For Archias the Poet
Section 1
Latin
Chapter 1
si quid est in me ingeni, iudices, quod sentio quam sit exiguum, aut si qua exercitatio dicendi, in qua me non infitior mediocriter esse versatum, aut si huiusce rei ratio aliqua ab optimarum artium studiis ac disciplina profecta, a qua ego nullum confiteor aetatis meae tempus abhorruisse, earum rerum omnium vel in primis hic A. Licinius fructum a me repetere prope suo iure debet. nam quoad longissime potest mens mea respicere spatium praeteriti temporis et pueritiae memoriam recordari ultimam, inde usque repetens hunc video mihi principem et ad suscipiendam et ad ingrediendam rationem horum studiorum exstitisse. quod si haec vox huius hortatu praeceptisque conformata non nullis aliquando saluti fuit, a quo id accepimus quo ceteris opitulari et alios servare possemus, huic profecto ipsi, quantum est situm in nobis, et opem et salutem ferre debemus.
English
Chapter 1
If I have any talent, judges—and I know how slight it is—or any practice in speaking, in which I do not deny that I have gained some experience, or any understanding of this art derived from the study and discipline of the finest branches of learning, from which, I acknowledge, no period of my life has ever been estranged, then Aulus Licinius here has almost a rightful claim to be among the first to demand the fruits of all these things from me. For as far as my mind can look back across the years gone by and recover the earliest memories of childhood, I see him, from that distant beginning, as the first to inspire me to undertake these studies and set me on their path. If this voice, shaped by his encouragement and instruction, has sometimes brought deliverance to others, then surely, to the man from whom I received the means to help others and save them, I owe all the help and protection it lies within my power to give.
Section 2
ac ne quis a nobis hoc ita dici forte miretur, quod alia quaedam in hoc facultas sit ingeni neque haec dicendi ratio aut disciplina, ne nos quidem huic uni studio penitus umquam dediti fuimus. etenim omnes artes quae ad humanitatem pertinent habent quoddam commune vinclum et quasi cognatione quadam inter se continentur.
And let no one be surprised that I speak this way because his talent lies in a different field, rather than in this discipline and practice of speaking. I myself have never been wholly devoted to this one pursuit alone. Indeed, all the arts that cultivate our humanity have a common bond and are joined to one another by a kind of kinship.
Section 3
Chapter 2
sed ne cui vestrum mirum esse videatur, me in quaestione legitima et in iudicio publico, cum res agatur apud praetorem populi Romani, lectissimum virum, et apud severissimos iudices, tanto conventu hominum ac frequentia hoc uti genere dicendi quod non modo a consuetudine iudiciorum verum etiam a forensi sermone abhorreat, quaeso a vobis ut in hac causa mihi detis hanc veniam accommodatam huic reo, vobis, quem ad modum spero, non molestam, ut me pro summo poeta atque eruditissimo homine dicentem hoc concursu hominum litteratissimorum, hac vestra humanitate, hoc denique praetore exercente iudicium, patiamini de studiis humanitatis ac litterarum paulo loqui liberius, et in eius modi persona quae propter otium ac studium minime in iudiciis periculisque tractata est uti prope novo quodam et inusitato genere dicendi.
Chapter 2
But lest any of you find it strange that, in a statutory inquiry and a public trial, before a praetor of the Roman people, a man of the highest distinction, and before judges of the strictest integrity, amid so large a gathering and such a crowded audience, I should use a manner of speaking foreign not only to courtroom practice but even to the ordinary language of the forum, I ask you to grant me a liberty suited to this defendant and, I hope, not unwelcome to yourselves. Speaking for a poet of the highest order and a man of profound learning, before this gathering of deeply cultivated people, with your own culture to encourage me, and with this particular praetor presiding, allow me to speak somewhat more freely about humane learning and literature. And in defending a man whose quiet, studious life has left him little acquainted with trials and their dangers, allow me a manner of speaking that is almost new and unfamiliar.
Section 4
quod si mihi a vobis tribui concedique sentiam, perficiam profecto ut hunc A. Licinium non modo non segregandum, cum sit civis, a numero civium verum etiam, si non esset, putetis asciscendum fuisse.
Chapter 3
nam ut primum ex pueris excessit Archias atque ab eis artibus quibus aetas puerilis ad humanitatem informari solet, se ad scribendi studium contulit, primum Antiochiae— nam ibi natus est loco nobili—celebri quondam urbe et copiosa atque eruditissimis hominibus liberalissimisque studiis adfluenti, celeriter antecellere omnibus ingeni gloria coepit. post in ceteris Asiae partibus cunctaque Graecia sic eius adventus celebrabantur ut famam ingeni exspectatio hominis, exspectationem ipsius adventus admiratioque superaret.
If I find that you grant and allow me this, I shall surely persuade you that Aulus Licinius here should not only remain among our citizens, since he is one, but that, even if he were not, he ought to have been admitted.
Chapter 3
For as soon as Archias passed beyond boyhood and the studies by which the young are ordinarily formed in humane learning, he devoted himself to writing. First at Antioch—where he was born into a distinguished family, in a city once renowned and prosperous, abounding in deeply learned men and the most liberal pursuits—he soon began to surpass everyone in the reputation of his talent. Later, throughout the rest of Asia and all of Greece, his visits were so celebrated that anticipation of the man surpassed the fame of his talent, while his arrival and the admiration he inspired surpassed that anticipation.
Section 5
erat Italia tum plena Graecarum artium ac disciplinarum, studiaque haec et in Latio vehementius tum colebantur quam nunc isdem in oppidis, et hic Romae propter tranquillitatem rei publicae non neglegebantur. itaque hunc et Tarentini [et Locrenses] et Regini et Neapolitani civitate ceterisque praemiis donarunt, et omnes qui aliquid de ingeniis poterant iudicare cognitione atque hospitio dignum existimarunt. hac tanta celebritate famae cum esset iam absentibus notus, Romam venit Mario consule et Catulo. nactus est primum consules eos quorum alter res ad scribendum maximas, alter cum res gestas tum etiam studium atque auris adhibere posset. statim Luculli, cum praetextatus etiam tum Archias esset, eum domum suam receperunt. dedit etiam hoc non solum [lumen] ingeni ac litterarum verum etiam naturae atque virtutis ut domus, quae huius adulescentiae prima favit, eadem esset familiarissima senectuti.
Italy was then full of Greek arts and learning. These studies were cultivated more eagerly in Latium then than they are now in the same towns, and here at Rome, too, the peace of the republic allowed them their due attention. Accordingly, the people of Tarentum, Locri, Rhegium, and Naples honored him with citizenship and other rewards, and everyone capable of judging talent considered him worthy of their acquaintance and hospitality. With his reputation so widely celebrated that people already knew him without having met him, he came to Rome in the consulship of Marius and Catulus. He thus first encountered consuls of whom one could supply the greatest deeds for him to write about, while the other could offer both achievements and an attentive, sympathetic ear. The Luculli immediately welcomed him into their home, although Archias still wore the bordered toga of boyhood. The brilliance not only of his talent and learning but also of his character and virtue ensured this further blessing: the household that first encouraged his youth remained his closest friend in old age.
Section 6
erat temporibus illis iucundus Q. Metello illi Numidico et eius Pio filio, audiebatur a M. Aemilio, vivebat cum Q. Catulo et patre et filio, a L. Crasso colebatur, Lucullos vero et Drusum et Octavios et Catonem et totam Hortensiorum domum devinctam consuetudine cum teneret, adficiebatur summo honore, quod eum non solum colebant qui aliquid percipere atque audire studebant verum etiam si qui forte simulabant.
Chapter 4
interim satis longo intervallo, cum esset cum M. Lucullo in Siciliam profectus et cum ex ea provincia cum eodem Lucullo decederet, venit Heracleam. quae cum esset civitas aequissimo iure ac foedere, ascribi se in eam civitatem voluit idque, cum ipse per se dignus putaretur, tum auctoritate et gratia Luculli ab Heracliensibus impetravit.
In those days he was dear to the renowned Quintus Metellus Numidicus and to his son Pius; Marcus Aemilius listened to him; he was close to both the elder and the younger Quintus Catulus; Lucius Crassus held him in esteem. As for the Luculli, Drusus, the Octavii, Cato, and the entire household of the Hortensii, he bound them to himself through intimate friendship and received the highest honors from them. For he was courted not only by those eager to learn and listen, but even by any who merely pretended to be.
Chapter 4
Meanwhile, after a considerable interval, he traveled to Sicily with Marcus Lucullus, and on leaving that province with the same Lucullus, he came to Heraclea. Since this community enjoyed exceptionally favorable rights and treaty terms, he wished to be enrolled among its citizens. The people of Heraclea granted his request both because they thought him worthy in his own right and because of Lucullus’s influence and standing.
Section 7
data est civitas Silvani lege et Carbonis: “si qui foederatis civitatibus ascripti fuissent, si tum cum lex ferebatur in Italia domicilium habuissent et si sexaginta diebus apud praetorem essent professi.” Cum hic domicilium Romae multos iam annos haberet, professus est apud praetorem
Citizenship was granted under the law of Silvanus and Carbo “to anyone who had been enrolled in an allied community, provided that he had a home in Italy when the law was proposed and registered before a praetor within sixty days.” Since he had already made his home at Rome for many years, he registered before the praetor
Section 8
Q. Metellum, familiarissimum suum. si nihil aliud nisi de civitate ac lege dicimus, nihil dico amplius; causa dicta est. quid enim horum infirmari, Gratti, potest? Heracleaene esse tum ascriptum negabis? adest vir summa auctoritate et religione et fide, M. Lucullus; qui se non opinari sed scire, non audisse sed vidisse, non interfuisse sed egisse dicit. adsunt Heraclienses legati, nobilissimi homines, huius iudici causa cum mandatis et cum publico testimonio venerunt; qui hunc ascriptum Heracliae esse dicunt. hic tu tabulas desideras Heracliensium publicas, quas Italico bello incenso tabulario interisse scimus omnes? est ridiculum ad ea quae habemus nihil dicere, quaerere quae habere non possumus, et de hominum memoria tacere, litterarum memoriam flagitare et, cum habeas amplissimi viri religionem, integerrimi municipi ius iurandum fidemque, ea quae depravari nullo modo possunt repudiare, tabulas quas idem dicis solere corrumpi desiderare.
Quintus Metellus, his very close friend. If citizenship and the law are all we are discussing, I need say nothing more: the case is made. For which of these points, Grattius, can be disproved? Will you deny that he was enrolled at Heraclea at that time? Marcus Lucullus is here, a man of the highest standing, scrupulous integrity, and trustworthiness. He declares that he does not suppose it but knows it, did not hear of it but saw it, was not merely present but secured it himself. The delegates from Heraclea are here, men of the highest distinction, who have come for this trial with official instructions and their community’s testimony. They state that he was enrolled at Heraclea. Do you now demand the public records of Heraclea, which we all know were destroyed when the archive burned during the Italian War? It is absurd to say nothing in answer to the evidence we have and to demand what we cannot have; to pass over human memory in silence and insist upon the memory preserved in writing; and, when you have the solemn assurance of a man of the highest distinction and the sworn, trustworthy testimony of a community of impeccable integrity, to reject evidence that cannot possibly be falsified and demand records that you yourself say are regularly tampered with.
Section 9
an domicilium Romae non habuit is qui tot annis [ante] civitatem datam sedem omnium rerum ac fortunarum suarum Romae conlocavit? an non est professus? immo vero eis tabulis professus quae solae ex illa professione conlegioque praetorum obtinent publicarum tabularum auctoritatem.
Chapter 5
nam, cum Appi tabulae neglegentius adservatae dicerentur, Gabini, quam diu incolumis fuit, levitas, post damnationem calamitas omnem tabularum fidem resignasset, Metellus, homo sanctissimus modestissimusque omnium, tanta diligentia fuit ut ad L. Lentulum praetorem et ad iudices venerit et unius nominis litura se commotum esse dixerit. his igitur [in] tabulis nullam lituram in nomine A. Licini videtis.
Or did he have no residence in Rome—a man who, so many years before citizenship was granted, had established here the center of all his affairs and fortunes? Did he fail to register? On the contrary, he registered in the only records from that registration and that board of praetors that retain the authority of public documents.
Chapter 5
For while Appius’s records were reportedly kept rather carelessly, and Gabinius’s irresponsibility before his conviction and disgrace afterward had destroyed all confidence in his records, Metellus, the most upright and self-controlled of men, was so scrupulous that he appeared before the praetor Lucius Lentulus and the judges to say that an erasure against a single name had disturbed him. In these records, then, you see no erasure against the name of Aulus Licinius.
Section 10
quae cum ita sint, quid est quod de eius civitate dubitetis, praesertim cum aliis quoque in civitatibus fuerit ascriptus? etenim cum mediocribus multis et aut nulla aut humili aliqua arte praeditis gratuito civitatem in Graecia homines impertiebant, Reginos credo aut Locrensis aut Neapolitanos aut Tarentinos, quod scaenicis artificibus largiri solebant, id huic summa ingeni praedito gloria noluisse! quid? cum ceteri non modo post civitatem datam sed etiam post legem Papiam aliquo modo in eorum municipiorum tabulas inrepserunt, hic qui ne utitur quidem illis in quibus est scriptus, quod semper se Heracliensem esse voluit, reicietur?
Since this is so, what reason have you to doubt his citizenship, especially when he was also enrolled as a citizen in other communities? For when people throughout Greece freely granted citizenship to many ordinary men, men with no skill at all or only some humble accomplishment, I suppose the people of Rhegium or Locri or Naples or Tarentum refused this man, whose genius had won the highest renown, what they regularly bestowed on theatrical performers! And consider this: while others somehow slipped into the registers of those municipalities not only after citizenship had been granted but even after the Papian law, is this man to be rejected—he who makes no use even of the citizenships under which he is enrolled, because he has always wished to be a citizen of Heraclea?
Section 11
census nostros requiris. scilicet; est enim obscurum proximis censoribus hunc cum clarissimo imperatore L. Lucullo apud exercitum fuisse, superioribus cum eodem quaestore fuisse in Asia, primis Iulio et Crasso nullam populi partem esse censam. sed, quoniam census non ius civitatis confirmat ac tantum modo indicat eum qui sit census ita se iam tum gessisse, pro cive, eis temporibus [is] quem tu criminaris ne ipsius quidem iudicio in civium Romanorum iure esse versatum et testamentum saepe fecit nostris legibus, et adiit hereditates civium Romanorum, et in beneficiis ad aerarium delatus est a L. Lucullo pro consule.
Chapter 6
quaere argumenta, si quae potes; numquam enim hic neque suo neque amicorum iudicio revincetur.
You ask for our census records. Of course! For apparently no one knows that at the most recent census he was with the army under that distinguished commander Lucius Lucullus; at the preceding census he was in Asia with the same man, then quaestor; and at the first, under Julius and Crassus, no part of the people was registered at all. But a census does not establish the right of citizenship: it merely indicates that the person registered was already acting as a citizen at that time. And during the very period when, as you allege, he did not regard himself as enjoying the rights of a Roman citizen, he repeatedly made wills under our laws, entered into inheritances from Roman citizens, and was reported to the treasury by the proconsul Lucius Lucullus among those awarded benefits.
Chapter 6
Look for evidence, if you can find any; for neither his own judgment nor that of his friends will ever furnish proof against him.
Section 12
quaeres a nobis, Gratti, cur tanto opere hoc homine delectemur. quia suppeditat nobis ubi et animus ex hoc forensi strepitu reficiatur et aures convicio defessae conquiescant. an tu existimas aut suppetere nobis posse quod cotidie dicamus in tanta varietate rerum, nisi animos nostros doctrina excolamus, aut ferre animos tantam posse contentionem, nisi eos doctrina eadem relaxemus? ego vero fateor me his studiis esse deditum. ceteros pudeat, si qui ita se litteris abdiderunt ut nihil possint ex eis neque ad communem adferre fructum neque in aspectum lucemque proferre; me autem quid pudeat qui tot annos ita vivo, iudices, ut a nullius umquam me tempore aut commodo aut otium meum abstraxerit aut voluptas avocarit aut denique somnus retardarit?
You will ask me, Grattius, why I take such delight in this man. Because he provides a place where my mind can recover from this clamor of the courts, and my ears, exhausted by angry shouting, can find rest. Do you suppose I could find enough to say every day on so great a variety of matters unless I cultivated my mind through learning? Or that my mind could endure such strain unless I also relaxed it through that same learning? For my part, I admit my devotion to these studies. Let others feel ashamed, if they have buried themselves in literature so completely that they can bring nothing from it to the common benefit, nothing into the light of public view. But why should I feel ashamed, judges, when for so many years I have lived in such a way that my leisure has never drawn me away from anyone’s need or interests, pleasure has never called me aside, and even sleep has never held me back?
Section 13
qua re quis tandem me reprehendat, aut quis mihi iure suscenseat, si, quantum ceteris ad suas res obeundas, quantum ad festos dies ludorum celebrandos, quantum ad alias voluptates et ad ipsam requiem animi et corporis conceditur temporum, quantum alii tribuunt tempestivis conviviis, quantum denique alveolo, quantum pilae, tantum mihi egomet ad haec studia recolenda sumpsero? atque id eo mihi concedendum est magis quod ex his studiis haec quoque crescit oratio et facultas quae, quantacumque [est] in me, numquam amicorum periculis defuit. quae si cui levior videtur, illa quidem certe quae summa sunt ex quo fonte hauriam sentio.
Who, then, could reproach me, or who could justly resent it, if I reserve for renewing these studies as much time as others are allowed for attending to their own affairs, for celebrating festival days with public games, for other pleasures and for the very rest of mind and body—as much as others devote to banquets that begin early, to the gaming board, or to ball games? And I have all the greater claim to this allowance because these studies also nourish my eloquence and my power of speech, which, whatever their measure, have never failed my friends in their hour of danger. If anyone considers that a lesser matter, I certainly know the spring from which I draw those things that matter most.
Section 14
nam nisi multorum praeceptis multisque litteris mihi ab adulescentia suasissem nihil esse in vita magno opere expetendum nisi laudem atque honestatem, in ea autem persequenda omnis cruciatus corporis, omnia pericula mortis atque exsili parvi esse ducenda, numquam me pro salute vestra in tot ac tantas dimicationes atque in hos profligatorum hominum cotidianos impetus obiecissem. sed pleni omnes sunt libri, plenae sapientium voces, plena exemplorum vetustas; quae iacerent in tenebris omnia, nisi litterarum lumen accederet. quam multas nobis imagines non solum ad intuendum verum etiam ad imitandum fortissimorum virorum expressas scriptores et Graeci et Latini reliquerunt! quas ego mihi semper in administranda re publica proponens animum et mentem meam ipsa cogitatione hominum excellentium conformabam.
For unless, through the teachings of many people and through wide reading, I had convinced myself from my youth that nothing in life deserves to be earnestly sought except glory and moral honor, and that in pursuing them every bodily torment, every danger of death and exile, must count for little, I would never have thrown myself into so many great struggles for your safety, or exposed myself to these daily attacks by corrupt men. But books are full of these lessons, the words of the wise are full of them, and the past is full of examples; all would lie in darkness without the light of literature. How many portraits of the bravest men Greek and Latin writers have left us, vividly drawn not only for us to contemplate but also to imitate! By keeping these always before me as I conducted public affairs, I shaped my heart and mind through the very contemplation of outstanding men.
Section 15
Chapter 7
quaeret quispiam: “quid? illi ipsi summi viri quorum virtutes litteris proditae sunt istane doctrina quam tu effers laudibus eruditi fuerunt?” difficile est hoc de omnibus confirmare, sed tamen est certum quid respondeam. ego multos homines excellenti animo ac virtute fuisse sine doctrina, et naturae ipsius habitu prope divino per se ipsos et moderatos et gravis exstitisse fateor; etiam illud adiungo, saepius ad laudem atque virtutem naturam sine doctrina quam sine natura valuisse doctrinam. atque idem ego hoc contendo, cum ad naturam eximiam et inlustrem accesserit ratio quaedam conformatioque doctrinae, tum illud nescio quid praeclarum ac singulare solere exsistere.
Chapter 7
Someone will ask: “What, then? Were those very great men whose virtues literature has preserved educated in the learning you praise so highly?” It is difficult to assert this of them all; but I nevertheless have a definite answer. I admit that many men have possessed exceptional spirit and virtue without learning, and that through an almost divine natural disposition they have become self-controlled and serious-minded by their own efforts. I would even add that nature without learning has more often led to glory and virtue than learning without nature. Yet I also maintain this: when an exceptional and distinguished nature is joined by the discipline and cultivation of learning, something splendid and unique is generally the result.
Section 16
ex hoc esse hunc numero quem patres nostri viderunt, divinum hominem, Africanum, ex hoc C. Laelium, L. Furium, moderatissimos homines et continentissimos, ex hoc fortissimum virum et illis temporibus doctissimum, [M.] Catonem illum senem; qui profecto si nihil ad percipiendam colendamque virtutem litteris adiuvarentur, numquam se ad earum studium contulissent. quod si non hic tantus fructus ostenderetur, et si ex his studiis delectatio sola peteretur, tamen, ut opinor, hanc animi remissionem humanissimam ac liberalissimam iudicaretis. nam ceterae neque temporum sunt neque aetatum omnium neque locorum; at haec studia adulescentiam acuunt, senectutem oblectant, secundas res ornant, adversis perfugium ac solacium praebent, delectant domi, non impediunt foris, pernoctant nobiscum, peregrinantur, rusticantur.
To this company belonged that godlike man whom our fathers saw, Africanus; to it belonged Gaius Laelius and Lucius Furius, men of the greatest moderation and self-restraint; to it belonged that elder Marcus Cato, a man of extraordinary courage and, for his time, extraordinary learning. Surely, if literature had done nothing to help them understand and cultivate virtue, they would never have devoted themselves to its study. But even if no such great benefit could be shown, even if pleasure alone were sought from these studies, you would still, I think, judge this recreation of the mind the most humane and the most worthy of a free person. For other recreations do not suit every time, every age, or every place; but these studies sharpen youth, delight old age, adorn prosperity, and offer refuge and consolation in adversity. They bring pleasure at home without hindering us abroad; they keep watch through the night with us, travel with us, and accompany us into the country.
Section 17
quod si ipsi haec neque attingere neque sensu nostro gustare possemus, tamen ea mirari deberemus, etiam cum in aliis videremus.
Chapter 8
quis nostrum tam animo agresti ac duro fuit ut Rosci morte nuper non commoveretur? qui cum esset senex mortuus, tamen propter excellentem artem ac venustatem videbatur omnino mori non debuisse. ergo ille corporis motu tantum amorem sibi conciliarat a nobis omnibus; nos animorum incredibilis motus celeritatemque ingeniorum neglegemus?
But even if we ourselves could neither pursue these studies nor taste their pleasures, we should still admire them when we saw them in others.
Chapter 8
Which of us was ever so coarse and hard of heart that he was not moved by Roscius’s recent death? Though he died an old man, such were his consummate art and grace that it seemed he should never have died at all. Did he, then, win such love from all of us through the movements of his body, while we are to disregard the astonishing movements of the mind and the swiftness of the intellect?
Section 18
quotiens ego hunc Archiam vidi, iudices,—utar enim vestra benignitate, quoniam me in hoc novo genere dicendi tam diligenter attenditis—quotiens ego hunc vidi, cum litteram scripsisset nullam, magnum numerum optimorum versuum de eis ipsis rebus quae tum agerentur dicere ex tempore, quotiens revocatum eandem rem dicere commutatis verbis atque sententiis! quae vero accurate cogitateque scripsisset, ea sic vidi probari ut ad veterum scriptorum laudem perveniret. hunc ego non diligam, non admirer, non omni ratione defendendum putem? atque sic a summis hominibus eruditissimisque accepimus, ceterarum rerum studia ex doctrina et praeceptis et arte constare, poetam natura ipsa valere et mentis viribus excitari et quasi divino quodam spiritu inflari. qua re suo iure noster ille Ennius “sanctos” appellat poetas, quod quasi deorum aliquo dono atque munere commendati nobis esse videantur.
How often, gentlemen of the jury, have I seen Archias here—I will take advantage of your kindness, since you are listening so attentively to this unfamiliar kind of pleading—how often have I seen him, without having written a single letter, improvise a great number of excellent verses on the very matters being discussed at the time! How often, when called upon to repeat himself, have I heard him treat the same subject with different words and thoughts! And the works he had written with care and reflection I have seen acclaimed so highly that he rivaled the renown of the ancient writers. Should I not love this man, not admire him, not consider him worthy of defense by every means?
Moreover, we have learned from men of the greatest distinction and learning that other pursuits depend on teaching, rules, and practiced skill, but that the poet draws his power from nature itself, is stirred by the strength of his own mind, and is filled with something like a divine breath. Rightly, then, does our own Ennius call poets “sacred,” since they seem entrusted to us by a special gift and bounty of the gods.
Section 19
sit igitur, iudices, sanctum apud vos, humanissimos homines, hoc poetae nomen quod nulla umquam barbaria violavit. Saxa atque solitudines voci respondent, bestiae saepe immanes cantu flectuntur atque consistunt; nos instituti rebus optimis non poetarum voce moveamur? Homerum Colophonii civem esse dicunt suum, Chii suum vindicant, Salaminii repetunt, Smyrnaei vero suum esse confirmant itaque etiam delubrum eius in oppido dedicaverunt, permulti alii praeterea pugnant inter se atque contendunt.
Chapter 9
ergo illi alienum, quia poeta fuit, post mortem etiam expetunt; nos hunc vivum qui et voluntate et legibus noster est repudiamus, praesertim cum omne olim studium atque omne ingenium contulerit Archias ad populi Romani gloriam laudemque celebrandam? nam et Cimbricas res adulescens attigit et ipsi illi C. Mario qui durior ad haec studia videbatur iucundus fuit.
Let this name of poet, then, which no barbarous people has ever profaned, be sacred in your eyes, gentlemen, with all your refinement. Rocks and solitary places answer the voice; savage beasts are often swayed by song and stop to listen. Are we, nurtured on the finest learning, to remain unmoved by the voice of poets? The people of Colophon say that Homer is their citizen; the Chians claim him as their own; the people of Salamis demand him back; the Smyrnaeans insist that he belongs to them and have even dedicated a shrine to him in their city. Many others besides dispute and contend with one another over him.
Chapter 9
Do they, then, seek a stranger even after his death because he was a poet, while we reject this living man, who is ours both by choice and by law—especially when Archias long ago devoted all his energies and all his talent to celebrating the glory and renown of the Roman people? As a young man he treated the war against the Cimbri, and he won the affection even of Gaius Marius himself, who seemed rather unresponsive to such pursuits.
Section 20
neque enim quisquam est tam aversus a Musis qui non mandari versibus aeternum suorum laborum praeconium facile patiatur. Themistoclem illum, summum Athenis virum, dixisse aiunt, cum ex eo quaereretur quod acroama aut cuius vocem libentissime audiret: “eius a quo sua virtus optime praedicaretur.” itaque ille Marius item eximie L. Plotium dilexit, cuius ingenio putabat ea quae gesserat posse celebrari.
For no one is so estranged from the Muses that he would not readily welcome an everlasting tribute to his labors enshrined in verse. Themistocles, that foremost man of Athens, is said to have been asked what performer, or whose voice, he most enjoyed hearing. He answered, “The man who best proclaims my valor.” So Marius, too, was exceptionally fond of Lucius Plotius, whose talent, he thought, could celebrate his achievements.
Section 21
Mithridaticum vero bellum magnum atque difficile et in multa varietate terra marique versatum totum ab hoc expressum est; qui libri non modo L. Lucullum, fortissimum et clarissimum virum, verum etiam populi Romani nomen inlustrant. populus enim Romanus aperuit Lucullo imperante Pontum et regiis quondam opibus et ipsa natura et regione vallatum, populi Romani exercitus eodem duce non maxima manu innumerabilis Armeniorum copias fudit, populi Romani laus est urbem amicissimam Cyzicenorum eiusdem consilio ex omni impetu regio atque totius belli ore ac faucibus ereptam esse atque servatam; nostra semper feretur et praedicabitur L. Lucullo dimicante, cum interfectis ducibus depressa hostium classis est, incredibilis apud Tenedum pugna illa navalis, nostra sunt tropaea, nostra monumenta, nostri triumphi. quae quorum ingeniis efferuntur, ab eis populi Romani fama celebratur.
The Mithridatic War, great and difficult, fought with many turns of fortune on land and sea, has been portrayed in its entirety by Archias. Those books shed luster not only on Lucius Lucullus, a man of outstanding courage and distinction, but also on the name of the Roman people. For it was the Roman people, under Lucullus’s command, who opened Pontus, fortified both by the former wealth of its kings and by the very nature and position of the country. It was the army of the Roman people that, under the same commander, with no very large force routed the countless hosts of the Armenians. It is to the glory of the Roman people that the city of Cyzicus, our devoted friend, was rescued and preserved by his strategy from every assault of the king and from the very jaws and throat of the whole war.
Ours will always be the glory, ours the acclaim, of that incredible naval battle off Tenedos, where Lucius Lucullus fought and the enemy fleet was sunk, its commanders killed. Ours are the trophies, ours the memorials, ours the triumphs. Those whose talents exalt these deeds celebrate the fame of the Roman people.
Section 22
carus fuit Africano superiori noster Ennius, itaque etiam in sepulcro Scipionum putatur is esse constitutus ex marmore. at eis laudibus certe non solum ipse qui laudatur sed etiam populi Romani nomen ornatur. in caelum huius proavus Cato tollitur; magnus honos populi Romani rebus adiungitur. omnes denique illi maximi, Marcelli, Fulvii non sine communi omnium nostrum laude decorantur.
Chapter 10
ergo illum qui haec fecerat, Rudinum hominem, maiores nostri in civitatem receperunt; nos hunc Heracliensem multis civitatibus expetitum, in hac autem legibus constitutum de nostra civitate eiciamus?
Our Ennius was dear to the elder Africanus, and a marble statue of him is even believed to stand in the tomb of the Scipios. Yet such praises certainly honor not only the man praised but also the name of the Roman people. Cato, the great-grandfather of the man here before us, is raised to the skies: great honor is added to the achievements of the Roman people. In short, all those great men—the Marcelli, the Fulvii—are adorned with praise that all of us share.
Chapter 10
Our ancestors, then, admitted to citizenship the man who had done these things, a man from Rudiae. Are we to expel from our citizenship this man from Heraclea, whom many cities have sought as their own, but whose place in this one is established by law?
Section 23
nam si quis minorem gloriae fructum putat ex Graecis versibus percipi quam ex Latinis, vehementer errat, propterea quod Graeca leguntur in omnibus fere gentibus, Latina suis finibus exiguis sane continentur. qua re, si res eae quas gessimus orbis terrae regionibus definiuntur, cupere debemus, quo hominum nostrorum tela pervenerint, eodem gloriam famamque penetrare, quod cum ipsis populis de quorum rebus scribitur haec ampla sunt, tum eis certe qui de vita gloriae causa dimicant hoc maximum et periculorum incitamentum est et laborum.
For anyone who thinks that Greek verse yields a smaller harvest of glory than Latin is profoundly mistaken. Greek is read among almost every people, while Latin is confined within its own admittedly narrow borders. Therefore, if the boundaries of our achievements are the ends of the earth, we should wish our glory and fame to penetrate wherever our countrymen’s weapons have reached. For this brings distinction to the very peoples whose deeds are recorded; and for those who risk their lives for glory, it is surely the greatest incentive to face both danger and toil.
Section 24
quam multos scriptores rerum suarum magnus ille Alexander secum habuisse dicitur! atque is tamen, cum in Sigeo ad Achillis tumulum astitisset: “o fortunate,” inquit, “adulescens, qui tuae virtutis Homerum praeconem inveneris!” et vere. nam, nisi Ilias illa exstitisset, idem tumulus qui corpus eius contexerat nomen etiam obruisset. quid? noster hic Magnus qui cum virtute fortunam adaequavit, nonne Theophanem Mytilenaeum, scriptorem rerum suarum, in contione militum civitate donavit, et nostri illi fortes viri, sed rustici ac milites, dulcedine quadam gloriae commoti quasi participes eiusdem laudis magno illud clamore approbaverunt?
How many chroniclers of his deeds Alexander the Great is said to have kept with him! And yet, when he stood beside Achilles’ tomb at Sigeum, he said, “Fortunate young man, to have found Homer as the herald of your valor!” And rightly so. For had that Iliad never existed, the same mound that covered his body would also have buried his name.
And what of our own Pompey the Great, who has matched his fortune with his valor? Did he not grant citizenship to Theophanes of Mytilene, the historian of his deeds, before an assembly of his soldiers? And did not those brave men of ours, rustic soldiers though they were, stirred by the sweetness of glory, approve the act with a mighty shout, as though they shared in that same praise?
Section 25
itaque, credo, si civis Romanus Archias legibus non esset, ut ab aliquo imperatore civitate donaretur perficere non potuit. Sulla cum Hispanos et Gallos donaret, credo, hunc petentem repudiasset; quem nos vidimus, cum ei libellum malus poeta de populo subiecisset, quod epigramma in eum fecisset tantum modo alternis versibus longiusculis, statim ex eis rebus quas tum vendebat iubere ei praemium tribui, sed ea condicione ne quid postea scriberet. qui sedulitatem mali poetae duxerit aliquo tamen praemio dignam, huius ingenium et virtutem in scribendo et copiam non expetisset?
And so, I suppose, if Archias had not been a Roman citizen by law, he could not have arranged for some commander to grant him citizenship! Sulla, while granting it to Spaniards and Gauls, would surely have rejected his request! Yet we ourselves saw Sulla, when a bad poet from the crowd handed him a little book containing an epigram in his honor, written merely in alternating lines of rather excessive length, immediately order that the man receive a reward from the property he was then selling—but on condition that he never write again. Would a man who thought even a bad poet’s diligence worthy of some reward not have sought this man’s genius, excellence in writing, and abundance of expression?
Section 26
quid? a Q. Metello Pio, familiarissimo suo, qui civitate multos donavit, neque per se neque per Lucullos impetravisset? qui praesertim usque eo de suis rebus scribi cuperet ut etiam Cordubae natis poetis pingue quiddam sonantibus atque peregrinum tamen auris suas dederet.
Chapter 11
neque enim est hoc dissimulandum quod obscurari non potest, sed prae nobis ferendum: trahimur omnes studio laudis, et optimus quisque maxime gloria ducitur. ipsi illi philosophi etiam in eis libellis quos de contemnenda gloria scribunt nomen suum inscribunt; in eo ipso in quo praedicationem nobilitatemque despiciunt praedicari de se ac [se] nominari volunt.
And what of Quintus Metellus Pius, his close friend, who granted citizenship to so many? Could Archias not have obtained it from him, either on his own or through the Luculli? Especially when Metellus was so eager to have his deeds recorded that he even lent his ears to poets born in Corduba, whose verse had a somewhat heavy and foreign sound?
Chapter 11
We should not conceal what cannot be hidden, but acknowledge it openly: we are all drawn by the desire for praise, and the best men are most strongly led by glory. Even those philosophers who write little books about despising glory put their own names on them. In the very work in which they scorn publicity and renown, they wish to be praised and named.
Section 27
Decimus quidem Brutus, summus vir et imperator, Acci, amicissimi sui, carminibus templorum ac monumentorum aditus exornavit suorum. iam vero ille qui cum Aetolis Ennio comite bellavit Fulvius non dubitavit Martis manubias Musis consecrare. qua re, in qua urbe imperatores prope armati poetarum nomen et Musarum delubra coluerunt, in ea non debent togati iudices a Musarum honore et a poetarum salute abhorrere.
Decimus Brutus, a distinguished man and commander, adorned the entrances of his temples and monuments with the verses of Accius, his closest friend. And Fulvius, who fought against the Aetolians with Ennius at his side, did not hesitate to dedicate the spoils of Mars to the Muses. In a city where commanders, almost still under arms, have honored the name of poets and the shrines of the Muses, judges in the toga of peace should not turn away from honoring the Muses and protecting poets.
Section 28
atque ut id libentius faciatis, iam me vobis, iudices, indicabo et de meo quodam amore gloriae nimis acri fortasse, verum tamen honesto vobis confitebor. nam quas res nos in consulatu nostro vobiscum simul pro salute huius [urbis] atque imperi et pro vita civium proque universa re publica gessimus, attigit hic versibus atque inchoavit. quibus auditis, quod mihi magna res et iucunda visa est, hunc ad perficiendum adornavi. nullam enim virtus aliam mercedem laborum periculorumque desiderat praeter hanc laudis et gloriae; qua quidem detracta, iudices, quid est quod in hoc tam exiguo vitae curriculo et tam brevi tantis nos in laboribus exerceamus?
And to make you do so more willingly, judges, I shall now reveal myself to you and confess a certain love of glory of my own—perhaps too ardent, but honorable nonetheless. The deeds that we accomplished together during my consulship, for the safety of this city and its empire, for the lives of its citizens and for the whole republic, Archias has touched upon in verse and begun to celebrate. When I heard those verses, because the undertaking seemed to me both great and welcome, I encouraged him to complete it. For virtue desires no other reward for its labors and dangers than this reward of praise and glory. Take that away, judges, and what reason have we, in this narrow and brief course of life, to wear ourselves out with such great labors?
Section 29
certe, si nihil animus praesentiret in posterum, et si, quibus regionibus vitae spatium circumscriptum est, isdem omnis cogitationes terminaret suas, nec tantis se laboribus frangeret neque tot curis vigiliisque angeretur nec totiens de ipsa vita dimicaret. nunc insidet quaedam in optimo quoque virtus, quae noctes ac dies animum gloriae stimulis concitat atque admonet non cum vitae tempore esse dimittendam commemorationem nominis nostri, sed cum omni posteritate adaequandam.
Certainly, if the mind had no anticipation of the future, and confined all its thoughts within the same bounds that limit the span of life, it would not break itself with such great labors, torment itself with so many cares and sleepless nights, or so often risk life itself. But a certain virtue dwells in every excellent man, goading his mind night and day with the spur of glory and reminding him that the remembrance of our name must not end with our lifetime, but must endure as long as all posterity.
Section 30
Chapter 12
an vero tam parvi animi videamur esse omnes qui in re publica atque in his vitae periculis laboribusque versamur ut, cum usque ad extremum spatium nullum tranquillum atque otiosum spiritum duxerimus, nobiscum simul moritura omnia arbitremur? an statuas et imagines, non animorum simulacra, sed corporum, studiose multi summi homines reliquerunt; consiliorum relinquere ac virtutum nostrarum effigiem nonne multo malle debemus summis ingeniis expressam et politam? ego vero omnia quae gerebam iam tum in gerendo spargere me ac disseminare arbitrabar in orbis terrae memoriam sempiternam. haec vero sive a meo sensu post mortem afutura est, sive, ut sapientissimi homines putaverunt, ad aliquam animi mei partem pertinebit, nunc quidem certe cogitatione quadam speque delector.
Chapter 12
Are all of us who work in public affairs, amid these dangers and labors of life, really to seem so small-minded that, although we have never drawn a peaceful, idle breath to the very end, we believe everything will die with us? Many great men have eagerly left behind statues and portraits, likenesses not of their minds but of their bodies. Should we not much prefer to leave an image of our purposes and virtues, shaped and polished by the finest talents? For my part, even as I acted, I believed that everything I did was being scattered like seed into the everlasting memory of the world. Whether after death I shall have no awareness of that memory, or whether, as the wisest men have thought, it will touch some part of my spirit, at least for now I find delight in the thought and hope of it.
Section 31
qua re conservate, iudices, hominem pudore eo quem amicorum videtis comprobari cum dignitate, tum etiam vetustate, ingenio autem tanto quantum id convenit existimari, quod summorum hominum iudiciis expetitum esse videatis, causa vero eius modi quae beneficio legis, auctoritate municipi, testimonio Luculli, tabulis Metelli comprobetur. quae cum ita sint, petimus a vobis, iudices, si qua non modo humana verum etiam divina in tantis ingeniis commendatio debet esse, ut eum qui vos, qui vestros imperatores, qui populi Romani res gestas semper ornavit, qui etiam his recentibus nostris vestrisque domesticis periculis aeternum se testimonium laudis daturum esse profitetur, quique est [ex] eo numero qui semper apud omnis sancti sunt habiti itaque dicti, sic in vestram accipiatis fidem ut humanitate vestra levatus potius quam acerbitate violatus esse videatur.
Therefore, judges, preserve this man. You see his modest character confirmed by the distinction of his friends and the long duration of their friendship; you should esteem his talent as highly as a gift deserves that you see sought out by the judgment of the greatest men. His case is established by the provisions of the law, the authority of his town, the testimony of Lucullus, and the records of Metellus. Since this is so, judges, if such great gifts of genius have any claim on our regard, not merely human but divine, we ask you to take him under your care: the man who has always honored you, your commanders, and the achievements of the Roman people; who promises an everlasting record of our glory amid those recent dangers at home that we shared with you; and who belongs to that company who have always, among all peoples, been held and called sacred. Let him appear to have been relieved by your humanity rather than wounded by your severity.
Section 32
quae de causa pro mea consuetudine breviter simpliciterque dixi, iudices, ea confido probata esse omnibus; quae a foro aliena iudicialique consuetudine et de hominis ingenio et communiter de ipso studio locutus sum, ea, iudices, a vobis spero esse in bonam partem accepta, ab eo qui iudicium exercet certo scio.
What I have said about the case, judges, briefly and simply in my customary manner, I trust has won everyone’s approval. What I have said outside the usual practice of the courts and the forum, about this man’s genius and more generally about learning itself, I hope you have received kindly; that the man presiding over this trial has done so, I know for certain.