were assembling so that no fresh war could begin, and he knew that, so far as could reasonably be calculated, no major war could be organized before the beginning of the summer campaign. He therefore stations Gaius Trebonius with the two legions he had with him in winter quarters at Cenabum.
SECTION 8.6.2Meanwhile, repeated embassies from the Remi informed him that the Bellovaci, who surpassed all the Gauls and Belgae in military reputation, and their neighboring states, under the leadership of Correus the Bellovacan and Commius the Atrebatian, were raising armies and concentrating them in one place, intending to invade with their entire force the territory of the Suessiones, who had been placed under the protection of the Remi. Caesar judged that it concerned not only his honor but also his security that allies who had rendered the Roman people outstanding service should suffer no disaster,
SECTION 8.6.3so he again summons the Eleventh Legion from winter quarters. He sends orders to Gaius Fabius to bring the two legions under his command into the territory of the Suessiones, and sends for one of the two legions under Labienus.
SECTION 8.6.4Thus, as the locations of the winter quarters and the requirements of the war demanded, through his own unremitting exertions he assigned the burden of active campaigning to the legions in turn.
CHAPTER 8.7
SECTION 8.7.1After assembling these forces, he sets out against the Bellovaci. He establishes camp in their territory and sends squadrons of cavalry in every direction to intercept people from whom he might learn the enemy’s plans.
SECTION 8.7.2After carrying out their assignment, the cavalry reports that only a few people have been found in the houses, and that these had remained not to cultivate the fields—for everyone had carefully moved away from all parts of the area—but had been sent back to spy.
SECTION 8.7.3When Caesar asked them where the main force of the Bellovaci was and what their plan was, he learned that all the Bellovaci capable of bearing arms had assembled in one place,
SECTION 8.7.4along with the Ambiani, Aulerci, Caleti, Veliocasses, and Atrebates. They had chosen for their camp an elevated position in a forest surrounded by marshland, and had moved all their baggage into the more distant forests.
SECTION 8.7.5Several chiefs were responsible for starting the war, but the main body obeyed Correus above all because they knew that he felt the deepest hatred for the name of the Roman people.
SECTION 8.7.6A few days earlier, Commius the Atrebatian had left this camp to bring in German reinforcements, since the Germans were close neighbors and their numbers were limitless.
SECTION 8.7.7With the agreement of all their chiefs and the strongest enthusiasm of the common people, the Bellovaci had decided that if Caesar came with three legions, as was reported, they would offer battle, so that they would not later be forced to fight his entire army under more miserable and difficult conditions.
SECTION 8.7.8If he brought larger forces, they would remain in the position they had chosen and use ambushes to prevent the Romans from gathering fodder—which, because of the season, was both scarce and widely scattered—collecting grain, and obtaining all other supplies.
CHAPTER 8.8
SECTION 8.8.1When Caesar learned these facts from several people whose reports agreed, and judged that the plans described to him were full of prudence and far removed from the usual recklessness of barbarians, he decided to adapt everything to the goal of making the enemy despise the small size of his force and come out to offer battle as quickly as possible.
SECTION 8.8.2He had the Seventh, Eighth, and Ninth Legions, veteran units of exceptional courage, and the Eleventh, composed of carefully selected young men of the highest promise. Although it was already in its eighth year of service, in comparison with the other legions it had not yet acquired the same reputation for experience and courage.
SECTION 8.8.3He therefore calls a council, explains everything that has been reported to him, and strengthens the resolve of the whole army.
SECTION 8.8.4In the hope that he might lure the enemy into battle by appearing to have only three legions, he arranges the order of march so that the Seventh, Eighth, and Ninth Legions go ahead of all the baggage. The Eleventh then brings up the rear behind the entire baggage train, which was not very large, as is usual on an active campaign, so that the enemy would see no appearance of a larger force than the one they themselves had demanded.
SECTION 8.8.5With the column arranged in this way, in an almost square formation, he brings the army into the enemy’s sight sooner than they had expected.
CHAPTER 8.9
SECTION 8.9.1When the Gauls, whose confidently conceived plans had been reported to Caesar, suddenly see the legions approaching at a steady pace and drawn up as if in battle line, they deploy their forces in front of their camp and do not leave the higher ground—whether because of the danger of battle, the suddenness of his arrival, or uncertainty about our plan.
SECTION 8.9.2Although Caesar had wanted to fight, he is nevertheless astonished by the enemy’s great numbers and establishes his camp opposite theirs, with a valley between them that was more deeply sunken than broad.
SECTION 8.9.3He orders this camp to be fortified with a rampart twelve feet high, with a breastwork built on top in proportion to its height; a double ditch, each fifteen feet wide, to be sunk with straight sides; and numerous towers, three stories high, to be raised and connected by bridges laid between them and covered with flooring, their fronts protected by wicker breastworks. In this way the camp would be defended against the enemy by a double ditch and two lines of defenders,
SECTION 8.9.4one of which, from the bridges, could throw missiles more boldly and to a greater distance because it was safer due to its height, while the other, stationed on the rampart itself and nearer the enemy, would be protected by the bridge from falling missiles. He fitted the gates with doors and taller towers.
CHAPTER 8.10
SECTION 8.10.1This fortification had a double purpose. Caesar hoped that the massive scale of the works and the appearance of his own fear would give the barbarians confidence; and because the army had to travel farther to gather fodder and grain, he saw that the fortifications themselves would allow the camp to be defended by a small force.
SECTION 8.10.2Meanwhile, small groups frequently ran forward from both sides and fought between the two camps, with the marsh lying between them. Sometimes, however, our Gallic and German auxiliaries crossed the marsh and pursued the enemy more aggressively; at other times, the enemy crossed it in turn and drove our men back a considerable distance.
SECTION 8.10.3Moreover, during the daily foraging, as was bound to happen when forage had to be gathered from isolated buildings scattered far apart, foragers who had dispersed through difficult terrain were being surrounded;
SECTION 8.10.4although this caused our men only moderate losses of pack animals and servants, it encouraged the barbarians in their foolish hopes, all the more because Commius, whom I have said had gone to summon assistance from the Germans, had arrived with cavalry. Though they numbered no more than five hundred, the barbarians nevertheless took confidence from the arrival of the Germans.
CHAPTER 8.11
SECTION 8.11.1When Caesar observed that the enemy had remained for several days in a camp protected by a marsh and the natural terrain, that their camp could not be attacked without a costly battle, and that the position could not be enclosed with fortifications except by a larger army, he sent a letter to Trebonius ordering him to summon as quickly as possible the Thirteenth Legion, which was wintering among the Bituriges with the lieutenant Titus Sextius, and then to come to him by forced marches with three legions.
SECTION 8.11.2Meanwhile, he sent the cavalry of the Remi, the Lingones, and the other states, a large number of whom he had called out, to guard the foraging parties in rotation and withstand sudden enemy attacks.
CHAPTER 8.12
SECTION 8.12.1As this happened every day, carefulness was already declining through familiarity, as usually occurs when something continues for a long time. The Bellovaci, after learning the regular positions occupied each day by our cavalry,
SECTION 8.12.2placed a picked force of infantry in ambush in wooded areas and sent cavalry there the next day, first to draw our men out and then to attack them after they had been surrounded.
SECTION 8.12.3This misfortune fell to the Remi, whose turn it was to perform that duty on that day. When they suddenly noticed the enemy cavalry, they were superior in number and therefore despised the enemy’s small force; but after pursuing too eagerly, they were surrounded on every side by infantry.
SECTION 8.12.4Thrown into confusion by this, they withdrew more quickly than is usual in a cavalry battle, after losing Vertiscus, the leading man of their state and commander of their cavalry.
SECTION 8.12.5Although his age made him scarcely able to ride a horse, in accordance with Gallic custom he had neither used his age as an excuse for declining the command nor been willing for the battle to be fought without him.
SECTION 8.12.6The enemy’s spirits were raised and encouraged by their success in the battle and by the death of the chief and cavalry commander of the Remi,
SECTION 8.12.7while our men were warned by the loss to reconnoiter positions more carefully before posting guards and to show more restraint when pursuing an enemy who was retreating.
CHAPTER 8.13
SECTION 8.13.1Meanwhile, the daily fighting within sight of both camps continued without interruption at the fords and crossing places of the marsh.
SECTION 8.13.2During this struggle, the Germans, whom Caesar had brought across the Rhine for the specific purpose of fighting interspersed among the cavalry, crossed the marsh together with greater determination, killed the few who resisted, and pursued the rest of the force too persistently. Not only those who were being overwhelmed at close quarters or wounded from a distance, but even those who had normally remained farther back as a reserve, were terrified and disgracefully fled.
SECTION 8.13.3Repeatedly abandoning higher ground, they did not stop fleeing until they had either taken refuge in their own camp or, in some cases, had been driven by shame to flee still farther.
SECTION 8.13.4The danger they faced threw all their forces into such confusion that it was hard to judge whether they were more arrogant after even the smallest success or more timid after a moderate setback.
CHAPTER 8.14
SECTION 8.14.1After spending several days in the same camp, the commanders of the Bellovaci learned that the legions and the lieutenant Gaius Trebonius had drawn nearer. Fearing a siege like the one at Alesia, they sent away by night everyone they considered inferior in age or strength or who was unarmed, together with the rest of their baggage.
SECTION 8.14.2While they were sorting out this disordered and confused column—for a great mass of wagons normally accompanies even Gallic forces traveling without baggage—they were overtaken by daylight and drew up their armed forces in front of their camp, so that the Romans would not begin pursuing them before their long baggage column had advanced farther.
SECTION 8.14.3Caesar judged that the enemy should not be attacked while resisting at the top of so steep a hill, but also that the legions should be brought close enough to prevent the barbarians from leaving the position without danger while his soldiers pressed them.
SECTION 8.14.4He saw that the two camps were separated by a difficult marsh whose hard crossing could slow the speed of pursuit. He also noticed that a ridge extending across the marsh almost to the enemy camp was separated from their position by a shallow valley. He therefore laid bridges over the marsh, led the legions across, and quickly reached the flat summit of the ridge, which was protected on both sides by downward slopes.
SECTION 8.14.5After drawing up the legions there, he reached the farthest end of the ridge and stationed his battle line at a point from which missiles launched by artillery could be hurled into the enemy’s packed formations.
CHAPTER 8.15
SECTION 8.15.1The barbarians trusted in the natural strength of their position and would not have refused battle if the Romans happened to attempt the ascent of the hill. Since they could not gradually dismiss their divided forces for fear that they would be thrown into confusion once dispersed, they remained in battle formation.
SECTION 8.15.2When Caesar recognized their determination, he drew up twenty cohorts, marked out a camp in that position, and ordered it to be fortified.
SECTION 8.15.3When the works were completed, he stationed the legions in formation before the rampart and posted the cavalry on guard with their horses bridled.
SECTION 8.15.4When the Bellovaci saw that the Romans were ready to pursue and realized that they could neither spend the night nor remain longer in the same position without danger, they adopted the following plan for retreating.
SECTION 8.15.5At the places where they had been sitting—for Caesar’s earlier commentaries have explained that the Gauls customarily sit while in battle formation—they placed bundles of straw and brushwood, of which there was a vast quantity in the camp, in front of their line after passing them from hand to hand among themselves. At the very end of the day, when the signal was given, they set them all on fire at once.
SECTION 8.15.6The continuous sheet of flame suddenly concealed all their forces from the Romans’ sight. As soon as this happened, the barbarians fled at full speed.
CHAPTER 8.16
SECTION 8.16.1Although Caesar could not observe the enemy’s departure because the fires blocked his view, he suspected that the plan had been devised to cover a retreat. He advanced the legions and sent cavalry squadrons in pursuit; but because he feared an ambush, in case the enemy might have halted in the same area and be trying to draw our men onto unfavorable ground, he himself advanced more slowly.
SECTION 8.16.2The cavalry were afraid to enter the extremely dense smoke and flames, and any who entered too eagerly could scarcely see even the front parts of their own horses. Fearing an ambush, they therefore gave the Bellovaci a free opportunity to withdraw.
SECTION 8.16.3Thus, by a retreat full of both fear and cunning, the enemy advanced no more than ten miles without any loss and pitched camp in an exceptionally well-fortified position.
SECTION 8.16.4From there they frequently placed cavalry and infantry in ambush and inflicted heavy losses on the Romans during foraging operations.
CHAPTER 8.17
SECTION 8.17.1After this happened repeatedly, Caesar learned from a prisoner that Correus, commander of the Bellovaci, had selected six thousand of the bravest infantry and one thousand cavalry from their entire force to place in ambush at a location where he suspected the Romans would send men because of the abundance of grain and forage.
SECTION 8.17.2When Caesar learned of this plan, he led out more legions than usual and sent ahead the cavalry he customarily assigned to protect the foragers. He interspersed lightly armed auxiliary infantry among them and himself approached as closely as possible with the legions.
CHAPTER 8.18
SECTION 8.18.1The enemy lying in ambush had chosen for the operation a plain extending no more than a thousand paces in any direction and protected on every side by woods or by an extremely difficult river. They surrounded it with their ambush as though with a hunting enclosure.
SECTION 8.18.2Our men had discovered the enemy’s plan and were prepared in spirit and arms for battle. Since the legions were following behind, they refused no engagement and entered the area squadron by squadron.
SECTION 8.18.3At their arrival, Correus thought that an opportunity for action had been offered to him. He first showed himself with a few men and charged the nearest squadrons.
SECTION 8.18.4Our men firmly withstood the ambushers’ charge and did not mass too many men in one place. When that usually happens in cavalry battles because of fear, the troops suffer losses from their very numbers.
CHAPTER 8.19
SECTION 8.19.1While the squadrons, arranged in position, fought in small groups by turns and did not allow their men to be surrounded on the flanks, the rest burst out of the woods as Correus continued fighting.
SECTION 8.19.2A fierce battle developed between the opposing forces. After it had continued for a considerable time with evenly balanced success, the massed infantry gradually advanced from the woods and forced our cavalry to give ground. The lightly armed infantry, whom I have said had been sent ahead of the legions, quickly came to their aid and, interspersed among our squadrons, fought resolutely.
SECTION 8.19.3For some time the fighting continued with equal intensity. Then, as the nature of the battle dictated, those who had withstood the ambush’s first attacks gained the advantage for the very reason that they had suffered no unexpected loss at the hands of the ambushers.
SECTION 8.19.4Meanwhile, the legions drew nearer, and frequent reports reached both our men and the enemy at the same time that the commander was approaching with his forces drawn up for battle.
SECTION 8.19.5When our men learned this, they trusted in the support of the cohorts and fought with the greatest vigor, fearing that if they acted too slowly they would appear to have shared the glory of victory with the legions.
SECTION 8.19.6The enemy lost heart and sought escape by different routes. It was useless, for they themselves were trapped by the same obstacles in the terrain with which they had intended to confine the Romans.
SECTION 8.19.7Nevertheless, defeated and shattered after losing the greater part of their force, they fled in panic, some seeking the woods and others the river. Yet during their flight they were cut down by our men, who pursued them fiercely.
SECTION 8.19.8Meanwhile, Correus, unconquered by any disaster, could not be induced to leave the battle and seek the woods or to surrender when our men invited him to do so. Instead, by fighting with the greatest bravery and wounding many men, he forced the victorious Romans, now inflamed with anger, to shower him with missiles.
CHAPTER 8.20
SECTION 8.20.1After the action had ended in this way, Caesar followed over the fresh traces of the battle. He believed that after suffering so great a disaster the defeated enemy would abandon their camp upon receiving the news; it was said to be no more than about eight miles from the scene of the slaughter. Although he saw that the river obstructed his crossing, he led his army across and advanced.
SECTION 8.20.2The Bellovaci and the other states received from the flight only a few survivors, and those wounded, who had escaped disaster under cover of the woods. With everything against them, once they learned of the calamity, the death of Correus, and the loss of their cavalry and bravest infantry, they believed that the Romans were approaching. They immediately summoned a council by trumpet call and unanimously demanded that envoys and hostages be sent to Caesar.
CHAPTER 8.21
SECTION 8.21.1When everyone approved this plan, Commius the Atrebatian fled to the Germans from whom he had borrowed auxiliary forces for that war.
SECTION 8.21.2The others immediately sent envoys to Caesar and asked him to be satisfied with the punishment the enemy had already suffered—a punishment that, if he had been able to inflict it without battle while their strength was still intact, he certainly would never have imposed, given his customary mercy and humanity.
SECTION 8.21.3They said that the resources of the Bellovaci had been shattered in the cavalry battle, that many thousands of picked infantrymen had perished, and that the messengers who reported the slaughter had barely escaped.
SECTION 8.21.4Nevertheless, amid so great a disaster the Bellovaci had gained one great advantage from the battle: Correus, the instigator of the war and agitator of the populace, had been killed. For while he was alive, the senate had never possessed as much influence in the state as the ignorant common people.
CHAPTER 8.22
SECTION 8.22.1In response to the envoys’ pleas, Caesar reminded them that the Bellovaci and the other states of Gaul had undertaken war at the same time the previous year; that of all of them, the Bellovaci had persisted most stubbornly in their decision; and that they had not been brought back to their senses by the surrender of the others.
SECTION 8.22.2He knew and understood, he said, that responsibility for wrongdoing was very easily shifted onto the dead. Yet no one could truly possess so much power that, against the will of the leading men, in the face of the senate’s resistance, and despite the opposition of all respectable citizens, he could incite and wage war with only the weak support of the common people. Nevertheless, he would be satisfied with the punishment they had brought upon themselves.
CHAPTER 8.23
SECTION 8.23.1The following night the envoys carried his reply back to their people and assembled the hostages. Envoys from the remaining states, which had been watching to see what happened to the Bellovaci, gathered there.
SECTION 8.23.2They gave hostages and carried out his commands, with the exception of Commius, whose fear prevented him from entrusting his safety to anyone’s word.
SECTION 8.23.3The previous year, while Caesar was administering justice in Cisalpine Gaul, Titus Labienus had discovered that Commius was stirring up the states and forming a conspiracy against Caesar. Labienus judged that his disloyalty could be suppressed without any breach of faith.
SECTION 8.23.4Because he did not think Commius would come to the camp if summoned, and did not wish to make him more cautious by attempting it, he sent Gaius Volusenus Quadratus to arrange to kill him under the pretense of a conference. For this purpose he assigned Volusenus centurions specially selected as suitable for the task.
SECTION 8.23.5When they came to the conference and Volusenus, as arranged, seized Commius by the hand, the centurion—either unsettled by the unfamiliar assignment or quickly prevented by Commius’s companions—was unable to kill him. He nevertheless struck him a severe first blow on the head with his sword.
SECTION 8.23.6Both sides drew their swords, but each was thinking more of scattering than of fighting: our men because they believed Commius had received a fatal wound, and the Gauls because, once they discovered the ambush, they feared more dangers than they could see. After this, Commius was said to have resolved never again to come into the presence of any Roman.
CHAPTER 8.24
SECTION 8.24.1After defeating the most warlike peoples, Caesar saw that no state was now preparing a war with which to resist him, although some people were leaving the towns and scattering from the countryside to avoid submitting to his authority for the present. He therefore decided to send his army in several directions.
SECTION 8.24.2He brought the quaestor Mark Antony with the Twelfth Legion to join him. He sent the lieutenant Gaius Fabius with twenty-five cohorts to the most distant part of Gaul, because he heard that certain states there were under arms and believed that the lieutenant Gaius Caninius Rebilus, who was in those regions, did not have sufficient strength in his two legions.
SECTION 8.24.3He summoned Titus Labienus to join him, but sent the Fifteenth Legion, which had been wintering with Labienus, into Gallia Togata to protect the colonies of Roman citizens, so that they would not suffer a disaster from a barbarian raid like the one that had befallen the people of Tergeste the previous summer, when they had been overwhelmed by the barbarians’ sudden incursion and attack.
SECTION 8.24.4Caesar himself set out to ravage and lay waste the territory of Ambiorix. Since he had given up hope of bringing the terrified fugitive under his control, he considered it the course most consistent with his honor to devastate Ambiorix’s territory so completely—its inhabitants, buildings, and livestock—that Ambiorix would incur the hatred of his own people and, if fortune left any of them alive, would have no way to return to his state after such terrible disasters.
CHAPTER 8.25
SECTION 8.25.1After dispatching either legions or auxiliary troops into every part of Ambiorix’s territory and devastating everything with slaughter, fire, and plunder, killing or capturing a great number of people, Caesar sent Labienus with two legions against the Treveri,
SECTION 8.25.2whose state, hardened by daily wars because of its proximity to Germany, differed little from the Germans in its way of life and savagery and never obeyed orders unless compelled by an army.
CHAPTER 8.26
SECTION 8.26.1Meanwhile, when Gaius Caninius, Caesar’s lieutenant, learned from letters and messengers sent by Duratius that a large force of the enemy had assembled in the territory of the Pictones, he hurried to the town of Lemonum. Duratius had remained steadfastly loyal to the Romans even though a certain faction of his state had revolted.
SECTION 8.26.2As he approached and learned more definitely from prisoners that Duratius was shut up in Lemonum and being besieged by many thousands of men under Dumnacus, leader of the Andes, he did not dare expose his understrength legions to the enemy and pitched camp in a fortified position.
SECTION 8.26.3When Dumnacus learned that Caninius was approaching, he turned all his forces against the legions and began attacking the Roman camp.
SECTION 8.26.4After spending several days on the assault and suffering heavy losses among his own men without being able to tear down any part of the fortifications, he returned to the siege of Lemonum.
CHAPTER 8.27
SECTION 8.27.1At the same time, Gaius Fabius, Caesar’s lieutenant, received several states into Roman protection, secured their loyalty with hostages, and was informed by a letter from Gaius Caninius Rebilus of what was happening among the Pictones.
SECTION 8.27.2On learning this, he set out to bring aid to Duratius. But when Dumnacus learned of Fabius’s approach, he despaired of escaping if he were forced at the same time both to withstand the external enemy, the Romans, and to watch and fear the townspeople. He therefore suddenly withdrew his forces from that place and did not think he would be sufficiently safe until he had led them across the Loire, which because of its size had to be crossed by a bridge.
SECTION 8.27.3Although Fabius had not yet come within sight of the enemy or joined Caninius, he had learned the nature of the country from those who knew it and thought it most likely that the frightened enemy would make for the place they were seeking to reach.
SECTION 8.27.4He therefore hurried with his forces toward the same bridge and ordered the cavalry to advance only so far ahead of the legionary column that they could return to the same camp without exhausting their horses.
SECTION 8.27.5Our cavalry caught up with them as ordered and attacked Dumnacus’s column. They fell upon the fleeing and terrified men while they were burdened with their packs on the march, killed many, and took a large amount of plunder. After this success they returned to camp.
CHAPTER 8.28
SECTION 8.28.1The following night Fabius sent the cavalry ahead, prepared to engage the enemy and delay the entire column until he himself caught up.
SECTION 8.28.2To ensure that his instructions were carried out, Quintus Atius Varus, the cavalry commander, a man of exceptional courage and judgment, encouraged his men and, after catching up with the enemy column, stationed some squadrons in suitable positions and began the battle with the rest of the cavalry.
SECTION 8.28.3The enemy cavalry fought more boldly because their infantry came to their support. The infantry halted along the entire column and went to the aid of their horsemen against ours. A fiercely contested battle followed.
SECTION 8.28.4Our men had learned to despise the enemy whom they had defeated the day before, and, remembering that the legions were following, they fought with the greatest courage against the infantry, both because they were ashamed to give way and because they desired to finish the battle by themselves,
SECTION 8.28.5while the enemy, believing from what they had seen the day before that no additional Roman forces would arrive, thought that they had found an opportunity to destroy our cavalry.
CHAPTER 8.29
SECTION 8.29.1After the fighting had continued for some time with the greatest intensity, Dumnacus drew up a battle line to support his cavalry in turn, when suddenly the legions appeared in close formation within sight of the enemy.
SECTION 8.29.2At the sight of them, the barbarian cavalry squadrons were stunned and the enemy battle line thrown into panic. Their baggage column fell into confusion, and with loud shouting they scattered in every direction and fled.
SECTION 8.29.3But our cavalry, who shortly before had fought with the greatest courage against an enemy that stood its ground, were now carried away by the joy of victory. Raising a loud shout on every side, they surrounded the retreating enemy and killed as many in that battle as their horses had strength to pursue and their right arms to cut down.
SECTION 8.29.4More than twelve thousand men were therefore killed, either while armed or after throwing away their weapons in terror, and the entire baggage train was captured.
CHAPTER 8.30
SECTION 8.30.1It was established from reports of the rout that Drappes the Senonian had gathered no more than two thousand men from the fugitives and was heading for the Province. As soon as Gaul had revolted, Drappes had collected desperate men from every quarter, summoned slaves to freedom, recruited exiles from every state, taken in bandits, and intercepted Roman baggage and supplies. Lucterius the Cadurcan had joined him in this plan—the man who, as related in the preceding book, had attempted to attack the Province at the beginning of Gaul’s first revolt.
SECTION 8.30.2Caninius hurried after them with two legions, so that the disgrace caused by the banditry of these desperate men would not become great through damage to the Province or fear for its safety.
CHAPTER 8.31
SECTION 8.31.1Gaius Fabius set out with the rest of the army for the territory of the Carnutes and the other states whose forces he knew had been cut down in the battle he had fought against Dumnacus.
SECTION 8.31.2He had no doubt that their recent disaster would make them more submissive, but that, if they were given time and opportunity, they might be stirred up again at the instigation of the same Dumnacus.
SECTION 8.31.3In this operation Fabius enjoyed the greatest good fortune and speed in bringing the states back into submission.
SECTION 8.31.4The Carnutes, who despite frequent punishment had never mentioned peace, gave hostages and surrendered. The other states situated at the farthest limits of Gaul along the Ocean, which are called the Armorican states, were influenced by the authority of the Carnutes and obeyed Fabius’s orders without delay when he and the legions arrived.
SECTION 8.31.5Driven from his own territory, Dumnacus was forced to wander and hide alone and make for the most remote regions of Gaul.
CHAPTER 8.32
SECTION 8.32.1But when Drappes and Lucterius learned that Caninius and the legions were near, they realized that they could not enter the borders of the Province without certain destruction while an army was pursuing them, and that they no longer had the freedom to roam and conduct raids. They therefore halted in the territory of the Cadurci.
SECTION 8.32.2There Lucterius, who had once possessed great influence among his fellow citizens when his fortunes were still intact and who, as a constant advocate of revolutionary plans, still had great authority among the barbarians, occupied the town of Uxellodunum with his own and Drappes’s forces and brought its inhabitants over to his side. The town had formerly been under his patronage and was exceptionally well fortified by the nature of its position.
CHAPTER 8.33
SECTION 8.33.1Gaius Caninius immediately came there and observed that every side of the town was protected by extremely steep cliffs, which would have been difficult for armed men to climb even if no one were defending them. He also saw that the townspeople had a large baggage train which, if they tried to remove it in a secret flight, could not escape either the cavalry or even the legions. He therefore divided his cohorts into three groups and established three camps on very high ground;
SECTION 8.33.2from these camps he began gradually, as far as the number of his troops permitted, to extend a line of fortification around the town.
CHAPTER 8.34
SECTION 8.34.1When the townspeople noticed this, they became anxious at the dreadful memory of Alesia and feared a similar fate under siege. Lucterius most of all, since he had experienced the danger of that disaster, warned them that they must take thought for their grain supply. They therefore unanimously decided to leave part of their forces there while they themselves set out with lightly equipped troops to bring in grain.
SECTION 8.34.2After this plan was approved, Drappes and Lucterius left two thousand armed men behind and led the rest out of the town the following night.
SECTION 8.34.3After spending a few days in the territory of the Cadurci, some of whom wanted to help them with grain while others were unable to prevent them from taking it, they obtained a large quantity of grain. From time to time they also attacked our forts in nighttime raids.
SECTION 8.34.4For this reason Gaius Caninius delayed surrounding the entire town with fortifications, fearing that he might either be unable to defend the completed works or have to station weak garrisons in a great many places.
CHAPTER 8.35
SECTION 8.35.1After obtaining a large supply of grain, Drappes and Lucterius took up a position no more than ten miles from the town, from which they could gradually transport the grain into it.
SECTION 8.35.2They divided their responsibilities between them: Drappes remained with part of the force to guard the camp, while Lucterius led the train of pack animals toward the town.
SECTION 8.35.3After stationing guards along the route, at about the tenth hour of the night he began transporting the grain into the town along narrow, wooded paths.
SECTION 8.35.4When the camp sentries heard their noise and scouts who had been sent out reported what was happening, Caninius quickly took armed cohorts from the nearest forts and attacked the men transporting the grain just before dawn.
SECTION 8.35.5Terrified by this sudden disaster, they scattered and fled toward their armed guards. When our men saw these, they were roused to attack the armed men more fiercely and allowed no one in that body to be taken alive. Lucterius escaped from there with a few men and did not return to the camp.
CHAPTER 8.36
SECTION 8.36.1After this successful action, Caninius learned from the prisoners that part of the forces was with Drappes in a camp no more than twelve miles away.
SECTION 8.36.2When several prisoners confirmed this information, he understood that, with one leader driven off, the rest were terrified and could easily be overwhelmed. He considered it extremely fortunate that no one had escaped the slaughter and returned to the camp to bring Drappes news of the disaster they had suffered.
SECTION 8.36.3Since he saw no danger in making the attempt, he sent all the cavalry and the German infantry, men of the greatest speed, ahead to the enemy camp. He distributed one legion among the three camps and led the other with him without its baggage.
SECTION 8.36.4When he had come closer to the enemy, he learned from the scouts he had sent ahead that their camp, as is generally the custom among barbarians, had been brought down from the higher ground and placed on the banks of a river, and that the Germans and cavalry had suddenly rushed upon them while they were all unprepared and had begun the battle.
SECTION 8.36.5On learning this, he brought up the legion armed and drawn up for battle. Then, at a signal suddenly given on every side, the higher ground was seized.
SECTION 8.36.6When this happened, the Germans and cavalry, on seeing the legion’s standards, fought with the greatest intensity. The cohorts immediately attacked from every direction, killed or captured everyone, and took a large amount of plunder. Drappes himself was captured in that battle.
CHAPTER 8.37
SECTION 8.37.1After achieving this success with scarcely a single soldier wounded, Caninius returned to besiege the townspeople
SECTION 8.37.2and, now that the external enemy had been destroyed—the enemy whose threat had previously prevented him from dividing his garrisons and surrounding the townspeople with fortifications—he ordered the work to be carried on from every side. Gaius Fabius arrived there with his forces the following day and undertook the siege of one part of the town.
CHAPTER 8.38
SECTION 8.38.1Meanwhile Caesar left Marcus Antonius, his quaestor, with fifteen cohorts among the Bellovaci, to prevent the Belgae from again being given any opportunity to adopt revolutionary plans.
SECTION 8.38.2He himself visited the remaining states, demanded a greater number of hostages, and reassured everyone’s frightened minds with words of consolation.
SECTION 8.38.3When he came among the Carnutes, in whose state Caesar explained in the preceding book that the war had begun, he saw that consciousness of their deed made them especially afraid. To free the state from fear more quickly, he demanded that Gutruatus, the chief author of that crime and instigator of the war, be delivered for punishment.
SECTION 8.38.4Although Gutruatus did not entrust himself even to his own fellow citizens, he was quickly sought out through everyone’s efforts and brought to the camp.
SECTION 8.38.5Contrary to his own nature, Caesar was compelled to execute him by the great crowd of soldiers who gathered and blamed him for all the dangers and losses they had suffered in the war. His body was beaten until he was dead and then struck with the executioner’s ax.
CHAPTER 8.39
SECTION 8.39.1There Caesar was informed by frequent letters from Caninius of what had been done concerning Drappes and Lucterius and of the plan in which the townspeople persisted.
SECTION 8.39.2Although he regarded their small numbers with contempt, he nevertheless judged that their stubbornness must be punished severely, so that all Gaul would not think that it had lacked not the strength to resist the Romans but the determination, and so that the other states, following this example and relying on the advantages of their positions, would not assert their freedom,
SECTION 8.39.3since he knew that all the Gauls were aware that only one summer remained in his provincial command and believed that, if they could hold out through it, they would have no further danger to fear.
SECTION 8.39.4He therefore left Quintus Calenus, his lieutenant, with the legions to follow at regular marching pace, while he himself hurried with all the cavalry to Caninius as quickly as he could.
CHAPTER 8.40
SECTION 8.40.1When Caesar arrived at Uxellodunum contrary to everyone’s expectations, he saw that the town had been enclosed by siege works and that the siege could not be abandoned under any circumstances. After learning from deserters that the townspeople had an abundant supply of grain, he began trying to cut the enemy off from water.
SECTION 8.40.2A river divided the valley at the foot of the heights, which almost completely encircled the mountain on which Uxellodunum stood, a town with precipitous approaches on every side.
SECTION 8.40.3The nature of the ground made it impossible to divert this river, for it flowed so close to the very base of the mountain that it could not be channeled away in any direction by digging trenches below it.
SECTION 8.40.4But the descent to the river was difficult and steep for the townspeople, so that, if our men tried to stop them, they could neither reach the river nor make their way back up the steep ascent without wounds and danger to their lives.
SECTION 8.40.5When Caesar learned of their difficulty, he stationed archers and slingers and also placed artillery at certain points opposite the easiest descents, thereby preventing the townspeople from drawing water from the river.
CHAPTER 8.41
SECTION 8.41.1After that, everyone from the town who went to fetch water gathered at a single place directly beneath the town wall, where a large spring gushed out on the side that the river’s circuit left open for a distance of about three hundred feet.
SECTION 8.41.2Although all the others wished that the townspeople could be cut off from this spring, Caesar alone saw how it could be done. Directly opposite it, he began advancing covered galleries up the slope and constructing a mound, with great labor and continuous fighting.
SECTION 8.41.3The townspeople ran down from their higher position and fought from a distance without danger to themselves, wounding many of our men as they stubbornly advanced. Nevertheless, our soldiers were not deterred from pushing the covered galleries forward and overcoming the difficulties of the terrain by their labor and siege works.
SECTION 8.41.4At the same time, they drove covered tunnels from the galleries toward the source of the spring, a type of work that could be done without any danger and without arousing the enemy’s suspicion.
SECTION 8.41.5A mound was built to a height of sixty feet, and on it was placed a ten-story tower—not high enough to equal the town walls, since no siege works could accomplish that, but high enough to overlook the source of the spring.
SECTION 8.41.6When artillery began hurling missiles from the tower toward the approach to the spring, the townspeople could no longer draw water without danger, and not only their cattle and pack animals but also a great many of the enemy were wasting away from thirst.
CHAPTER 8.42
SECTION 8.42.1Terrified by this disaster, the townspeople filled barrels with tallow, pitch, and wooden shingles, set them on fire, and rolled them down onto the siegeworks. At the same time they fought with the utmost ferocity, to deter the Romans from extinguishing the fire by the danger of battle.
SECTION 8.42.2A great blaze suddenly broke out within the siegeworks themselves. Everything sent down the steep slope was caught and held by the covered galleries and the siege ramp, and set fire to the very structures that stopped it.
SECTION 8.42.3Our soldiers, on the other hand, although hard-pressed by the dangerous kind of fighting and the unfavorable ground, nevertheless endured everything with the greatest courage.
SECTION 8.42.4For the action was taking place both on high ground and in full view of our army, and a great shout arose from both sides.
SECTION 8.42.5Accordingly, each man made himself as conspicuous as he could and exposed himself to the enemy’s missiles and the flames, so that his courage might be more widely known and clearly attested.
CHAPTER 8.43
SECTION 8.43.1When Caesar saw that many of his men were being wounded, he ordered cohorts to climb the hill from every side of the town and raise a shout everywhere, pretending that they were about to seize the walls.
SECTION 8.43.2This action terrified the townspeople, and, uncertain about what was happening elsewhere, they recalled the armed men from their attack on the siegeworks and stationed them along the walls.
SECTION 8.43.3Thus, when the fighting had ended, our men quickly extinguished some of the siegeworks that had caught fire and cut away other parts.
SECTION 8.43.4Although the townspeople continued to resist stubbornly and, even after losing a large number of their men to thirst, persisted in their resolve, in the end the channels feeding the spring were cut by tunnels and diverted.
SECTION 8.43.5When this was done, the spring, though previously unfailing, suddenly dried up. This brought the townspeople such despair of being saved that they believed it had happened not through human planning but by the will of the gods. And so, compelled by necessity, they surrendered.
CHAPTER 8.44
SECTION 8.44.1Caesar knew that his clemency was known to everyone and did not fear that an unusually harsh action would be attributed to cruelty in his nature. But since he could see no end to his measures if several men in different places undertook plans of this kind, he concluded that the others must be deterred by an exemplary punishment.
SECTION 8.44.2He therefore cut off the hands of everyone who had borne arms but spared their lives, so that the punishment of criminals might be all the more clearly demonstrated.
SECTION 8.44.3Drappes, whose capture by Caninius I have reported, abstained from food for several days, whether because of the humiliation and pain of his chains or from fear of a more severe punishment, and so died.
SECTION 8.44.4At the same time Lucterius, who, as I wrote, had escaped from the battle, fell into the hands of Epasnactus the Arvernian.
SECTION 8.44.5For by frequently changing locations he entrusted himself to the protection of many men, because he believed he could not remain anywhere for long without danger, conscious as he was of how bitter an enemy Caesar was bound to be to him.
SECTION 8.44.6Epasnactus the Arvernian, a very close friend of the Roman people, without any hesitation put him in chains and brought him to Caesar.
CHAPTER 8.45
SECTION 8.45.1Meanwhile Labienus fought and won a cavalry battle in the territory of the Treveri. After killing many Treveri and Germans, who never refused assistance against the Romans, he took their leaders alive into his power.
SECTION 8.45.2Among them was Surus the Aeduan, a man of the highest distinction in both courage and birth and the only one of the Aedui who had remained under arms up to that time.
CHAPTER 8.46
SECTION 8.46.1When Caesar learned of this, he saw that operations were going well in every part of Gaul and judged that Gaul had been defeated and subdued in the previous summer’s campaign. Since he had never visited Aquitania, though he had partially conquered it through Publius Crassus, he set out for that part of Gaul with two legions, intending to spend the final portion of the campaigning season there.
SECTION 8.46.2He completed this task, like the others, quickly and successfully. For all the states of Aquitania sent envoys to Caesar and gave him hostages.
SECTION 8.46.3After accomplishing these things, he himself set out for Narbo with a cavalry escort and had his army led into winter quarters by his legates.
SECTION 8.46.4He stationed four legions in Belgium under the legates Marcus Antonius, Gaius Trebonius, and Publius Vatinius. He led two legions into the territory of the Aedui, whose influence he knew to be supreme throughout Gaul. He placed two among the Turoni, near the borders of the Carnutes, to hold in check that entire region adjoining the Ocean, and the remaining two in the territory of the Lemovices, not far from the Arverni, so that no part of Gaul would be left without troops.
SECTION 8.46.5Caesar himself remained only a few days in the province. He quickly made the rounds of all the judicial districts, heard public disputes,
SECTION 8.46.6and gave rewards to those who had served him well. For he had had the fullest opportunity to learn what attitude each man had taken during the revolt of all Gaul, which he had withstood through the loyalty and assistance of that province. When he had completed these matters, he returned to the legions in Belgium and spent the winter at Nemetocenna.
CHAPTER 8.47
SECTION 8.47.1There he learned that Commius the Atrebatian had fought a battle with his cavalry.
SECTION 8.47.2For when Antonius had arrived in winter quarters and the state of the Atrebates was remaining obedient, Commius—who, after the wounding I described above, had always been accustomed to keep himself ready to support any uprising among his people, so that those seeking plans for war would not lack an advocate and leader of armed resistance—
SECTION 8.47.3supported himself and his men by raiding while his state obeyed the Romans, and, by making the roads unsafe, intercepted many supplies being carried to the Romans’ winter quarters.
CHAPTER 8.48
SECTION 8.48.1Gaius Volusenus Quadratus, a cavalry commander, had been assigned to Antonius to spend the winter with him. Antonius sent him to pursue the enemy cavalry.
SECTION 8.48.2In addition to his exceptional courage, Volusenus felt a deep hatred for Commius, and so he carried out his orders all the more willingly. He therefore arranged ambushes, repeatedly attacked Commius’s cavalrymen, and fought successful engagements.
SECTION 8.48.3Finally, when the struggle became more intense and Volusenus, in his desire to capture Commius himself, pursued him too persistently with only a few men, Commius drew Volusenus a considerable distance away by fleeing at full speed. Then, because of his personal hatred for the man, he called on the loyalty and assistance of his followers, begging them not to allow the wounds treacherously inflicted on him to go unpunished, and, wheeling his horse around, recklessly broke away from the others and charged the commander.
SECTION 8.48.4All his cavalrymen did the same, forced our few men to turn, and pursued them.
SECTION 8.48.5Commius drove his horse forward with his spurs, brought it alongside Quadratus’s horse, and with his lance leveled struck Volusenus with great force through the middle of the thigh.
SECTION 8.48.6When their commander was wounded, our men did not hesitate to make a stand; they turned their horses and drove the enemy back.
SECTION 8.48.7When this happened, many of the enemy, thrown into confusion by the powerful charge of our men, were wounded; some were trampled down in flight, while others were captured. Their leader escaped this fate through the speed of his horse. The commander, so severely wounded that his life appeared to be in danger, was carried back to camp.
SECTION 8.48.8Commius, however, whether because his desire for vengeance had been satisfied or because he had lost a large part of his men, sent envoys to Antonius and guaranteed with hostages that he would remain wherever Antonius directed and would do whatever he ordered.
SECTION 8.48.9He asked only one thing: that allowance be made for his fear and that he not be required to come into the presence of any Roman. Antonius judged that this request arose from a well-founded fear, granted his petition, and accepted the hostages.
SECTION 8.48.10I know that Caesar composed a separate commentary for each individual year. I did not think I should do the same, because the following year, when Lucius Paulus and Gaius Marcellus were consuls, contains no particularly important operations in Gaul.
SECTION 8.48.11Nevertheless, so that no one would remain ignorant of the places where Caesar and his army were at that time, I decided that I should write a brief account and attach it to this commentary.
CHAPTER 8.49
SECTION 8.49.1While Caesar was wintering in Belgium, he had one objective: to keep the states on friendly terms and to give no one either hope or cause for taking up arms.
SECTION 8.49.2For nothing was less desirable to him than to have some necessity for waging war forced on him as his departure approached, so that, when he was about to withdraw his army, no war would be left behind that all Gaul would gladly undertake when there was no immediate danger.
SECTION 8.49.3And so, by addressing the states with honor, rewarding their leading men most generously, and imposing no burdens, he easily kept Gaul—exhausted by so many unsuccessful battles—at peace under more favorable terms of submission.
CHAPTER 8.50
SECTION 8.50.1When the winter was over, Caesar himself, contrary to his usual practice, set out for Italy by the longest possible daily marches, so that he could address the towns and colonies to which he had recommended the candidacy of his quaestor Marcus Antonius for the priesthood.
SECTION 8.50.2He exerted his influence both willingly on behalf of a man very closely connected to him, whom he had sent ahead shortly before to conduct his campaign, and vigorously against the faction and power of the few who hoped, by defeating Marcus Antonius, to undermine Caesar’s influence as he left his command.
SECTION 8.50.3Although he had learned on the journey, before he reached Italy, that Antonius had already been elected augur, he nevertheless considered that he still had good reason to visit the towns and colonies, so that he could thank them for turning out in large numbers and fulfilling their obligations to Antonius on his behalf,
SECTION 8.50.4and at the same time recommend to them himself and his claim to office for the following year. For his opponents were boasting arrogantly that Lucius Lentulus and Gaius Marcellus had been elected consuls to strip Caesar of every office and distinction, and that Servius Galba had been deprived of the consulship, although he had enjoyed far greater influence and electoral support, because he was connected with Caesar both by personal friendship and by long association as his legate.
CHAPTER 8.51
SECTION 8.51.1Caesar’s arrival was greeted by every town and colony with incredible honor and affection.
SECTION 8.51.2For this was the first time he had returned since the war involving all Gaul. Nothing that could be devised to decorate the gates, roads, and every place through which Caesar was to pass was left undone.
SECTION 8.51.3The entire population came out to meet him with their children. Sacrificial victims were slaughtered everywhere, and dining couches were spread out in the forums and temples, so that the rejoicing of a triumph, even one most eagerly awaited, seemed to be enjoyed in advance. Such was the magnificence displayed by the wealthier people and the enthusiasm shown by those of humbler means.
CHAPTER 8.52
SECTION 8.52.1After Caesar had rapidly passed through every region of Roman Gaul, he returned with the utmost speed to the army at Nemetocenna. He summoned the legions from all their winter quarters to the borders of the Treveri, proceeded there, and reviewed and purified the army.
SECTION 8.52.2He placed Titus Labienus in command of Roman Gaul, so that this greater distinction might help him win support in his campaign for the consulship. Caesar himself made only as many marches as he considered sufficient to change locations for reasons of health.
SECTION 8.52.3Although Caesar frequently heard there that Labienus was being approached by his enemies and was informed that a few men were planning to use the Senate’s authority to deprive him of some part of his army, he neither believed anything against Labienus nor could be induced to do anything contrary to the Senate’s authority. For he judged that his case would easily prevail if the senators were free to express their opinions.
SECTION 8.52.4For Gaius Curio, a tribune of the plebs, after undertaking the defense of Caesar’s cause and rank, had often promised the Senate that, if anyone was troubled by fear of Caesar’s armed forces—and since Pompey’s domination and armed forces were also bringing no small terror to the Forum—both men should give up their arms and disband their armies. If that were done, he said, the state would be free and independent.
SECTION 8.52.5He not only made this promise but also began on his own initiative to call for a division of the Senate. To prevent it, the consuls and Pompey’s friends ordered him to stop, and by delaying the matter in this way they caused the proposal to fail.
CHAPTER 8.53
SECTION 8.53.1This was powerful evidence of the position of the Senate as a whole, and it agreed with its previous action. For in the preceding year Marcellus, while attacking Caesar’s rank, had, contrary to the law of Pompey and Crassus, brought Caesar’s provinces before the Senate prior to the appointed time. After the senators had expressed their opinions and Marcellus called for a division—he was seeking all his own distinction by exploiting hostility toward Caesar—a full Senate voted unanimously against his proposal.
SECTION 8.53.2These actions did not break the spirit of Caesar’s enemies, but warned them to prepare more powerful pressures by which the Senate could be compelled to approve what they themselves had decided.
CHAPTER 8.54
SECTION 8.54.1The Senate then passed a decree that one legion should be sent by Gnaeus Pompey and another by Gaius Caesar for the war against the Parthians. Yet it was perfectly clear that both legions were being taken away from one man.
SECTION 8.54.2For Gnaeus Pompey offered as if it were one of his own the First Legion, which he had sent to Caesar but which had been formed by a levy in Caesar’s province.
SECTION 8.54.3Nevertheless, although there could be no doubt at all about his opponents’ intentions, Caesar returned the legion to Pompey and, in accordance with the Senate’s decree, ordered the Fifteenth, which he had kept in Cisalpine Gaul, to be handed over in his own name. In its place he sent the Thirteenth Legion into Italy to protect the garrisons from which the Fifteenth was being withdrawn.
SECTION 8.54.4He then assigned winter quarters to the army. He stationed Gaius Trebonius with four legions in Belgium and sent Gaius Fabius with the same number into the territory of the Aedui.
SECTION 8.54.5For he believed that Gaul would be safest if the Belgae, whose courage was greatest, and the Aedui, whose influence was supreme, were held in check by armies. He himself set out for Italy.
CHAPTER 8.55
SECTION 8.55.1When he arrived there, he learned that the two legions he had returned, which according to the Senate’s decree were supposed to be sent to the war against the Parthians, had been handed over to Gnaeus Pompey by the consul Gaius Marcellus and retained in Italy.
SECTION 8.55.2Although after this action no one could doubt what was being prepared against Caesar, Caesar nevertheless decided that he must endure everything as long as any hope remained to him of resolving the dispute by law rather than waging war. He pressed on.