On Duties, Book I
Latin source edition on thelatinlibrary.com
Latin
1. Quamquam te, Marce fili, annum iam audientem Cratippum idque Athenis abundare oportet praeceptis institutisque philosophiae propter summam et doctoris auctoritatem et urbis, quorum alter te scientia augere potest, altera exemplis, tamen, ut ipse ad meam utilitatem semper cum Graecis Latina coniunxi neque id in philosophia solum, sed etiam in dicendi exercitatione feci, idem tibi censeo faciendum, ut par sis in utriusque orationis facultate. Quam quidem ad rem nos, ut videmur, magnum attulimus adiumentum hominibus nostris, ut non modo Graecarum litterarum rudes, sed etiam docti aliquantum se arbitrentur adeptos et ad dicendum et ad iudicandum.
2. Quam ob rem disces tu quidem a principe huius aetatis philosophorum et disces quam diu voles; tam diu autem velle debebis, quoad te quantum proficias non paenitebit. Sed tamen nostra legens non multum a Peripateticis dissidentia, quoniam utrique Socratici et Platonici volumus esse, de rebus ipsis utere tuo iudicio – nihil enim impedio – orationem autem Latinam efficies profecto legendis nostris pleniorem. Nec vero hoc arroganter dictum existimari velim. Nam philosophandi scientiam concedens multis, quod est oratoris proprium, apte, distincte, ornate dicere, quoniam in eo studio aetatem consumpsi, si id mihi assumo, videor id meo iure quodam modo vindicare.
3. Quam ob rem magnopere te hortor, mi Cicero, ut non solum orationes meas, sed hos etiam de philosophia libros, qui iam illis fere se aequarunt, studiose legas, – vis enim maior in illis dicendi sed hoc quoque colendum est aequabile et temperatum orationis genus. Et id quidem nemini video Graecorum adhuc contigisse, ut idem utroque in genere elaboraret sequereturque et illud forense dicendi et hoc quietum disputandi genus, nisi forte Demetrius Phalereus in hoc numero haberi potest, disputator subtilis, orator parum vehemens, dulcis tamen, ut Theophrasti discipulum possis agnoscere. Nos autem quantum in utroque profecerimus, aliorum sit iudicium, utrumque certe secuti sumus.
4. Equidem et Platonem existimo si genus forense dicendi tractare voluisset, gravissime et copiosissime potuisse dicere et Demosthenem si illa, quae a Platone didicerat, tenuisset et pronuntiare voluisset, ornate splendideque facere potuisse; eodemque modo de Aristotele et Isocrate iudico, quorum uterque suo studio delectatus contempsit alterum. Sed cum statuissem scribere ad te aliquid hoc tempore, multa posthac, ab eo ordiri maxime volui, quod et aetati tuae esset aptissimum et auctoritati meae. Nam cum multa sint in philosophia et gravia et utilia accurate copioseque a philosophis disputata, latissime patere videntur ea quae de officiis tradita ab illis et praecepta sunt. Nulla enim vitae pars neque publicis neque privatis neque forensibus neque domesticis in rebus, neque si tecum agas quid, neque si cum altero contrahas, vacare officio potest in eoque et colendo sita vitae est honestas omnis et neglegendo turpitudo.
5. Atque haec quidem quaestio communis est omnium philosophorum. Quis est enim, qui nullis officii praeceptis tradendis philosophum se audeat dicere? Sed sunt non nullae disciplinae, quae propositis bonorum et malorum finibus officium omne pervertant. Nam qui summum bonum sic instituit, ut nihil habeat cum virtute coniunctum, idque suis commodis, non honestate metitur, hic, si sibi ipse consentiat et non interdum naturae bonitate vincatur, neque amicitiam colere possit nec iustitiam nec liberalitatem; fortis vero dolorem summum malum iudicans aut temperans voluptatem summum bonum statuens esse certe nullo modo potest.
6. Quae quamquam ita sint in promptu, ut res disputatione non egeat, tamen sunt a nobis alio loco disputata. Hae disciplinae igitur si sibi consentaneae velint esse, de officio nihil queant dicere, neque ulla officii praecepta firma, stabilia, coniuncta naturae tradi possunt, nisi aut ab iis, qui solam, aut ab iis, qui maxime honestatem propter se dicant expetendam. Ita propria est ea praeceptio Stoicorum, Academicorum, Peripateticorum, quoniam Aristonis, Pyrrhonis, Erilli iam pridem explosa sententia est, qui tamen haberent ius suum disputandi de officio, si rerum aliquem dilectum reliquissent, ut ad officii inventionem aditus esset. Sequemur igitur hoc quidem tempore et hac in quaestione potissimum Stoicos, non ut interpretes, sed, ut solemus, e fontibus eorum iudicio arbitrioque nostro quantum quoque modo videbitur, hauriemus.
7. Placet igitur, quoniam omnis disputatio de officio futura est, ante definire, quid sit officium, quod a Panaetio praetermissum esse miror. Omnis enim, quae a ratione suscipitur de aliqua re institutio, debet a definitione proficisci, ut intellegatur, quid sit id de quo disputetur.... Omnis de officio duplex est quaestio. Unum genus est, quod pertinet ad finem bonorum, alterum, quod positum est in praeceptis, quibus in omnes partes usus vitae conformari possit. Superioris generis huiusmodi sunt exempla, omniane officia perfecta sint, num quod officium aliud alio maius sit et quae sunt generis eiusdem. Quorum autem officiorum praecepta traduntur, ea quamquam pertinent ad finem bonorum, tamen minus id apparet, quia magis ad institutionem vitae communis spectare videntur; de quibus est nobis his libris explicandum.
8. Atque etiam alia divisio est officii. Nam et medium quoddam officium dicitur et perfectum. Perfectum officium rectum, opinor, vocemus, quoniam Graeci katorthoma, hoc autem commune officium kathekon vocant. Atque ea sic definiunt, ut rectum quod sit, id officium perfectum esse definiant; medium autem officium id esse dicunt, quod cur factum sit, ratio probabilis reddi possit.
9. Triplex igitur est, ut Panaetio videtur, consilii capiendi deliberatio. Nam aut honestumne factu sit an turpe dubitant id, quod in deliberationem cadit; in quo considerando saepe animi in contrarias sententias distrahuntur. Tum autem aut anquirunt aut consultant ad vitae commoditatem iucunditatemque, ad facultates rerum atque copias, ad opes, ad potentiam, quibus et se possint iuvare et suos, conducat id necne, de quo deliberant; quae deliberatio omnis in rationem utilitatis cadit. Tertium dubitandi genus est, cum pugnare videtur cum honesto id, quod videtur esse utile. Cum enim utilitas ad se rapere, honestas contra revocare ad se videtur, fit ut distrahatur in deliberando animus afferatque ancipitem curam cogitandi.
10. Hac divisione, cum praeterire aliquid maximum vitium in dividendo sit, duo praetermissa sunt. Nec enim solum, utrum honestum an turpe sit, deliberari solet, sed etiam duobus propositis honestis utrum honestius, itemque duobus propositis utilibus utrum utilius. Ita quam ille triplicem putavit esse rationem in quinque partes distribui debere reperitur. Primum igitur est de honesto, sed dupliciter, tum pari ratione de utili, post de comparatione eorum disserendum.
11. Principio generi animantium omni est a natura tributum, ut se, vitam corpusque tueatur, declinet ea, quae nocitura videantur, omniaque, quae sint ad vivendum necessaria anquirat et paret, ut pastum, ut latibula, ut alia generis eiusdem. Commune item animantium omnium est coniunctionis appetitus procreandi causa et cura quaedam eorum, quae procreata sint. Sed inter hominem et beluam hoc maxime interest, quod haec tantum, quantum sensu movetur, ad id solum, quod adest quodque praesens est se accommodat, paulum admodum sentiens praeteritum aut futurum. Homo autem, quod rationis est particeps, per quam consequentia cernit, causas rerum videt earumque praegressus et quasi antecessiones non ignorat, similitudines comparat rebusque praesentibus adiungit atque adnectit futuras, facile totius vitae cursum videt ad eamque degendam praeparat res necessarias.
12. Eademque natura vi rationis hominem conciliat homini et ad orationis et ad vitae societatem ingeneratque inprimis praecipuum quendam amorem in eos, qui procreati sunt impellitque, ut hominum coetus et celebrationes et esse et a se obiri velit ob easque causas studeat parare ea, quae suppeditent ad cultum et ad victum, nec sibi soli, sed coniugi, liberis, ceterisque quos caros habeat tuerique debeat, quae cura exsuscitat etiam animos et maiores ad rem gerendam facit.
13. Inprimisque hominis est propria veri inquisitio atque investigatio. Itaque cum sumus necessariis negotiis curisque vacui, tum avemus aliquid videre, audire, addiscere cognitionemque rerum aut occultarum aut admirabilium ad beate vivendum necessariam ducimus. Ex quo intellegitur, quod verum, simplex sincerumque sit, id esse naturae hominis aptissimum. Huic veri videndi cupiditati adiuncta est appetitio quaedam principatus, ut nemini parere animus bene informatus a natura velit nisi praecipienti aut docenti aut utilitatis causa iuste et legitime imperanti; ex quo magnitudo animi existit humanarumque rerum contemptio.
14. Nec vero illa parva vis naturae est rationisque, quod unum hoc animal sentit, quid sit ordo, quid sit quod deceat, in factis dictisque qui modus. Itaque eorum ipsorum, quae aspectu sentiuntur, nullum aliud animal pulchritudinem, venustatem, convenientiam partium sentit; quam similitudinem natura ratioque ab oculis ad animum transferens multo etiam magis pulchritudinem, constantiam, ordinem in consiliis factisque conservandam putat cavetque ne quid indecore effeminateve faciat, tum in omnibus et opinionibus et factis ne quid libidinose aut faciat aut cogitet. Quibus ex rebus conflatur et efficitur id, quod quaerimus, honestum, quod etiamsi nobilitatum non sit, tamen honestum sit, quodque vere dicimus, etiamsi a nullo laudetur, natura esse laudabile.
15. Formam quidem ipsam, Marce fili, et tamquam faciem honesti vides, "quae si oculis cerneretur, mirabiles amores ut ait Plato, excitaret sapientiae". Sed omne, quod est honestum, id quattuor partium oritur ex aliqua. Aut enim in perspicientia veri sollertiaque versatur aut in hominum societate tuenda tribuendoque suum cuique et rerum contractarum fide aut in animi excelsi atque invicti magnitudine ac robore aut in omnium, quae fiunt quaeque dicuntur ordine et modo, in quo inest modestia et temperantia. Quae quattuor quamquam inter se colligata atque implicata sunt, tamen ex singulis certa officiorum genera nascuntur, velut ex ea parte, quae prima discripta est, in qua sapientiam et prudentiam ponimus, inest indagatio atque inventio veri, eiusque virtutis hoc munus est proprium.
16. Ut enim quisque maxime perspicit, quid in re quaque verissimum sit quique acutissime et celerrime potest et videre et explicare rationem, is prudentissimus et sapientissimus rite haberi solet. Quocirca huic quasi materia, quam tractet et in qua versetur, subiecta est veritas.
17. Reliquis autem tribus virtutibus necessitates propositae sunt ad eas res parandas tuendasque, quibus actio vitae continetur, ut et societas hominum coniunctioque servetur et animi excellentia magnitudoque cum in augendis opibus utilitatibusque et sibi et suis comparandis, tum multo magis in his ipsis despiciendis eluceat. Ordo autem et constantia et moderatio et ea, quae sunt his similia, versantur in eo genere ad quod est adhibenda actio quaedam, non solum mentis agitatio. Is enim rebus, quae tractantur in vita, modum quendam et ordinem adhibentes, honestatem et decus conservabimus.
18. Ex quattuor autem locis, in quos honesti naturam vimque divisimus, primus ille, qui in veri cognitione consistit, maxime naturam attingit humanam. Omnes enim trahimur et ducimur ad cognitionis et scientiae cupiditatem, in qua excellere pulchrum putamus, labi autem, errare, nescire, decipi et malum et turpe ducimus. In hoc genere et naturali et honesto duo vitia vitanda sunt, unum, ne incognita pro cognitis habeamus hisque temere assentiamur, quod vitium effugere qui volet – omnes autem velle debent – adhibebit ad considerandas res et tempus et diligentiam.
19. Alterum est vitium, quod quidam nimis magnum studium multamque operam in res obscuras atque difficiles conferunt easdemque non necessarias. Quibus vitiis declinatis quod in rebus honestis et cognitione dignis operae curaeque ponetur, id iure laudabitur, ut in astrologia C. Sulpicium audimus, in geometria Sex. Pompeium ipsi cognovimus, multos in dialecticis, plures in iure civili, quae omnes artes in veri investigatione versantur, cuius studio a rebus gerendis abduci contra officium est. Virtutis enim laus omnis in actione consistit, a qua tamen fit intermissio saepe multique dantur ad studia reditus; tum agitatio mentis, quae numquam adquiescit, potest nos in studiis cognitionis etiam sine opera nostra continere. Omnis autem cogitatio motusque animi aut in consiliis capiendis de rebus honestis et pertinentibus ad bene beateque vivendum aut in studiis scientiae cognitionisque versabitur. Ac de primo quidem officii fonte diximus.
20. De tribus autem reliquis latissime patet ea ratio, qua societas hominum inter ipsos et vitae quasi communitas continetur; cuius partes duae: iustitia, in qua virtutis splendor est maximus, ex qua viri boni nominantur, et huic coniuncta beneficentia, quam eandem vel benignitatem vel liberalitatem appellari licet. Sed iustitiae primum munus est, ut ne cui quis noceat, nisi lacessitus iniuria, deinde ut communibus pro communibus utatur, privatis ut suis.
21. Sunt autem privata nulla natura, sed aut vetere occupatione, ut qui quondam in vacua venerunt, aut victoria, ut qui bello potiti sunt, aut lege, pactione, condicione, sorte; ex quo fit, ut ager Arpinas Arpinatium dicatur, Tusculanus Tusculanorum; similisque est privatarum possessionum discriptio. Ex quo, quia suum cuiusque fit eorum, quae natura fuerant communia, quod cuique optigit, id quisque teneat; e quo si quis [quaevis] sibi appetet, violabit ius humanae societatis.
22. Sed quoniam, ut praeclare scriptum est a Platone, non nobis solum nati sumus ortusque nostri partem patria vindicat, partem amici, atque, ut placet Stoicis, quae in terris gignantur, ad usum hominum omnia creari, homines autem hominum causa esse generatos, ut ipsi inter se aliis alii prodesse possent, in hoc naturam debemus ducem sequi, communes utilitates in medium adferre, mutatione officiorum, dando accipiendo, tum artibus, tum opera, tum facultatibus devincire hominum inter homines societatem.
23. Fundamentum autem est iustitiae fides, id est dictorum conventorumque constantia et veritas. Ex quo, quamquam hoc videbitur fortasse cuipiam durius, tamen audeamus imitari Stoicos, qui studiose exquirunt, unde verba sint ducta, credamusque, quia fiat, quod dictum est appellatam fidem. Sed iniustitiae genera duo sunt, unum eorum, qui inferunt, alterum eorum, qui ab is, quibus infertur, si possunt, non propulsant iniuriam. Nam qui iniuste impetum in quempiam facit aut ira aut aliqua perturbatione incitatus, is quasi manus afferre videtur socio; qui autem non defendit nec obsistit, si potest, iniuriae, tam est in vitio, quam si parentes aut amicos aut patriam deserat.
24. Atque illae quidem iniuriae, quae nocendi causa de industria inferuntur, saepe a metu proficiscuntur, cum is, qui nocere alteri cogitat, timet, ne, nisi id fecerit, ipse aliquo afficiatur incommodo. Maximam autem partem ad iniuriam faciendam aggrediuntur, ut adipiscantur ea, quae concupiverunt; in quo vitio latissime patet avaritia.
25. Expetuntur autem divitiae cum ad usus vitae necessarios, tum ad perfruendas voluptates. In quibus autem maior est animus, in is pecuniae cupiditas spectat ad opes et ad gratificandi facultatem, ut nuper M. Crassus negabat ullam satis magnam pecuniam esse ei, qui in re publica princeps vellet esse, cuius fructibus exercitum alere non posset. Delectant etiam magnifici apparatus vitaeque cultus cum elegantia et copia, quibus rebus effectum est, ut infinita pecuniae cupiditas esset. Nec vero rei familiaris amplificatio nemini nocens vituperanda est, sed fugienda semper iniuria est.
26. Maxime autem adducuntur plerique, ut eos iustitiae capiat oblivio, cum in imperiorum, honorum, gloriae cupiditatem inciderunt. Quod enim est apud Ennium: "Nulla sancta societas Nec fides regni est", id latius patet. Nam quidquid eiusmodi est, in quo non possint plures excellere, in eo fit plerumque tanta contentio, ut difficillimum sit servare sanctam societatem. Declaravit id modo temeritas C. Caesaris, qui omnia iura divina et humana pervertit propter eum, quem sibi ipse opinionis errore finxerat principatum. Est autem in hoc genere molestum, quod in maximis animis splendidissimisque ingeniis plerumque existunt honoris, imperii, potentiae, gloriae cupiditates. Quo magis cavendum est, ne quid in eo genere peccetur.
27. Sed in omni iniustitia permultum interest, utrum perturbatione aliqua animi, quae plerumque brevis est et ad tempus, an consulto et cogitata fiat iniuria. Leviora enim sunt ea, quae repentino aliquo motu accidunt, quam ea, quae meditata et praeparata inferuntur. Ac de inferenda quidem iniuria satis dictum est.
28. Praetermittendae autem defensionis deserendique officii plures solent esse causae. Nam aut inimicitias aut laborem aut sumptus suscipere nolunt aut etiam neglegentia, pigritia, inertia aut suis studiis quibusdam occupationibusve sic impediuntur, ut eos, quos tutari debeant, desertos esse patiantur. Itaque videndum est, ne non satis sit id, quod apud Platonem est in philosophos dictum, quod in veri investigatione versentur quodque ea, quae plerique vehementer expetant, de quibus inter se digladiari soleant, contemnant et pro nihilo putent, propterea iustos esse. Nam alterum [iustitiae genus] assequuntur, ut inferenda ne cui noceant iniuria, in alterum incidunt; discendi enim studio impediti, quos tueri debent, deserunt. Itaque eos ne ad rem publicam quidem accessuros putant nisi coactos. Aequius autem erat id voluntate fieri; nam hoc ipsum ita iustum est, quod recte fit, si est voluntarium.
29. Sunt etiam, qui aut studio rei familiaris tuendae aut odio quodam hominum suum se negotium agere dicant nec facere cuiquam videantur iniuriam. Qui altero genere iniustitiae vacant, in alterum incurrunt; deserunt enim vitae societatem, quia nihil conferunt in eam studii, nihil operae, nihil facultatum.
30. Quando igitur duobus generibus iniustitiae propositis adiunximus causas utriusque generis easque res ante constituimus, quibus iustitia contineretur, facile quod cuiusque temporis officium sit poterimus, nisi nosmet ipsos valde amabimus, iudicare. Est enim difficilis cura rerum alienarum. Quamquam Terentianus ille Chremes "humani nihil a se alienum putat"; sed tamen, quia magis ea percipimus atque sentimus, quae nobis ipsis aut prospera aut adversa eveniunt, quam illa, quae ceteris, quae quasi longo intervallo interiecto videmus, aliter de illis ac de nobis iudicamus. Quocirca bene praecipiunt, qui vetant quicquam agere, quod dubites aequum sit an iniquum. Aequitas lucet ipsa per se, dubitatio cogitationem significat iniuriae.
31. Sed incidunt saepe tempora, cum ea, quae maxime videntur digna esse iusto homine, eoque quem virum bonum dicimus, commutantur fiuntque contraria, ut reddere depositum, [etiamne furioso?] facere promissum quaeque pertinent ad veritatem et ad fidem; ea migrare interdum et non servare fit iustum. Referri enim decet ad ea, quae posui principio fundamenta iustitiae, primum ut ne cui noceatur, deinde ut communi utilitati serviatur. Ea cum tempore commutantur, commutatur officium et non semper est idem.
32. Potest enim accidere promissum aliquod et conventum, ut id effici sit inutile vel ei, cui promissum sit, vel ei, qui promiserit. Nam si, ut in fabulis est, Neptunus, quod Theseo promiserat, non fecisset, Theseus Hippolyto filio non esset orbatus. Ex tribus enim optatis, ut scribitur, hoc erat tertium, quod de Hippolyti interitu iratus optavit; quo impetrato in maximos luctus incidit. Nec promissa igitur servanda sunt ea, quae sint is, quibus promiseris inutilia, nec si plus tibi ea noceant, quam illi prosint, cui promiseris, contra officium est, maius anteponi minori, ut si constitueris, cuipiam te advocatum in rem praesentem esse venturum atque interim graviter aegrotare filius coeperit, non sit contra officium non facere, quod dixeris, magisque ille, cui promissum sit, ab officio discedat, si se destitutum queratur. Iam illis promissis standum non esse quis non videt, quae coactus quis metu, quae deceptus dolo promiserit? quae quidem pleraque iure praetorio liberantur, nonnulla legibus.
33. Existunt etiam saepe iniuriae calumnia quadam et nimis callida sed malitiosa iuris interpretatione. Ex quo illud "summum ius summa iniuria" factum est iam tritum sermone proverbium. Quo in genere etiam in re publica multa peccantur, ut ille, qui, cum triginta dierum essent cum hoste indutiae factae, noctu populabatur agros, quod dierum essent pactae, non noctium indutiae. Ne noster quidem probandus, si verum est Q. Fabium Labeonem seu quem alium – nihil enim habeo praeter auditum – arbitrum Nolanis et Neapolitanis de finibus a senatu datum, cum ad locum venisset, cum utrisque separatim locutum, ne cupide quid agerent, ne appetenter, atque ut regredi quam progredi mallent. Id cum utrique fecissent, aliquantum agri in medio relictum est. Itaque illorum finis sic, ut ipsi dixerant, terminavit; in medio relictum quod erat, populo Romano adiudicavit. Decipere hoc quidem est, non iudicare. Quocirca in omni est re fugienda talis sollertia.
34. Sunt autem quaedam officia etiam adversus eos servanda, a quibus iniuriam acceperis. Est enim ulciscendi et puniendi modus; atque haud scio an satis sit eum, qui lacessierit iniuriae suae paenitere, ut et ipse ne quid tale posthac et ceteri sint ad iniuriam tardiores. Atque in re publica maxime conservanda sunt iura belli. Nam cum sint duo genera decertandi, unum per disceptationem, alterum per vim, cumque illud proprium sit hominis, hoc beluarum, confugiendum est ad posterius, si uti non licet superiore.
35. Quare suscipienda quidem bella sunt ob eam causam, ut sine iniuria in pace vivatur, parta autem victoria conservandi i, qui non crudeles in bello, non inmanes fuerunt, ut maiores nostri Tusculanos, Aequos, Volscos, Sabinos, Hernicos in civitatem etiam acceperunt, at Karthaginem et Numantiam funditus sustulerunt; nollem Corinthum, sed credo aliquid secutos, oportunitatem loci maxime, ne posset aliquando ad bellum faciendum locus ipse adhortari. Mea quidem sententia paci, quae nihil habitura sit insidiarum, semper est consulendum. In quo si mihi esset obtemperatum, si non optimam, at aliquam rem publicam, quae nunc nulla est, haberemus. Et cum iis, quos vi deviceris consulendum est, tum ii, qui armis positis ad imperatorum fidem confugient, quamvis murum aries percusserit, recipiendi. In quo tantopere apud nostros iustitia culta est, ut ii, qui civitates aut nationes devictas bello in fidem recepissent, earum patroni essent more maiorum.
36. Ac belli quidem aequitas sanctissime fetiali populi Romani iure perscripta est. Ex quo intellegi potest nullum bellum esse iustum, nisi quod aut rebus repetitis geratur aut denuntiatum ante sit et indictum. [Popilius imperator tenebat provinciam, in cuius exercitu Catonis filius tiro militabat. Cum autem Popilio videretur unam dimittere legionem, Catonis quoque filium, qui in eadem legione militabat, dimisit. Sed cum amore pugnandi in exercitu remansisset, Cato ad Popilium scripsit, ut, si eum patitur in exercitu remanere, secundo eum obliget militiae sacramento, quia priore amisso iure cum hostibus pugnare non poterat.
37. Adeo summa erat observatio in bello movendo.] M. quidem Catonis senis est epistula ad M. filium, in qua scribit se audisse eum missum factum esse a consule cum in Macedonia bello Persico miles esset. Monet igitur ut caveat, ne proelium ineat; negat enim ius esse, qui miles non sit cum hoste pugnare. Equidem etiam illud animadverto, quod, qui proprio nomine perduellis esset, is hostis vocaretur, lenitate verbi rei tristitiam mitigatam. Hostis enim apud maiores nostros is dicebatur, quem nunc peregrinum dicimus. Indicant duodecim tabulae: aut status dies cum hoste, itemque adversus hostem aeterna auctoritas. Quid ad hanc mansuetudinem addi potest, eum, quicum bellum geras, tam molli nomine appellare? Quamquam id nomen durius effecit iam vetustas; a peregrino enim recessit et proprie in eo, qui arma contra ferret, remansit.
38. Cum vero de imperio decertatur belloque quaeritur gloria, causas omnino subesse tamen oportet easdem, quas dixi paulo ante iustas causas esse bellorum. Sed ea bella, quibus imperii proposita gloria est, minus acerbe gerenda sunt. Ut enim cum civi aliter contendimus, si est inimicus, aliter si competitor (cum altero certamen honoris et dignitatis est, cum altero capitis et famae) sic cum Celtiberis, cum Cimbris bellum ut cum inimicis gerebatur, uter esset, non uter imperaret, cum Latinis, Sabinis, Samnitibus, Poenis, Pyrrho de imperio dimicabatur. Poeni foedifragi, crudelis Hannibal, reliqui iustiores. Pyrrhi quidem de captivis reddendis illa praeclara: Nec mi aurum posco nec mi pretium dederitis, Nec cauponantes bellum, sed belligerantes Ferro, non auro vitam cernamus utrique. Vosne velit an me regnare era, quidve ferat Fors, Virtute experiamur. Et hoc simul accipe dictum: Quorum virtuti belli Fortuna pepercit, Eorundem libertati me parcere certum est. Dono, ducite, doque volentibus cum magnis dis.
39. Regalis sane et digna Aeacidarum genere sententia. Atque etiam si quid singuli temporibus adducti hosti promiserunt, est in eo ipso fides conservanda, ut primo Punico bello Regulus captus a Poenis, cum de captivis commutandis Romam missus esset iurassetque se rediturum, primum, ut venit, captivos reddendos in senatu non censuit, deinde, cum retineretur a propinquis et ab amicis, ad supplicium redire maluit quam fidem hosti datam fallere.
40. Secundo autem Punico bello post Cannensem pugnam quos decem Hannibal Romam misit astrictos iure iurando se redituros esse nisi de redimendis is, qui capti erant, impetrassent, eos omnes censores, quoad quisque eorum vixit, quod peierassent in aerariis reliquerunt, nec minus illum, qui iure iurando fraude culpam invenerat. Cum enim permissu Hannibalis exisset e castris, rediit paulo post, quod se oblitum nescio quid diceret; deinde egressus e castris iure iurando se solutum putabat, et erat verbis, re non erat. Semper autem in fide quid senseris, non quid dixeris, cogitandum est. Maximum autem exemplum est iustitiae in hostem a maioribus nostris constitutum, cum a Pyrrho perfuga senatui est pollicitus se venenum regi daturum et eum necaturum. Senatus et C. Fabricius eum Pyrrho dedit. Ita ne hostis quidem et potentis et bellum ultro inferentis interitum cum scelere approbavit.]
41. Ac de bellicis quidem officiis satis dictum est. Meminerimus autem etiam adversus infimos iustitiam esse servandam. Est autem infima condicio et fortuna servorum, quibus non male praecipiunt, qui ita iubent uti, ut mercennariis, operam exigendam, iusta praebenda. Cum autem duobus modis, id est aut vi aut fraude, fiat iniuria, fraus quasi vulpeculae, vis leonis videtur; utrumque homine alienissimum, sed fraus odio digna maiore. Totius autem iniustitiae nulla capitalior quam eorum, qui tum, cum maxime fallunt, id agunt, ut viri boni esse videantur. De iustitia satis dictum.
42. Deinceps, ut erat propositum, de beneficentia ac de liberalitate dicatur, qua quidem nihil est naturae hominis accommodatius, sed habet multas cautiones. Videndum est enim, primum ne obsit benignitas et iis ipsis, quibus benigne videbitur fieri, et ceteris, deinde ne maior benignitas sit, quam facultates, tum ut pro dignitate cuique tribuatur; id enim est iustitiae fundamentum, ad quam haec referenda sunt omnia. Nam et qui gratificantur cuipiam, quod obsit illi, cui prodesse velle videantur, non benefici neque liberales, sed perniciosi assentatores iudicandi sunt, et qui aliis nocent, ut in alios liberales sint, in eadem sunt iniustitia, ut si in suam rem aliena convertant.
43. Sunt autem multi et quidem cupidi splendoris et gloriae, qui eripiunt aliis, quod aliis largiantur, ique arbitrantur se beneficos in suos amicos visum iri, si locupletent eos quacumque ratione. Id autem tantum abest ab officio, ut nihil magis officio possit esse contrarium. Videndum est igitur, ut ea liberalitate utamur. quae prosit amicis, noceat nemini. Quare L. Sullae, C. Caesaris pecuniarum translatio a iustis dominis ad alienos non debet liberalis videri; nihil est enim liberale, quod non idem iustum.
44. Alter locus erat cautionis, ne benignitas maior esset quam facultates, quod qui benigniores volunt esse, quam res patitur, primum in eo peccant, quod iniuriosi sunt in proximos; quas enim copias his et suppeditari aequius est et relinqui eas transferunt ad alienos. Inest autem in tali liberalitate cupiditas plerumque rapiendi et auferendi per iniuriam, ut ad largiendum suppetant copiae. Videre etiam licet plerosque non tam natura liberales quam quadam gloria ductos, ut benefici videantur facere multa, quae proficisci ab ostentatione magis quam a voluntate videantur. Talis autem simulatio vanitati est coniunctior quam aut liberalitati aut honestati.
45. Tertium est propositum, ut in beneficentia dilectus esset dignitatis; in quo et mores eius erunt spectandi, in quem beneficium conferetur, et animus erga nos et communitas ac societas vitae et ad nostras utilitates officia ante collata; quae ut concurrant omnia, optabile est; si minus, plures causae maioresque ponderis plus habebunt.
46. Quoniam autem vivitur non cum perfectis hominibus planeque sapientibus, sed cum iis, in quibus praeclare agitur, si sunt simulacra virtutis, etiam hoc intellegendum puto, neminem omnino esse neglegendum, in quo aliqua significatio virtutis appareat, colendum autem esse ita quemque maxime, ut quisque maxime virtutibus his lenioribus erit ornatus, modestia, temperantia, hac ipsa, de qua multa iam dicta sunt, iustitia. Nam fortis animus et magnus in homine non perfecto nec sapiente ferventior plerumque est, illae virtutes bonum virum videntur potius attingere. Atque haec in moribus.
47. De benivolentia autem, quam quisque habeat erga nos, primum illud est in officio, ut ei plurimum tribuamus, a quo plurimum diligamur, sed benivolentiam non adulescentulorum more ardore quodam amoris, sed stabilitate potius et constantia iudicemus. Sin erunt merita, ut non ineunda, sed referenda sit gratia, maior quaedam cura adhibenda est; nullum enim officium referenda gratia magis necessarium est.
48. Quodsi ea, quae utenda acceperis, maiore mensura, si modo possis, iubet reddere Hesiodus, quidnam beneficio provocati facere debemus? An imitari agros fertiles, qui multo plus efferunt, quam acceperunt? Etenim si in eos, quos speramus nobis profuturos, non dubitamus, officia conferre, quales in eos esse debemus, qui iam profuerunt? Nam cum duo genera liberalitatis sint, unum dandi beneficii, alterum reddendi, demus necne in nostra potestate est, non reddere viro bono non licet, modo id facere possit sine iniuria.
49. Acceptorum autem beneficiorum sunt dilectus habendi, nec dubium, quin maximo cuique plurimum debeatur. In quo tamen inprimis, quo quisque animo, studio, benivolentia fecerit, ponderandum est. Multi enim faciunt multa temeritate quadam sine iudicio, vel morbo in omnes vel repentino quodam quasi vento impetu animi incitati; quae beneficia aeque magna non sunt habenda atque ea, quae iudicio, considerate constanterque delata sunt. Sed in collocando beneficio et in referenda gratia, si cetera paria sunt, hoc maxime officii est, ut quisque opis indigeat, ita ei potissimum opitulari; quod contra fit a plerisque; a quo enim plurimum sperant, etiamsi ille iis non eget, tamen ei potissimum inserviunt.
50. Optime autem societas hominum coniunctioque servabitur, si, ut quisque erit coniunctissimus, ita in eum benignitatis plurimum conferetur. Sed quae naturae principia sint communitatis et societatis humanae, repetendum videtur altius. Est enim primum quod cernitur in universi generis humani societate. Eius autem vinculum est ratio et oratio, quae docendo, discendo, communicando, disceptando, iudicando conciliat inter se homines coniungitque naturali quadam societate, neque ulla re longius absumus a natura ferarum, in quibus inesse fortitudinem saepe dicimus, ut in equis, in leonibus, iustitiam, aequitatem, bonitatem non dicimus; sunt enim rationis et orationis expertes.
51. Ac latissime quidem patens hominibus inter ipsos, omnibus inter omnes societas haec est. In qua omnium rerum, quas ad communem hominum usum natura genuit, est servanda communitas, ut quae discripta sunt legibus et iure civili, haec ita teneantur, ut sit constitutum e quibus ipsis, cetera sic observentur, ut in Graecorum proverbio est, amicorum esse communia omnia. Omnium autem communia hominum videntur ea, quae sunt generis eius, quod ab Ennio positum in una re transferri in permultas potest: Homo, qui erranti comiter monstrat viam, Quasi lumen de suo lumine accendat, facit. Nihilo minus ipsi lucet, cum illi accenderit. Una ex re satis praecipit, ut quidquid sine detrimento commodari possit, id tribuatur vel ignoto.
52. Ex quo sunt illa communia: non prohibere aqua profluente, pati ab igne ignem capere, si qui velit, consilium fidele deliberanti dare, quae sunt iis utilia, qui accipiunt, danti non molesta. Quare et his utendum est et semper aliquid ad communem utilitatem afferendum. Sed quoniam copiae parvae singulorum sunt, eorum autem, qui his egeant, infinita est multitudo, vulgaris liberalitas referenda est ad illum Ennii finem "nihilominus ipsi lucet", ut facultas sit, qua in nostros simus liberales.
53. Gradus autem plures sunt societatis hominum. Ut enim ab illa infinita discedatur, proprior est eiusdem gentis, nationis, linguae, qua maxime homines coniunguntur. Interius etiam est eiusdem esse civitatis; multa enim sunt civibus inter se communia, forum, fana, porticus, viae, leges, iura, iudicia, suffragia, consuetudines praeterea et familiaritates multisque cum multis res rationesque contractae. Artior vero colligatio est societatis propinquorum; ab illa enim inmensa societate humani generis in exiguum angustumque concluditur.
54. Nam cum sit hoc natura commune animantium, ut habeant libidinem procreandi, prima societas in ipso coniugio est, proxima in liberis, deinde una domus, communia omnia; id autem est principium urbis et quasi seminarium rei publicae. Sequuntur fratrum coniunctiones, post consobrinorum sobrinorumque, qui cum una domo iam capi non possint, in alias domos tamquam in colonias exeunt. Sequuntur conubia et affinitates ex quibus etiam plures propinqui; quae propagatio et suboles origo est rerum publicarum. Sanguinis autem coniunctio et benivolentia devincit homines [et] caritate.
55. Magnum est enim eadem habere monumenta maiorum, eisdem uti sacris, sepulchra habere communia. Sed omnium societatum nulla praestantior est, nulla firmior, quam cum viri boni moribus similes sunt familiaritate coniuncti; illud enim honestum, quod saepe dicimus, etiam si in alio cernimus, [tamen] nos movet atque illi in quo id inesse videtur amicos facit.]
56. Et quamquam omnis virtus nos ad se allicit facitque, ut eos diligamus, in quibus ipsa inesse videatur, tamen iustitia et liberalitas id maxime efficit. Nihil autem est amabilius nec copulatius, quam morum similitudo bonorum; in quibus enim eadem studia sunt, eaedem voluntates, in iis fit, ut aeque quisque altero delectetur ac se ipso, efficiturque id, quod Pythagoras vult in amicitia, ut unus fiat ex pluribus. Magna etiam illa communitas est, quae conficitur ex beneficiis ultro et citro datis acceptis, quae et mutua et grata dum sunt, inter quos ea sunt firma devinciuntur societate.
57. Sed cum omnia ratione animoque lustraris, omnium societatum nulla est gravior, nulla carior quam ea, quae cum re publica est uni cuique nostrum. Cari sunt parentes, cari liberi, propinqui, familiares, sed omnes omnium caritates patria una complexa est, pro qua quis bonus dubitet mortem oppetere, si ei sit profuturus? Quo est detestabilior istorum immanitas, qui lacerarunt omni scelere patriam et in ea funditus delenda occupati et sunt et fuerunt.
58. Sed si contentio quaedam et comparatio fiat, quibus plurimum tribuendum sit officii, principes sint patria et parentes, quorum beneficiis maximis obligati sumus proximi liberi totaque domus, quae spectat in nos solos neque aliud ullum potest habere perfugium, deinceps bene convenientes propinqui, quibuscum communis etiam fortuna plerumque est. Quamobrem necessaria praesidia vitae debentur his maxime quos ante dixi, vita autem victusque communis, consilia, sermones, cohortationes, consolationes, interdum etiam obiurgationes in amicitiis vigent maxime, estque ea iucundissima amicitia, quam similitudo morum coniugavit.
59. Sed in his omnibus officiis tribuendis videndum erit, quid cuique maxime necesse sit et quid quisque vel sine nobis aut possit consequi aut non possit. Ita non idem erunt necessitudinum gradus qui temporum, suntque officia, quae aliis magis quam aliis debeantur, ut vicinum citius adiuveris in fructibus percipiendis quam aut fratrem aut familiarem, at, si lis in iudicio sit, propinquum potius et amicum quam vicinum defenderis. Haec igitur et talia circumspicienda sunt in omni officio [et consuetudo exercitatioque capienda], ut boni ratiocinatores officiorum esse possimus et addendo deducendoque videre, quae reliqui summa fiat, ex quo quantum cuique debeatur intellegas.
60. Sed ut nec medici nec imperatores nec oratores quamvis artis praecepta perceperint, quicquam magna laude dignum sine usu et exercitatione consequi possunt, sic officii conservandi praecepta traduntur illa quidem, ut facimus ipsi, sed rei magnitudo usum quoque exercitationemque desiderat. Atque ab iis rebus, quae sunt in iure societatis humanae, quemadmodum ducatur honestum, ex quo aptum est officium, satis fere diximus.
61. Intellegendum autem est, cum proposita sint genera quattuor, e quibus honestas officiumque manaret, splendidissimum videri, quod animo magno elatoque humanasque res despiciente factum sit. Itaque in probris maxime in promptu est, si quid tale dici potest: "Vos enim, iuvenes, animum geritis muliebrem, illa" virgo "viri" et si quid eiusmodi: Salmacida, spolia sine sudore et sanguine. Contraque in laudibus, quae magno animo et fortiter excellenterque gesta sunt, ea nescio quomodo quasi pleniore ore laudamus. Hinc rhetorum campus de Marathone, Salamine, Plataeis, Thermopylis, Leuctris, hinc noster Cocles, hinc Decii, hinc Cn. et P. Scipiones, hinc M. Marcellus, innumerabiles alii, maximeque ipse populus Romanus animi magnitudine excellit. Declaratur autem studium bellicae gloriae, quod statuas quoque videmus ornatu fere militari.
62. Sed ea animi elatio, quae cernitur in periculis et laboribus, si iustitia vacat pugnatque non pro salute communi, sed pro suis commodis, in vitio est; non modo enim id virtutis non est, sed est potius immanitatis omnem humanitatem repellentis. Itaque probe definitur a Stoicis fortitudo, cum eam virtutem esse dicunt propugnantem pro aequitate. Quocirca nemo, qui fortitudinis gloriam consecutus est insidiis et malitia, laudem est adeptus: nihil enim honestum esse potest, quod iustitia vacat.
63. Praeclarum igitur illud Platonis: "Non," inquit, "solum scientia, quae est remota ab iustitia calliditas potius quam sapientia est appellanda, verum etiam animus paratus ad periculum, si sua cupiditate, non utilitate communi impellitur, audaciae potius nomen habeat, quam fortitudinis." Itaque viros fortes et magnanimos eosdem bonos et simplices, veritatis amicos minimeque fallaces esse volumus; quae sunt ex media laude iustitiae.
64. Sed illud odiosum est, quod in hac elatione et magnitudine animi facillime pertinacia et nimia cupiditas principatus innascitur. Ut enim apud Platonem est, omnem morem Lacedaemoniorum inflammatum esse cupiditate vincendi, sic, ut quisque animi magnitudine maxime excellet, ita maxime vult princeps omnium vel potius solus esse. Difficile autem est, cum praestare omnibus concupieris, servare aequitatem, quae est iustitiae maxime propria. Ex quo fit ut neque disceptatione vinci se nec ullo publico ac legitimo iure patiantur, existuntque in re publica plerumque largitores et factiosi, ut opes quam maximas consequantur et sint vi potius superiores quam iustitia pares. Sed quo difficilius, hoc praeclarius; nullum enim est tempus, quod iustitia vacare debeat.
65. Fortes igitur et magnanimi sunt habendi non qui faciunt, sed qui propulsant iniuriam. Vera autem et sapiens animi magnitudo honestum illud, quod maxime natura sequitur, in factis positum, non in gloria iudicat principemque se esse mavult quam videri. Etenim qui ex errore imperitae multitudinis pendet, hic in magnis viris non est habendus. Facillime autem ad res iniustas impellitur, ut quisque altissimo animo est, gloriae cupiditate; qui locus est sane lubricus, quod vix invenitur, qui laboribus susceptis periculisque aditis non quasi mercedem rerum gestarum desideret gloriam.
66. Omnino fortis animus et magnus duabus rebus maxime cernitur, quarum una in rerum externarum despicientia ponitur, cum persuasum est nihil hominem nisi quod honestum decorumque sit aut admirari aut optare aut expetere oportere, nullique neque homini neque perturbationi animi nec fortunae succumbere. Altera est res, ut cum ita sis affectus animo, ut supra dixi, res geras magnas illas quidem et maxime utiles, sed ut vehementer arduas plenasque laborum et periculorum cum vitae, tum multarum rerum, quae ad vitam pertinent.
67. Harum rerum duarum splendor omnis, amplitudo, addo etiam utilitatem, in posteriore est, causa autem et ratio efficiens magnos viros in priore. In eo est enim illud, quod excellentes animos et humana contemnentes facit. Id autem ipsum cernitur in duobus, si et solum id, quod honestum sit, bonum iudices et ab omni animi perturbatione liber sis. Nam et ea, quae eximia plerisque et praeclara videntur, parva ducere eaque ratione stabili firmaque contemnere fortis animi magnique ducendum est, et ea, quae videntur acerba, quae multa et varia in hominum vita fortunaque versantur, ita ferre, ut nihil a statu naturae discedas, nihil a dignitate sapientis. robusti animi est magnaeque constantiae.
68. Non est autem consentaneum, qui metu non frangatur, eum frangi cupiditate, nec qui invictum se a labore praestiterit, vinci a voluptate. Quam ob rem et haec vitanda et pecuniae fugienda cupiditas; nihil enim est tam angusti animi tamque parvi quam amare divitias, nihil honestius magnificentiusque quam pecuniam contemnere, si non habeas, si habeas, ad beneficentiam liberalitatemque conferre. Cavenda etiam est gloriae cupiditas, ut supra dixi; eripit enim libertatem, pro qua magnanimis viris omnis debet esse contentio. Nec vero imperia expetenda ac potius aut non accipienda interdum aut deponenda non numquam.
69. Vacandum autem omni est animi perturbatione, cum cupiditate et metu, tum etiam aegritudine et voluptate nimia et iracundia, ut tranquillitas animi et securitas adsit, quae affert cum constantiam tum etiam dignitatem. Multi autem et sunt et fuerunt, qui eam, quam dico, tranquillitatem expetentes a negotiis publicis se removerint ad otiumque perfugerint, in his et nobilissimi philosophi longeque principes et quidam homines severi et graves, nec populi nec principum mores ferre potuerunt vixeruntque non nulli in agris delectati re sua familiari.
70. His idem propositum fuit quod regibus, ut ne qua re egerent, ne cui parerent, libertate uterentur, cuius proprium est sic vivere ut velis. Quare cum hoc commune sit potentiae cupidorum cum his, quos dixi, otiosis, alteri se adipisci id posse arbitrantur, si opes magnas habeant, alteri si contenti sint et suo et parvo. In quo neutrorum omnino contemnenda sententia est, sed et facilior et tutior et minus aliis gravis aut molesta vita est otiosorum, fructuosior autem hominum generi et ad claritatem amplitudinemque aptior eorum, qui se ad rem publicam et ad magnas res gerendas accomodaverunt.
71. Quapropter et iis forsitan concedendum sit rem publicam non capessentibus, qui excellenti ingenio doctrinae sese dediderunt, et iis, qui aut valitudinis imbecillitate aut aliqua graviore causa impediti a re publica recesserunt, cum eius administrandae potestatem aliis laudemque concederent. Quibus autem talis nulla sit causa, si despicere se dicant ea, quae plerique mirentur, imperia et magistratus, iis non modo non laudi, verum etiam vitio dandum puto. Quorum iudicium in eo, quod gloriam contemnant et pro nihilo putent, difficile factu est non probare, sed videntur labores et molestias, tum offensionum et repulsarum quasi quandam ignominiam timere et infamiam. Sunt enim qui in rebus contrariis parum sibi constent, voluptatem severissime contemnant, in dolore sint molliores, gloriam neglegant, frangantur infamia atque ea quidem non satis constanter.
72. Sed iis qui habent a natura adiumenta rerum gerendarum, abiecta omni cunctatione adipiscendi magistratus et gerenda res publica est; nec enim aliter aut regi civitas aut declarari animi magnitudo potest. Capessentibus autem rem publicam nihilominus quam philosophis, haud scio an magis etiam, et magnificentia et despicientia adhibenda est rerum humanarum, quam saepe dico, et tranquillitas animi atque securitas, si quidem nec anxii futuri sunt et cum gravitate constantiaque victuri.
73. Quae faciliora sunt philosophis, quo minus multa patent in eorum vita, quae fortuna feriat, et quo minus multis rebus egent, et quia si quid adversi eveniat, tam graviter cadere non possunt. Quocirca non sine causa maiores motus animorum concitantur maioraque studia efficiendi rem publicam gerentibus quam quietis, quo magis iis et magnitudo est animi adhibenda et vacuitas ab angoribus. Ad rem gerendam autem qui accedit, caveat, ne id modo consideret, quam illa res honesta sit, sed etiam ut habeat efficiendi facultatem; in quo ipso considerandum est, ne aut temere desperet propter ignaviam aut nimis confidat propter cupiditatem. In omnibus autem negotiis priusquam adgrediare, adhibenda est praeparatio diligens.
74. Sed cum plerique arbitrentur res bellicas maiores esse quam urbanas, minuenda est haec opinio. Multi enim bella saepe quaesiverunt propter gloriae cupiditatem, atque id in magnis animis ingeniisque plerumque contingit, eoque magis, si sunt ad rem militarem apti et cupidi bellorum gerendorum; vere autem si volumus iudicare multae res extiterunt urbanae maiores clarioresque quam bellicae.
75. Quamvis enim Themistocles iure laudetur et sit eius nomen quam Solonis illustrius citeturque Salamis clarissimae testis victoriae, quae anteponatur consilio Solonis ei, quo primum constituit Areopagitas, non minus praeclarum hoc quam illud iudicandum est. Illud enim semel profuit, hoc semper proderit civitati; hoc consilio leges Atheniensium, hoc maiorum instituta servantur. Et Themistocles quidem nihil dixerit, in quo ipse Areopagum adiuverit, at ille vere [a] se adiutum Themistoclem; est enim bellum gestum consilio senatus eius, qui a Solone erat constitutus.
76. Licet eadem de Pausania Lysandroque dicere, quorum rebus gestis quamquam imperium Lacedaemoniis partum putatur, tamen ne minima quidem ex parte Lycurgi legibus et disciplinae conferendi sunt; quin etiam ob has ipsas causas et parentiores habuerunt exercitus et fortiores. Mihi quidem neque pueris nobis M. Scaurus C. Mario neque, cum versaremur in re publica, Q. Catulus Cn. Pompeio cedere videbatur; parvi enim sunt foris arma, nisi est consilium domi. Nec plus Africanus, singularis et vir et imperator in exscindenda Numantia rei publicae profuit quam eodem tempore P. Nasica privatus, cum Ti. Gracchum interemit; quamquam haec quidem res non solum ex domestica est ratione – attingit etiam bellicam, quoniam vi manuque confecta est – sed tamen id ipsum est gestum consilio urbano sine exercitu.
77. Illud autem optimum est, in quod invadi solere ab improbis et invidis audio "cedant arma togae concedat laurea laudi". Ut enim alios omittam, nobis rem publicam gubernantibus nonne togae arma cesserunt? Neque enim periculum in re publica fuit gravius umquam nec maius otium. Ita consiliis diligentiaque nostra celeriter de manibus audacissimorum civium delapsa arma ipsa ceciderunt. Quae res igitur gesta umquam in bello tanta? qui triumphus conferendus?
78. Licet enim mihi, M. fili, apud te gloriari, ad quem et hereditas huius gloriae et factorum imitatio pertinet. Mihi quidem certe vir abundans bellicis laudibus, Cn. Pompeius, multis audientibus, hoc tribuit, ut diceret frustra se triumphum tertium deportaturum fuisse, nisi meo in rem publicam beneficio ubi triumpharet esset habiturus. Sunt igitur domesticae fortitudines non inferiores militaribus; in quibus plus etiam quam in his operae studiique ponendum est.
79. Omnino illud honestum, quod ex animo excelso magnificoque quaerimus, animi efficitur, non corporis viribus. Exercendum tamen corpus et ita afficiendum est, ut oboedire consilio rationique possit in exsequendis negotiis et in labore tolerando. Honestum autem id, quod exquirimus, totum est positum in animi cura et cogitatione; in quo non minorem utilitatem afferunt, qui togati rei publicae praesunt, quam qui bellum gerunt. Itaque eorum consilio saepe aut non suscepta aut confecta bella sunt, non numquam etiam illata, ut M. Catonis bellum tertium Punicum, in quo etiam mortui valuit auctoritas.
80. Qua re expetenda quidem magis est decernendi ratio quam decertandi fortitudo, sed cavendum, ne id bellandi magis fuga quam utilitatis ratione faciamus. Bellum autem ita suscipiatur, ut nihil aliud nisi pax quaesita videatur. Fortis vero animi et constantis est non perturbari in rebus asperis nec tumultuantem de gradu deici, ut dicitur, sed praesenti animo uti et consilio nec a ratione discedere.
81. Quamquam hoc animi, illud etiam ingenii magni est, praecipere cogitatione futura et aliquanto ante constituere, quid accidere possit in utramque partem et quid agendum sit, cum quid evenerit, nec committere, ut aliquando dicendum sit "non putaram". Haec sunt opera magni animi et excelsi et prudentia consilioque fidentis; temere autem in acie versari et manu cum hoste confligere immane quiddam et beluarum simile est; sed cum tempus necessitasque postulat, decertandum manu est et mors servituti turpitudinique anteponenda.
82. [De evertendis autem diripiendisque urbibus valde considerandum est, ne quid temere, ne quid crudeliter. Idque est viri magni rebus agitatis punire sontes, multitudinem conservare, in omni fortuna recta atque honesta retinere.] Ut enim sunt, quemadmodum supra dixi, qui urbanis rebus bellicas anteponant, sic reperias multos, quibus periculosa et calida consilia quietis et cogitatis splendidiora et maiora videantur.
83. Numquam omnino periculi fuga committendum est, ut inbelles timidique videamur, sed fugiendum illud etiam, ne offeramus nos periculis sine causa, quo esse nihil potest stultius. Quapropter in adeundis periculis consuetudo imitanda medicorum est, qui leviter aegrotantes leniter curant, gravioribus autem morbis periculosas curationes et ancipites adhibere coguntur. Quare in tranquillo tempestatem adversam optare dementis est, subvenire autem tempestati quavis ratione sapientis, eoque magis, si plus adipiscare re explicata boni quam addubitata mali. Periculosae autem rerum actiones partim iis sunt, qui eas suscipiunt, partim rei publicae.
84. Itemque alii de vita, alii de gloria et benivolentia civium in discrimen vocantur. Promptiores igitur debemus esse ad nostra pericula quam ad communia dimicareque paratius de honore et gloria quam de ceteris commodis. Inventi autem multi sunt, qui non modo pecuniam, sed etiam vitam profundere pro patria parati essent, idem gloriae iacturam ne minimam quidem facere vellent, ne re publica quidem postulante, ut Callicratidas, qui, cum Lacedaemoniorum dux fuisset Peloponnesiaco bello multaque fecisset egregie, vertit ad extremum omnia, cum consilio non paruit eorum, qui classem ab Arginusis removendam nec cum Atheniensibus dimicandum putabant. Quibus ille respondit Lacedaemonios classe illa amissa aliam parare posse, se fugere sine suo dedecore non posse. Atque haec quidem Lacedaemoniis plaga mediocris, illa pestifera, qua, cum Cleombrotus invidiam timens temere cum Epaminonda conflixisset, Lacedaemoniorum opes corruerunt. Quanto Q. Maximus melius! de quo Ennius: Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem. Noenum rumores ponebat ante salutem. Ergo postque magisque viri nunc gloria claret. Quod genus peccandi vitandum est etiam in rebus urbanis. Sunt enim qui quod sentiunt, etsi optimum sit, tamen invidiae metu non audeant dicere.
85. Omnino qui rei publicae praefuturi sunt duo Platonis praecepta teneant: unum, ut utilitatem civium sic tueantur, ut quaecumque agunt, ad eam referant obliti commodorum suorum, alterum, ut totum corpus rei publicae curent, ne, dum partem aliquam tuentur, reliquas deserant. Ut enim tutela, sic procuratio rei publicae ad eorum utilitatem, qui commissi sunt, non ad eorum, quibus commissa est, gerenda est. Qui autem parti civium consulunt, partem neglegunt, rem perniciosissimam in civitatem inducunt, seditionem atque discordiam; ex quo evenit, ut alii populares, alii studiosi optimi cuiusque videantur, pauci universorum.
86. Hinc apud Athenienses magnae discordiae, in nostra re publica non solum seditiones, sed etiam pestifera bella civilia; quae gravis et fortis civis et in re publica dignus principatu fugiet atque oderit tradetque se totum rei publicae neque opes aut potentiam consectabitur totamque eam sic tuebitur, ut omnibus consulat. Nec vero criminibus falsis in odium aut invidiam quemquam vocabit omninoque ita iustitiae honestatique adhaerescet, ut, dum ea conservet, quamvis graviter offendat mortemque oppetat potius, quam deserat illa, quae dixi.
87. Miserrima omnino est ambitio honorumque contentio, de qua praeclare apud eundem est Platonem "similiter facere eos, qui inter se contenderent, uter potius rem publicam administraret, ut si nautae certarent, quis eorum potissimum gubernaret". Idemque praecipit, "ut eos adversarios existimemus, qui arma contra ferant, non eos, qui suo iudicio tueri rem publicam velint", qualis fuit inter P. Africanum et Q. Metellum sine acerbitate dissensio.
88. Nec vero audiendi qui graviter inimicis irascendum putabunt idque magnanimi et fortis viri esse censebunt; nihil enim laudabilius, nihil magno et praeclaro viro dignius placabilitate atque clementia. In liberis vero populis et in iuris aequabilitate exercenda etiam est facilitas et altitudo animi quae dicitur, ne si irascamur aut intempestive accedentibus aut impudenter rogantibus in morositatem inutilem et odiosam incidamus et tamen ita probanda est mansuetudo atque clementia, ut adhibeatur rei publicae causa severitas, sine qua administrari civitas non potest. omnis autem et animadversio et castigatio contumelia vacare debet neque ad eius, qui punitur aliquem aut verbis castigat, sed ad rei publicae utilitatem referri.
89. Cavendum est etiam ne maior poena quam culpa sit et ne isdem de causis alii plectantur, alii ne appellentur quidem. prohibenda autem maxime est ira puniendo; numquam enim iratus qui accedet ad poenam mediocritatem illam tenebit, quae est inter nimium et parum, quae placet Peripateticis et recte placet, modo ne laudarent iracundiam et dicerent utiliter a natura datam. Illa vero omnibus in rebus repudianda est optandumque, ut ii, qui praesunt rei publicae, legum similes sint, quae ad puniendum non iracundia, sed aequitate ducuntur.
90. Atque etiam in rebus prosperis et ad voluntatem nostram fluentibus superbiam magnopere, fastidium arrogantiamque fugiamus. nam ut adversas res, sic secundas inmoderate ferre levitatis est praeclaraque est aequabilitas in omni vita et idem semper vultus eademque frons, ut de Socrate itemque de C. Laelio accepimus. Philippum quidem Macedonum regem rebus gestis et gloria superatum a filio, facilitate et humanitate video superiorem fuisse. Itaque alter semper magnus, alter saepe turpissimus, ut recte praecipere videantur, qui monent, ut, quanto superiores simus, tanto nos geramus summissius. Panaetius quidem Africanum auditorem et familiarem suum solitum ait dicere, "ut equos propter crebras contentiones proeliorum ferocitate exultantes domitoribus tradere soleant, ut iis facilioribus possint uti, sic homines secundis rebus effrenatos sibique praefidentes tamquam in gyrum rationis et doctrinae duci oportere, ut perspicerent rerum humanarum imbecillitatem varietatemque fortunae".
91. Atque etiam in secundissimis rebus maxime est utendum consilio amicorum isque maior etiam quam ante tribuenda auctoritas. Isdemque temporibus cavendum est ne assentatoribus patefaciamus aures neve adulari nos sinamus, in quo falli facile est. tales enim nos esse putamus, ut iure laudemur; ex quo nascuntur innumerabilia peccata, cum homines inflati opinionibus turpiter irridentur et in maximis versantur erroribus.
92. sed haec quidem hactenus. Illud autem sic est iudicandum, maximas geri res et maximi animi ab iis, qui res publicas regant, quod earum administratio latissime pateat ad plurimosque pertineat; esse autem magni animi et fuisse multos etiam in vita otiosa, qui aut investigarent aut conarentur magna quaedam seseque suarum rerum finibus continerent aut interiecti inter philosophos et eos, qui rem publicam administrarent, delectarentur re sua familiari, non eam quidem omni ratione exaggerantes neque excludentes ab eius usu suos potiusque et amicis impertientes et rei publicae, si quando usus esset. quae primum bene parta sit nullo neque turpi quaestu neque odioso, tum quam plurimis, modo dignis, se utilem praebeat] deinde augeatur ratione, diligentia, parsimonia [nec libidini potius luxuriaeque quam liberalitati et beneficentiae pareat. Haec praescripta servantem licet magnifice, graviter animoseque vivere atque etiam simpliciter, fideliter, + vere hominum amice.
93. Sequitur ut de una reliqua parte honestatis dicendum sit, in qua verecundia et quasi quidam ornatus vitae, temperantia et modestia omnisque sedatio perturbationum animi et rerum modus cernitur. hoc loco continetur id, quod dici latine decorum potest; Graece enim prepon dicitur.
94. Huius vis ea est, ut ab honesto non queat separari; nam et quod decet honestum est et quod honestum est decet. qualis autem differentia sit honesti et decori, facilius intellegi quam explanari potest. quicquid est enim, quod deceat, id tum apparet, cum antegressa est honestas. Itaque non solum in hac parte honestatis, de qua hoc loco disserendum est, sed etiam in tribus superioribus quid deceat apparet. Nam et ratione uti atque oratione prudenter et agere quod agas considerate omnique in re quid sit veri videre et tueri decet, contraque falli, errare, labi, decipi tam dedecet quam delirare et mente esse captum; et iusta omnia decora sunt, iniusta contra, ut turpia, sic indecora. Similis est ratio fortitudinis. quod enim viriliter animoque magno fit, id dignum viro et decorum videtur, quod contra, id ut turpe sic indecorum.
95. Quare pertinet quidem ad omnem honestatem hoc, quod dico, decorum, et ita pertinet, ut non recondita quadam ratione cernatur, sed sit in promptu. est enim quiddam, idque intellegitur in omni virtute, quod deceat; quod cogitatione magis a virtute potest quam re separari. ut venustas et pulchritudo corporis secerni non potest a valitudine, sic hoc, de quo loquimur, decorum totum illud quidem est cum virtute confusum, sed mente et cogitatione distinguitur.
96. Est autem eius discriptio duplex; nam et generale quoddam decorum intellegimus, quod in omni honestate versatur, et aliud huic subiectum, quod pertinet ad singulas partes honestatis. Atque illud superius sic fere definiri solet, decorum id esse, quod consentaneum sit hominis excellentiae in eo, in quo natura eius a reliquis animantibus differat. quae autem pars subiecta generi est, eam sic definiunt, ut id decorum velint esse, quod ita naturae consentaneum sit, ut in eo moderatio et temperantia appareat cum specie quadam liberali.
97. Haec ita intellegi, possumus existimare ex eo decoro, quod poetae sequuntur, de quo alio loco plura dici solent. Sed tum servare illud poetas, quod deceat, dicimus, cum id quod quaque persona dignum est, et fit et dicitur, ut si Aeacus aut Minos diceret: oderint, dum metuant, aut: natis sepulchro ipse est parens, indecorum videretur, quod eos fuisse iustos accepimus; at Atreo dicente plausus excitantur, est enim digna persona oratio; sed poetae quid quemque deceat, ex persona iudicabunt; nobis autem personam imposuit ipsa natura magna cum excellentia praestantiaque animantium reliquarum.
98. Quocirca poetae in magna varietate personarum etiam vitiosis quid conveniat et quid deceat videbunt, nobis autem cum a natura constantiae, moderationis, temperantiae, verecundiae partes datae sint cumque eadem natura doceat non neglegere, quemadmodum nos adversus homines geramus, efficitur ut et illud, quod ad omnem honestatem pertinet, decorum quam late fusum sit appareat et hoc, quod spectatur in uno quoque genere virtutis. Ut enim pulchritudo corporis apta compositione membrorum movet oculos et delectat hoc ipso, quod inter se omnes partes cum quodam lepore consentiunt, sic hoc decorum, quod elucet in vita, movet approbationem eorum, quibuscum vivitur, ordine et constantia et moderatione dictorum omnium atque factorum.
99. adhibenda est igitur quaedam reverentia adversus homines et optimi cuiusque et reliquorum. nam neglegere quid de se quisque sentiat, non solum arrogantis est sed etiam omnino dissoluti. est autem quod differat in hominum ratione habenda inter iustitiam et verecundiam. Iustitiae partes sunt non violare homines, verecundiae non offendere, in quo maxime vis perspicitur decori. His igitur eitis quale sit id, quod decere dicimus, intellectum puto.
100. Officium autem, quod ab eo ducitur, hanc primum habet viam, quae deducit ad convenientiam conservationemque naturae; quam si sequemur ducem, nunquam aberrabimus sequemurque et id, quod acutum et perspicax natura est, et id, quod ad hominum consociationem accommodatum, et id, quod vehemens atque forte. Sed maxima vis decori in hac inest parte, de qua disputamus; neque enim solum corporis, qui ad naturam apti sunt, sed multo etiam magis animi motus probandi, qui item ad naturam accommodati sunt.
101. Duplex est enim vis animorum atque natura; una pars in appetitu posita est, quae est orme Graece, quae hominem huc et illuc rapit, altera in ratione, quae docet et explanat, quid faciendum fugiendumque sit. Ita fit, ut ratio praesit, appetitus obtemperet. Omnis autem actio vacare debet temeritate et neglegentia nec vero agere quicquam, cuius non possit causam probabilem reddere; haec est enim fere discriptio officii.
102. Efficiendum autem est, ut appetitus rationi oboediant eamque neque praecurrant nec propter pigritiam aut ignaviam deserant sintque tranquilli atque omni animi perturbatione careant; ex quo elucebit omnis constantia omnisque moderatio. nam qui appetitus longius evagantur et tamquam exultantes sive cupiendo sive fugiendo non satis a ratione retinentur, ii sine dubio finem et modum transeunt. relinquunt enim et abiciunt oboedientiam nec rationi parent, cui sunt subiecti lege naturae; a quibus non modo animi perturbantur, sed etiam corpora. licet ora ipsa cernere iratorum aut eorum, qui aut libidine aliqua aut metu commoti sunt aut voluptate nimia gestiunt; quorum omnium vultus, voces, motus statusque mutantur.
103. Ex quibus illud intellegitur, ut ad officii formam revertamur, appetitus omnes contrahendos sedandosque esse excitandamque animadversionem et diligentiam, ut ne quid temere ac fortuito, inconsiderate neglegenterque agamus. neque enim ita generati a natura sumus, ut ad ludum et iocum facti esse videamur, ad severitatem potius et ad quaedam studia graviora atque maiora. ludo autem et ioco uti illo quidem licet, sed sicut somno et quietibus ceteris tum, cum gravibus seriisque rebus satis fecerimus. ipsumque genus iocandi non profusum nec immodestum, sed ingenuum et facetum esse debet. ut enim pueris non omnem ludendi licentiam damus, sed eam, quae ab honestatis actionibus non sit aliena, sic in ipso ioco aliquod probi ingenii lumen eluceat.
104. Duplex omnino est iocandi genus, unum illiberale, petulans, flagitiosum, obscenum, alterum elegans, urbanum, ingeniosum, facetum, quo genere non modo Plautus noster et Atticorum antiqua comoedia, sed etiam philosophorum Socraticorum libri referti sunt, multaque multorum facete dicta, ut ea, quae a sene Catone collecta sunt, quae vocantur apophthegmata. Facilis igitur est distinctio ingenui et illiberalis ioci. alter est, si tempore fit, ut si remisso animo, [severissimo] homine dignus, alter ne libero quidem, si rerum turpitudo adhibetur et verborum obscenitas. Ludendi etiam est quidam modus retinendus, ut ne nimis omnia profundamus elatique voluptate in aliquam turpitudinem delabamur. Suppeditant autem et campus noster et studia venandi honesta exempla ludendi.
105. Sed pertinet ad omnem officii quaestionem semper in promptu habere, quantum natura hominis pecudibus reliquisque beluis antecedat; illae nihil sentiunt nisi voluptatem ad eamque feruntur omni impetu, hominis autem mens discendo alitur et cogitando, semper aliquid aut anquirit aut agit videndique et audiendi delectatione ducitur. quin etiam, si quis est paulo ad voluptates propensior, modo ne sit ex pecudum genere (sunt enim quidam homines non re, sed nomine) sed si quis est paulo erectior, quamvis voluptate capiatur, occultat et dissimulat appetitum voluptatis propter verecundiam.
106. Ex quo intellegitur corporis voluptatem non satis esse dignam hominis praestantia eamque contemni et reici oportere, sin sit quispiam, qui aliquid tribuat voluptati, diligenter ei tenendum esse eius fruendae modum. Itaque victus cultusque corporis ad valitudinem referatur et ad vires, non ad voluptatem. Atque etiam, si considerare volumus, quae sit in natura excellentia et dignitas, intellegemus, quam sit turpe diffluere luxuria et delicate ac molliter vivere, quamque honestum parce, continenter, severe, sobrie.
107. Intellegendum etiam est duabus quasi nos a natura indutos esse personis; quarum una communis est ex eo, quod omnes participes sumus rationis praestantiaeque eius, qua antecellimus bestiis, a qua omne honestum decorumque trahitur et ex qua ratio inveniendi officii exquiritur, altera autem quae proprie singulis est tributa. ut enim in corporibus magnae dissimilitudines sunt, alios videmus velocitate ad cursum, alios viribus ad luctandum valere, itemque in formis aliis dignitatem inesse, aliis venustatem, sic in animis existunt maiores etiam varietates.
108. Erat in L. Crasso, in L. Philippo multus lepos, maior etiam magisque de industria in C. Caesare, L. filio; at isdem temporibus in M. Scauro et in M. Druso adulescente singularis severitas, in C. Laelio multa hilaritas, in eius familiari Scipione ambitio maior, vita tristior. de Graecis autem dulcem et facetum festivique sermonis atque in omni oratione simulatorem, quem eirona Graeci nominarunt, Socratem accepimus, contra Pythagoram et Periclem summam auctoritatem consecutos sine ulla hilaritate. Callidum Hannibalem ex Poenorum, ex nostris ducibus Q. Maximum accepimus, facile celare, tacere, dissimulare, insidiari, praeripere hostium consilia. In quo genere Graeci Themistoclem et Pheraeum Iasonem ceteris anteponunt, in primisque versutum et callidum factum Solonis, qui, quo et tutior eius vita esset et plus aliquanto rei publicae prodesset, furere se simulavit.
109. Sunt his alii multum dispares, simplices et aperti, qui nihil ex occulto, nihil de insidiis agendum putant, veritatis cultores, fraudis inimici, itemque alii, qui quidvis perpetiantur, cuivis deserviant, dum quod velint consequantur, ut Sullam et M. Crassum videbamus. quo in genere versutissimum et patientissimum Lacedaemonium Lysandrum accepimus, contraque Callicratidan, qui praefectus classis proximus post Lysandrum fuit. Itemque in sermonibus alium [quemque], quamvis praepotens sit, efficere, ut unus de multis esse videatur, quod in Catulo, et in patre et in filio, idemque in Q. Mucio, + Mancia vidimus. Audivi ex maioribus natu, hoc idem fuisse in P. Scipione Nasica, contraque patrem eius, illum qui Ti. Gracchi conatus perditos vindicavit, nullam comitatem habuisse sermonis, [ne Xenocratem quidem severissimum philosophorum,] ob eamque rem ipsam magnum et clarum fuisse. Innumerabiles aliae dissimilitudines sunt naturae morumque, minime tamen vituperandorum.
110. Admodum autem tenenda sunt sua cuique, non vitiosa, sed tamen propria, quo facilius, decorum illud, quod quaerimus, retineatur. Sic enim est faciendum, ut contra universam naturam nihil contendamus, ea tamen conservata propriam nostram sequamur, ut etiamsi sint alia graviora atque meliora, tamen nos studia nostra nostrae naturae regula metiamur; neque enim attinet naturae repugnare nec quicquam sequi, quod assequi non queas. ex quo magis emergit quale sit decorum illud, ideo quia nihil decet invita Minerva, ut aiunt, id est adversante et repugnante natura.
111. Omnino si quicquam est decorum, nihil est profecto magis quam aequabilitas [cum] universae vitae, tum singularum actionum, quam conservare non possis, si aliorum naturam imitans, omittas tuam. Ut enim sermone eo debemus uti, qui innatus est nobis, ne, ut quidam, Graeca verba inculcantes iure optimo rideamur, sic in actiones omnemque vitam nullam discrepantiam conferre debemus.
112. Atque haec differentia naturarum tantam habet vim, ut non numquam mortem sibi ipse consciscere alius debeat, alius [in eadem causa] non debeat. Num enim alia in causa M. Cato fuit, alia ceteri, qui se in Africa Caesari tradiderunt? atqui ceteris forsitan vitio datum esset, si se interemissent, propterea quod lenior eorum vita et mores fuerant faciliores; Catoni cum incredibilem tribuisset natura gravitatem, eamque ipse perpetua constantia roboravisset semperque in proposito susceptoque consilio permansisset, moriendum potius quam tyranni vultus aspiciendus fuit.
113. Quam multa passus est Ulixes in illo errore diuturno, cum et mulieribus, si Circe et Calypso mulieres appellandae sunt, inserviret et in omni sermone omnibus affabilem [et iocundum] esse se vellet! Domi vero etiam contumelias servorum ancillarumque pertulit, ut ad id aliquando, quod cupiebat, veniret. At Aiax, quo animo traditur, milies oppetere mortem quam illa perpeti maluisset. Quae contemplantes expendere oportebit, quid quisque habeat sui, eaque moderari nec velle experiri, quam se aliena deceant; id enim maxime quemque decet, quod est cuiusque maxime suum.
114. [Suum] quisque igitur noscat ingenium acremque se et bonorum et vitiorum suorum iudicem praebeat, ne scaenici plus quam nos videantur habere prudentiae. Illi enim non optumas, sed sibi accomodatissimas fabulas eligunt; qui voce freti sunt, Epigonos Medumque, qui gestu Melanippam, Clytemestram, semper Rupilius, quem ego memini, Antiopam, non saepe Aesopus Aiacem. ergo histrio hoc videbit in scena, non videbit sapiens vir in vita? Ad quas igitur res aptissimi erimus, in iis potissimum elaborabimus. sin aliquando necessitas nos ad ea detruserit, quae nostri ingenii non erunt, omnis adhibenda erit cura, meditatio, diligentia, ut ea, si non decore, at quam minime indecore facere possimus, nec tam est enitendum, ut bona, quae nobis data non sint, sequamur, quam ut vitia fugiamus.
115. Ac duabus iis personis, quas supra dixi, tertia adiungitur, quam casus aliqui aut tempus imponit, quarta etiam, quam nobismet ipsis iudicio nostro accommodamus. nam regna, imperia, nobilitatem, honores, divitiae, opes eaque, quae sunt his contraria, in casu sita temporibus gubernantur; ipsi autem gerere quam personam velimus, a nostra voluntate proficiscitur. Itaque se alii ad philosophiam, alii ad ius civile, alii ad eloquentiam applicant, ipsarumque virtutum in alia alius mavult excellere.
116. quorum vero patres aut maiores aliqua gloria praestiterunt, ii student plerumque eodem in genere laudis excellere, ut Q. Mucius P. f. In iure civili, Pauli filius Africanus in re militari. quidam autem ad eas laudes quas a patribus acceperunt, addunt aliquam suam, ut hic idem Africanus eloquentia cumulavit bellicam gloriam, quod idem fecit Timotheus, Cononis filius, qui cum belli laude non inferior fuisset quam pater, ad eam laudem doctrinae et ingenii gloriam adiecit. fit autem interdum, ut nonnulli omissa imitatione maiorum suum quoddam institutum consequantur, maximeque in eo plerumque elaborant ii, qui magna sibi proponunt obscuris orti maioribus.
117. Haec igitur omnia, cum quaerimus quid deceat, complecti animo et cogitatione debemus; in primis autem constituendum est, quos nos et quales esse velimus et in quo genere vitae, quae deliberatio est omnium difficillima. Ineunte enim adulescentia, cum est maxima inbecillitas consilii, tum id sibi quisque genus aetatis degendae constituit, quod maxime adamavit. Itaque ante implicatur aliquo certo genere cursuque vivendi, quam potuit, quod optimum esset, iudicare.
118. Nam quod Herculem Prodicus dicit, ut est apud Xenophontem, cum primum pubesceret, quod tempus a natura ad deligendum, quam quisque viam vivendi sit ingressurus, datum est, exisse in solitudinem atque ibi sedentem diu secum multumque dubitasse, cum duas cerneret vias, unam Voluptatis, alteram Virtutis, utram ingredi melius esset, hoc Herculi, "Iovis satu edito" potuit fortasse contingere, nobis non item, qui imitamur quos cuique visum est atque ad eorum studia institutaque impellimur. Plerumque autem parentium praeceptis imbuti ad eorum consuetudinem moremque deducimur; alii multitudinis iudicio feruntur, quaeque maiori parti pulcherrima videntur, ea maxime exoptant; nonnulli tamen sive felicitate quadam sive bonitate naturae sine parentium disciplina rectam vitae secuti sunt viam.
119. Illud autem maxime rarum genus est eorum, qui aut excellenti ingenii magnitudine aut praeclara eruditione atque doctrina aut utraque re ornati spatium etiam deliberandi habuerunt, quem potissimum vitae cursum sequi vellent; in qua deliberatione ad suam cuiusque naturam consilium est omne revocandum. Nam cum in omnibus quae aguntur, ex eo, quomodo quisque natus est, ut supra dictum est, quid deceat, exquirimus, tum in tota vita constituenda multo est ei rei cura maior adhibenda, ut constare in perpetuitate vitae possimus nobismet ipsis nec in ullo officio claudicare.
120. Ad hanc autem rationem quoniam maximam vim natura habet, fortuna proximam, utriusque omnino habenda ratio est in deligendo genere vitae, sed naturae magis; multo enim et firmior est et constantior, ut fortuna nonunquam tamquam ipsa mortalis cum immortali natura pugnare videatur. Qui igitur ad naturae suae non vitiosae genus consilium vivendi omne contulerit, is constantiam teneat (id enim maxime decet) nisi forte se intellexerit errasse in deligendo genere vitae. Quod si acciderit (potest autem accidere) facienda morum institutorumque mutatio est. Eam mutationem si tempora adiuvabunt, facilius commodiusque faciemus; sin minus, sensim erit pedetemptimque facienda, ut amicitias, quae minus delectent et minus probentur, magis decere censent sapientes sensim diluere quam repente praecidere.
121. Commutato autem genere vitae omni ratione curandum est ut id bono consilio fecisse videamur. Sed quoniam paulo ante dictum est imitandos esse maiores, primum illud exceptum sit ne vitia sint imitanda, deinde si natura non feret, ut quaedam imitari possit (ut superioris filius Africani, qui hunc Paulo natum adoptavit, propter infirmitatem valetudinis non tam potuit patris similis esse, quam ille fuerat sui) si igitur non poterit sive causas defensitare sive populum contionibus tenere sive bella gerere, illa tamen praestare debebit, quae erunt in ipsius potestate, iustitiam, fidem, liberalitatem, modestiam, temperantiam, quo minus ab eo id, quod desit, requiratur. Optima autem hereditas a patribus traditur liberis omnique patrimonio praestantior gloria virtutis rerumque gestarum, cui dedecori esse nefas et vitium iudicandum est.
122. Et quoniam officia non eadem disparibus aetatibus tribuuntur aliaque sunt iuvenum, alia seniorum, aliquid etiam de hac distinctione dicendum est. Est igitur adulescentis maiores natu vereri exque iis deligere optimos et probatissimos, quorum consilio atque auctoritate nitatur; ineuntis enim aetatis inscitia senum constituenda et regenda prudentia est. Maxime autem haec aetas a libidinibus arcenda est exercendaque in labore patientiaque et animi et corporis, ut eorum et in bellicis et in civilibus officiis vigeat industria. Atque etiam cum relaxare animos et dare se iucunditati volent, caveant intemperantiam, meminerint verecundiae, quod erit facilius, si in eiusmodi quidem rebus maiores natu nolent interesse.
123. Senibus autem labores corporis minuendi, exercitationes animi etiam augendae videntur, danda vero opera, ut et amicos et iuventutem et maxime rem publicam consilio et prudentia quam plurimum adiuvent. Nihil autem magis cavendum est senectuti quam ne languori se desidiaeque dedat; luxuria vero cum omni aetati turpis, tum senectuti foedissima est. Sin autem etiam libidinum intemperantia accessit, duplex malum est, quod et ipsa senectus dedecus concipit et facit adulescentium impudentiorem intemperantiam.
124. Ac ne illud quidem alienum est, de magistratuum, de privatorum, [de civium], de peregrinorum officiis dicere. Est igitur proprium munus magistratus intellegere se gerere personam civitatis debereque eius dignitatem et decus sustinere, servare leges, iura discribere, ea fidei suae commissa meminisse. Privatum autem oportet aequo et pari cum civibus iure vivere neque summissum et abiectum neque se efferentem, tum in re publica ea velle, quae tranquilla et honesta sint; talem enim solemus et sentire bonum civem et dicere.
125. Peregrini autem atque incolae officium est nihil praeter suum negotium agere, nihil de alio anquirere minimeque esse in aliena re publica curiosum. Ita fere officia reperientur, cum quaeretur quid deceat et quid aptum sit personis, temporibus, aetatibus. Nihil est autem quod tam deceat, quam in omni re gerenda consilioque capiendo servare constantiam.
126. Sed quoniam decorum illud in omnibus factis, dictis, in corporis denique motu et statu cernitur idque positum est in tribus rebus, formositate, ordine, ornatu ad actionem apto, difficilibus ad eloquendum, sed satis erit intellegi, in his autem tribus continetur cura etiam illa, ut probemur iis, quibuscum apud quosque vivamus, his quoque de rebus pauca dicantur. Principio corporis nostri magnam natura ipsa videatur habuisse rationem, quae formam nostram reliquamque figuram, in qua esset species honesta, eam posuit in promptu, quae partes autem corporis ad naturae necessitatem datae aspectum essent deformem habiturae atque foedum, eas contexit atque abdidit.
127. Hanc naturae tam diligentem fabricam imitata est hominum verecundia. Quae enim natura occultavit, eadem omnes, qui sana mente sunt, removent ab oculis ipsique necessitati dant operam ut quam occultissime pareant; quarumque partium corporis usus sunt necessarii, eas neque partes neque earum usus suis nominibus appellant, quodque facere turpe non est, modo occulte, id dicere obscenum est. Itaque nec actio rerum illarum aperta petulantia vacat nec orationis obscenitas.
128. Nec vero audiendi sunt Cynici aut se qui fuerunt Stoici paene cynici qui reprehendunt et irrident, quod ea, quae turpia non sint, verbis flagitiosa ducamus, illa autem, quae turpia sunt, nominibus appellemus suis. Latrocinari, fraudare, adulterare re turpe est, sed dicitur non obscene; liberis dare operam re honestum est, nomine obscenum; pluraque in eam sententiam ab eisdem contra verecundiam disputantur. Nos autem naturam sequamur et ab omni, quod abhorret ab oculorum auriumque approbatione fugiamus; status, incessus, sessio, accubitio, vultus, oculi, manuum motus teneat illud decorum.
129. Quibus in rebus duo maxime sunt fugienda, ne quid effeminatum aut molle et ne quid durum aut rusticum sit. Nec vero histrionibus oratoribusque concedendum est, ut is haec apta sint, nobis dissoluta. Scaenicorum quidem mos tantam habet vetere disciplina verecundiam, ut in scaenam sine subligaculo prodeat nemo; verentur enim, ne, si quo casu evenerit, ut corporis partes quaedam aperiantur, aspiciantur non decore. Nostro quidem more cum parentibus puberes filii, cum soceris generi non lavantur. Retinenda igitur est huius generis verecundia, praesertim natura ipsa magistra et duce.
130. Cum autem pulchritudinis duo genera sint, quorum in altero venustas sit, in altero dignitas, venustatem muliebrem ducere debemus, dignitatem virilem. Ergo et a forma removeatur omnis viro non dignus ornatus, et huic simile vitium in gestu motuque caveatur. Nam et palaestrici motus sunt saepe odiosiores et histrionum nonnulli gestus ineptiis non vacant, et in utroque genere quae sunt recta et simplicia laudantur. Formae autem dignitas coloris bonitate tuenda est, color exercitationibus corporis. Adhibenda praeterea munditia est non odiosa neque exquisita nimis, tantum quae fugiat agrestem et inhumanam neglegentiam. Eadem ratio est habenda vestitus, in quo, sicut in plerisque rebus, mediocritas optima est.
131. Cavendum autem est, ne aut tarditatibus utamur [in] ingressu mollioribus, ut pomparum ferculis similes esse videamur, aut in festinationibus suscipiamus nimias celeritates, quae cum fiunt, anhelitus moventur, vultus mutantur, ora torquentur; ex quibus magna significatio fit non adesse constantiam. Sed multo etiam magis elaborandum est, ne animi motus a natura recedant, quod assequemur, si cavebimus ne in perturbationes atque exanimationes incidamus et si attentos animos ad decoris conservationem tenebimus.
132. Motus autem animorum duplices sunt; alteri cogitationis, alteri appetitus. Cogitatio in vero exquirendo maxime versatur, appetitus impellit ad agendum. Curandum est igitur, ut cogitatione ad res quam optimas utamur, appetitum rationi oboedientem praebeamus. Et quoniam magna vis orationis est eaque duplex, altera contentionis, altera sermonis, contentio disceptationibus tribuatur iudiciorum, contionum, senatus, sermo in circulis, disputationibus, congressionibus familiarium versetur, sequatur etiam convivia. Contentionis praecepta rhetorum sunt, nulla sermonis, quamquam haud scio an possint haec quoque esse. Sed discentium studiis inveniuntur magistri, huic autem qui studeant sunt nulli, rhetorum turba referta omnia; quamquam, quae verborum sententiarumque praecepta sunt, eadem ad sermonem pertinebunt.
133. Sed cum orationis indicem vocem habeamus, in voce autem duo sequamur, ut clara sit, ut suavis, utrumque omnino a natura petundum est, verum alterum exercitatio augebit, alterum imitatio presse loquentium et leniter. Nihil fuit in Catulis, ut eos exquisito iudicio putares uti litterarum, quamquam erant litterati; sed et alii; hi autem optime uti lingua Latina putabantur. Sonus erat dulcis, litterae neque expressae, neque oppressae, ne aut obscurum esset aut putidum, sine contentione vox nec languens nec canora. Uberior oratio L. Crassi nec minus faceta, sed bene loquendi de Catulis opinio non minor. Sale vero et facetiis Caesar, Catuli patris frater, vicit omnes, ut in illo ipso forensi genere dicendi contentiones aliorum sermone vinceret. In omnibus igitur his elaborandum est, si in omni re quid deceat exquirimus.
134. Sit ergo hic sermo, in quo Socratici maxime excellunt, lenis minimeque pertinax, insit in eo lepos. Nec vero, tamquam in possessionem suam venerit, excludat alios, sed cum reliquis in rebus tum in sermone communi vicissitudinem non iniquam putet. Ac videat in primis, quibus de rebus loquatur, si seriis, severitatem adhibeat, si iocosis leporem. In primisque provideat, ne sermo vitium aliquod indicet inesse in moribus; quod maxime tum solet evenire, cum studiose de absentibus detrahendi causa aut per ridiculum aut severe, maledice contumelioseque dicitur.
135. Habentur autem plerumque sermones aut de domesticis negotiis aut de re publica aut de artium studiis atque doctrina. Danda igitur opera est, ut, etiamsi aberrare ad alia coeperit, ad haec revocetur oratio, sed utcumque aderunt; neque enim isdem de rebus nec omni tempore nec similiter delectamur. Animadvertendum est etiam, quatenus sermo delectationem habeat, et ut incipiendi ratio fuerit, ita sit desinendi modus.
136. Sed quomodo in omni vita rectissime praecipitur, ut perturbationes fugiamus, id est motus animi nimios rationi non obtemperantes, sic eiusmodi motibus sermo debet vacare, ne aut ira existat aut cupiditas aliqua aut pigritia aut ignavia aut tale aliquid appareat, maximeque curandum est, ut eos, quibuscum sermonem conferemus, et vereri et diligere videamur. Obiurgationes etiam nonnumquam incidunt necessariae, in quibus utendum est fortasse et vocis contentione maiore et verborum gravitate acriore, id agendum etiam, ut ea facere videamur irati. Sed ut ad urendum et secandum, sic ad hoc genus castigandi raro invitique veniemus, nec unquam nisi necessario, si nulla reperietur alia medicina, sed tamen ira procul absit, cum qua nihil recte fieri, nihil considerate potest.
137. Magnam autem partem clementi castigatione licet uti, gravitate tamen adiuncta, ut et severitas adhibeatur et contumelia repellatur, atque etiam illud ipsum, quod acerbitatis habet obiurgatio, significandum est ipsius id causa, qui obiurgetur, esse susceptum. Rectum est autem etiam in illis contentionibus, quae cum inimicissimis fiunt, etiam si nobis indigna audiamus, tamen gravitatem retinere, iracundiam pellere; quae enim cum aliqua perturbatione fiunt, ea nec constanter fieri possunt neque is, qui adsunt, probari. Deforme etiam est de se ipsum praedicare, falsa praesertim, et cum inrisione audientium imitari militem gloriosum.
138. Et quoniam omnia persequimur, volumus quidem certe, dicendum est etiam, qualem hominis honorati et principis domum placeat esse, cuius finis est usus, ad quem accommodanda est aedificandi descriptio et tamen adhibenda commoditatis dignitatisque diligentia. Cn. Octavio, qui primus ex illa familia consul factus est, honori fuisse accepimus, quod praeclaram aedificasset in Palatio et plenam dignitatis domum, quae cum vulgo viseretur, suffragata domino, novo homini, ad consulatum putabatur. Hanc Scaurus demolitus accessionem adiunxit aedibus. Itaque ille in suam domum consulatum primus attulit, hic, summi et clarissimi viri filius, in domum multiplicatam non repulsam solum rettulit, sed ignominiam etiam et calamitatem.
139. Ornanda enim est dignitas domo, non ex domo tota quaerenda, nec domo dominus, sed domino domus honestanda est, et, ut in ceteris habenda ratio non sua solum, sed etiam aliorum, sic in domo clari hominis, in quam et hospites multi recipiendi et admittenda hominum cuiusque modi multitudo, adhibenda cura est laxitatis. Aliter ampla domus dedecori saepe domino fit, si est in ea solitudo, et maxime, si aliquando alio domino solita est frequentari. Odiosum est enim, cum a praetereuntibus dicitur: o domus antiqua, heu quam dispari dominare domino quod quidem his temporibus in multis licet dicere.
140. Cavendum autem est, praesertim si ipse aedifices, ne extra modum sumptu et magnificentia prodeas, quo in genere multum mali etiam in exemplo est. Studiose enim plerique praesertim in hanc partem facta principum imitantur, ut L. Luculli, summi viri, virtutem quis? at quam multi villarum magnificentiam imitati! Quarum quidem certe est adhibendus modus ad mediocritatemque revocandus. Eademque mediocritas ad omnem usum cultumque vitae transferenda est. Sed haec hactenus.
141. In omni autem actione suscipienda tria sunt tenenda, primum ut appetitus rationi pareat, quo nihil est ad officia conservanda accommodatius, deinde ut animadvertatur, quanta illa res sit, quam efficere velimus, ut neve maior neve minor cura et opera suscipiatur, quam causa postulet. Tertium est, ut caveamus, ut ea, quae pertinent ad liberalem speciem et dignitatem, moderata sint. Modus autem est optimus decus ipsum tenere, de quo ante diximus, nec progredi longius. Horum tamen trium praestantissimum est appetitum obtemperare rationi.
142. Deinceps de ordine rerum et de opportunitate temporum dicendum est. Haec autem scientia continentur ea, quam Graeci eutaxin nominant, non hanc, quam interpretamur modestiam, quo in verbo modus inest, sed illa est eutaxia, in qua intellegitur ordinis conservatio. Itaque, ut eandem nos modestiam appellemus, sic definitur a Stoicis, ut modestia sit scientia rerum earum, quae agentur aut dicentur, loco suo collocandarum. Ita videtur eadem vis ordinis et collocationis fore; nam et ordinem sic definiunt, compositionem rerum aptis et accommodatis locis. Locum autem actionis opportunitatem temporis esse dicunt; tempus autem actionis opportunum Graece eukairia, Latine appellatur occasio. Sic fit, ut modestia haec, quam ita interpretamur, ut dixi, scientia sit opportunitatis idoneorum ad agendum temporum.
143. Sed potest eadem esse prudentiae definitio, de qua principio diximus, hoc autem loco de moderatione et temperantia et harum similibus virtutibus quaerimus. Itaque quae erant prudentiae propria suo loco dicta sunt; quae autem harum virtutum, de quibus iam diu loquimur, quae pertinent ad verecundiam et ad eorum approbationem, quibuscum vivimus, nunc dicenda sunt.
144. Talis est igitur ordo actionum adhibendus, ut, quemadmodum in oratione constanti, sic in vita omnia sint apta inter se et convenientia; turpe enim valdeque vitiosum in re severa convivio digna aut delicatum aliquem inferre sermonem. Bene Pericles, cum haberet collegam in praetura Sophoclem poetam iique de communi officio convenissent et casu formosus puer praeteriret dixissetque Sophocles: "O puerum pulchrum, Pericle!" "At enim praetorem, Sophocle, decet non solum manus sed etiam oculos abstinentes habere." Atqui hoc idem Sophocles si in athletarum probatione dixisset, iusta reprehensione caruisset. Tanta vis est et loci et temporis. Ut si qui, cum causam sit acturus, in itinere aut in ambulatione secum ipse meditetur, aut si quid aliud attentius cogitet, non reprehendatur, at hoc idem si in convivio faciat, inhumanus videatur inscitia temporis.
145. Sed ea, quae multum ab humanitate discrepant, ut si qui in foro cantet aut si qua est alia magna perversitas, facile apparet nec magnopere admonitionem et praecepta desiderat; quae autem parva videntur esse delicta neque a multis intellegi possunt, ab iis est diligentius declinandum. Ut in fidibus aut tibiis quamvis paulum discrepent, tamen id a sciente animadverti solet, sic videndum est in vita ne forte quid discrepet, vel multo etiam magis, quo maior et melior actionum quam sonorum concentus est.
146. Itaque ut in fidibus musicorum aures vel minima sentiunt, sic nos, si acres ac diligentes iudices esse volumus animadversores[que] vitiorum, magna saepe intellegemus ex parvis. Ex oculorum optutu, superciliorum aut remissione aut contractione, ex maestitia, ex hilaritate, ex risu, ex locutione, ex reticentia, ex contentione vocis, ex summissione, ex ceteris similibus facile iudicabimus, quid eorum apte fiat, quid ab officio naturaque discrepet. Quo in genere non est incommodum, quale quidque eorum sit, ex aliis iudicare, ut, si quid dedeceat in illis, vitemus ipsi; fit enim nescio quomodo ut magis in aliis cernamus, quam in nobismet ipsis, si quid delinquitur. Itaque facillume corriguntur in discendo, quorum vitia imitantur emendandi causa magistri.
147. Nec vero alienum est ad ea deligenda, quae dubitationem afferunt, adhibere doctos homines vel etiam usu peritos et, quid iis de quoque officii genere placeat exquirere. Maior enim pars eo fere deferri solet, quo a natura ipsa deducitur. In quibus videndum est, non modo quid quisque loquatur, sed etiam quid quisque sentiat atque etiam de qua causa quisque sentiat. Ut enim pictores et ii qui signa fabricantur et vero etiam poetae suum quisque opus a vulgo considerari vult, ut si quid reprehensum sit a pluribus, id corrigatur, iique et secum et ab aliis, quid in eo peccatum sit exquirunt, sic aliorum iudicio permulta nobis et facienda et non facienda et mutanda et corrigenda sunt.
148. Quae vero more agentur institutisque civilibus, de his nihil est praecipiendum; illa enim ipsa praecepta sunt, nec quemquam hoc errore duci oportet, ut siquid Socrates aut Aristippus contra morem consuetudinemque civilem fecerint locutive sint, idem sibi arbitretur licere; magnis illi et divinis bonis hanc licentiam assequebantur. Cynicorum vero ratio tota est eicienda; est enim inimica verecundiae, sine qua nihil rectum esse potest, nihil honestum.
149. Eos autem, quorum vita perspecta in rebus honestis atque magnis est, bene de re publica sentientes ac bene meritos aut merentes sic ut aliquo honore aut imperio affectos observare et colere debemus, tribuere etiam multum senectuti, cedere iis, qui magistratum habebunt, habere dilectum civis et peregrini in ipsoque peregrino privatimne an publice venerit. Ad summam, ne agam de singulis, totius generis hominum conciliationem et consociationem colere, tueri, servare debemus.
150. Iam de artificiis et quaestibus, qui liberales habendi, qui sordidi sint, haec fere accepimus. Primum improbantur ii quaestus, qui in odia hominum incurrunt, ut portitorum, ut feneratorum. Illiberales autem et sordidi quaestus mercennariorum omnium, quorum operae, non quorum artes emuntur; est enim in illis ipsa merces auctoramentum servitutis. Sordidi etiam putandi, qui mercantur a mercatoribus, quod statim vendant; nihil enim proficiant, nisi admodum mentiantur; nec vero est quicquam turpius vanitate. Opificesque omnes in sordida arte versantur; nec enim quicquam ingenuum habere potest officina. Minimeque artes eae probandae, quae ministrae sunt voluptatum: Cetarii, lanii, coqui, fartores, piscatores, ut ait Terentius; adde huc, si placet, unguentarios, saltatores, totumque ludum talarium.
151. Quibus autem artibus aut prudentia maior inest aut non mediocris utilitas quaeritur ut medicina, ut architectura, ut doctrina rerum honestarum, eae sunt iis, quorum ordini conveniunt, honestae. Mercatura autem, si tenuis est, sordida putanda est; sin magna et copiosa, multa undique apportans multisque sine vanitate inpertiens, non est admodum vituperanda; atque etiam si satiata quaestu vel contenta potius, ut saepe ex alto in portum, ex ipso se portu in agros possessionesque contulit, videtur iure optimo posse laudari. Omnium autem rerum, ex quibus aliquid adquiritur, nihil est agri cultura melius, nihil uberius, nihil dulcius, nihil homine libero dignius. De qua quoniam in Catone Maiore satis multa diximus, illim assumes quae ad hunc locum pertinebunt.
152. Sed ab iis partibus, quae sunt honestatis, quem ad modum officia ducerentur, satis eitum videtur. Eorum autem ipsorum, quae honesta sunt, potest incidere saepe contentio et comparatio, de duobus honestis utrum honestius, qui locus a Panaetio est praetermissus. Nam cum omnis honestas manet a partibus quattuor, quarum una sit cognitionis, altera communitatis, tertia magnanimitatis, quarta moderationis, haec in deligendo officio saepe inter se comparentur necesse est.
153. Placet igitur aptiora esse naturae ea officia, quae ex communitate, quam ea, quae ex cognitione ducantur, idque hoc argumento confirmari potest, quod, si contigerit ea vita sapienti, ut omnium rerum affluentibus copiis [quamvis] omnia, quae cognitione digna sint, summo otio secum ipse consideret et contempletur, tamen si solitudo tanta sit, ut hominem videre non possit, excedat e vita. Princepsque omnium virtutum illa sapientia, quam sophian Graeci vocant – prudentiam enim, quam Graeci phronesin dicunt, aliam quandam intellegimus, quae est rerum expetendarum fugiendarumque scientia; illa autem sapientia, quam principem dixi, rerum est divinarum et humanarum scientia, in qua continetur deorum et hominum communitas et societas inter ipsos; ea si maxima est, ut est, certe necesse est, quod a communitate ducatur officium, id esse maximum. Etenim cognitio contemplatioque [naturae] manca quodam modo atque inchoata sit, si nulla actio rerum consequatur. Ea autem actio in hominum commodis tuendis maxime cernitur; pertinet igitur ad societatem generis humani; ergo haec cognitioni anteponenda est.
154. Atque id optimus quisque re ipsa ostendit et iudicat. Quis enim est tam cupidus in perspicienda cognoscendaque rerum natura, ut, si ei tractanti contemplantique res cognitione dignissimas subito sit allatum periculum discrimenque patriae, cui subvenire opitularique possit, non illa omnia relinquat atque abiciat, etiamsi dinumerare se stellas aut metiri mundi magnitudinem posse arbitretur? atque hoc idem in parentis, in amici re aut periculo fecerit.
155. Quibus rebus intellegitur, studiis officiisque scientiae praeponenda esse officia iustitiae, quae pertinent ad hominum utilitatem, qua nihil homini esse debet antiquius. Atque illi ipsi, quorum studia vitaque omnis in rerum cognitione versata est, tamen ab augendis hominum utilitatibus et commodis non recesserunt. Nam et erudierunt multos, quo meliores cives utilioresque rebus suis publicis essent, ut Thebanum Epaminondam Lysis Pythagoreus, Syracosium Dionem Plato multique multos, nosque ipsi, quicquid ad rem publicam attulimus, si modo aliquid attulimus, a doctoribus atque doctrina instructi ad eam et ornati accessimus.
156. Neque solum vivi atque praesentes studiosos discendi erudiunt atque docent, sed hoc idem etiam post mortem monumentis litterarum assequuntur. Nec enim locus ullus est praetermissus ab iis, qui ad leges, qui ad mores, qui ad disciplinam rei publicae pertineret, ut otium suum ad nostrum negotium contulisse videantur. Ita illi ipsi doctrinae studiis et sapientiae dediti ad hominum utilitatem suam intelligentiam prudentiamque potissimum conferunt; ob eamque etiam causam eloqui copiose, modo prudenter, melius est quam vel acutissime sine eloquentia cogitare, quod cogitatio in se ipsa vertitur, eloquentia complectitur eos, quibuscum communitate iuncti sumus.
157. Atque ut apium examina non fingendorum favorum causa congregantur, sed cum congregabilia natura sint, fingunt favos, sic homines, ac multo etiam magis, natura congregati adhibent agendi cogitandique sollertiam. Itaque, nisi ea virtus, quae constat ex hominibus tuendis, id est ex societate generis humani, attingat cognitionem rerum, solivaga cognitio et ieiuna videatur, itemque magnitudo animi remota communitate coniunctioneque humana feritas sit quaedam et immanitas. Ita fit, ut vincat cognitionis studium consociatio hominum atque communitas.
158. Nec verum est quod dicitur a quibusdam propter necessitatem vitae, quod ea, quae natura desideraret, consequi sine aliis atque efficere non possemus, idcirco initam esse cum hominibus communitatem et societatem; quodsi omnia nobis, quae ad victum cultumque pertinent, quasi virgula divina, ut aiunt, suppeditarentur, tum optimo quisque ingenio negotiis omnibus omissis totum se in cognitione et scientia collocaret. Non est ita. Nam et solitudinem fugeret et socium studii quaereret, tum docere, tum discere vellet, tum audire, tum dicere. Ergo omne officium, quod ad coniunctionem hominum et ad societatem tuendam valet, anteponendum est illi officio, quod cognitione et scientia continetur.
159. Illud forsitan quaerendum sit, num haec communitas, quae maxime est apta naturae ea sit etiam moderationi modestiaeque semper anteponenda. non placet; sunt enim quaedam partim ita foeda, partim ita flagitiosa, ut ea ne conservandae quidem patriae causa sapiens facturus sit. Ea Posidonius collegit permulta, sed ita taetra quaedam, ita obscena, ut dictu quoque videantur turpia. Haec igitur non suscipiet rei publicae causa, ne res publica quidem pro se suscipi volet. Sed hoc commodius se res habet, quod non potest accidere tempus, ut intersit rei publicae quicquam illorum facere sapientem.
160. Quare hoc quidem effectum sit, in officiis deligendis id genus officiorum excellere, quod teneatur hominum societate. [Etenim cognitionem prudentiamque sequetur considerata actio; ita fit, ut agere considerate pluris sit quam cogitare prudenter. Atque haec quidem hactenus. Patefactus enim locus est ipse, ut non difficile sit in exquirendo officio quid cuique sit praeponendum videre. In ipsa autem communitate sunt gradus officiorum, ex quibus quid cuique praestet intellegi possit, ut prima diis immortalibus, secunda patriae, tertia parentibus, deinceps gradatim reliquis debeantur.
161. Quibus ex rebus breviter disputatis intellegi potest non solum id homines solere dubitare, honestumne an turpe sit, sed etiam duobus propositis honestis utrum honestius sit. Hic locus a Panaetio est, ut supra dixi, praetermissus. Sed iam ad reliqua pergamus. Cicero## Mouseia translation
English
1. Though you have now spent a year listening to Cratippus, and at Athens — where you ought to be steeped in the teachings and institutions of philosophy, given the authority of both the teacher and the city, one able to grow you by knowledge, the other by example — I have always joined Latin learning to Greek for my own benefit, not only in philosophy but in the practice of speaking too, and I urge you to do the same, so you may be equally powerful in both tongues. In this we seem to have helped our countrymen greatly, so that even those without Greek — and even the learned — feel they have gained something both for speaking and for judging.2. So you will learn from the foremost philosopher of this age, and learn as long as you wish — though you should wish it only while you're pleased with your progress. But in reading our books, which differ little from the Peripatetics' (we both want to be Socratics and Platonics), use your own judgment on the substance; I raise no obstacle. The Latin language, though, you will make richer by reading ours. Nor should that sound arrogant: while I concede the science of philosophy to many, the orator's own skill — to speak aptly, clearly, with style — is what I've spent my life pursuing, and if I claim it, I claim it as fairly mine.3. So I urge you, my Cicero, to read not only my speeches but these philosophical books too, which now come close to them. The speeches have more force, but this style also deserves cultivation — even, level-tempered. I see no Greek has yet managed both kinds — courtroom oratory and this quiet kind of discussion — unless Demetrius of Phalerum counts: subtle as a writer, an orator of modest force but sweet, so you'd recognize Theophrastus in him. How far I've come in each, let others judge; I've certainly pursued both.4. I believe that if Plato had wanted to handle courtroom oratory, he could have spoken with the greatest weight and richness; that Demosthenes, keeping what he learned from Plato, could have delivered it with style and brilliance; and the same of Aristotle and Isocrates, each devoted to his own art and despising the other's. But since I resolved to write something for you now, and more later, I wanted to begin with what best fits your age and my authority. For while philosophy treats many weighty and useful subjects carefully and richly, the broadest field opens in what they have said about duties: no part of life — public or private, in court or at home, acting alone or dealing with others — is free of duty, and in keeping it lies everything honorable in life; in neglecting it, everything shameful.5. This question belongs to all philosophers. Who would dare call himself a philosopher without teaching about duties? But some schools, by fixing the ends of good and evil, twist every duty. Whoever sets the highest good so that it has no connection with virtue, and measures it by advantage instead of honor — if he stayed consistent, he could practice neither friendship, nor justice, nor generosity. And someone who holds the greatest pain the greatest evil, or pleasure the highest good, plainly cannot be brave or self-controlled.6. Though this is plain enough to need no argument, it's treated elsewhere. If these schools want to be consistent, they can say nothing about duty; no firm, stable precepts of duty tied to nature can come from anyone except those who hold that the honorable is to be sought for itself alone, or above all. So that teaching belongs to the Stoics, the Academics, and the Peripatetics; the views of Aristo, Pyrrho, and Erillus collapsed long ago — though even they would have the right to argue about duty if they had left any room for choice among things. We follow, in this question, chiefly the Stoics — not as their interpreters but, as is my habit, drawing by our own judgment and choice from their fountains, as far and however we see fit.7. Since all this discourse is about duty, I want first to define what duty is — and I'm amazed Panaetius skipped that. Any reasoned treatise should start from a definition, so readers know what's being discussed. Every inquiry about duty has two parts. One concerns the highest good; the other consists of practical guidance covering every part of life. Questions of the higher kind: whether all duties are perfect; whether one duty can outrank another; and so on. But the duties with practical guidance, though they belong to the highest good, show it less clearly, because they look more to the ordering of everyday life. These books treat those.8. There is also another division of duty: a common kind and a perfect kind. The perfect kind we may call the right — the Greeks call it katorthoma; the common kind they call kathekon. They define them this way: the right is a perfect duty; a common duty is one for which a plausible reason can be given for doing it.9. Panaetius thought there are three questions in deciding what to do. First, we wonder whether an act would be honorable or shameful — and over this the mind is often pulled in opposite directions. Second, we ask whether it serves the comfort and pleasure of life, the means and abundance of goods, power and influence — whether it's profitable or not. The third question comes when what seems profitable seems to conflict with what is honorable: when advantage pulls one way and honor pulls the other, the mind is torn and carries an anxious, divided worry.10. This division skipped two things — and skipping anything important is the worst fault in a classification. We don't only ask whether an act is honorable or shameful; we also ask, between two honorable options, which is MORE honorable — and likewise, between two profitable options, which is MORE profitable. So his three-part scheme really needs five parts: first the honorable, treated two ways; then the useful, the same way; last, the comparison of the two.11. From the beginning nature has given every living creature the drive to protect itself, its life, and its body; to avoid what seems harmful; to seek and secure what it needs to live — food, shelter, and so on. All animals also share the urge to mate and reproduce, and some care for their offspring. But the greatest difference between man and beast is this: the beast, moved only by its senses, adapts to whatever is right in front of it, barely aware of past or future. Man, sharing in reason, can see consequences, causes, and how things lead up to each other; he compares patterns, connects present to future, sees the whole course of life, and prepares whatever it needs.12. That same nature, by the force of reason, binds man to man — for speech and for the fellowship of life — and above all plants in him a special love for his children, and moves him to want gatherings and assemblies of people, and to provide what culture and life need — not for himself alone but for his wife, his children, and everyone he cares for and ought to protect. That concern rouses the spirit and makes it greater for action.13. Above all, it belongs to man to seek and investigate truth. When we're free of necessary business, we long to see, hear, and learn something; we count the knowledge of hidden and marvelous things necessary for a happy life. From this we see that what is true, simple, and sincere fits man's nature best. Joined to the love of truth is a desire for primacy: a well-formed mind wants to obey no one except a teacher, a guide, or someone who commands justly and lawfully for the common good. From this come greatness of spirit and contempt for human affairs.14. Nor is that a small power of nature and reason — that this one creature grasps what order is, what propriety is, what measure in deeds and words. No other animal senses the beauty, grace, and harmony of what it sees. Nature and reason carry that sense from the eyes to the mind, and judge far more that beauty, consistency, and order must be kept in thought and action — that nothing be done unseemly or unmanly, and in every thought and deed nothing be done wantonly. From these is woven what we seek: the honorable — honorable even if no one praises it.15. You see, my Marcus, the very form, as it were the face, of the honorable — "which, if it could be seen by the eyes," as Plato says, "would awaken the deepest love of wisdom." Everything honorable arises from one of four parts: either in the grasp of truth and quickness of mind; or in keeping human society, giving each his due, and keeping faith in agreements; or in the greatness and strength of a lofty, unconquered soul; or in the order and measure of everything said and done, where modesty and self-control dwell. Though these four are bound together, each produces its own kind of duty — from the first, the search and discovery of truth, which is that virtue's proper work.16. Whoever sees most clearly what is truest in each matter, and can explain it most sharply and quickly, is rightly counted the most prudent and wise. So truth itself is the material this virtue handles.17. The other three virtues attend to providing and keeping the things life's action requires — so human society is kept, and greatness of spirit shines — both in growing wealth and in providing what one's family needs, and even more in despising those things. But order, consistency, and self-control move in the kind of virtue that involves action, not just thought. Those who bring measure and order to daily life keep the honorable and the becoming.18. Of the four sources of the honorable, the first — knowledge of truth — is closest to human nature. We are all drawn toward learning and knowledge, in which we think it fine to excel; to slip, err, be ignorant, or be deceived seems both bad and shameful. In this natural and honorable field, two faults must be avoided: one, taking unknown things for known and assenting rashly — whoever wants to avoid that (everyone should) will give both time and care to thinking things through.19. The other fault: some pour too much study into obscure and difficult questions that aren't necessary. Avoiding these, whatever effort goes into worthy and useful knowledge is rightly praised — as we hear of C. Sulpicius in astronomy, Sextus Pompeius in geometry, many in logic, more in civil law: all such arts pursue truth. But to be pulled away from action by love of that study is against duty, for the worth of virtue lies in action — though study often interrupts it, and we return to study in between, while the restless mind keeps working even without us. All mental activity goes either to planning honorable things for a good and happy life, or to learning and knowledge.20. Of the three remaining virtues, the broadest plan is the one by which human society and a kind of common life is held. It has two parts: justice, in which virtue's greatest glory shines (the good get their name from it), and generosity joined with it. But the first office of justice is to harm no one unless provoked by wrong; the next, to use common things for the common good and private things for one's own.21. No property is private by nature: it comes by long settlement — as those who reached empty lands long ago — or by conquest, or by law, agreement, or lot. So the Arpinates own Arpinum, the Tusculans Tusculum; private property works the same way. Since things once common became each person's own, let each keep what fell to him; whoever grabs any of it violates the right of human society.22. But since, as Plato beautifully writes, we are not born for ourselves alone — our country claims a share of us, our friends another — and since, as the Stoics hold, whatever is born on earth is made for human use, and humans exist for humans, to help one another, we should follow nature as our guide: bring common goods into the common pool by an exchange of services — giving and receiving — and bind human society together by arts, effort, and resources.23. The foundation of justice is good faith — keeping your word and agreements. So — though it may seem odd — let us follow the Stoics in tracing words to their roots: they hold that "faith" (fides) comes from "what is done is done" (fiat). There are two kinds of injustice: doing wrong, and failing to stop it when you could. Whoever attacks someone out of anger or passion is like one raising a hand against a friend; but whoever fails to defend, or won't block a wrong he could block, is as guilty as if he abandoned his parents, friends, or country.24. Wrongdoing done deliberately often springs from fear — the attacker fears that if he doesn't strike first, he'll suffer himself. But most people attack to grab what they covet, and that's where greed shows widest.25. Riches are sought for life's necessities and for pleasure's sake. In greater minds, the desire for money aims at power and influence — M. Crassus used to say no fortune was big enough for the man who wanted to be first in the republic, unless the profits of it could feed an army. Magnificent living, elegance, and abundance delight too — and so the hunger for money becomes endless. Growing one's estate isn't blameworthy when no one is harmed — but wrong must always be avoided.26. Most people slide into forgetting justice when they fall into the hunger for power, office, and glory. What Ennius said — "No holy fellowship, no loyalty, exists in kingship" — is broad and true. Where many can't all excel, there's usually such contention that it's hardest to keep a holy bond. C. Caesar's recklessness just proved it: he trampled every law, human and divine, for the throne he'd imagined for himself. The trouble with this kind is that in the greatest minds the desires for honor, command, power, and glory usually burn hottest — so we must guard all the harder against fault here.27. But not all injustice is equal: there's a big difference between wrong done on sudden impulse (usually brief and passing) and wrong planned deliberately. Sudden wrongs are lighter than the calculated kind.28. More often people fail to defend and abandon their duty. They won't take on enemies, effort, or expense; or carelessness, laziness, and inertia — or absorption in their own studies and pursuits — leaves those they should protect undefended. So we must ask whether Plato's philosophers are excused enough: absorbed in seeking truth, they despise and count as nothing the things most people fight over — and so they are just. They achieve one kind of justice — harming no one — but stumble into the other: love of learning makes them neglect those they should protect, and they'll only serve the republic if forced. Fairer to serve freely: that is truly justice, done willingly.29. There are also those who, guarding their estates or disliking people, claim to mind their own business and wrong no one. Free from one kind of injustice, they fall into another: they abandon the fellowship of life, contributing no energy, no effort, no resources.30. So when we've added the causes of both kinds of injustice to the two kinds themselves, and laid out what justice consists in, we can easily judge our duty in each situation — unless we love ourselves too much. Caring for others' affairs is hard. Yet because we feel what happens to us more keenly than what happens to others — which we watch, as it were, from far off — we judge them differently. So the advice is good: never do anything you're unsure is fair. Fairness shines by itself; your doubt is the warning sign of wrong.31. But time often changes things: what seems most worthy of a just man — returning a deposit, keeping a promise, everything of truth and faith — sometimes becomes the opposite, and it becomes right to break them. The test is the foundation of justice I began with: first, harm no one; second, serve the common good. When those change with time, duty changes — it isn't always the same.32. A promise can become useless to keep, either for the person it was made to or for the one who made it. If — as the fables say — Neptune had granted what Theseus asked, Theseus wouldn't have lost Hippolytus: of his three wishes, the third, made in anger, was for his son's death — and when it was granted, it broke him. So promises that would harm the person they were made to shouldn't be kept; and if keeping a promise hurts you more than it helps him, it isn't against duty to put the greater before the lesser. Suppose you've promised to appear as an advocate at a set time, and your son falls gravely ill: not going isn't against duty — in fact the one who complains was abandoned has failed his own duty. And who doesn't see that promises made under threat or by fraud don't bind? Such things are mostly freed by the praetor's law, some by statute.33. Wrongs also come from a kind of quibbling and over-clever but dishonest reading of the law — hence the worn proverb: "supreme right, supreme wrong." In that class fall many public wrongs: as when, after a thirty-day truce was agreed with the enemy, someone raided their fields by night — because the truce covered days, not nights! Nor would even ours be approved, if it's true that Q. Fabius Labeo (or whoever — I only have hearsay), appointed by the senate to arbitrate a boundary dispute between Nola and Naples, met each side separately and told them both not to be greedy but rather to yield than to push forward. Both yielded; some land was left in between — and he fixed their boundary as they had each said, and awarded the middle strip to the Roman people. That's trickery, not judgment. So flee that kind of cleverness in everything.34. Duties are owed even toward those who have wronged you. There is a limit to revenge and punishment, and I'm not sure it isn't enough that the offender regret his wrong — so he won't do it again and others will be slower to offend. But in public life the laws of war must be held above all. Since there are two ways of contesting — by argument and by force — and argument belongs to man, force to beasts, we must resort to force only when argument is impossible.35. Wars, then, should be fought only so that we may live in peace without wrong. Once victory is won, those who were not cruel or savage in war must be spared — as our fathers admitted the Tusculans, Aequi, Volscians, Sabines, and Hernici to citizenship; but they razed Carthage and Numantia. I wish Corinth had been spared — I think they followed the place's strategic value, so it could never stir up war again. My opinion: always aim for a peace with no treachery in it. Had that been followed, we might have — if not the best — at least some kind of republic, which today we don't have. And care must be given to the conquered, and those who drop their arms and flee to the general's good faith — even after the battering ram has struck the wall — must be received. Our fathers held justice in war so highly that anyone who received a surrendered city or nation became, by custom, that people's patron.36. Indeed the fairness of war is most solemnly laid down in the Roman people's fetial law. From it we can see that no war is just unless it's declared, or restitution demanded first. Popilius commanded a province in which Cato's son served as a soldier. When Popilius decided to discharge one legion, he discharged young Cato too. But Cato, who loved fighting, wrote to Popilius that if he still wanted him, he should administer a second military oath — since the first having lapsed, he couldn't lawfully fight the enemy.37. So careful were our ancestors about starting wars. The elder M. Cato wrote to his son Marcus that he'd heard he was discharged by the consul when serving in Macedonia against Perses; he warns him to stay out of battle — for no one who isn't a soldier may fight the enemy. And notice: our fathers called the man we now call a foreigner by a name meaning "just enemy" (hostis) — softening the harshness of the fact with the gentleness of the word. The Twelve Tables show it: "or a set day with a foreigner," and "everlasting right against a foreigner." What could be kinder than calling the man you're waging war against by such a gentle name? Age has since hardened the word; it slipped from "foreigner" and came to mean only the man in arms against you.38. But when the contest is for empire and glory is the prize of war, the causes should still be the just ones I described. Wars fought for empire should be waged less bitterly. As we deal with a citizen differently if he's an enemy than if he's a rival — one contest is over honor and standing, the other over life and reputation — so with the Celtiberians and Cimbrians the war was over which nation would survive; with the Latins, Sabines, Samnites, Carthaginians, and Pyrrhus, it was over who would rule. The Carthaginians broke treaties; Hannibal was cruel; the rest were more just. Of Pyrrhus, on returning prisoners, the famous words: "I ask no gold, and you shall pay no price; not like merchants at war, but like warriors, with iron, not gold, let us fight for life together. Whether you or I rule, or whatever fortune brings, let us try it with courage. And take this word with you: those whose courage the fortune of war has spared, I mean to spare in their freedom. Give them up; lead them away; I give them freely to the great gods."39. A truly royal judgment, worthy of the house of the Aeacidae. And even if individuals, forced by circumstance, promised something to an enemy, good faith must be kept even there — as in the first Punic war, when Regulus, captured by the Carthaginians, was sent to Rome to negotiate an exchange of prisoners, having sworn to return: first, on arriving, he advised the senate not to return the prisoners; then, held back by kin and friends, he chose to return to punishment rather than betray his sworn word to the enemy.40. But in the second Punic war, after the battle of Cannae, Hannibal sent ten men to Rome under oath to return unless they won the ransom of the captives: the censors kept every one of them in custody as long as each lived, because they had sworn falsely — and no less the man who had tried to cheat his oath. Allowed out of camp by Hannibal, he went back a little later, claiming he'd forgotten something; then, leaving camp again, he considered himself released by his oath — released in words, not in fact. In good faith, what you MEANT, not what you SAID, must always be weighed. The greatest example of justice toward an enemy came from our fathers, when a deserter from Pyrrhus promised the senate he would poison the king. The senate and C. Fabricius handed him back to Pyrrhus. So they refused to approve even the death of an enemy — powerful, and waging unprovoked war — when it was tied to a crime.41. Of military duties, enough. Remember too that justice must be kept even toward the lowest. The lowest condition and fortune is that of slaves, for whom we're rightly taught to give the commands we give hired workers — work to demand, justice to give. But since wrong is done in two ways — by force or by fraud — fraud resembles a little fox, force a lion: both are alien to man, but fraud deserves the greater hatred. And of all injustice none is deadlier than that of those who, when they most deceive, contrive to seem good men. Of justice, enough.42. Next, as proposed, generosity and liberality — nothing more in harmony with man's nature; but it has many cautions. First, our kindness must not harm those to whom it seems given, nor anyone else; second, it must not exceed our means; and third, it must be given to each according to his worth — for that is the foundation of justice, to which all this refers. Those who gratify someone with what will harm him, seeming to help, should be judged not generous but dangerous flatterers; and those who harm some to be generous to others are in the same injustice — as if converting another's goods into their own.43. Many, indeed, hungry for splendor and glory, snatch from some what they give to others, and think they'll seem generous to their friends if they enrich them by any means. But that's so far from duty that nothing could be more contrary. So use that liberality which helps friends and harms no one. That's why the confiscations of money by L. Sulla and C. Caesar from rightful owners for strangers should not be called generous: nothing is generous that isn't at the same time just.44. The second caution: kindness must not exceed our means. Those who want to be more generous than their property allows wrong their kin first — for supplies that more justly belong to these, to be provided and left to them, they transfer to strangers. Such generosity usually hides a desire to seize and take by wrong, so the supplies for giving suffice. You can see too that most are not generous by nature but driven by a kind of hunger for glory, doing things to seem generous — things that spring from showing off more than from will. Such pretending belongs to vanity, not to generosity or goodness.45. The third aim: in generosity, choose by worth. Consider the character of the one receiving, his spirit toward us, the commonness and fellowship of life, and any benefits he's given us before. It's best when all these meet; if not, the more numerous and weightier reasons should carry the day.46. But since we live not with perfect and perfectly wise men, but with those who do well if they have images of virtue, this too must be understood: no one at all should be neglected in whom any mark of virtue shows. But cultivate most the one in whom those gentler virtues shine most — modesty, self-control, and this very justice I've discussed at length. For boldness and great spirit in someone not yet perfect or wise are usually more fiery; those virtues seem rather to befit the good man. That much on character.47. Of the goodwill anyone has toward us, the first duty is to give most to the one by whom we're most loved — but judge goodwill not like the young, by a flash of passion, but by stability and constancy. And if the merits are so great that gratitude isn't to be begun but repaid, the greatest care must apply: no duty is more necessary than repaying a kindness.48. Hesiod says to return with larger measure whatever loan you received, if you can. Then challenged by a kindness, what should we do? Imitate the fertile fields, which yield far more than they received? For if we don't hesitate to help those we hope will profit us, how should we treat those who already have? Since there are two kinds of generosity — giving, and repaying a kindness — giving is in our power; but a good man cannot fail to repay, if he can without wrong.49. A choice must be made among kindnesses received too, and no doubt the most is owed to each according to his greatness. But above all weigh with what mind, what zeal, what goodwill he did it. Many do much with a certain recklessness, without judgment — driven by an unhealthy urge toward everyone, or by a sudden gust of passion like a wind. Such kindnesses count for less than those given with judgment, deliberately, and steadily. But in giving and in repaying gratitude, if all else is equal, it's most a duty to help chiefly the one who most needs help — contrary to what most do: they wait most eagerly on the one from whom they hope the most, even if he needs nothing.50. Human society and union will be kept best if, as each is most closely joined to us, to him we give the most kindness. But what the principles of natural community are must be sought deeper. First is that seen in the fellowship of the whole human race: its bond is reason and speech, which by teaching, learning, communicating, disputing, and judging reconcile us to one another and join us in a natural society. Nothing separates us from the nature of beasts more than this: we grant that horses and lions may have courage, but never that they have justice, fairness, or goodness — for they lack reason and speech.51. Widest of all among men is this society, shared by all. In it, keep the communion of everything nature made for common human use; and hold what statute and civil law assign so as that law provides — and the rest too, as the Greek proverb says: friends hold all things in common. To men of that kind everything seems common that Ennius placed in one verse, transferable to many: "The man who kindly points the way to one astray / lights, as it were, his lantern with his own: / no less does it shine for him, having lit the other." By one example he teaches enough: whatever can be given without loss to yourself should be given even to a stranger.52. From this come the commons: don't bar running water; let fire take from fire if someone wishes; give faithful counsel to one who's deciding — useful to the receiver, no burden to the giver. So use these, and always add something to the common good. But since individuals' means are small and the needy are countless, common generosity must be kept within Ennius's limit — "no less does it shine for him" — so there's means left to be generous to our own.53. Human society has many degrees. Set aside the infinite one: nearer is that of the same people, nation, and tongue, which joins men most. Closer still is that of the same city: citizens share many things — forum, temples, colonnades, roads, laws, rights, courts, votes — besides customs, friendships, and many contracts with many. A closer bond is kinship: from the immense society of the human race it narrows into a small circle.54. Since the desire to reproduce is common to all living things, the first society is marriage itself; the next, children; then one household, everything shared — that is the beginning of a city and, as it were, the seedbed of the republic. Then come the unions of brothers, then of cousins, who, when one house can no longer hold them, move out into other houses like colonies. Then marriages and alliances bring more kin: that propagation and offspring is the origin of republics. The bond of blood ties men by goodwill and affection.55. Great it is to share the same ancestral monuments, to use the same sacred rites, to have common tombs. But of all societies, none is more excellent, none firmer, than when good men of like character are joined in intimacy. That honorable thing we keep speaking of shines even in another person, and moves us, and makes us friends with the one in whom we see it dwell.56. Though every virtue draws us toward itself and makes us love those in whom it seems to dwell, justice and generosity do it most. Nothing is more lovable, nothing more uniting, than the like character of good people: when the same pursuits and the same wills meet, each delights in the other as in himself — achieving what Pythagoras wanted in friendship: that one be made of many. Great too is the communion formed by kindnesses given and received back and forth, which, while mutual and pleasing, bind the parties in a firm bond of society.57. But when with reason and spirit you survey everything, no society is weightier, none dearer, than each of ours with the republic. Dear are parents, dear children, kin, friends — but one fatherland embraces all our loves: which good man, if it profited her, would hesitate to give his life? So much more detestable are the monsters who have torn their fatherland with every crime and are engaged in her total destruction.58. But if some comparison must be made, to whom most duty is owed: first the country and the parents, by whose benefits we're most deeply bound; next, children and the whole household, who look to us alone and have no other refuge; then the well-matched kindred, whose fortune is usually shared with ours. So the necessary defenses of life are owed chiefly to those first named; but the communion of living and living together — counsel, conversation, encouragement, consolation, sometimes even reproach — flourishes most in friendships: and that friendship is most pleasant which is joined by likeness of character.59. But in all these duties of giving, consider what each most needs and what each could or couldn't get without us. So the degrees of need won't match the degrees of circumstance, and some are owed more duty than others: you'd sooner help a neighbor gather his harvest than a brother or friend; but in court you'd rather defend a kinsman or friend than a neighbor. Watch for these and similar things in every duty, and practice and exercise them, so you become good reckoners of duties — by adding and subtracting, see what remains of the sum, and understand how much is owed to each.60. But just as doctors, commanders, and orators, however well they've learned their art's precepts, can't achieve anything worthy of great praise without practice and exercise, so the rules of keeping duty are handed down — as I'm doing — but the greatness of the matter requires practice and exercise too.61. Understand that, though four kinds were set out from which honorableness and duty flow, that seems most splendid which is done with a great and lofty spirit and in contempt of human affairs. So in reproaches it's most visible, if anything of the kind can be said: "You, young men, have a woman's spirit; that maiden, a man's" — and anything like: "Salmacis has spoils without sweat and blood." And on the contrary, whatever was done with great spirit, bravely, excellently — we somehow praise with a fuller mouth. Hence the rhetoricians' training exercises on Marathon, Salamis, Plataea, Thermopylae, Leuctra; hence our own Cocles, the Decii, Cn. and P. Scipiones, M. Marcellus, and countless others; and above all the Roman people itself excels in greatness of spirit. The zeal for military glory shows too, because we see statues adorned mostly in military dress.62. But that elation of spirit seen in dangers and labors, if it lacks justice and fights not for the common safety but for its own advantage, is in fault: not only is it not virtue — it's rather savage inhumanity, repelling all humanity. So the Stoics define courage well: virtue fighting for fairness. So no one who won the glory of courage by treachery and malice has earned praise: nothing can be honorable without justice.63. Glorious, then, is Plato's saying: "Not only," he says, "must knowledge cut off from justice be called cunning rather than wisdom — but even a spirit ready for danger, if driven by its own greed and not the common good, should have the name of recklessness rather than courage." So we want brave and great-souled men to be the same good and straightforward men, lovers of truth, deceivers in no way — which flows from the middle place of justice.64. But this is odious: in this elation and greatness of spirit, stubbornness and an excessive lust for primacy are most easily born. As in Plato the whole Spartan character blazed with the desire to win: so whoever most excels in greatness of soul wants most to be first of all — or rather alone. But it's hard, when you long to excel everyone, to keep the fairness that belongs most to justice. From this come those who won't be beaten in argument or by any public and lawful right, and in the republic there usually arise donors and faction-makers, so they can reach the greatest power and be superior by force rather than equal by justice. But the harder, the more glorious: at no time should that which ought to lack justice be tolerated.65. Brave and great-souled men should be held those who REPEL wrong, not those who DO it. But true and wise greatness of spirit judges that honorable thing — which nature chiefly follows — lies in deeds, not in glory, and prefers to BE first rather than to SEEM first. Whoever hangs on the opinion of an ignorant crowd should not be counted among the great. And whoever is of the highest soul is most easily driven to injustice by the desire for glory — a slippery place: scarcely is he found who, having undertaken labors and approached dangers, doesn't want glory as the payment for his deeds.66. Altogether the brave and great soul is seen chiefly in two things. One lies in the contempt of outward things, when it's believed that man should admire, wish for, or desire nothing except what's honorable and seemly, and yield to no man, no passion of mind, no fortune. The other: that when the soul is so disposed, you perform things great indeed and most useful, but exceedingly hard — full of labor and danger, both of life and of many things pertaining to life.67. All the splendor of these two, their amplitude — I add even utility — is in the second; but the cause and efficient reason of great men is in the first. For there lies what makes excellent minds and despisers of human affairs. And this appears in two things: if you judge only the honorable a good, and are free from every disturbance of soul. For it belongs to a brave and great soul to count small those things that most men think eminent and glorious, and to despise them with settled and firm reason; and to bear so the things that seem bitter — many and various in human life and fortune — that you depart nothing from the state of nature, nothing from the dignity of the wise: that belongs to a robust soul and great constancy.68. Nor is it consistent for one who isn't broken by fear to be broken by desire, or for one who proved himself unconquered by labor to be conquered by pleasure. So both must be shunned, and the desire for money fled: nothing is so narrow-souled and small as to love riches; nothing more honorable, more magnificent than to despise money if you don't have it — and if you do, to turn it to generosity and kindness. The desire for glory must also be shunned, as I said: it strips away liberty, which great souls should strive for with all their might. Commands, too, shouldn't be sought; rather sometimes refused, sometimes laid down.69. But one must be free of every disturbance of soul — desire and fear, and also grief, excessive pleasure, and anger — so tranquility of soul and security are present, bringing both constancy and dignity. Many seek that tranquility I speak of, withdrawing from public business into leisure — among them the most noble philosophers by far, and certain stern, grave men who couldn't bear the ways of peoples or princes, and lived some in the countryside, delighted with their own family.70. These had the same purpose as kings: to want nothing, to obey no one, to enjoy liberty — whose property is to live as you will. Since this is common to the power-hungry and to those I called at leisure — the former think they can attain it with great resources, the latter content themselves with their own and with little — neither judgment is wholly to be despised. But easier, safer, and less burdensome to others is the private life; more fruitful for the human race, and apter for glory and greatness, that of those fitted for the republic and great deeds.71. So perhaps it should be granted to those of excellent genius who gave themselves to learning, that they don't undertake the republic; and to those who withdrew from it through poor health or some graver cause, once they conceded its administration and glory to others. But those with no such cause, who say they despise what most admire — commands and magistracies — deserve not only no praise but even blame. Their judgment in despising glory and counting it nothing is hard not to approve; but they seem to fear labor and trouble, then offense and setbacks as a kind of disgrace. For some are inconsistent in opposites: they condemn pleasure most sternly, yet soften in grief; they neglect glory, yet break under infamy — not very consistently.72. But those whom nature has equipped for doing things must cast aside all hesitation, undertake magistracies, and govern the republic: for otherwise neither can the city be governed nor greatness of soul be shown. Those who enter public life must apply no less — I know not whether even more — magnificence and contempt of human affairs, of which I often speak, and tranquility of soul and security: if indeed they're neither anxious, and live with gravity and consistency.73. Which is easier for philosophers, since less of their life lies open to fortune's blows, they need fewer things, and if anything adverse happens, they can't fall so gravely. Wherefore greater motions of soul are stirred, and greater zeal required, in those governing the republic than in those at rest — by so much the more must greatness of soul and freedom from care be applied. Whoever enters administration must beware of thinking only how honorable it is, but also of whether he has the ability to carry it out — in which he must consider, lest he despair through sloth or trust too much through desire. In all undertakings, careful preparation must come before the start.74. But since most think military affairs greater than civil ones, that opinion must be reduced. Many have often sought wars from hunger for glory — which happens in great spirits and talents, especially if they're suited to war and eager for it. But truly, if we judge rightly, many civil things have proven greater and more glorious than military ones.75. Though Themistocles is justly praised and his name more illustrious than Solon's, and Salamis is cited as the witness of the most famous victory, preferred to Solon's counsel by which he first constituted the Areopagus — this too must be judged no less glorious. That helped the city once; this will help always: by this counsel the Athenians' laws and the ancestors' institutions are preserved. And indeed Themistocles could say nothing by which he helped the Areopagus; but he was truly helped by it: that war was conducted by the counsel of the senate Solon had constituted.76. The same may be said of Pausanias and Lysander, by whose deeds empire is thought won for the Spartans — yet they're not to be compared in the least part with the laws and discipline of Lycurgus: by those very causes their armies were more obedient and braver. To me, when we were boys, M. Scaurus didn't seem to yield to C. Marius; nor, when we were serving the republic, did Q. Catulus yield to Cn. Pompeius: for the arms abroad are small, unless there's counsel at home. Nor did Africanus, a singular man and commander, benefit the republic more by destroying Numantia than P. Nasica at the same time, a private citizen, when he killed Ti. Gracchus. That deed indeed isn't only from a civil reason — it touches even the military, since it was done by force and hand — but it was done by urban counsel, without an army.77. But that thing is best, against which I hear the wicked and envious usually rush: "let arms yield to the toga, let the laurel yield to praise." For, to omit others, when we governed the republic, didn't arms yield to the toga? Never was there in the republic a graver danger, nor a greater peace. So by our counsels and diligence the arms quickly slipped from the hands of the most daring citizens, and they themselves fell. What deed in war was ever so great? What triumph compares?78. For it's permitted me, my Marcus, to boast before you, to whom both the inheritance of this glory and the imitation of my deeds belong. To me indeed — a man abounding in military praises, Cn. Pompeius — said this with many listening: that he would have carried his third triumph in vain, unless by my service to the republic he had a place where he could triumph. There are, therefore, domestic virtues not inferior to the military ones — in which even more than in those, labor and study must be placed.79. Altogether that honorable thing we seek from a lofty and magnificent spirit is made by the strength of the mind, not of the body. Yet the body must be exercised and so disposed that it can obey counsel and reason in carrying out business and enduring labor. But the honorable thing we seek lies wholly in the care and thought of the mind — in which those who preside over the republic in the toga bring no less utility than those who wage war. Wherefore by their counsel wars are often either not undertaken or finished; sometimes even such are brought on: as the third Punic war by M. Cato, in which even dead his authority prevailed.80. Wherefore the reason of deciding is indeed more to be desired than the courage of fighting — but take care not to do it more from fleeing war than from the reason of utility. But war must be so undertaken that nothing else may seem sought but peace. And it belongs to a brave and constant soul not to be disturbed in hard things, nor — as they say — thrown from one's post into tumult, but to use a present mind and counsel, and not depart from reason.81. It takes a great spirit to see the future in advance, to decide beforehand what could happen on either side and what to do if it does — and never to have to say "I didn't see that coming." Rushing into the battle line to fight the enemy hand to hand is monstrous, beastlike; but when time and necessity demand, you must fight hand to hand and prefer death to slavery and disgrace.82. In overthrowing and plundering cities, take the greatest care to do nothing rash or cruel. It's the mark of a great man, in troubled times, to punish the guilty, hold the crowd together, and keep to what is right and honorable in every turn of fortune. For just as some prefer military to civil affairs, so many find dangerous, hot-headed plans more splendid than calm, deliberate ones.83. Never flee danger so much that you seem idle and cowardly — but also don't offer yourself to danger without cause, which is the height of foolishness. In entering danger, imitate doctors: they treat mild illness gently, but resort to risky, doubtful cures for graver disease. Wishing for a storm in calm weather is madness; helping in a storm by any means is wisdom — especially when the good you'll win clearly outweighs the risk. Dangerous undertakings affect some people personally, others the whole state.84. Some risk their lives, others their reputation and their fellow citizens' goodwill. We should be readier to fight for our own dangers than the common ones, and more prepared to fight for honor and glory than for mere convenience. Many have poured out not only money but life itself for their country, yet wouldn't give up the tiniest scrap of glory even when the state demanded — like Callicratidas, the Spartan commander in the Peloponnesian War, who did many excellent things but at the end ignored the advice that the fleet should withdraw from Arginusae and avoid battle with the Athenians. He replied that the Spartans could build another fleet if this one were lost, but that he could not flee without disgrace. That blow was bearable for Sparta; the other was ruinous — when Cleombrotus, fearing envy, rashly joined battle with Epaminondas, Spartan power collapsed. How much better was Q. Maximus, of whom Ennius wrote: "One man by delay restored the state. He put no rumor before safety. And so now, more and more, his glory shines." That kind of fault must be avoided in politics too: some, though they think a course best, dare not say it for fear of envy.85. Whoever is going to govern the republic should hold Plato's two rules: first, to guard the citizens' interests so completely that whatever he does serves them, forgetting his own convenience; second, to care for the whole body of the state — not, while protecting one part, to abandon the rest. Guardianship, like administration of the republic, exists for the good of those entrusted to you, not of the guardians. People who favor one faction abandon another, bringing the most ruinous things into the city: sedition and discord. From this comes the split between "men of the people" and "men of the best" — few care for everyone.86. Hence the great discords at Athens, and in our republic not only faction but deadly civil wars — which a serious and strong citizen, worthy of leadership, will flee and loathe, devoting himself wholly to the state, pursuing neither wealth nor power, guarding the whole of it for all. He'll never stir up hatred or envy against anyone by false charges, and he'll cling so firmly to justice and honor that, if he errs gravely, he'll rather meet death than abandon those principles.87. Nothing is more wretched than the scramble for offices — Plato puts it beautifully: that such men quarrel like sailors over who should steer the ship. And he says: "count as your enemies only those who bear arms against you — not those who want, by their own judgment, to protect the republic" — like the disagreement without bitterness between P. Africanus and Q. Metellus.88. Don't listen to those who say a great and brave man must burn with anger at his enemies: nothing is more praiseworthy, nothing more worthy of a great man, than patience and mercy. But in free states with equal rights, we must also practice that openness and loftiness of soul — called "affability" — lest, if we grow angry at untimely or shameless petitioners, we fall into a useless, hated sourness. And yet that gentleness must be tempered: for the sake of the state, severity must sometimes be applied — without it, a city cannot be governed. And all punishment and rebuke should be free of insult, aimed not at the punisher's satisfaction but at the state's good.89. Beware, too, of punishment exceeding the fault, and of some being punished while others aren't even charged for the same offense. Above all, ban anger from punishment: the angry man never keeps the moderation between too much and too little that the Peripatetics rightly praise — provided they don't praise anger itself as nature's useful gift. That must be rejected everywhere, and we should pray that those who govern be like the laws, which punish not from anger but from fairness.90. In prosperous times too, when things flow our way, we must flee pride, disdain, and arrogance. Bearing bad fortune badly is flightiness; bearing good fortune immoderately is the same. A splendid quality is evenness throughout life — always the same face, the same bearing — as we hear of Socrates and of C. Laelius. Philip of Macedon, beaten in deeds and glory by his son, was I think superior in courtesy and humanity. So one was always great; the other often shameful. Rightly do counselors warn: the higher we stand, the more humbly we should carry ourselves. Panaetius used to say of his student Africanus that he quoted the image of horses — made wild and fierce by constant battle — being handed over to trainers so they could be managed more easily: so men unbridled by success and self-confidence should be led, as it were, in the ring of reason and teaching, to see the weakness and variety of human affairs.91. In the height of success we should use our friends' counsel most, and give them even greater authority than before. At the same time, guard against opening your ears to flatterers or letting yourself be flattered — it's easy to be fooled. Men come to believe they deserve praise; then countless faults follow, as the inflated are basely mocked and stay lost in the deepest errors.92. But enough of that. This much must be said: the greatest deeds, of the greatest souls, belong to those who govern republics, since their administration reaches the widest and touches the most. But many great-souled men have lived — and do live — in private life, investigating great questions, or undertaking them, staying within their own means — some between philosophy and public service, delighting in their own estate: not squeezing it by every device, nor barring their own people from its use, but sharing it with friends and with the republic, if ever needed. Above all, it should be gotten honestly, not by a shameful or hateful trade; then it should offer itself usefully to many, if they're worthy; then let it grow by reason, diligence, thrift — and serve generosity and kindness, not lust and luxury. Keeping these rules, one can live magnificently, gravely, bravely — and simply, faithfully, and kindly toward people.93. One part of the honorable remains: where we find modesty and a kind of polish of life, self-control, restraint, and the calming of every disturbance of the soul, and the measure of all things. In this place lies what in Latin we call decorum — in Greek, to prepon.94. Its force is such that it cannot be separated from the honorable: what is proper is honorable, and what is honorable is proper. The difference between the honorable and the proper is easier to feel than to explain. Whatever is proper appears once the honorable has gone before. So not only in this part of the honorable, but in all three previous parts too, propriety shows itself: it is proper to use reason and speech prudently, to act with care, and in everything to see and hold to the truth — and, on the contrary, to be deceived, to err, to be led astray, to be fooled is as unbecoming as to rave or be out of one's mind. All just things are proper; unjust things are improper — shameful and unbecoming alike. The same holds for courage: what is done manfully and with great spirit seems worthy of a man and proper; the opposite is unbecoming as well as shameful.95. So this "decorum" I speak of belongs to all of honorableness — so much so that it isn't seen by some hidden reason but stands in plain sight. There is something that is understood in every virtue: what is fitting, which can be separated from virtue more in thought than in reality. As bodily beauty and comeliness can't be separated from health, so this propriety is wholly blended with virtue — but distinguished in thought.96. It divides in two. We understand a general propriety, covering all of the honorable, and another under it, touching the individual parts. The general one is defined: propriety is what agrees with man's excellence, in the very thing in which his nature differs from the beasts. The part under it is defined: whatever agrees so with nature that moderation and self-control appear in it, together with a kind of gentlemanly grace.97. This can be grasped from the decorum poets follow — of which more is said elsewhere. We say poets keep what is fitting when what each character does and says is worthy of that character. If Aeacus or Minos said "Let them hate me, so long as they fear me," or "The father himself is a tomb to his sons," it would seem unbecoming — we've heard they were just. But when Atreus says it, applause follows: the speech fits the speaker. Poets judge what suits each of their many characters, even the wicked. But nature has assigned us our character, with great excellence and preeminence over the beasts.98. So the poets, with their wide variety of characters, will judge what fits even the vicious. But to us, since nature has given the parts of constancy, self-control, temperance, and modesty, and since the same nature teaches us not to neglect how we appear to men, it follows both that the general propriety covering all of honorableness shows itself as widely as it does, and that this propriety is seen in each particular virtue. As the beauty of the body, in the right arrangement of limbs, draws the eye and delights simply because all the parts agree with a certain grace — so this propriety, shining in life, wins the approval of those we live with, by the order, consistency, and moderation of everything we say and do.99. A certain respect is owed to people — to the best, and to everyone else. To ignore what each person thinks of himself is not only arrogant but thoroughly dissolute. There's a difference, too, between justice and modesty here: justice forbids harming people; modesty forbids offending them — and that is where the force of propriety shows most clearly. Once this is laid out, I think it's clear what we mean by "fitting."100. The office that comes from propriety has this first road, leading to the keeping of what is fitting: follow it as a guide and you'll never stray — you'll keep both the sharpness and insight nature gave you, and that fitted to the society of men, and that vehement and strong. But the greatest force of propriety lies in this part we're discussing: not only must the motions of the body, which suit nature, be approved, but far more the motions of the soul, which likewise suit nature.101. The force and nature of the soul is twofold: one part is appetite — Greek horme — which pulls man this way and that; the other is reason, which teaches and explains what should be done and avoided. So reason comes first; appetite obeys. And every action should be free of rashness and carelessness — never do anything for which you can't give a reasonable account: that is almost the very definition of duty.102. See to it that appetites obey reason, neither running ahead of it nor deserting it out of laziness or cowardice — and that they stay calm, free of every disturbance of soul. From that comes all consistency and all self-control. Those whose appetites run too far, exulting — whether in desire or in flight — and aren't reined in by reason, pass the end and limit without doubt. They cast off obedience to reason, to which they're subject by nature's law; and that disturbs not only souls but bodies. You can see it in the faces of the angry, the lustful, the fearful, the overjoyed: the countenance, voice, posture, and bearing of all of them change.103. From this we understand — to return to the shape of duty — that every appetite must be drawn in and calmed, and alertness and diligence aroused, so we do nothing rashly, by chance, carelessly, or negligently. Nature did not make us for play and jest — rather for seriousness and for certain greater, heavier studies. But play and jest may be used, like sleep and other rest — after we've done enough for serious things. The very kind of joking shouldn't be extravagant or shameless, but noble and witty. As we don't give boys unlimited license in play, only what suits honorable conduct, so in the joke itself some light of an honest nature should shine.104. There are two kinds of joking: one vulgar, wanton, disgraceful, obscene; the other elegant, urbane, clever, witty — with which not only our Plautus and the old Athenian comedy are filled, but the books of the Socratic philosophers too, and the witty sayings collected by the elder Cato, called apophthegms. The distinction between noble and vulgar joking is easy. One kind, if made at the right moment, with a relaxed mind, suits even the gravest man; the other doesn't suit a free man at all, if the vileness of things and the obscenity of words are added. A measure must be kept in joking too: don't pour everything out, and don't be carried away by pleasure into some vileness. Our campus games and hunting give honest examples of clean fun.105. But every inquiry into duty must keep one thing always in view: how far man's nature outranks cattle and the other beasts. They feel nothing but pleasure, and throw everything into it. But man's mind is nourished by learning and thinking — always seeking or doing something, drawn by the delight of seeing and hearing. Indeed, if anyone leans a bit toward pleasure — provided he's not beastly (there are some who are beasts in name only) — if anyone is at all upright, even when seized by pleasure, he hides and conceals his appetite for it out of a sense of propriety.106. From this it's clear that bodily pleasure isn't worthy enough for man's excellence and should be despised and rejected. But if anyone grants something to pleasure, he must carefully keep the measure. So food and care of the body should aim at health and strength, not pleasure. And if we consider what excellence and dignity nature holds, we'll see how shameful it is to dissolve in luxury, to live delicately and softly — and how honorable to live thriftily, temperately, severely, soberly.107. Understand also that nature has, as it were, clothed us in two roles: one common, from the fact that we all share in reason and in that excellence by which we outrank the beasts — from which flows everything honorable and proper, and the whole reason for finding duty; the other, given individually to each person. As bodies differ greatly — some are strong for running, others for wrestling; some forms have dignity, others charm — so souls hold even greater variety.108. There was much charm in L. Crassus and L. Philippus; even more, and deliberately, in C. Caesar the son; in the same era M. Scaurus and young M. Drusus had singular severity; C. Laelius much cheerfulness; his close friend Scipio greater ambition, a graver life. Of the Greeks we're told Socrates was sweet and witty, festive in conversation, playing the dissembler in all speech — what the Greeks call an "ironist." The opposite: Pythagoras and Pericles reached the greatest authority without any cheerfulness. Hannibal we hold as clever among the Carthaginians; among our generals, Q. Maximus — good at hiding, keeping silent, dissembling, laying snares, forestalling the enemy's plans. In this kind the Greeks set Themistocles and Jason of Pherae above the rest, and above all Solon's shrewd stroke, who feigned madness to make his life safer and serve the republic a little more.109. Others are very unlike these — plain and open men, who think nothing should be done by stealth or snares: lovers of truth, enemies of fraud. And others again who will endure anything, serve anyone, to get what they want — as we saw in Sulla and M. Crassus. In this kind the Spartan Lysander was held most shrewd and most patient; the opposite was Callicratidas, fleet commander after Lysander. Likewise in speech: each powerful man is made to seem like several different men — as we saw in Catulus and in father and son, and the same in Q. Mucius Mancia. I've heard from my elders that P. Scipio Nasica had this same charm; on the contrary, his father — who avenged the failed attempts of Ti. Gracchus — had no charm of speech, not even Xenocrates, the most severe of philosophers; and for that very reason was great and famous. Countless other differences of natures and characters exist, and none of them blameworthy.110. But everyone should hold to his own nature — not vicious, but his own — so the propriety we seek is kept more easily. Do it this way: don't fight against universal nature, but, keeping it, follow your own — so that, though others may be graver and better, you measure your pursuits by the rule of your own nature. It's not for us to fight nature or to chase what we can't attain. From this the nature of propriety emerges all the more clearly: nothing is "fitting," as they say, "with Minerva unwilling" — that is, with nature opposing and resisting.111. In short, if anything is proper at all, nothing is more so than evenness throughout the whole of life, and in each action — which you cannot keep if, imitating another man's nature, you abandon your own. Just as we should use the speech we were born to, lest — like certain people who stuff in Greek words — we be rightly laughed at, so in actions and the whole of life we should admit no inconsistency.112. And this difference of natures has such force that sometimes one man ought to take his own life in a certain cause, while another, in the same cause, ought not. Was M. Cato in a different cause than the others who surrendered in Africa to Caesar? The others might perhaps have been forgiven if they'd killed themselves, since their lives were gentler and their characters more yielding; but Cato — nature had granted him incredible sternness, and he had strengthened it with lifelong consistency, always standing by his purpose and his plan — such a man had to choose death over the face of the tyrant.113. How much did Ulysses endure in that long wandering — serving women, if Circe and Calypso deserve the name — affable and pleasant in every conversation! At home, too, he endured the insults of slaves and maids, so that at last he might reach what he sought. But Ajax, with the spirit we know, would rather have met death a thousand times than bear such things. Weighing these examples, each of us must consider what he has of his own and govern it — and not try how well things that belong to others fit him: for what is most one's own is what becomes one most.114. Let each man know his own talent and show himself a sharp judge of both his strengths and his faults, so the actors don't seem wiser than we are. They don't choose the best plays, but the ones that suit them: those who trust their voice pick Epigonus and Medus; those who trust gesture, Melanippa or Clytemnestra — always Rupilius, as I remember, in Antiope, and rarely Aesopus in Ajax. Will actors see this on the stage, and the wise man not see it in life? So labor hardest at what we're most fitted for. But if necessity ever pushes us into things outside our nature, all care, thought, and diligence must be applied, that we can do them, if not fittingly, at least as little unbefittingly as possible — nor should we so much strive after goods we weren't given, as flee from vices.115. To the two roles I described before, a third is added, imposed by some chance or time — and even a fourth, which we choose for ourselves by our own judgment. Kingdoms, commands, nobility, honors, wealth, power, and their opposites rest on chance and are governed by times; but how we carry ourselves — the role we wish to play — comes from our own will. And so some turn to philosophy, some to civil law, some to eloquence, and among the virtues themselves one man excels in one, another in another.116. But those whose fathers or ancestors won some glory usually strive to excel in the same kind — as Q. Mucius, son of Publius, in civil law; Africanus, son of Paulus, in war. Some add their own to the praise they inherited — the same Africanus piled eloquence onto his military glory, as Timotheus, son of Conon, did, who, no lesser than his father in war, added to that glory the fame of learning and genius. Sometimes some, setting aside imitation of their ancestors, follow a course of their own — and usually labor hardest at it who, born of obscure fathers, set great things before themselves.117. All these things we must hold in mind and thought when we ask what is fitting. Above all we must settle whom we wish to be, what kind of person, and in what kind of life — the hardest deliberation of all. For at the entrance of youth, when judgment is weakest, each of us fixes on the kind of life he most loves — and so we're caught in some fixed course before we could judge what was best.118. What Prodicus says of Hercules — in Xenophon — that when he first came of age, the time nature gave for choosing which road of life to enter, he went into solitude, sat long, doubting, and saw two roads — one of Pleasure, one of Virtue — wondering which was better: that might have worked for Hercules, "begotten of Jove's seed," but not for us, who imitate whom we please and are driven to their studies and teachings. Usually we're led by our parents' precepts into their habits and ways; others follow the crowd's judgment and desire most what seems grandest to the many. Some, however, by good luck or good nature, have followed the right road of life without a parent's teaching.119. But that is the rarest kind of man: those with either excellent greatness of genius or splendid learning and teaching — or both — who even had the space to deliberate which course to follow. In that deliberation, the whole counsel must return to each one's own nature. For in everything we do, we seek what fits — as I said — from how each was born; so in choosing the whole course of life, far greater care must be taken, that we can stand in the consistency of life and never limp in any duty.120. But since nature has the greatest force in this, and fortune the next, both must be weighed in choosing the course of life — nature more, for it is far firmer and steadier, so that fortune sometimes seems, like a mortal, to fight with immortal nature. Whoever carries the whole counsel of life to the course of his own nature — not a vicious one — let him keep consistency, for that is most becoming — unless he realizes he has erred in choosing. If that has happened (it can), a change of habits and institutions must be made — which, if the times favor, we'll make more easily; if not, gradually and step by step: friendships that please less and are approved less should, the wise think, be loosened gradually rather than cut off suddenly.121. But when the change of life has been made, all care must be taken that it seem done with good judgment. Since I said a while ago that we should imitate our ancestors — first excepting that vices aren't to be imitated; then, that if nature won't allow it, some things can't be copied: as the former Africanus's adopted son, this Paullus, couldn't be like his father because of weak health, though he had been like his own father — still, whatever lies in his own power must shine out: justice, faith, generosity, modesty, temperance — so the less he has, the less is required. But the best inheritance fathers hand down to children, better than all property, is the glory of virtue and of deeds — disgracing which must be judged crime and vice.122. And since different duties belong to different ages — some to the young, some to the old — something must be said of that distinction too. It belongs to the young to respect their elders and choose from them the best and most approved, leaning on their counsel and authority; for the inexperience of entering life should be governed by old men's wisdom. Above all this age must be guarded from appetites, and exercised in labor and endurance of both mind and body, so their industry can flourish in both military and civil duties. And even when they want to relax and enjoy themselves, let them watch for excess, remember modesty — which will be easier if the elders don't forbid such things altogether.123. For the old, bodily labor should lessen, but mental exercise grow; and they should give all the help they can to friends, to the young, and above all to the republic, with counsel and wisdom. But nothing must old age guard against more than laziness and sloth: luxury, shameful in every age, is foulest in old age. And if intemperance of appetite is added, the evil is doubled — old age itself conceives disgrace, and makes the young's intemperance more shameless.124. Nor is it out of place to speak of the duties of magistrates, private citizens, citizens, and foreigners. The magistrate's proper duty is to understand that he represents the city, to uphold its dignity and honor, to keep the laws, define rights, and remember what was entrusted to his faith. A private citizen should live with his fellow citizens on equal and fair terms — neither servile and degraded, nor carrying himself above them — and in the republic to will what is peaceful and honorable (that's what we call a good citizen).125. The foreigner and resident's duty is to mind nothing beyond his own business, ask nothing of others, and be no busybody in a republic not his own. That's how duties will usually be found when we ask what suits each person, time, and age. But nothing is more becoming than consistency in every undertaking and decision.126. Since that propriety shows in every act and word, and finally in the movement and posture of the body, and rests on three things — beauty, order, and ornament fitted to action (hard to express in words, but enough to understand) — and since in these three also lies that care to be approved by those we live among — a few things must be said here too. Nature herself seems to have had great design about our body: she set our face and the rest of our figure in view, where honorable beauty lies; but the parts given to nature's necessity, which would have had a deformed look, she covered and hid away.127. The modesty of men copied nature's careful work. What nature hid, everyone of sound mind removes from sight, and attends to bodily needs as hiddenly as possible; and the parts whose uses are necessary, neither those parts nor their uses they call by their own names — and to do what isn't shameful to do, if only done hiddenly, to say is obscene. So neither the open act nor the speech is free of coarseness.128. Nor should we listen to the Cynics — or the near-Cynic Stoics — who mock us because we judge shameful in words what isn't shameful in fact, and call by their true names things that ARE shameful in fact. To rob, defraud, commit adultery is shameful in fact but said without obscenity; to attend free boys is honorable in fact but obscene in name; and more in that vein is argued by them against modesty. But let us follow nature and flee whatever shocks the eyes or ears of others; let propriety hold in posture, walking, sitting, leaning, countenance, eyes, and the movement of the hands.129. Two things must chiefly be fled here: anything effeminate or soft, and anything harsh or rustic. Nor should actors and orators have these skills while we lack them. The stage's manner has such modesty from the old discipline that no actor comes on without undergarments — they fear that some part of the body might be seen unseemly if exposed. In our own custom grown sons don't bathe with their fathers, nor sons-in-law with fathers-in-law. This kind of modesty must be kept, with nature herself as teacher and guide.130. Since there are two kinds of beauty — one of charm, one of dignity — we should hold charm womanly, dignity manly. So all ornament unworthy of a man must be stripped from his form, and the like vice watched for in gesture and movement. The gymnast's movements are often odious, and some actors' gestures have no inelegance; in both kinds, the straight and simple are praised. But dignity of form must be kept by good complexion, and complexion by bodily exercise. Modest cleanliness must also be applied — not odious or over-fussy, just enough to avoid rustic and inhuman neglect. The same reason applies to dress, where, as in most things, the middle way is best.131. Care must be taken not to walk too slowly, like procession carts, nor to hurry too fast — which stirs the breath, changes the countenance, twists the face: a great sign that composure is lacking. But we must labor far more that the motions of the mind never depart from nature — which we'll attain if we guard against falling into disturbances and dejection, and keep attentive minds fixed on preserving propriety.132. The motions of the soul are of two kinds: some of thought, some of appetite. Thought chiefly concerns the search for truth; appetite drives to action. So see to it that in thought we use the best material, and that appetite obeys reason. And since speech's power is great and twofold — one kind of disputation, one of conversation — let disputation be given to the courts, assemblies, and senate; let conversation be practiced in circles, discussions, gatherings of friends, and even at dinner parties. The rules of disputation belong to the rhetoricians; of conversation there are none — though perhaps there could be. But teachers are found wherever students exist; no one studies this kind — everything is stuffed with a crowd of rhetoricians — though the rules for words and thoughts are the same, and would apply to conversation.133. Since we hold the voice as speech's signal, and in the voice we seek two things — clarity and sweetness — both should come from nature, but one is enlarged by exercise, the other by imitating the concise and gentle speakers. There was nothing in the Catuli that suggested exquisite literary judgment, though they were lettered — and yet they were thought the best speakers of Latin. The sound was sweet, the letters neither over-pronounced nor mumbled, lest they be unclear or insipid; a voice without strain, neither weak nor sing-song. L. Crassus's speech was fuller, no less witty — but the Catuli were thought no less eloquent. In wit indeed Caesar, brother of the elder Catulus, surpassed everyone: in that very forensic kind, he beat the contentious by conversation.134. In all these we must labor, if we seek what becomes us in everything. Let conversation, in which the Socratics excel, be gentle and in no way stubborn; let it have wit. Nor, as if he owned the conversation, should anyone shut others out — but as in other things, so in common talk, a fair turn belongs to each. And above all let him watch what he talks about: if serious, gravity; if witty, wit. Above all, let him guard against the conversation exposing some fault in someone's character — which most often happens when, studiously, to run down the absent, slanderous and insulting things are said, whether in jest or in earnest.135. Conversations are usually about domestic business, about the republic, or about the study and teaching of the arts. Care should be taken that if the talk starts to wander to other things, it be brought back to these — but as they arise; for we don't delight in the same things, nor at all times, nor in the same way. Notice too how far the conversation pleases, and as there was a manner of beginning, let there be a manner of ending.136. But as in all life it's most rightly taught to flee disturbances — that is, excessive motions of mind that don't obey reason — so conversation should be free of such motions: let no anger, no desire, no laziness, no listlessness, nothing of the kind appear. And take care chiefly that we seem both to respect and to care for those we talk with. Rebukes sometimes come that are necessary, in which a greater heat of voice and sharper weight of words may be used — we may even seem angry when we do it. But as with cautery and cutting, so with this kind of correction: we should come to it rarely and unwillingly, never unless necessary, when no other cure is found — but anger must be far away, with which nothing can be done rightly, nothing carefully.137. Yet much of gentle correction may be used, with gravity joined to it — so severity is applied and insult warded off, and even that bit of bite in rebuke must be shown to be for the sake of the man himself being corrected. It's right, too, even in quarrels with the bitterest enemies — even if we hear things unworthy of us — to keep our dignity and drive away anger. Things done under disturbance can neither be done steadily nor approved by those watching. It's ugly, too, to praise oneself — especially falsely — and imitate the boasting soldier to the mockery of the hearers.138. And since we pursue everything — certainly we wish to — we must also say what kind of house suits an honorable man and a leader, whose end is usefulness, to which the design of building must fit — and yet care for comfort and dignity must be applied. For Cn. Octavius, the first consul of that family, it was an honor, we're told, that he built a splendid and dignified house on the Palatine — which, when the crowd toured it, was thought to have canvassed the consulship for its new-man master. That one Scaurus demolished, and folded the acquisition into his own house. And so the one first brought the consulship into his own house; the other, son of a most illustrious man, brought into a multiplied house not only rejection but disgrace and ruin.139. For the dignity of the owner should adorn the house, not the house be sought from the house; nor the master from the house, but the house from the master be honored. And as in other things we must consider not only ourselves but others, so in the house of a famous man — into which many guests and all kinds of people must be admitted — spaciousness must be provided. Otherwise a spacious house often becomes a disgrace to its owner, if it holds solitude — and worst of all if it was once frequented by another owner. It's ugly when passersby say: "O ancient house, alas, how unlike a master do you rule" — which indeed may be said of many houses in our own times.140. Care must be taken — especially if you build yourself — not to go beyond measure in expense and magnificence, in which much evil lies even in the example. For most people diligently imitate the deeds of the great in this part above all: the virtue, say, of L. Lucullus, a great man — what of it? But how many imitate the magnificence of his villas! A limit must surely be set there and recalled to moderation. The same moderation must carry into every use and culture of life. But this much on these things.141. In every undertaking three things must be held: first, that appetite obey reason — nothing is better fitted for keeping duties; second, that we observe how great the thing is we want to accomplish, so we take neither too much nor too little care and effort for the cause; third, that we ensure whatever belongs to a liberal appearance and dignity be moderate. But the best measure is to hold the propriety itself, of which I spoke before, and go no further. Of these three, the most excellent is that appetite obey reason.142. Next we must speak of the order of things and the opportunity of times. That knowledge is contained in what the Greeks call eutaxia — not this which we translate "modesty," in which the word "measure" lies, but that is eutaxia, in which the keeping of order is understood. So, though we might call the same thing "modesty," the Stoics define it: modesty is the science of placing in their proper places the things done or said. And so it seems the same force belongs to order and arrangement — for they define order as the arrangement of things in apt and fitting places. But the place of action they call the opportunity of times; and the right time of action in Greek is eukairia, in Latin occasio. So it results that this modesty, as we translate it, is the science of the opportunity of times fit for action.143. It can be the same definition as prudence, of which I spoke at the beginning; but in this place we're asking about moderation and temperance and the virtues like them. So the things proper to prudence were said in their own place; but the things of these virtues, which belong to modesty and the approval of those we live with, must now be said.144. Such an order of actions should be kept that, as in a consistent speech, so in life everything fits together and agrees; for it's foul and a great fault to bring into a grave matter a conversation fit for a dinner party. Well did Pericles answer, when he had the poet Sophocles as colleague in office, and they had agreed on their common duty, and by chance a beautiful boy passed by, and Sophocles said: "O the beautiful boy, Pericles!" — "But it befits a magistrate, Sophocles, to keep not only his hands but his eyes abstinent." And yet this same thing, if Sophocles had said it in praising athletes, would not be without just reproach. So great is the force of place and time. As if anyone, while walking or taking a stroll before pleading a case, were mulling over his speech or thinking intently of something else — he wouldn't be reproached; but doing it at a dinner party would seem inhuman, ignorant of the time.145. But things that differ greatly from humanity — like someone singing in the forum, or any other great perversity — are easily seen and need little teaching; but those errors that seem small and can't be understood by the many must be avoided more carefully. As in strings or pipes, though they differ ever so little, the trained ear usually notices — so we must see in life that nothing differ, all the more since the concord of deeds is greater and better than of sounds.146. And as musicians' ears feel the very least miss-tuning of strings, so we, if we want to be sharp and careful judges and noticers of faults, shall often understand much from small things. From the look of the eyes, from the raising or lowering of brows, from sadness, cheerfulness, laughter, speech, silence, the raising or lowering of the voice, and other such things, we shall easily judge which of these is done fittingly and what departs from duty and nature. In this it's not inconvenient to judge of others — that if anything unbecoming appears in them, we avoid it ourselves; for somehow we see more in others than in ourselves when anything offends. So those are most easily corrected in learning whose faults the teachers imitate for the sake of correction.147. Nor is it out of place, in choosing what brings doubt, to bring in learned men, or those experienced by practice, and ask what they think of each kind of duty. For the greater part usually follows what nature herself draws toward. In this we must consider not only what each says but what each thinks, and for what cause. For as painters, sculptors, and even poets want their work seen by the crowd — so that if anything is criticized by many, it's corrected — and they both ask of themselves and of others what they did wrong: so much should be done by us through the judgment of others — many things done and not done, changed and corrected.148. But things done by the custom and institutions of civil society need no prescription; those very customs are the precepts — and no one should be led into this error: that if Socrates or Aristippus did or said anything against the custom and usage of civil society, the same be thought allowed to him. Those men earned that license with great and divine goods. But the whole system of the Cynics must be cast out; for it's hostile to modesty, without which nothing can be right, nothing honorable.149. But those whose lives have been spent in honorable and great things, who think well of the republic and have deserved well of it — or deserve it — so as to be touched with some honor or command, we should observe and cultivate; we should give much to old age, yield to those holding magistracies, make a distinction between citizen and foreigner — and among foreigners, whether they came privately or on public business. In sum — not to enumerate each — we should cultivate, guard, and keep the conciliation and consociation of the whole human race.150. Of the arts and trades, which are to be held liberal and which vulgar, we have this teaching, more or less. First, trades that arouse men's hatred are rejected: tax collectors, moneylenders. Vulgar and ungentlemanly are the trades of all hired laborers, whose work, not their skill, is bought; for in their case the wage itself is the payment of servitude. Also to be judged vulgar are those who buy from merchants what they immediately resell: they profit nothing unless they lie enormously — and nothing is fouler than lying. And all workmen are engaged in a vulgar trade: nothing can be gentlemanly in a workshop. Least approved of all are the arts that serve pleasure: fishmongers, butchers, cooks, poulterers, fishermen, as Terence says. Add perfumers, dancers, and the whole dice-table crew, if you like.151. But the arts in which greater wisdom lies, or no small utility is sought — like medicine, architecture, the teaching of honorable things — those are honorable for those to whose class they belong. But merchandise, if small, must be judged vulgar; if great and rich — bringing much from everywhere and distributing to many without vanity — it's not to be much reproved. And even if, sated with profit — or rather, content — it has carried itself from the open sea into the harbor, and from the harbor into lands and estates, it seems it can be praised with the best reason. But of everything from which anything is acquired, nothing is better than agriculture, nothing more productive, nothing sweeter, nothing more worthy of a free man. Of which, since I said enough in Cato the Elder, there you may find what belongs here.152. But from those parts of honorableness, how duties were derived, has seemed enough said. Of the honorable things themselves, however, a comparison can often arise — between two honorable things, which is MORE honorable — a place Panaetius skipped. For since all honorableness flows from four parts — one of knowledge, one of community, a third of greatness of spirit, a fourth of moderation — these are often necessarily compared with one another in choosing a duty.153. It pleases, then, that those duties fit nature better which are drawn from community than those drawn from knowledge — and this can be confirmed by this argument: that if a wise man's life should fall so that, with everything overflowing in abundance, he might consider and contemplate in the greatest leisure whatever is worthy of knowledge — nevertheless if so great a solitude should fall that he could not see a human being, he would go out of life. That wisdom, the chief of all virtues, which the Greeks call sophia — for prudence, which they call phronesis, we understand as something else: the science of things to be sought and avoided — but that wisdom I called chief is the science of things divine and human, which contains the community of gods and men, and the society between them. If that is the greatest — and it is — then necessarily the duty drawn from community must be the greatest. For the knowledge and contemplation of nature is in some way maimed and unfinished if no action follows. But action is seen chiefly in guarding human welfare — it therefore belongs to the society of the human race — therefore that is to be preferred to knowledge.154. And every best man shows and judges this in the fact itself. For who is so greedy in beholding and knowing the nature of things that, if — while studying and contemplating things most worthy of knowledge — the peril and crisis of his country were suddenly brought before him, to which he could come to aid, he would not leave all those things and cast them away, even if he thought he could count the stars or measure the size of the world? And the same he would do in the danger or business of a parent or friend.155. From these things it's understood that the duties of justice must be placed before the studies and duties of knowledge, which pertain to human welfare — than which nothing should be dearer to man. And those very men whose study and whole life was spent in the knowledge of things did not yet withdraw from increasing the welfare and convenience of men. For they taught many, so they'd be better citizens and more useful to their states — as the Theban Epaminondas by the Pythagorean Lysis, the Syracusan Dion by Plato, and many by many; and we ourselves, whatever we brought to the republic — if we brought anything — approached it instructed by teachers and doctrine, equipped.156. Nor do only the living and present teach and instruct students: they achieve the same even after death, by the monuments of letters. For nothing concerning laws, morals, or the discipline of the republic has been left unwritten by those who could serve it — so they seem to have given their leisure to our business. So those very men devoted to the studies of doctrine and wisdom carry their understanding and prudence chiefly to human welfare; and for that reason it's better to speak copiously, provided wisely, than to think even most sharply without eloquence — for thought turns within itself, but eloquence embraces those joined to us in community.157. And as swarms of bees don't gather to build honeycombs, but since they're by nature gregarious, they build them — so men, and far more, gathered by nature, apply the sharpness of acting and thinking. And so unless that virtue, which consists in guarding men — that is, in the society of the human race — joins the knowledge of things, solitary knowledge seems empty and barren; and likewise greatness of spirit, far from community and human fellowship, is a kind of savagery and brutishness. So it comes to pass that the association and community of men outranks the pursuit of knowledge.158. Nor is what some say true — that because of the necessities of life, since we couldn't attain and accomplish what nature desired without others, therefore human community and society began; as if, if everything for food and living were supplied to us, as it were by a divine wand, as they say, then every best mind, laying aside all business, would give its whole self to knowledge and learning. Not so. He would flee solitude and seek a partner in study; then he would wish to teach, then to learn; then to hear, then to speak. Therefore every duty that serves the joining of men and the keeping of society is to be preferred to the duty contained in knowledge and science.159. That perhaps must be asked — whether this community, which is most fitted to nature, should always also be placed before moderation and modesty. I don't think so. There are certain things partly so foul, partly so atrocious, that even for the sake of saving his country the wise man would not do them. Posidonius collected very many of these; but certain things are so foul, so obscene, that they even seem shameful to say. These, then, he will not do for the republic's sake — nor would the republic, for its own sake, even wish them done. But this much has been gained: that no time can come when it would be in the republic's interest for the wise man to do any of those things.160. Wherefore this at least has been established: in choosing duties, that class of duties excels which is held by the society of men. For knowledge and prudence will follow the considered action; so it comes to pass that to act considerately is worth more than to think prudently. And this much, indeed, so far. The place itself has been laid open, so that in seeking duty it isn't hard to see what is to be preferred to each. In community itself, however, are the degrees of duties, from which it can be understood what is owed to each: first to the immortal gods, second to the country, third to parents — and then, by degrees, the rest.